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The Dark Precursor:
Deleuze and Artistic Research
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The Dark
Precursor:
Deleuze and Artistic Research
edited by Paulo de Assis and Paolo Giudici
Volume II
The Dark Precursor in Image, Space, and Politics
Leuven University Press
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Editor
Paulo de Assis
Paolo Giudici
Authors Volume 2
Éric Alliez
Manola Antonioli
Jūratė Baranova
Zsuzsa Baross
Anna Barseghian
Ian Buchanan
Elena del Río
Luis de Miranda
Lucia D’Errico
Lilija Duoblien
Adreis Echzehn
Jae Emerling
Verina Gfader
Ronny Hardliz
Rahma Khazam
Stefan Kristensen
Erin Manning
John Miers
Elfie Miklautz
Marc Ngui
Andreia Oliveira
Federica Pallaver
Andrej Radman
Felix Rebolledo
Anne Sauvagnargues
Janae Sholtz
Mhairi Vari
Mick Wilson
Elisabet Yanagisawa
Managing editor
Edward Crooks
Series editor
William Brooks
Lay-out
Studio Luc Derycke
© 2017 by Leuven University Press /
Universitaire Pers Leuven /
Presses Universitaires de Louvain.
Minderbroedersstraat 4
B–3000 Leuven (Belgium)
ISBN (2-vol. set) 978 94 6270 118 2
e-ISBN (2-vol. set) 978 94 6166 233 0
D/2017/1869/36
NUR: 663
The research leading to these results
has received funding from the
European Union Seventh Framework
Programme ([FP7/2007-2013]
[FP7/2007-2011]) under grant agreement
n° 313419.
All rights reserved. Except in those cases
expressly determined by law, no part of this
publication may be multiplied, saved in automated data files or made public in any way
whatsoever without the express prior written
consent of the publishers.
This book is published in the Orpheus Institute Series
Typesetting
Friedemann bvba
Cover design
Lucia D'Errico
Cover image
Pieter Lozie, “Gent Lightning
20140609 2.55 am,” from Lighting,
Rainbow, 2014. Courtesy of ©Pieter
Lozie. All rights reserved.
Illustrations on pp.
“Illustraties page 288, 289, 426,
427, 466, 467
© Lucia D’Errico
Press
Wilco B.V., The Netherlands
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No Voice is Lost
or, The Dead as a Witness
Anna Barseghian
Utopiana, Geneva
Stefan Kristensen
Utopiana, Geneva
Introduction
This chapter introduces a project we worked on between 2010 and 2012.
Anna Barseghian was born in Soviet Armenia into a family of survivors of the
Armenian Genocide. Her family was from the plan of Mush, now in southeastern Turkey. She grew up with the story of Gülizar, a young girl who was
abducted by a Kurdish tribal chief, but who resisted and became a hero in her
homeland. When travelling in the area, we became aware that Gülizar’s story
was also well known to the Kurdish population now living there. We then
collected a series of testimonies from people who have a relation with her story,
and images from the area: traces and ghostly presences of the Armenians from
Mush. This became the video installation Spectrography, shown in Geneva and
Valence in 2013 and Istanbul in 2015. Our aim was to show how the ghosts are
still present and influence everyday life in Anatolia today. We discovered that
not only the survivors but also the dead were witness to the Catastrophe.
The history and the story
The story took place in 1889, some twenty-six years before the destruction
of the Ottoman Armenians. It happened in the plain of Mush, now eastern
Turkey. Gülizar, a fourteen-year-old Armenian girl, was abducted by Musa Bek,
a powerful Kurdish tribal chief, after her uncle Miro, the chief of a village in
the eastern part of the plain, had gone to the governor in Bitlis to file a complaint against Musa Bek for his violence towards the Armenians in the region.
Gülizar was abducted in the first days of the spring; contrary to other girls in
the same situation, Gülizar resisted her abductor and managed to send a message to her family saying she was alive and did not intend to become a Muslim.
Eventually, Musa Bek agreed to bring her to the governor in Bitlis and make her
perform the Islamic declaration of faith to appease the situation. One day in
June 1889, after three months captivity, Gülizar appeared before the governor
and all the important people of the region; this young girl said that she was a
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Christian, that she wanted to come home to her village again, and she also testified against the crimes committed by Musa Bek and his men.1
What followed this event is also important: Musa Bek was indicted and a
court case was instructed a few months later in Constantinople; a whole delegation of Armenians from the region of Mush travelled to the capital city (at
that time this meant a two-week trip!). Eventually, a few years later, the appeal
court sentenced Musa Bek to one year’s exile in Mecca. Gülizar literally became
a hero in the aftermath of the court case, a symbol of resistance against injustice and discrimination. She eventually married the son of a priest, Kegham
Der Garabedian, an important writer and political activist in the Armenian
national movement who became a deputy in the Ottoman parliament from
1910 to his death in 1918.
Gülizar’s trajectory did not finish with her death; her story survived in the
memory of the people. Among the Armenians from Mush who survived the genocide, her story survived through the lament sung by grandmothers, through
being told as a family story among the Kurds living in those places now, and
through the oral tradition carried by dengbej (troubadours). Actually, during her
lifetime Gülizar had already become what she still is now: a ghost shared by so
many people that she can be considered a myth, because her life bears witness
to the destiny of the subsequent generations.
What is a ghost?
A ghost is a being that exists after the death of a person, a presence originating
from this person after her or his passing. It is a dead person’s way of being,
among the living. The problem of ghosts is to give an account of the presence
of an absence, of the way an absence is perceived as such, and this implies a
paradoxical experience of time.
First of all, let us insist upon the fact that we speak from the point of the
living. We do not pretend to take the point of view of the dead and speculate
about what they might feel and think from where they are. Our aim is to understand the way the dead are present to the living, what kind of respect is expected
from us towards them, what the consequences are if we forget them or if we
continue as if they had not existed. The ethical dimension being that our relations with the dead can occasion great violence and injustice to the living, if
they are not right, if the presence of the dead is not recognised as it ought to be.
There are at least two ways of approaching the presence of the dead for the
living; principally, there are the anthropological and the psychoanalytical ways.
The first way studies specific social rituals and behaviours around the dead; the
second studies the ways past experiences (often forgotten) play a role in present life. In contemporary anthropology, we find significant material on how
the trajectory of a person doesn’t stop at his or her death and how their action
1 Her story is told in Les noces noires de Gülizar, written by her daughter Arménouhie Kévonian in 1946. The
French version was edited by her grandchildren, historians Anahide Ter Minassian and Kéram Kévonian, and published by Editions Parenthèses in Marseille (Kévonian [1993] 2005).
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after death can be beneficial to the living. In a recent issue of the anthropological journal Terrain, writing on “the useful dead” (les morts utiles) philosopher
Vinciane Despret (2014, 4, our translation) presents a range of such examples:
“persons,” she writes, “once their life is accomplished, . . . are mobilised in very
diverse projects and resume work among the living.” One famous example is the
case of Brazilian physician José Arigo, who is said to have made surgeries under
the direction of a German military surgeon who had been killed during World
War 1.2 In an earlier paper on the relation to the dead in Iceland, Christophe
Pons points out that the living ordinarily but unexpectedly encounter the dead,
and that these encounters are always narrated. Solitary visions or dreams very
soon become a social experience. As Pons (2002, 131, our translation) notes,
“The encounters with the dead . . . refer to culturally coded experiences, their
primary aim is always to be communicated to other living persons, and this is
how the exchanges with the dead take place.”3 But as we wish to claim, it can
also be a much more everyday presence, a presence continually inspiring the
existential priorities of a singular life, as is the case with Gâzîn, a woman dengbej
singer we met in Van in the summer of 2010. She doesn’t speak about visions of
the dead, but of how the memory of Gülizar that her own grandmother carried
inspired her to become a traditional singer (a dengbej) herself.
The presence of the dead can be positive or negative, depending on a series
of factors, such as the profile of a person’s life, the behaviour of the living, and
so on. Such cases are quite obvious if we consider the remnants of Ottoman
societies: violence, unburied dead, and impeded or failed mourning have given
rise to many disturbances in the presence of the dead in disrupted families
and communities, throughout the different communities (not to mention the
ongoing violence against Kurds). A branch of contemporary psychoanalysis
has specialised in the treatment of such disturbances. In Nicolas Abraham and
Maria Torok’s works, a ghost is defined as a “formation of the unconscious that
has never been conscious. . . . It passes . . . from the parent’s unconscious into
the child’s” (Abraham and Torok 1994, 173). Their idea is that there has been an
important event in someone’s life that has been repressed and concealed in a
crypt; instead of dying with the person at the end of her or his life, the event is
taken up by a person from the next generation, leading her or him to do strange
things, for example actions against personal interest. Abraham and Torok
(1987, 391, our translation) describe the ghost as “a work in the unconscious of
the shameful secret of another. . . . Its law is the obligation of unknowing [nescience]. Its manifestation, the haunting, is the return of the ghost in strange words
and actions, and in symptoms (phobic, obsessive . . .) and so on.”4
2 A story recounted and commented on by Pons (2011).
3 “les rencontres avec les morts sont . . . renvoient à des expériences culturellement codées, leur dessein
premier est toujours d’être communiquées à d’autres vivants et que c’est par ce biais que les échanges
avec les morts ont lieu.”
4 “Le fantôme est le travail dans l’inconscient du secret inavouable d’un autre. . . . Sa loi est obligation de
nescience. Sa manifestation, la hantise, est le retour du fantôme dans des paroles et actes bizarres, dans
des symptoms (phobiques, obsessionnels . . .) etc.”
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But the limit of this clinical approach, however useful, is twofold: first, it
seems to reduce the ghost phenomenon to a malevolent reality—it is basically
seen as a source of harm to the living, since it mostly takes the form of a skeleton in the closet. Second, and perhaps more importantly, it tends to focus on
the transmission of traumatic secrets by individuals and families. But the transmission of unconscious contents involves collective processes not reducible to
relations between individuals, and simply not intelligible from the individual
point of view. Seen as the mere communication of individual unconsciouses,
the transmission appears as a strange telepathy. In other words, we need a concept of the unconscious encompassing the collective, an unconscious from
which individual life emerges.
The transmission of collective traumas and oral
culture
Transmission is a transversal phenomenon, and our proposal is to understand
it with the help of Deleuze and Guattari’s concept of the refrain (ritournelle),
by which they refer to a kind of practice conscious or unconscious, by which a
living being (a bird, a child, and so on) delineates a space to dwell in; a habitable, properly subjective, space. This they call the process of territorialisation;
in itself, a refrain is a temporal form—that is, a dance, a tune, a bodily characteristic (colour, shape), or any perceptible feature able to structure space, for
example, by signifying to others that “this is my territory.” Deleuze and Guattari
show that there is a circle between the rhythm of the refrain, its expressive
character, and its territorialising function. This triangle (rhythm, expression,
territory) is what the refrain produces, which means that the refrain itself is
not of the order of meaning; it fulfils what Guattari calls an existential function—that is, the nondiscursive, creative driving force of enunciation. Deleuze
and Guattari (1987, 316) suggest that this is precisely what art actually consists
in: “Can this becoming, this emergence, be called Art? That would make the
territory a result of art. The artist: the first person to set out a boundary stone,
or to make a mark.” It is important to stress that this notion of territory in our
reading is necessarily the territory of somebody, not the objective geographical scientific delimitation of space, and that the refrain has an ontological
dimension, not merely a semiotic one, inasmuch as it is involved in the very
constitution of the self. The essence of art is situated there, in the creativity
of a people, in such practices of resistance that are able to delimit a territory
where that people may be at home. Actually we are close to the notion of landscape—and it is notable that the sister notion of the refrain discussed in the
seventh chapter of A Thousand Plateaus is the notion of face and faciality (visage, visagéité), treated as equivalent to landscape (paysage, paysagéité). The refrain
produces a landscape—that is, the possibility of situating oneself in space. And
the specific landscape of somebody at a certain moment in history can become
so significant and so pregnant for a whole community that it is transmitted
and remembered as such. Our proposal is that this is precisely what a ghost
is: the expressive rhythmic relation of a subject (individual or collective) to a
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person’s land and the people who live there. What is transmitted is this very
relation; the ghost is thus nothing other than the possibility of a landscape,
and thus is a grounding enabling the subject to feel at home in her or his own
existence.
In both the Armenian and the Kurdish cases, we have an oral transmission
enacted as spontaneous micropolitical resistance against the oppression of a
totalitarian state, on the one side, the Soviet oppression of the memory of the
genocide, and, on the other side, the negation and repression of Kurdish identities by Kemalist Turkey. The oral form of a song is crucially important to the
territorialising power of its refrain. It is always a certain rhythm that participates in giving shape to a subject’s relation with her or his own history, ancestry,
and landscapes—the reference to childhood in the very first lines of Deleuze
and Guattari’s (1994, 311) chapter on the refrain is not by chance: “A child in the
dark, gripped with fear, comforts himself by singing under his breath. He walks
and halts to his song.” Just as Gülizar’s granddaughter Anahide Ter Minassian,
an important character in our video, recalls an episode such as this from her
childhood, Anna too grew up in the discrete rhythm of her grandmother’s intimate refrain, and Gâzîn, the Kurdish dengbej singer, also keeps remembering
the way her grandmother would tell the story. In this way, the refrain crosses
the different territories; the different refrains form different territories, both
different and common territories of resistance.
To be more precise about the very content of this refrain, we must turn to
the way it is sung by the local dengbej Kurdish troubadour singers. Here we’re
quoting from the version of Cahido, a dengbej from Mush:
Akh le waye, waye!
Haji Mousa Bek, I told you, stand up, it’s the morning
I swear, I’m Gülo the insane, I told you to stand up
Gülo left Khars and you are in Kala
Gülo says, “Haji Mousa Bek, what you are doing, God sees it
Even if you rip off my flesh with pincers . . .”
I know that your faith is as worthy as mine,
But I swore not to betray my Andris Pasha,
I will not convert, I will not become a Muslim
While in captivity, Gülizar undoes her self, the pregnant refrain of the dengbej
resounds “I am Gülo the insane,” signalling that she has found another self in
this distress. To survive, she had to bring about a real rupture with her previous
self; as for any survivor, the past has ceased to exist, and the present of captivity becomes a past that doesn’t go away. When the dengbej sings this phrase, he
or she shows that the power of the event is about to change the girl from top
to bottom, and madness becomes both a refuge for her and a warning for the
persecutor. The evocation of God goes beyond cultural aspects—it concerns
the central component of the refrain, that is, the idea that one has to rely on an
unconditional instance to be able to constitute one’s self as a subject. In a seminar of the mid-1980s, Guattari (1985) touches on this idea, explaining that it is
only by putting the self in relation to God (or the King, or any unconditional
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figure of authority) that one can have the courage to risk one’s life. The issue is
the acting out of the individual establishing a new level of existence.
In another verse, the denbej sings that Gülizar “will go to the European countries” and complain about Musa Bek’s crimes and seek justice. The dengbej have
well understood the political dimension of Gülizar’s attitude. They develop a
new refrain evoking the European countries, the throne of Kemal Pasha,5 the
political authorities able to intervene. Gülizar’s territory of resistance suddenly
is widened on another scale, from the confined space of Musa Bek’s village to
the space of international politics.
In yet another passage, she calls out to her abductor, “Musa Bek, let me go,”
“I am not worthy of you” / “I’m not for you,” hinting at the ineffable fact of
the rape that she was subjected to. Here we touch upon a hidden aspect at the
heart of the refrain, and upon the ability to perceive the imperceptible, which
is so crucial in the creative process of becoming minoritarian. As Deleuze and
Guattari (1987, 287) write, “There is always a woman, a child, a bird to secretly
perceive the secret. There is always a perception finer than yours, a perception
of your imperceptible, of what is in your box.” This image is coherent with the
other sentence that we constantly heard during our encounters, “Güle6 was
very beautiful”—a sentence repeated as a warning to young girls that they
could become the object of the predatory behaviour of dominant males. In
the secret heart of Gülizar’s story, there is this very fact of the rape, working
as the more or less repressed motor of the whole story. Resistance is first and
foremost against rape, both affirming its very possibility (likeliness) and the
necessity of overcoming it.
In a nutshell, we here have two lines of time: something happened in history,
but this event is at the same time a past that doesn’t pass. The refrain repeats
and keeps alive the meaning of this event, adapting the meaning to present
circumstances, intertwining the two modes of temporality. The mythical past
of Gülizar’s captivity and struggle and the present of oppression and resistance
intertwine and interfere with one another, but the very interference becomes
a unity. In the present, Gülizar’s presence is an indestructible past, just as she
herself carried the burden of her own past all through her life. As a survivor, one
becomes a normal person again, except for this indestructible past that doesn’t
pass, and which is perceptible for others only through discrete signs such as the
refrains, the ellipses, the absences. This past, in other terms, is the presence of
death within the surviving person.
The witness is dead, but her refrain is alive
According to common sense, a witness has to be alive in order to bear witness.
This seems obvious—a judge would not be taken seriously calling a dead person to testify in court . . . But when the content of the testimony is of such
5 “Kemal Pasha” is an ancient Ottoman way to evoke Mustafa Kemal Atatürk, the founder of the modern
Turkish Republic. The appearance of this character is of course anachronistic in a story that happened
in the late nineteenth century, but this is a typical feature of oral traditions.
6 Güle, or Gulo, are diminutives of Gülizar, the use of which signals an affective proximity.
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significance to the living, the very pattern of the refrain requires the central
phenomenon, much more and way above the singular life of the person having
lived through the event. As a transmitter of sensations and relations, the witness herself, as such, is dead. Even if it is the same person, there is a splitting
between the person as witness and the person as storyteller. Her testimony is
necessarily carried by others, and even if Gülizar herself survived her captivity
and lived a rather long life until her real death in 1948, she would be a stranger
to herself while narrating her story. She was haunted by the young girl that she
once was, who in a sense died at the hands of Musa Bek. And this haunting
continues as long as this story carries an important meaning to people in this
country, in Armenia, and wherever else.
The witness herself is a ghost in the sense that as a witness she is no longer
present where the event happened. Speaking about this event implies also the
absence of the event. This is why the subjectivity of the witness can be carried
onto subsequent generations and become a living myth. When a dengbej sings
about the event, she or he is Gülizar, singing from her point of view, in her name.
We then listen to a dead person, listen to the ghost indirectly, which is speaking
through the voice of the singer. The death of the witness thus expresses nothing but the irreversibility of the event, the simple fact that the event defined a
rupture in collective history and changed the very possibility of dwelling and
unfolding a human life. In other words, the ghost is a political agent—the issue
is to be able to listen to it.
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