CHRISTIAN REFUGEES IN CATACOMBS OF ROME: FACT OR FICTION

CHRISTIAN REFUGEES IN CATACOMBS OF ROME: FACT OR FICTION? By Tyler Huggins Submitted for the Master of Arts in Roman History & Archaeology University of Kent 2017 Word Count: 14,505 ABSTRACT The generally acknowledged period of Roman persecution of Christians spans at least from the mid-first century AD with the Great Fire of AD 64 under Nero until the early fourth century AD with the issue of the Edict of Milan in AD 313 under Constantine. This research will, however, focus on those periods of persecutions during the third through the fourth centuries AD, which coincide with the known periods of Christian use of catacombs just outside of Rome. Utilizing primary Christian sources since no Roman accounts on the subject exist, this dissertation will explore the possibility of Early Christians seeking refuge in the Roman catacombs through both literary and physical evidence. The debate as to whether Early Christians used these subterranean tombs as places of refuge to hide from Roman persecutors has been a topic of scholarly debate since the Counter-Reformation, which was discovered to play a much larger role in the perpetuation of the “catacomb legend”. This legend states that Early Christians hid from Roman authorities inside the catacombs, next to the tombs of their martyrs, during intermittent periods of persecution under the reigns of Valerian, Decius, and Diocletian specifically. Research demonstrates that primary evidence is scant, however modern religious authors still support the claim and as such is worth revisiting the scholarship that spans from the third century to the present for possible evidence. This dissertation also explores archaeological evidence including cultural remains, artwork, and inscriptions from the multitude of catacombs surrounding only the city of Rome. Together, the literary and cultural remains substantiate the argument that despite the breadth of scholarship primarily from the 18th and 19th centuries that claims the Roman catacombs were places of refuge from Ancient Roman persecutors, little to no evidence supports this claim, which this dissertation will demonstrate. Acknowledgments I am indebted to my supervisor Patty Baker for her guidance and advice throughout my time at the University of Kent. I would also like to thank my parents, Ken and Robi Huggins for their unwavering support and encouragement of my academic aspirations. I attest that the following work is completely my own and complies with University of Kent regulations. _______________________________ _________________________ Tyler Marie Huggins Date Postgraduate Student Table of Contents Introduction…….……………………………………………………….……..….…..…....Page 2 0.1 Origins of Roman Catacombs………..……………………………....…..….…. Page 4 0.2 Research Methodology…………………………………….………………....… Page 6 Chapter One: Scholarship Review………………………………………………..…..….. Page 9 Chapter Two: Imperial Edicts against Christians………………...……………..……. Page 15 2.1 The early years………………………………………………………..………. Page 16 2.2 Decius………………………………………………………………...……….. Page 17 2.3 Valerian………………………………………………………………………... Page 19 2.4 Peaceful Years………………………………………………………………… Page 23 2.5 Diocletian……………………………………………………………………… Page 23 2.6 The end of Persecution………………………………………………………… Page 26 Chapter Three: Famous Accounts of Individual Refuge………………………………. Page 28 3.1 Stephen I….…………………………………………………………………… Page 28 3.2 Sixtus II…….……………………………………………………………...…... Page 29 3.3 Hippolytus….………………………………………………………………..… Page 30 3.4 St. Cyprian……………………………………………………………..……… Page 32 Chapter Four: Catacombs………………………………………………………….…… Page 34 4.1 Physical Spaces…………………………………………………………..……. Page 34 4.2 Frescoes………………………………………………………………….……. Page 37 4.3 Tomb Inscriptions…………………………………………………………….. Page 38 4.4 Cultural Remains…………………………………...…………………………..Page 42 Chapter Five: Conclusions…………………………………………………………….… Page 46 Bibliography……………………………………………………………………………… Page 50 List of Figures Figure 1: Map of Catacombs of Rome……………………………………………………...Page 01 Figure 2: Tomb of the Shields and Chairs…………………………………………………..Page 36 Figure 3: Tomb of the Five Chairs…………………………………………………………..Page 36 Figure 4: Proiecta Inscription Composed by Pope St. Damasus……………………………Page 39 Figure 5: Third Century AD Inscriptions…………………………………………………...Page 41 Figure 6: Fourth Century AD Inscriptions………………………………………………….Page 41 Figure 7: Fourth Century AD Gold Leaf Glass In Situ……………………………………..Page 43 Figure 8: Fourth Century AD Gold Leaf Glass – Christian Example………………………Page 43 Figure 9: Fourth Century AD Gold Leaf Glass- Jewish Example………………………….Page 44 Figure 10: Fourth Century AD Gold Leaf Glass- Pagan Example…………………………Page 44 Figure 1 Map of Rome showing catacombs littered around the city (Claridge 1998; 409). Page | 1 Introduction The student of Christian archaeology must never lose sight of the distinction between the actual relics of a persecuted Church and the subsequent labours of a superstitious age” (Maitland 1846; 13). The catacombs of Rome have continuously garnered interest from visitors and academics for centuries because of their dark, subterranean burial chambers that housed the earliest Roman Catholics in death. The juxtaposition of legends surrounding their supposed role in sheltering persecuted Christians during Late Antiquity (ca. 3rd through 4th centuries AD) has only heightened the historic intrigue. The question of whether or not ancient Christians sought refuge in Roman catacombs during intermittent periods of persecution during Late Antiquity has been answered according to many modern scholars (e.g. Hertling & Kirschbaum 1956; 5, Stevenson 1978; 24, Osborne 1985; 279); however it is a question worth revisiting in light of modern Christian teachings still supporting the claim (e.g. Finegan 2017; 484, Rushdoony 2003, Vidmar 2005; 289). The main sources of contemporary information regarding the actions of the supposedly persecuted group are from Christian historians including Eusebius, St. Cyprian, and Lactantius, while the majority of non-Christian information is in the form of imperial edicts that have been pieced together from mostly non-secular sources. The purpose of this research is to find plausible evidence for Christians that sought refuge from Roman persecutors in the catacombs that litter the landscape surrounding Rome in Late Antiquity, if it exists. The decision to undertake a comparative analysis of the spectrum of scholarship on this subject stems from the vague dismissals of the supposed erroneous belief of catacombs as places of refuge during times of persecution in modern scholarship. These sentiments, (discussed in later chapters) prompted a review of Early Modern literature written after the so-called rediscovery of the catacombs in the 16th century AD. It is important to acknowledge the religious affiliation that Page | 2 is directly linked to the inherent biases of these authors as can be gleaned from the verbiage and passion with which they wrote. The academic distance that is expected in modern scholarship is lacking in these earlier works; however they do provide invaluable information regarding inscriptions, art works, and artefacts, as well as a snapshot of purveying beliefs of the time. My goal is to compare the physical evidence with a review of the whole of catacomb literature spanning from Late Antiquity to either support or refute the plausibility of refuge seeking Christians inside catacombs. The generally acknowledged date for the origin of the organized Christian use of catacombs is the late second century CE when Pope Zephyrinus legally acquired an existing cemetery on the Appian Way, today known as the Catacomb of Callixtus (Coarelli 2007; 534). Archaeological evidence including brick stamps and construction techniques suggests that the original hypogeum1 can be dated to the reign of Marcus Aurelius (AD 161-180), with a period of expansion taking place under the rule of Commodus (AD 180-192), and a third period of construction that was ultimately abandoned at the beginning of Septimius Severus’ rule (AD 198-211) (La Piana 1925; 260). This timeline demonstrates that at least one catacomb was in use prior to the accepted periods of major Christian persecution beginning in the third century AD. To give this paper a succinct period of study, I will follow the trend of modern scholarship in that the commencement of official persecutions began with the edicts issues by Septimius Severus in the early third century AD and that the termination of persecution coincides with the publication of the Edict of Milan on AD 13 June 313. However, it has been argued that the end of persecution realistically ended when Galerius (reign AD 305-311) cancelled the edict of his predecessor Diocletian (reign AD 284-305) in AD 311 and also ordered confiscated properties (e.g. churches and cemeteries) to be returned to 1 An underground burial chamber. Page | 3 the Christians (Rebillard 2012; 57-58). This study will therefore focus on evidence of refuge seeking Christians from the end of the second century to the early fourth century AD as periods of persecution known to overlap with organized Christian burial practices. Research will focus on two primary topics: literary evidence of persecutions and archaeological evidence from Roman catacombs, as well as a discussion on the origination of the cult of martyrs and how this tied directly to the catacombs. The context of the research will focus predominantly on literary analysis of primary contemporary sources, accounts from early visitors to the catacombs after their ‘rediscovery’ from the 16th century onward, as well as modern day scholarly works which will highlight the evolving scholarship. The bulk of the research will be organized chronologically by emperor (Septimius Severus through Diocletian) regarding religious persecutions and anecdotes of individuals supposedly hiding in the catacombs. Additional analysis of topics which includes the physical space of the catacombs that will discuss the feasibility of habitation, archaeological artefact evidence, and a short review of epitaphs and art found in the catacombs. This dissertation will also include a review of the inherent biases that surround catacomb literature and what role religious schisms play in understanding a contentious period in church history Origins of Roman Catacombs Subterranean tombs were not a novel idea for Late Antiquity Christians. Prior to the burial of Jesus Christ in a rock hewn tomb other Jewish burials were underground, so too were Etruscan and Egyptian tombs. The first Christians of Rome were not separated in burial from non-Christians, and can be seen through the end of the second century AD (Green 2010; 170) as is evident from the intermingled Christian and non-Christian tomb inscriptions discovered in cemeteries and tombs around the city. Prior to the acquisition of communal burial grounds, Christians were buried in private tombs typically owned privately by a wealthy owner. When space in mausoleums became Page | 4 limited, it was then customary in the second century AD to dig below these above ground structures creating hypogea (Rutgers 2000; 58), subterranean chambers which would be utilized for burials. Likely following the example set by their Jewish contemporaries, Christians chose inhumation of their dead as opposed to the then preferred practice of cremation to accommodate the Christian belief in the resurrection of the dead. Early Christians called these places coemeteria, or ‘places of repose’(Stevenson 1978; 7) to indicate that though in death, Christians expected to be ‘awoken’ during the second coming of Jesus Christ. In Rome, the Latin word catacumbas derives from the Greek kata kumbas which roughly translates to ‘at the hollows’. This may be in reference to the topography of the area surrounding Rome dotted with abandoned quarries, sandpits, and cisterns that Bodel (2008; 198) argues during the fourth and fifth centuries fossores, or professional gravediggers, utilized to dig the network of burial tunnels which today are collectively known as the catacombs. The Roman catacombs lie outside the city walls due to the ancient custom or law of separating the living and the dead (Toynbee 1971; 73). Throughout this dissertation the separate subterranean tombs will simply be condensed into 'the catacombs,' referring to the catacombs as a whole unless otherwise specified, since the majority of scholarship follows the same practice. Logistically the catacombs in general all follow a similar plan and are made up of two parts, passageways lined with rectangular burial niches, or loculi and smaller burial rooms known as cubicula (Claridge 2010; 447). Withrow (1896; 17) states that on average the corridors vary from three to five feet wide and about eight feet high like in the largest tomb, the Catacomb of Callixtus; though there are some exceptionally narrow halls and low ceilings in the some of the smaller catacombs. It is estimated that around 750,000 people were buried in the catacombs prior to their falling out of favour for burial in the fifth century AD (Green 2010; 199). These burials are inside Page | 5 over forty known catacombs outside the walls of the city covering an area of hundreds of subterranean kilometres (Claridge 2010; 447). Their so-called rediscovery occurred in 1578 when construction at a vineyard on the Via Salaria led workmen into a gallery in a previously sealed subterranean cemetery (Spence 1911; 223). Considered the pioneer of catacomb archaeology, Antonio Bosio devoted his life to exploring and recording the then known catacombs of Rome (Ditchfield 2000; 306). His careful recordation of the physical space, art, and sarcophagi at thirty catacomb sites (Claridge 2010; 449) inspired generations of scholars who followed him and the quest for truth regarding the legends surrounding the catacombs. These catacombs as potential locations of refuge will be the focus of this study; however first it is important to discuss how this research has been conducted. Research Methodology The ultimate question of whether Early Christians sought refuge in the catacombs of Rome during intermittent periods of persecution evolved from my perceived unsatisfactory dismissals of the socalled catacomb legend in modern scholarly works. The rejection of the legend was regularly only allotted a few lines of justification based on ‘insufficient evidence.’ This evidence, which will be discussed in later chapters, is largely circumstantial but was rarely reviewed in conjunction with known contemporaneous literary sources. This dissertation therefore is meant to fill a void in modern scholarship that seeks to connect the primary literary sources to any physical evidence from Roman catacombs and answer the legend of the catacombs. To complete this task I reviewed the extant contemporaneous, or as close to as possible, Christian records which would be the most reliable first-hand accounts of religious refugees in Rome during periods of persecution. Although the bias of the authors is plainly evident, the works of Eusebius (c. AD 260-340), Lactantius (c. AD 250-325), and St. Cyprian (c. AD 200-258) Page | 6 provide invaluable information regarding the imperial edicts and actions that effected the lives of Christians during Late Antiquity. Few non-Christian sources remain that detail the Roman opinion of Christianity during the persecutory periods covering the mid-third century to the early fourth century (Septimius Severus, Decius, Valerian, and Diocletian) which is the focus of this study. The Roman attitude prior to these periods are clear from the extant literature of Pliny, Marcus Aurelius, and even Suetonius (Life of Nero 16.2) who called Christianity a “new and mischievous superstition;” however the toleration or lack thereof of religious cults, specifically Christianity was varied from ruler to ruler, so older source materials are not included in this study. The motivation for the four persecutory periods will only briefly be discussed because it is not the focus of this research, but does allow for an appreciation of the anxiety or threat level possibly felt by Christians of the time. The best source of evidence to confirm or deny the legend would be contemporaneous sources discussing Christian individuals or groups going into hiding specifically in the catacombs of Rome; however no such account exists. Those historians listed above discuss in detail the events of the persecutions and how Christians were thus treated and their reactions; but no blatant account is given of any Christian hiding from Roman authorities in the catacombs. Accounts of the catacombs being used as a refuge do not appear until after periods of persecution, which does not negate the possibility that the catacombs were used by those in hiding, however it does diminish its potential authenticity. These post-persecution sources include funeral epitaphs and tomb inscriptions from the catacombs as well as official early church records. These records, such as the Acta Proconsulis St. Cypriani, which are supposedly the official acts or events of martyr interrogations made by the notaries of the Roman court, have obviously been altered over time to paint Christians in a better light (Catholic Encyclopaedia 1910 On-line). Thus these “Roman” Page | 7 sources will only be used in this research as another Christian source, since the verbiage is written with a biased praise. No non-Christian literary accounts exist that discuss the catacombs of Rome during the time periods being investigated, and like scholars before me, any non-Christian actions and attitudes have to be interpreted through biased primary and secondary sources. What became obvious during review of secondary material regarding the catacombs was that the majority of authors prior to the modern period (16th through 19th centuries AD) were religiously motivated2 in their analyses. Research soon thereafter evolved into reception studies of how the catacomb legend was politically utilized following the legalization of Christianity, but more specifically during the Counter-Reformation. This scholarship was just as, if not more biased than the primary literary sources. No distinction has been made between religious affiliations of the later authors (e.g. Catholic or non-Catholic), however this information would likely have larger implications for further reception studies of the catacomb legend into the Early Modern period. The scholarship review in the following chapter will therefore demonstrate how the affirmation of the catacomb legend is linked to religious belief, while the refutation of the legend is only a recent development which demonstrates a break between scholarship and faith. 2 The authors were church officials and/ or ordained. Page | 8 Chapter One: Scholarship Review A distinct trend in scholarship is evident upon review of catacomb literature, which spans from the period of so-called ‘rediscovery’ of the catacombs in the 16th century to the present. These trends, I argue, are intrinsically linked to the degree with which religious affiliations were associated with the study of the Christian tombs. In today’s scholarship, a level of academic distance is expected to obtain unbiased results, yet in works from the past, Christian affiliation is at the forefront of the majority of the literature. This review will therefore highlight how the evolution of literature regarding refuge seeking Christians during Late Antiquity is tied directly to the Christian faith, and later the separation of faith from academia. Prior to reviewing the scholarship however, it is important to recognize the catalyst for the legend that Christians sought refuge from Roman authorities in the catacombs surrounding Rome, which has a direct link to the CounterReformation. Though the catacombs were still known, they ceased to be utilized as places of burial between the fifth and sixth centuries, 3 and the amount of visitors to the underground tombs dwindled with the passing centuries. That is until the so-called ‘rediscovery’ by Antonio Bosio in the late 16th century. Decades of his research was published posthumously in 1632 entitled Roma Sotterranea, which many later historians and archaeologists would reference or add to (e.g. De Rossi, Northcote, and Maitland). Prior to this publication however, Cardinal Cesare Baronio would publish his multivolume history of the church, Annales Ecclesiastici between 1588 and 1607. With the excitement of Bosio’s ‘rediscovery’ romantic ideals of the persecuted faithful seeking refuge from Rome’s pagan so-called ‘heathens’ in the subterranean tombs of their martyrs spread rapidly throughout Rome, the seat of Catholicism. Catholics believed these legends of martyrs living and 3 It became more desirable to be buried in or near above-ground churches (Rutgers 2000; 10) after relics had been relocated due to invasions and looting. Page | 9 hiding in the catacombs that were largely exaggerated if not fabricated during the CounterReformation supported by at best circumstantial evidence which will be discussed in a later chapter. During this period of history Roman Catholics were waging a war against splintered Christian factions such as the Lutheran’s and Calvinists (Hofmann and Zimmermann 2017; 57). Religious beliefs were once again a cause to die for, and just like the Christians of antiquity, Catholics were forced to fight against heathen beliefs to maintain the ‘pure church’ of their forefathers. Early Christian martyrs played a pivotal role in supporting this image of a divinely inspired group rejecting heretical ideals and practices by shutting themselves away from the pagan world. The majority of literature to come out of the rediscovery period were originally published in Italian or Latin, however many scholars between the 17th and 19th centuries who wrote in English, reference heavily from the works of Bosio (1632) and Aringhi (1651), as well as their contemporary Panciroli (1625; 17-18) who writes of Early Christians hiding in the catacombs during times of persecution. These references will therefore be of great importance when discussing the archaeological remains from the catacombs in chapter four. Since it can be assumed that 17th and 18th century authors were still proximal to the religious tensions of the age, this scholarship review will therefore focus on the perception of the catacomb legend from the 19th century until the present. Before reviewing more modern scholarship however, no review of any aspect of Late Antiquity Rome would be complete without acknowledging Edward Gibbon’s The History of the Decline and Fall of the Roman Empire, originally written in the late 18th century. On the subject of the catacombs as places of refuge Gibbon is silent, but does devote many pages to the plight of Christians during the various periods of persecution. Though the lack of acknowledgment neither Page | 10 proves or disproves anything regarding the catacomb legend, his omission, unique for the time period in which it was written, should be viewed as an indication that a lack of credible literary sources exist. Gibbon himself wrote that he was hesitant to believe all of the words of Eusebius since the ancient historian acknowledged that he left out portions of history in his writing that would paint Christians in a poor light (Gibbon 1909; 135). This sort of academic scepticism, ahead of its time, would not be seen again in catacomb scholarship until the late modern period. In the early 19th century much of Europe was occupied by war and revolution which ultimately explains the lack of catacomb scholarship until at least the middle of the century. It is at this point that an interesting contrast of religious ideologies are intermingled with some almost modern scientific objectiveness began to develop. This is seen in works by Maitland (1846), Northcote (1857; 1877), and De Rossi’s translated work by Northcote and Brownlow Roma Sotterranea (1879). These scholars recognize that certain aspects of the physical nature of the catacombs could not have supported Christian life during persecutions for any extended period of time. Their unquestioning acceptance of contemporaneous Christian accounts (e.g. Eusebius, St. Cyprian, or Damasian inscriptions) negates any academic advancement displayed in other parts of their respective works. The authors own biased sympathies in taking those ancient sources as irrefutable proof is best demonstrated by Maitland (1846; 27), “the fact that the catacombs were employed as a refuge from persecution rests upon good evidence,” yet the evidence is either unsubstantiated or absent altogether. This underlying religious zeal is also seen in works by scholars who are blatant in their religious affiliations and offer overtly biased evidence in the eyes of a modern reader. Heman (1866), Kip (1890) and Withrow (1986) with only Kip not an ordained reverend but a gentleman antiquarian, offer blindly accepted biased literary sources but also quote incorrect or misinterpreted Page | 11 epigraphic inscriptions from the catacombs which will be further discussed in chapter four. Circumstantial evidence and Catholic faith was all that was necessary to prove the catacomb legend as true in the 19th century, which is why the belief that Christians sought refuge in the catacombs has persisted in modern religious teaching. That belief did not just end with the onset of the 20th century, because religious faith was still very much linked to many aspects of life. In the early 20th century these purveying Christian biases that were present in previous literature were still evident. Hutton (1911; 74) makes mention of a “little society, secret so reluctantly, driven underground […] where alone it was safe, far from the Pagans, in those burial places which gradually grew, outside the City.” Like those authors that came before it is hard to take the work seriously when it requires the skill of a poet to weed through the exaggerated prose for any historical facts. Foakes-Jackson’s work is unique for the time for two reasons: the author does not acknowledge the legitimacy of the catacomb legend, but more importantly discusses the prudency of St. Cyprian of going into hiding instead of “courting the glories of martyrdom” (1909; 77). This is such an important statement, and the exile of St. Cyprian is so controversial that it will require further discussion in chapter three. Within the next few decades the majority of the Western powers would once again be engaged in world wars and catacomb research would be postponed. By the middle of the century, Hertling and Kirschbaum (1956; 5) would offer a succinct rejection of previously held Christian beliefs and argue that no evidence suggested the catacombs offered refuge during persecutions. Within a few years, modern scholars would argue against the legitimacy of the legend utilizing the archaeological nature of the catacombs. Stevenson (1978) and Osborne (1985) claim that the catacomb legend is a “widely-held misconception.” Page | 12 This shift in scholarship is directly linked to the modern dichotomy of secular and nonsecular affairs, and I would argue, more specifically the rise of public universities and higher education institutions. In the United States specifically this is because any public school funded by public government funds, must adhere to constitutional laws regarding the separation of Church and State (Clohesy 2009; 59). The church was no longer at the forefront of academics and scholars could engage in religiously detached research which is the majority of modern research into the catacomb legend. Spera (2003), Mitchell (2007), Green (2010), Dijkstra (2016), and Hofmann and Zimmermann (2017) all acknowledge the legend of Christians seeking refuge in the catacombs during periods of persecution but quickly dismiss the claim based on insufficient evidence. Modern scholars do acknowledge that Early Christians certainly visited the catacombs based on both contemporaneous literary sources (e.g. Eusebius or Jerome) and material remain evidence (e.g. frescoes depicting scenes of funeral feasts), however nothing supports the legend of masses of religious refugees hiding from Roman authorities in the catacombs. Before concluding the scholarship review, one group of modern authors of catacomb history stands apart from the rest and requires special mention. These are the modern religious works that are unique in that the pages are littered with cherry picked historical facts with no credible sourcing, while the majority of conclusions are based in the Christian faith and not scholarship. These published sources: Finegan (2016), Rushdoony (2003), and Vidmar (2005) are three of a myriad of modern Christian/ historical faith-based works readily available on-line for anyone to view. It is this genre of biased, unsubstantiated writing that is ultimately behind the purveying legend that masses of Early Christians hid from pagan Romans in the catacombs during Late Antiquity. These sources are much easier for the average person to locate and read from any internet search engine than the host of sources reviewed for this research, which only serves to Page | 13 perpetuate misinformation and false narratives of the past. The next chapter will showcase those narratives and what legal restrictions were placed on Early Christians and how that shaped the persecutions that supposedly drove those individuals into the catacombs for refuge. Page | 14 Chapter Two: Imperial Edicts Against Christianity The religious group devoted to the teachings of Jesus Christ known as the Christians, were not immediately met with disdain in first century AD Rome, since it was initially identified with the Jewish religion from which it evolved. It would not take long however, for the new religious sect to set itself apart, and the Roman attitude is best exemplified by Celsus as quoted by Origen, who in his words compares the two Oriental religions: As the Jews, then, became a peculiar people, and enacted laws in keeping with the customs of their country, and maintain them up to the present time, and observe a mode of worship which, whatever be its nature, is yet derived from their fathers, they act in these respects like other men, because each nation retains its ancestral customs, whatever they are,. […] And whatever is done among each nation in this way would be rightly done, wherever it was agreeable to the wishes (of the superintending powers), while it would be an act of impiety to get rid of the institutions established from the beginning in the various places (Against Celsus 5.25). In the context of his argument against Christianity, it can be interpreted that Celsus believes the Christians have foolishly forsaken their traditional Jewish customs. Regardless of his personal feelings towards the sect, Celsus believes that Christians, like the Jews and Romans, should adhere to the traditions of their forbearers rather than follow a new popular trend and abandon the beliefs and wisdom of their ancestors. Regardless, Christianity, like other perceived foreign mystery cults, were allowed religious freedom so long as Roman rites were adhered to (Krodel 1971; 255). These rites included but not limited to: sacrificing to the gods or emperor and service in the army, which many Early Christians felt strongly against. Cumont (1956; 44) notes that the worship of Roman gods, including the emperor, was a civic duty, while the worship of foreign gods were each individuals’ personal belief. This paper will not discuss the intricacies of the relationship between Christianity and Paganism, because there is not room allotted to do that topic justice. Ultimately, for the purpose of this research it is significant to understand that the strict monotheism of Page | 15 Christianity forbade them to worship anything or anyone other than their god (Winslow 1971; 240) which immediately put them at odds with Roman authority. The Early Years Early in the history of Roman Christianity, they were singled out by Emperor Nero as responsible for a devastating fire that ravaged the city in AD 64 (Green 2010; 50). This would be the first large-scale instance of anti-Christian sentiments that would result in some form of persecution against the new religious group. Writing around AD 120, Tacitus describes not only Nero’s plan to place guilt for the destruction with the Christians but also about how the new religion had spread to Rome “where all things hideous and shameful from every part of the world find their centre and become popular” (Annals 15.44). For the next few centuries sporadic outbursts of isolated persecutions against Christians would break out across the Roman Empire, with the first of the religious martyrs dying for their faith. As a religion, Christianity was not illegal though it was accused of illegal activity such as cannibalism, magic, and sexual perversion.4 This would include persecutions under Domitian,5 Trajan, Marcus Aurelius, Commodus, and Septimius Severus; the latter being the one to set the stage for later periods of persecution. In the Historia Augusta (Life of Septimius Severus 17.1) it is noted that Severus “forbade conversion to Judaism under heavy penalties and enacted a similar law in regard to the Christians.” This early third century AD persecution appears to be mostly regionally based and centres around North Africa and Egypt because the mass diffusion of Christianity from Jerusalem had not yet peaked in Rome. The purpose of the edict6 was to quell 4 In reference to the Holy Communion of eating bread that represented the body of Christ, the performance of miracles, and “the Holy Kiss” of greeting between Christians. See Benko (1984) Pagan Rome and the Early Christians for an in depth analysis of these charges. 5 Against the Jewish people is well-documented, however since Domitian is alluded to in the Book of Revelation it is likely the Christians experienced the same ill-treatment. 6 Kitzler (2017; 15) adds a footnote that modern scholars disagree on whether the edict actually existed because of insufficient credible evidence. Page | 16 the rapidly spreading religion (Keresztes 1989; 3-5) that threatened to undermine the empire. Despite being illegal to convert and facing the threat of execution under Maximin,7 Christianity did spread throughout the Roman Empire and would face the first of the official persecutions against the young religion under Decius. Decius (AD 249-251) The brief reign of Decius was marked by turmoil and by the middle of the third century AD, the Roman Empire had fallen into severe economic depression coupled with foreign invasions in the outlying territories, trade collapse, piracy, and price inflation of common goods among other things (Oborn 1933; 67). What was typical of the time period, the blame was placed on those individuals who worshipped their own foreign gods and neglected the Roman deities. The following quote written by Tertullian (c. AD 160-240) during the reign of Septimius Severus remained the prevailing attitude under the rule of Decius and describes perfectly the attitude of Roman persecutors from a Christian perspective: They think the Christians the cause of every public disaster, of every affliction with which the people are visited. If the Tiber rises as high as the city walls, if the Nile does not rise or send its waters over the fields, if the heavens give no rain, if there is an earthquake, if there is a famine or pestilence, straight away the cry is, ‘Away with the Christians, to the lions!’ (Tertullian Apologeticum 40). Oborn (1933; 68-9) argues that it is extremely significant that the first imperial persecution of Christians was the direct result of mass economic disaster, and to counter this collapse the then newly elected emperor issued the edict to force worship at Roman shrines across the empire to renew favour from the gods. From Tertullian it can be gleaned that Christians often felt like they bore the brunt of universal Roman problems, however the verbiage of the edict was not directed “He instigated a persecution and ordered the leaders of the church alone, as being responsible for the teaching of the gospel, to be destroyed” (Eusebius Ecclesiastical Histories 6.28). 7 Page | 17 at any one group, and all citizens were required to offer sacrifice and worship the Roman gods (Nobbs 2009; 52). The main extant contemporaneous sources used to piece together the edict are literary accounts that include the letters of St. Cyprian, the Ecclesiastical Histories of Eusebius, but also papyri discovered in Egypt called the libelli, or a libellus, certificates of sacrifices performed to honour the Roman gods (Rives 1999; 135-6). Decius ordered that all residents were to sacrifice to the gods for the glory of Rome and obtain a certificate that the sacrifice had occurred (Ando 2012; 135). While the two aforementioned historians were both Christian and writing for a Christian audience, the libelli provide key information from a more unbiased author. Of the forty-one certificates the text generally follows a structure of a person or family attesting to always having offered sacrifice and doing so again in the presence of an official notary in accordance with the edict (Knipfing 1923; 346-7). Evidence of refusing to offer the required sacrifice is literary and comes again from biased authors. Eusebius (Ecclesiastical Histories 6.39-43) discusses the Decian persecution and the associated martyrs, those individuals who refused to worship non-Christian gods. It appears however, that a number of Christians were willing to sacrifice as is seen in a letter from the Roman clergy to St. Cyprian (Epistle 30) in which they condemn those Christians who lapsed in their religious virtues. In Rome, only one individual is mentioned by Eusebius (Ecclesiastical Histories 6.39) to have been martyred in association with the imperial persecution, Fabianus the Bishop of Rome. St. Cyprian (Epistle 24) expresses his admiration for those Christians who had refused to bow to the request of the edict and faced martyrdom in a letter to Moyses, Maximus, and the other confessors of Rome. From these two sources it can be deduced that repercussions for noncompliance with the edict were in place, though not standardized and likely at the discretion of the Page | 18 regional authority (Rives 1999; 137). Martyrdoms as a punishment for non-compliance with the edict appears to have been infrequently utilized due to lack of evidence and would suggest that Decius was less interested in eradicating Christianity, and more interested in appeasing the Roman gods by offering universal sacrifices (Oborn 1933; 71) based on the requirements of the imperial edict. It has been suggested that some Christians with the financial means to do so, were able to bribe a magistrate to obtain a false libellus, to placate the edict without violating their own religious beliefs (Edwards 2004; 199). This can be gathered from St. Cyprian who wrote: Nor let those persons flatter themselves that they need repent the less, who, although they have not polluted their hands with abominable sacrifices, yet have defiled their conscience with certificates. That profession of one who denies, is the testimony of a, Christian disowning what he had been. He says that he has done what another has actually committed (Treatise 3.27) From this quote it can be assumed that even those who falsely obtained a libellus were looked at unfavourably in the eyes of the church since it was considered the pinnacle of honour to confess to being a Christian. However for those unable to pay for a false certificate, unwilling to sacrifice, or seek martyrdom, Early Christians were left with few choices. It is possible that some went into hiding like St. Cyprian, Bishop of Carthage; however it seems much more plausible that if Christians went into hiding they followed the norm of the age and fled the city, not underground to the catacombs. Valerian (AD 253-260) Gallus succeeded the murdered Decius in AD 251 whose persecution ended with his death (Haas 1983; 133), and when a plague ravaged the Mediterranean he banished the Christians for angering the gods (Eusebius Ecclesiastical Histories 7.1). Less than two years later Valerian would assume control of the government in AD 253 and after some years of relative peace, he issued edicts Page | 19 directed chiefly against Christians. The reason behind this change in attitude is uncertain; however, Oborn (1933; 72) suggests that again economics played a much larger role than religious motivations. The historical account of Dionysius8 stating that Valerian tolerated the Christians until “he was prompted to get rid of them by the teacher and guild-leader of the magicians of Egypt, who urged him to kill or persecute pure and saintly men as rivals who hindered his own foul, disgusting incantations” (Eusebius Ecclesiastical Histories 7.10). Arguably, it is more probable to be a combination of the two or many circumstances that led the emperor to move against the Christians. Similar to the acts of Decius, the outline of Valerian’s edicts are pieced together from contemporaneous accounts including Dionysius of Alexandria, St. Cyprian, and Eusebius (Keresztes 1975; 83). The first edict issued in AD 257 (Oborn 1933; 73) was express in forbidding Christians to hold assemblies or enter cemeteries (to include catacombs) under pain of execution; as well as exiling clergy who refused to offer sacrifice (Lee 2000; 61) in accordance with the extant edicts of Decius. It is important to note that the edict only referred to clergy, and not the average Christian, or lay person, though St. Cyprian (Epistle 76) references many “brethren” in prison or the mines. More importantly to this research, however, is the verbiage that forbids access to cemeteries, which can lead one to imagine Christian refugees hiding from so-called “heathen” Romans persecuting their religious beliefs. It is not that simple, however. A 1959 published work (rereleased in 2017) addresses the topic of hiding: “During the third century the persecuted Christians frequently sought refuge in the catacombs and many suffered martyrdom within them” (Finegan 2017; 484). The author adds a footnote about Valerian’s edict of AD 257 forbidding assemblies in cemeteries. While I agree that the law adds 8 As quoted by Eusebius (Ecclesiastical Histories 7.10). Page | 20 weight to the argument of Christians seeking refuge in catacombs, its mere existence does not prove the legend. It appears that Finegan, like others before him, believed the specific verbiage of the edict was all the proof required to support the legend of the catacombs as a hiding place during persecutions. While Valerian’s first edict does specifically state Christians could not enter, it is widely acknowledged that many of the faithful visited the catacombs for various reasons throughout Late Antiquity.9 His second edict however, is what makes Valerian’s persecution the more violent and bloody of the two imperial actions against Christians. Though Keresztes (1975; 85) suggests it is St. Cyprian’s Epistle 80 as the most effective source for summarizing the lost verbiage of Valerian’s edict, I disagree and argue that Epistle 81 very clearly explains the persecution terms out of Rome: But the truth concerning them is as follows, that Valerian had sent a rescript10 to the Senate, to the effect that bishops and presbyters and deacons should immediately be punished; but that senators, and men of importance, and Roman knights, should lose their dignity, and moreover be deprived of their property; and if, when their means were taken away, they should persist in being Christians, they should also lose their heads; but that matrons should be deprived of their property, and sent into banishment. Essentially Valerian was attempting to destabilize the church and shatter their communities by executing the hierarchy who led the Christian faithful (Hertling & Kirschbaum 1956; 99), and several legendary figures were martyred during this period. The most well-known of the martyrdoms associated with Valerian’s rescript11 is that of Pope Sixtus II of Rome. Much has been written on this individual and will be discussed at length in chapter three. Other references to martyrs come again from Eusebius (Ecclesiastical Histories 7.11) quoting directly from Dionysius who discusses Valerian’s persecution of Christians: Jerome’s Commentary on Ezekiel, full quote on page 35. A rescript is not a new law, merely clarification of existing legislation (Green 2010; 163). 11 Widely acknowledged as the emperor’s second edict against Christianity. 9 10 Page | 21 To give all the names of our people, who are so numerous and quite unknown to you, would be a waste of time, but I must tell you that men and women, youngsters and greybeards, girls and old women, soldiers and civilians, every race and every age, some the victims of scourges and the stake, others of the sword, came through their ordeal triumphantly and have received their crowns.12 Dionysius was not in Rome during the reign of Valerian because he had been initially exiled to Libya and later to Alexandria (Eusebius Ecclesiastical Histories 7.11), yet the above quote can be imagined to apply to every city in the Roman Empire. Surprisingly through, no known sources exist describing contemporaneous accounts of Christian life in Rome during Valerian’s persecution, so it is possible the average Christian felt the need to hide and sought shelter in the nearby catacombs. Again however, it is literary accounts from outside of Rome during this period that render the plausibility of this unlikely. The death of St. Cyprian in Carthage during this period is interesting for many reasons. After refusing to offer sacrifice to Roman gods and denounce his Christian faith, the Bishop of Carthage was imprisoned and sentenced to execution. Pontius (The Life and Passion of St. Cyprian) writes that before his execution St. Cyprian had many visitors bring him supplies and fellowship whilst in prison. Those same individuals also requested to die by the same sword by which St. Cyprian was sentenced to be beheaded. From the sources previously discussed it is known that only church officials were directly at risk of religious persecution; however it seems strange that an officially persecuted group would be allowed to visit prisoners and not be executed with another of their faith (Ando 2012; 138). Gibbon (1909; 97) also discusses that the Romans frequently avoided the “odious task of persecution, dismissed the charge with contempt, or suggested to the Christian some legal evasion by which he might elude the severity of the laws.”13 12 Referring to the belief that those that die for the faith are crowned in martyrdom, as was Jesus Christ. In Tertullian’s Ad Scapulam (Chapter 4) written c. AD 217, writes of Cincius Severus who suggests what a Christian must say at a trial to obtain an acquittal. 13 Page | 22 This non-committal behaviour could be the result of the local authority trying to use St. Cyprian as an example to frighten other Christians, or it could be that Christians were not as extensively persecuted as the legends tell. The Peaceful Years When Gallienus became the sole emperor in AD 260 after the death of his father Valerian, he formally rescinded the persecutions against Christians. This has been preserved by Eusebius in a letter from Gallienus to Dionysius: The Emperor Cæsar Publius Licinius Gallienus Pius Felix Augustus to Dionysius, Pinnas, Demetrius, and the other bishops. The benefit of my bounty I have ordered to be proclaimed throughout the world. All places of worship shall be restored to their owners;14 you bishops, therefore, may avail yourselves of the provisions of this decree to protect you from any interference (Ecclesiastical Histories 7.13). It would not be the final peace that would be some years away but an ‘extended armistice’ as Green (2010; 167) calls the forty years between Gallienus and Diocletian. Introducing his book on Diocletian, Eusebius (Ecclesiastical Histories 8.1) states that it was arrogance and infighting that seemed to invite what would become the final and bloody persecution of the Christians. Diocletian (AD 284-305) After several years of relative peace under the reign of Diocletian, the final assault, known as the Great Persecution on Christianity began (Gaddis 2005; 29). Prior to his action against the Christians, legislation had already been passed against both Western and Eastern religions, in essence “demonizing” foreign religions (Mitchell 2007; 64). The last straw, Lactantius (Of the Manner in Which the Persecutors Died 12) records that it was the “Festival of the god Terminus, celebrated on the sevens of the kalends of March, was chosen, in preference to all other, to terminate, as it were, the Christian religion.” At the festival, the diviners were not able to locate 14 Referring to churches but also cemeteries and catacombs. Page | 23 the favourable signs from the sacrificial animals and because of this, Lactantius states that Diocletian was incited into action by the influence of Galerius (Mitchell 2007; 65); though it is acknowledged that Lactantius’ account of the exchange is not completely reliable (Davies 1989; 66). Eusebius (Ecclesiastical Histories 8.2) recounts that the first edict was issued during the nineteenth year of Diocletian’s reign, and were soon followed in ‘rapid succession’ by other decrees against the Christians. Edict One: Posted at Nicomedia AD 24 February 303 The decree “ordered the churches to be razed to the ground and the Scriptures destroyed by fire, and giving notice that those in places of honour would lose their places, and domestic staff, if the continued to profess Christianity, would be deprived of their liberty” (Eusebius Ecclesiastical Histories 8.2). By destroying the written words of the Christian religion, Roman authorities assumed their teachings and practices could not spread, thus crippling the religion (Corcoran 2000; 181). A similar tactic would be employed later by Emperor Constantine with regard to nonChristian or heretical texts.15 Edict Two: Summer of AD 303 To strengthen what had been issued earlier in the year, the second edict called for the arrest of the Christian clergy. It is important to note, that it was simply calling for the arrest not the execution of the Christian hierarchy. Edict Three: Issued before AD 20 November 303 This action was similar to the previous edict issued only a few months prior, however it added the provision that clergy must offer a sacrifice to be freed from incarceration. This appears that the “For since the law directed that search should be made for their books, those of them who practiced evil and forbidden arts were detected, and these were ready to secure their own safety by dissimulation of every kind” (Eusebius Life of Constantine 3.66). 15 Page | 24 Roman authorities are giving Christians opportunities to avoid execution for treason. The Christians are not so much being persecuted for their religious beliefs, but being punished for not adhering to Roman law (e.g. not following Roman religious guidelines). Eusebius (Ecclesiastical Histories 8.5) relates that: It was not long before the first decree was followed by another, in which it was laid down that if the prisoners offered sacrifice they should be allowed to go free, but if they refused they should be mutilated by endless tortures. Now once more, how could one count the number of martyrs in every province of the Empire, especially those in Africa and Mauretania, in the Thebais and Egypt? From Egypt at this time some went off to other cities and provinces, where they showed their worth by martyrdom. This quote contains significant clues regarding the locations of high martyrdom areas, which will be discussed at the conclusion of Diocletian’s edicts. Edict Four: Issued in AD March 304 The fourth edict ordered a universal sacrifice and was likely confined to the Eastern half of the empire since no evidence has been found in the Western half during this time period (Corcoran 2000; 182). Overall Persecution under Diocletian Nicomedia, in modern-day Turkey was the site of the imperial residence during the reign of Diocletian (Mitchell 2007; 65) and the posted location of the first of the edict. The location of where the edicts were initially issued is important to this discussion because the diffusion of persecution into Rome would have taken time; and this time is possibly the reason little to no accounts of mass persecutions specifically in Rome during this period exist. Davies (1989; 75) argues that it typically would have taken several months for new edicts to travel to neighbouring cities. Most literary evidence suggest the edicts were enforced primarily in the East, however the focus of this study centres in Rome, and Maximian’s territory of the West. Page | 25 Lactantius (Of the Manner in Which the Persecutors Died 15) states that Maximian, “a person of no merciful temper, yielded ready obedience, and enforced the edicts throughout his dominions of Italy.” This is the only mention of Diocletian’s edicts being enforced in the West, even Eusebius is surprisingly silent on persecutions in Rome during the tetrarchy. Kip (1890; 32) wrote that Maximian sentenced Christian soldiers to hard labour to dig sand or stones in the quarries surrounding the city; however this cannot be substantiated though it was not unheard of for minor criminals16 to be sentenced to labour. From these sources, it is certainly obvious that religious persecutions happened, and violently in the East; however the lack of literary evidence in the West provide no reasonable proof that any Christians of Rome sought refuge from Roman authorities in the catacombs surrounding the city. The End of Persecution As was previously mentioned one scholar (Rebillard 2012; 57-58) argued that the unofficial end to the persecutions ended with Galerius. His Edict of Toleration issued in AD 311 as described by Lactantius (Of the Manner in Which the Persecutors Died 34-35) recounts that Christians would regain their freedoms and religious autonomy so long as they prayed to their God for the welfare of the emperor and the whole of Rome. The majority of modern scholars generally agree however, that the official end to persecutions against Christianity ended with the conversion of Constantine and the Edict of Milan issued in AD 313. Transcribed by Eusebius (Ecclesiastical Histories 10.5), the bottom line being that “Christians and non-Christians alike should be allowed to keep the faith of their own religious beliefs and worship.” With the end of persecutions abroad and in Rome, the catacombs or cemeteries no longer were restricted access and attracted many visitors. Prior to 16 Individuals that persisted in being Christian were guilty of treason for not worshipping the state religion and/ or gods. Page | 26 discussing the changing role of the catacombs as a place of burial to a place of pilgrimage ( Kelly 1975; 22), a few legendary accounts of refuge seeking individuals will be analysed. Page | 27 Chapter Three: Accounts of Individual Refugees in the Catacombs Throughout this research into the catacomb legend, certain historical figures would regularly be cited as evidence of the catacombs being places of refuge. These sources were primarily all published prior to the 21st century and therefore contain a certain level of religious bias as was demonstrated in chapter one, however, it was worth investigating further to determine if these anecdotes were based in historical fact. “Would that it were also possible to add a faithful abstract of the chronicles of those venerable sanctuaries during those eventful year! Many must have been the tender and stirring scenes of which they were the witnesses; but alas! Of most of those all written memorial has perished” (Northcote 1877; 36). As Northcote points out, the problem is that no contemporaneous literary sources exist, if they ever did, which leaves the modern scholar with sources like medieval hagiographies, or lives of the saints and martyrs (Birch 2009; On-line). The following chapter will therefore be a review of the known literary sources that support specific instances of individuals living in some form or fashion inside the catacombs, and will be organized and presented as a discussion on the reliability of the source material. Stephen I (reigned AD 254-257) Under the rule of Valerian, the Bishop of Rome, Stephen I was singled out at as the highest church official that could be responsible for spreading the Christian faith and doctrine, and for this he was particularly persecuted until his martyrdom in AD 257. The Golden Legend (de Voragine 1993; 39) originally published in the late 13th century AD states that after his capture, Pope St. Stephen was taken to the Temple of Mars where he was ordered to worship the non-Christian gods or be executed. The medieval legend of de Voragine goes on to state that the Bishop of Rome prayed to his God to destroy the temple and immediately a large portion of the building collapsed. During the ensuing chaos, the Christian leader fled to the Catacombs of St. Lucy where he was subsequently captured and beheaded during a worship service. Kip (1890; 34-35) who specifically Page | 28 references the Baronio Annales Ecclesiastici, states that Pope St. Stephen spent a great deal of time in the catacombs and invited believers to meet him there for personal meetings and worship services on a regular basis. Thus it might to the modern reader seem unwise to immediately seek shelter in a location that is known to be frequented; however Fox’s Book of Martyrs, originally published in the mid-sixteenth century, paints a different picture of the bishop’s death. Foxe (2007; 32) states that after “refusing to sacrifice to idols, [he] was treated with all the barbarous indignities imaginable, and fastened by the feet to the tail of a bull. Upon a signal given, the enraged animal was driven down the steps of the temple, by which the worthy martyr's brains were dashed out.” Once again, the poetic verse and dramatic license that runs so rampant in catacomb literature of the Early Modern Period makes it difficult to appreciate it for anything more than romantic fiction. “When he had finished the mass, he faced the soldiers fearlessly, and they beheaded him at this throne” (de Voragine 1993; 39). Writing almost six centuries later Withrow’s Valeria, originally published in 1880 makes a small mention of Pope St. Stephen being “slain even while ministering at the altar” near where an inscription was later discovered that reads, “Oh! Sad times in which, among sacred rites and prayers, even in caverns, we are not safe” (Withrow 2010; Chapter 18). Ultimately the few mentions of Pope St. Stephen that exist are of little historical value because no contemporaneous accounts exist and what remains are later romanticized legends. Sixtus II/ Xystus or Xistus (reigned AD 257-258) Almost identically, the legend of Pope St. Sixtus involves martyrdom inside a catacomb of Rome during a religious service. Executed under the reign of Valerian, Pope Sixtus and four deacons were acting in defiance of the imperial edict of AD 257 since they were found, arrested, and martyred in the Catacomb of St. Callixtus. The only primary source regarding the martyrdom of Pope Sixtus II is St. Cyprian (Epistle 81). In a letter to Successus, St. Cyprian mentions almost as Page | 29 an aside that Xistus had been martyred in a cemetery and that the prefects of the city were urging the general persecution. Northcote (1877; 30-31) provides different details in that Sixtus II was in the Catacomb of Praetextus and that several others priests that were present requested to be martyred with Sixtus, but only deacons obtained the “coveted privilege.” If focusing primarily on St. Cyprian’s account, Sixtus was in the cemetery when he was executed. From the physical evidence including chairs and benches discussed in the following chapter, it is certainly possible that Sixtus was either visiting or holding religious services, not necessarily hiding in the catacombs. What likely inspired the legend that so many authors later wrote about (Kip 1890; 34, Stevenson 1978; 31, Haas 1983; 136, Lee 200; 62, Green 2010; 163), was the poetic tomb inscription commissioned by Pope Damasus in the fifth century AD dedicated to Pope Sixtus II (Grig 2004; 229). These inscriptions, examples of which will be analysed in chapter four, were inspired by the likes of Virgil and other ancient poets (Trout 2003; 521), meant both to be pleasing to read by visitors to the catacombs, but to also inspire the Christian faithful to live as purely and faithfully as those martyrs that gave their lives to God in the past. Hippolytus (ca. AD Third Century) Primarily from Northcote (1877), the story of Hippolytus is discussed. Originally of Greek descent, Hippolytus was a Christian convert who would devote his life to the work of a fossore, or professional grave digger in the catacombs. This is not the antipope of the same name who was a proficient theological writer of the third century AD. According to Northcote (1877) the information on his life is gathered from the Acts of the Martyrs as well as unstated inscriptions. Not only working, but living in the catacombs for unspecified reasons,17 his non-Christian family 17 Though no time period is associated with any of the legends of Hippolytus, he likely lived during a period of persecution according to Northcote (1877), which would suggest Hippolytus lived in the catacombs to avoid the Roman authorities; though as has been previously discussed, the catacombs were not unknown to the Romans, so this argument is unsubstantiated. Page | 30 provided him with food and other provisions. In an effort to convert his family, Hippolytus detained his niece and nephew, aged nine and thirteen respectively, which drew out the parents in search of their children, just as the legend states Hippolytus planned. Upon their arrival to the catacombs, the entire family witnessed an unnamed miracle and were immediately converted and baptized in the Christian faith (Northcote 1877; 37-38). Kip, however, states it took many meetings and much instruction before the family became Christian believers and were martyred (1890; 35). The important detail in this anecdote is that Hippolytus who was not a church official yet still felt obliged to live in the catacombs despite the lack of legislation against being a Christian. This could have been practical in nature due to his employment as a fossore, or because Hippolytus sought refuge in the catacombs to avoid the persecution. The only known edicts Hippolytus was breaking was entering the catacomb and converting others Christianity. The bottom line with Hippolytus is that his story cannot be corroborated. The supposed martyr to live in the catacombs for years before his death is not mentioned in the Encyclopaedia of Ancient Christianity (2014), The Catholic Encyclopaedia (2012) nor the Oxford Dictionary of Saints (2011). The Acts of Martyrs (1972),18 which Northcote (1877) claims to be the source of his information makes no mention of the supposed martyr Hippolytus. Paired with the older biased sources of Northcote and Kip, it can be assumed that the figure of Hippolytus as a refugee of the catacombs was a romantic fictionalized invention likely based in some truth but largely fabricated to create a powerful legend of martyrdom. As will be discussed in the proceeding chapter, little to no extant physical evidence can prove that early Christians of any rank were seeking shelter in the catacombs, during times of persecution or not. Though Northcote was utilizing an earlier translation of the work, Musurillo’s (1972) work is a reliable modern source of the extant official records of the earliest Christian martyr’s deaths. 18 Page | 31 St. Cyprian (reigned AD 249-258) The Bishop of Carthage was executed as a criminal for violating the edict and rescript of Emperor Valerian in September of AD 258 (Hinchliff 1974; 1). His was an interesting life that ended for refusing to offer sacrifices to the Roman gods and deny Jesus Christ; however, it is neither his life nor his death that is interesting to this research. Prior to being condemned to execution, St. Cyprian went into hiding. Similarly, Lactantius would also go into hiding during the Great Persecution under Diocletian for several years before he would surface in the court of Constantine (Nicholson 1989; 48). What is interesting however, is that St. Cyprian’s choice to run would have been viewed as cowardly in Ancient Rome, especially since the Bishop of Rome, Fabianus had recently been martyred under the same reign of Valerian (Hinchliff 1974; 48). Briefly mentioned in chapter one, one author expressed admiration for “such great Christian leaders as St. Cyprian, in taking prudent measures for their own safety instead of courting the glories of martyrdom” (Foakes-Jackson 1909; 77). The author states that those who fled persecution recognized that if all of the church hierarchy were martyred the Christian sect would cease to exist. Yet, it was St. Cyprian himself who wrote during his time in hiding about the glory of suffering and dying just as Jesus Christ had (Epistle 26), also previously writing about the glory of those who could suffer like Jesus Christ “the rod without any comfort of death” and “tortures which do not easily let them pass to the crown, but wrench them on the rack until they cause them to abandon their faith.” These lines in Epistle 7, precede a brief mention that “He will maintain us safe from the disturbances of the enemy.” In the modern sense, it would have been considered prudent to hide or run from Roman persecutors, but during Late Antiquity this would have been tantamount to denying Christ himself.19 19 The passion with which Early Christians sought martyrdom has been summarized in a separate work by the author of this dissertation. (Huggins 2016). Page | 32 St. Cyprian is included in this list, not because he is known to have sought refuge in the catacombs, but because it demonstrates that a stigma existed against those who did not wish to give their lives for the faith. The other examples listed above are the known accounts of individuals living or just being in the catacombs, and that offense alone contributed to their subsequent martyrdom. From this, it can be assumed that church leaders, who expounded the glories of martyrdom (e.g. St. Cyprian) and sought the perceived honour, or reverted to pagan worship were likely the majority while individuals that went into hiding like St. Cyprian were the minority. Ultimately this sentiment is an obvious explanation why so little physical evidence, which will be discussed in the following chapter, exists in the catacombs of Rome regarding Christians in hiding. Page | 33 Chapter Four: Catacombs In the following chapter archaeological evidence will be discussed covering four main aspects of the catacombs: the physical space, artwork, inscriptions, and finally cultural remains. Much of the evidence will have to be viewed through the lens of the non-modern academia since those early visitors were the first to record what was discovered and as such are an invaluable resource. Ultimately however, the value of the interpretation of the evidence is found in more modern sources as will be discussed. I argue that any material evidence is more representative of the (then) living and not the deceased. In essence, any material cultural remains demonstrate the practices and beliefs of individuals that walked through the catacombs, and not those that were entombed within, since the dead cannot bury themselves (Parker Pearson 1999; 9). If all materials are then viewed from the standpoint of the living, then it becomes clear that what might be typically expected of any archaeological habitat (e.g. food stuffs, fire pits, coprolites, etc.) is missing. It must be acknowledged however, that archaeological practices were not what they are today, and evidence that may have been proof of habitation may have been overlooked during the 16th century ‘rediscovery’ period. Physical Spaces As was previously discussed, the catacombs are a vast network of subterranean tunnels filled with cubicula’s, loculi, and small crypt/ chapels (Rutgers 2000). During Late Antiquity light filtered in through luminaria, or sky lights as described by the poet Prudentius (Liber Peristephanon) in the fifth century. These light and air sources have since been sealed and modern visitors note how dark and dank the tunnels are, not to mention narrow and cramped. In the first few centuries of use it was possible that the mould that now threatens many of the catacombs (Tapete et al. 2014; Urzi et al. 2014; Krakova et al. 2015) was not present because of the presence of fresh air and light. Thus, Page | 34 the rooms could have potentially been a more hospitable environment for small groups of Christians better than they would today. Also different in antiquity, was the modern convenience or lack thereof, with which visitors travelled to the catacombs. In addition to the rooms not being large enough for holding many people, Stevenson (1978; 24) argues against habitual worship in the catacombs because the long walk to and from the catacombs would be long and exhausting. In direct contradiction to this are the recollections of St. Jerome who regularly visited the catacombs in the early fifth century AD: “When I was a youth at Rome studying liberal arts, it was my custom on Sundays, along with companions of the same age and the same conviction, to make tours of the tombs of the Apostles and the martyrs. Often we would enter those crypts which have been hollowed out of the depths of the earth and which, along the walls on either side of the passages, contain the bodies of buried people” (Kelly 1975; 22). Stevenson’s weak argument cannot account for visitors like St. Jerome and his colleagues who regularly made the journey likely by foot. If anything it would seem to lend support to the legend that if visitors were too exhausted after the day’s journey, they would have had to spend the night in or near the catacombs before completing the journey back into the city proper. Kip (1890) discusses specific architectural features within the Catacombs of St. Agnes20 as proof of Christians seeking refuge. According to the Basilica of St. Agnes Outside the Wall that today sits atop the subterranean tomb, the catacomb construction can be dated to the second half of the third century AD that incorporated an existing Christian cemetery that housed the young martyr Agnese (Santagnese 2017; On-line). From the Liber Pontificalis or Book of the Popes it can be read the Pope Honorius I renovated the structure, but does not make any mention of the catacomb below ground (Loomis 1965; 60). The earliest potential piece of literary evidence regarding at least the area in question for burial comes from Ammianus Marcellinus (The History 20 Located to the Northeast of Rome along the Via Nomentana. Page | 35 21.5) who recounts that the daughter of Constantine, Helena died between AD 360-361 and her body was returned to Rome to be buried along the ‘Nomentanae’ where his sister had also been laid to rest. From this it can be assumed that the area that would become the Catacomb of St. Agnes was in use in the late fourth century AD for burials, though no (published) archaeological work has been conducted on the site to confirm or deny this claim. Regarding specific features of Saint Agnes, one burial chamber contains a massive stone chair (Kip 1890; 160) while another room contains, “two chairs hewn out of solid tufa rock [that] flank the doorway while a bench runs along the wall” (Kip 1890; 161). These stone seats were not unique to Christian burials and can be found geographically proximal to the Late Antiquity catacombs of Rome but at least several centuries older. The Etruscans utilized the same feature specifically in the Tomb of the Five Chairs of the 7th century BC and the Tomb of the Shields and Chairs of the 6th century BC located in Cerveteri (Bonfante 1986; 234). It can be assumed that, like the Romans before them, Christians were also influenced by the Etruscan tomb structures that were so prevalent around the country. Figure 2 Tomb of the Shields and Chairs (Ohio University 2017). Figure 3 Tomb of the Five Chairs (Ohio University 2017). Page | 36 Kip (1890) provides no illustration to accompany his description of the chairs and benches, yet it is not difficult to imagine the set-up with more ancient tombs of the Etruscans as a point of reference. From primary sources including Eusebius (Ecclesiastical Histories) and St. Cyprian (Epistle 81) it is clear that catacombs were used as a site for Christian instruction, worship services, or funeral banquets (Toynbee 1971; 240) between the third and fifth centuries AD. These chairs at best confirm these anecdotal sources as well as corroborate the edicts against meeting in the catacombs, not habitation. One interesting omission by all of the early scholarly works is mention of where exactly the Christians refugees were supposedly living inside the catacomb. Questions such as ‘did they convert cubicula into a small apartment?’ or ‘did they sleep in empty loculi?’ and other practical questions remain unanswered. Frescoes The artwork discovered in the catacombs represent religious ideals or teachings and contain many recurring symbols including: the fish, anchor, lamb, dove, shepherd, and the fisherman (Northcote 1877; 98). Richter (1905; 288) states that the majority of artwork has been relatively dated between the second century AD through the fifth century AD, which correspond to the known periods of Christian use of space for internment. Kip (1890; 156) devotes many pages to the art of the catacombs, though his argument that the subjects were meant to be representative of the occupations of those entombed was not the norm. Many depict biblical scenes including the “Good Shepard” and the “Resurrection” that were meant to convey allegories to the initiated Christian but also the illiterate. The symbolism of the artwork is representative of both the Old Testament and Jewish origins, but also scriptures from the New Testament and the foundations of the Christian faith (Goodenough 1962). Page | 37 What can be gleaned from a review of the artistic representations of the catacombs, is that no fresco depicts Christians seeking refuge in the subterranean tombs. Scenes of funeral banquets have been discovered in several catacombs suggesting that the agape21 was widely celebrated and not uncommon. Since this was a regular occurrence it was deemed worthy of frequent artistic representation across multiple catacombs; this same logic can be applied to the catacomb legend. If Early Christians had been sequestered underground for extended periods of time hiding from Roman authorities, some depiction, however crude would be expected; however, it is possible these once existed but have not survived into the modern era. The more plausible explanation since much artwork is still visible today is that no artistic representation of refuge was ever created because no groups of Late Antiquity Christians sought refuge from Roman authorities as was demonstrated in chapter three. Tomb Inscriptions “An absolutely reliable source of information respecting the secret of the inner life of the Church in the early Christian centuries is the faithful record of the thoughts, the hopes, the aspirations of the congregations of the Church of the metropolis of the Empire,” is how the Very Reverend Spence-Jones (1911; 219) describes the carved and painted works of the catacombs. Though as with any source it contains biases they are certainly an invaluable source. Christian funerary epitaphs provide information about social and familial composition, and if dated can add to chronological knowledge (Mazzoleni 2014; 446). The funerary epitaphs inscribed onto Christian tombs in the catacombs have unique histories in that earliest inscriptions typical of the second or third century AD were treated as merely representative of the holy relics that were behind the tomb Known as the ‘Feast of Love,’ this was the same as the pagan funeral banquets popular during Late Antiquity. Originally a celebration for all, the rich and the poor, but later descended into open revelry that was decidedly unChristian (Kip 1890; 162). 21 Page | 38 enclosure since they denoted simple identifying information of the individual buried within. This was until the inscriptions themselves became regarded as sacred objects in the 17th century (Yasin 2000; 48) which coincides with the religious schism present in Europe discussed in chapter one. When the tomb was freshly sealed, a brief inscription was etched into the plaster to denote who was buried inside (Green 2010; 195), only towards the end of the fourth century AD were the longer funeral epitaphs of Pope St. Damasus added. This Bishop of Rome was single-handedly responsible in the late fourth century AD for rehabilitating and redecorating the catacombs not long after the end of persecutions as detailed in chapter two. His embellishments and additions of poetic epitaphs on marble tomb enclosures invigorated the cult of martyrs (Kelly 1975; 82, SpenceJones 1911; 229) into a world-wide phenomenon within only a few centuries. Given that the late fourth century AD epitaphs were inscribed on marble and not the plaster typically utilized to initially seal the tomb, more than 40,000 inscriptions have been excavated since the initial rediscovery period during the Counter-Reformation (Green 2010; 200). Many of these epitaphs are now housed in the Vatican Museum which states that Pope St. Damasus was the author of many poetic inscriptions devoted primarily to martyrs. Unfortunately, as was all too-typical a practice prior to the standardization of archaeological recordation practices, the proveniences are almost completely unknown and are lumped together as simply catacomb inscriptions. fifth centuryff fff ff ff Figure 4 Proiecta Inscription Composed by Pope St. Damasus (Musei Vaticani 2017). Page | 39 The above inscription dedicated to the martyr Proiecta (ca. unknown) came from an unnamed cemetery outside the walls of Rome and was later discovered as spolia in the Church of San Martino ai Monti (Musei Vaticani 2017; On-line). The style of the inscription is poetic and mournful as can be demonstrated in the first two lines translated as: “What? Should I speak or be silent? Grief itself forestalls an answer. Recognize that this tomb holds the tears of the parents of Proiecta” (Trout 2015; 180). The post-burial additions were exaggerated from unverified, postpersecution legends meant to idealize and glorify the supposed martyr who had been identified by markers or symbols on the original tomb. These symbols, meant to denote a Christian within the tomb, included anchors, palms, the alpha and omega, ships, and the most common symbol, the fish (Kip 1890 109-116). Poor spelling, or messy craftsmanship of the initial inscriptions is evidence according to Kip (1890; 73) of “plainly that it was placed there by members of a persecuted and oppressed community.” Again, Kip (1890) provides no pictorial evidence to demonstrate his criteria for technique and skill, though he is likely referring to the quality of the earliest inscriptions from early third century AD to the more refined inscriptions of the late fourth century AD (see below for comparison examples compiled from various Roman catacombs). Page | 40 Figure 4 Early 3rd C. AD inscriptions (Bennett 1898; 287) Figure 5 Late 4th C. AD inscriptions (Bennett 1898; 292). The contrast between the concise and more freehand inscriptions of the early third century AD and the Damasian inscriptions of the late fourth century is clearly evident. While it is possible that the third century inscriptions were rushed, it is more plausible that an illiterate, or unpractised hand was responsible for the rough carvings of the earliest funerary inscriptions in the catacombs and not a persecuted Christian dodging Roman authorities; though the examples presented above hardly can be considered messy. Kip’s (1890) argument is more suggestive of the religious blinders of the 19th century that led many scholars away from the more obvious explanations like chronological stylistic progression. Page | 41 Cultural Remains Just like many other unfortunate antiquarian ventures, the catacombs of Rome were looted for their relics, and after these relics had been removed to above ground churches, Spence-Jones (1911; 224) writes the excavations that were completed yielded insignificant and few records until De Rossi engaged in modern archaeological analysis of the catacombs in the 19th century. Cultural remains found include “rings, brooches, clasps and other personal ornaments; combs, styli and such like articles of ordinary use; toys, medals, coins, bullae, and tesserae; various domestic utensils” (Northcote and Brownlow 1879; 266). These items were discovered inserted into once wet plaster that sealed a tomb, or inside the tomb itself, having been buried with the occupant. Though not necessarily Christian in origin, these objects would have either have possessed sentimental value or would have been considered a symbol of wealth as was the case with glass items which will shortly be discussed. The single most recurrent material object discovered in the catacombs were vessels pressed into the slab enclosures of the tombs including pottery sherds but mostly gilded glass containers (De Santis 2000; Yasin 2000). During Late Antiquity, glass was considered a luxury item and was likely a display of wealth (De Santis 2000). Other interpretations suggest the vessel fragments were part of the funeral banquet of agape (Withrow 1884; 69) which was a lingering pagan ritual practiced by Early Christians. In certain scenarios the vessel would have been inserted into the tomb where offerings of wine could be poured (De Santis 2000; 240). This pagan practice may have come to take on a Christian connotation, in that the wine symbolised the blood of Jesus Christ, which is still a Catholic tradition practiced today. Gold glass, is another example by which wealth was displayed in the catacombs. Typically constructed of gold leaf sandwiched between two or more layers of glass to depict an artistic Page | 42 representation typically of a figure, either of the deceased buried within or a biblical character (Howells 2015).22 By the late 19th century these fragments were rarely found in situ (see Fig. 7) but were distinguished by the imprint left behind in the plaster (Withrow 1896; 363) and many examples can today be found in the British Museum (see below). As it was that other artefacts discussed previously were not completely of Christian origin, so too are the gold leaf glass vessel bases discovered in predominantly Christian catacombs.23 This can be seen in examples showing Jewish scenes (see Fig. 9) or quite pagan themes (see Fig. 10) discovered in the catacombs of Rome. What this ultimately illustrates is that the non-Christian gold leaf glass bases were likely pieces that held immense personal value, and it was that sentiment being imbued into the object, not necessarily the non-Christian depictions. Figure 7 Gold leaf glass base in situ in the Catacomb of Panfilo: 4th century AD (Howells 2015; 25). Figure 8 Late 4th C. AD vessel base depicting Saints Peter and Paul from unknown Roman catacomb (Howells 2015; 75). 22 A Catalogue of the Late Antique Gold Glass in the British Museum (Howells 2015) is an excellent resource for the experimental archaeology conducted in creating similar gold leaf glass. 23 Though, it must be acknowledged again that provenience of all artefacts are unknown but can be at least be relatively dated to the known Christian periods of catacomb usage. Page | 43 Figure 9 4th C. AD Jewish gold leaf glass from unknown Roman catacomb (Howells 2015; 134). Figure 10 4th C. AD gold leaf glass medallion depicting Hercules and the Cretan Bull, from unknown location in Rome (Howells 2015; 135). Other vessels commonly discovered in the catacombs, typically manufactured of clay were found whole in the tomb coverings; these small cups or flasks known as ampullae stained red, were concluded by Bosio24 in the 17th century to be the containers of the dried blood of martyrs (Withrow 1896; 369). Several 19th century authors (Butler 1846; 168, Maitland 1846; 145, Withrow 1896; 369) quote the authority of the Congregation of Indulgences and Sacred Relics of the Vatican 25 as stating that “having carefully examined the matter, decides that the palm and vessel tinged with blood are to be considered most certain signs of martyrdom.” The authors agree on the statement but not the year it was issued, either 1663, 1668, or 1688; even more interesting however is the fact that no record of this decree or even statement can be found outside of the three pieces of scholarship. These artefacts though, have long been the focus of fascination as a vessel of martyr blood by the overzealous faithful (Kip 1890; 53), however, even prior to the shift of 24 In his Roma Sotterranea (1650), Bosio describes these as reliquaries that held the blood of the sacred martyrs, but provides no sketches, though he provides prints for other artefacts including tomb inscriptions and frescoes. His conclusion appears to be drawn from conjecture because he, and authors that quote him, provide only the red stains of the vessel as sufficient proof of being the blood of a Christian martyr. 25 This papal commission has not been active since the early 20th century. Page | 44 scholarship in the 20th century some scholars doubted the legitimacy of these ‘relics’ and noted the ease with which holy martyrs could be created with a little red paint (Seymour 1850). In another example of early rejection of circumstantial evidence Withrow (1896; 370) acknowledges that the Acts of Martyrs refer to the collection of martyr blood in “napkins, sponges, or veils to keep as a talisman and heirloom at home; but never of its preservation in a cup, or burial beside their graves.” This does not disprove the legitimacy of the supposed martyr artefact, but again the more plausible explanation is that they were a later addition and fabrication. This trend of later additions and altogether possible fabrications appears to be a prevalent theme within the catacomb legend. Page | 45 Chapter Five: Conclusion The original research question as to whether Early Christians sought refuge inside the catacombs of Rome may never be indisputably answered, however the evidence provides a strong argument against the legend. What initially began as a straightforward examination of the literature and material remains surrounding the use of catacombs of places of refuge morphed into an intriguing reception study of the legend and how it actually developed during the Counter-Reformation. This dissertation has wider research potentiality into the reception of Late Antiquity exaggerated martyrologies that ultimately shaped modern literature on catacomb scholarship. That scholarship in essence created the legend of Christians seeking refuge in the catacombs during times of persecution, which is still incorrectly endorsed today in Christian faith-based texts. This distinction must be made between faith-based texts and actual scholarship produced by Christian scholars, because religious scholarship still follows standard procedures and sources their arguments, whilst faith-based authors provide nothing more than opinion typically. From chapter one’s ‘Scholarship Review’ it has been demonstrated that the birth of catacomb literature was directly linked to the religious fervour and denomination with which the author related. This period, developing in direct relation to the Protestant Reformation of the 16th century AD, was a contentious era for Christianity which ended with the schism between the Catholic and non-Catholic Churches. The Early Modern historians that were responsible for the majority of scholarship that immediately proceeded the 17th century AD “rediscovery” of the catacombs were ultimately influenced by this religious upheaval and became the authorities on the Roman catacombs. As such, these sources were the most heavily quoted by later scholarship dating to the 18th century and onward as irrefutable proof. These were the texts that influenced the passionate verbiage which is so dominant of the 19th century literature which relates the romantic legend of pure Christians hiding from Roman persecution in the tombs of their earliest martyrs. It Page | 46 was not until the influence of modern archaeological practices and procedures that the scholarship began to doubt the absolute legitimacy of the legend due to insufficient evidence. The primary source literature including Eusebius, Lactantius, and St. Cyprian are invaluable sources as witnesses to the persecutions of Christians across the Roman Empire specifically from the 2nd to the 4th century AD. Little to no Roman perspectives of these periods remain and historians must therefore rely on biased information to interpret the actions and motivations of the persecutors during a time of religious intolerance and subsequent upheaval. Least of all is the fact that primary source literature idealizes and praises those individuals that actively and bravely sought out martyrdom for pride and glory. Based on the extensive time span of literature reviewed for this dissertation, I argue that no written source exists that irrefutably confirms the legitimacy of the catacomb legend. The edicts against the Early Christians of Rome from Septimius Severus to Diocletian, discussed in chapter two are interpreted from Christian authors and as such are a biased source that can admittedly be prone to exaggeration. With that in mind, all that can be deciphered of imperial action in relation to the catacombs of Rome, is that Christians were forbidden from meeting in or at cemeteries. It is reasonable to assume this is due to the use of the catacombs as places of worship and instruction in the Christian faith and by forbidding the use of the space the Roman authorities were limiting the opportunities for the spread of a faith that disregarded Roman state religious laws which was believed to put the entire empire at risk. From the extant contemporaneous literature it is recorded that at least two individuals, Bishops of Rome no less, were martyred inside a catacomb. The location of their execution arguably may be a later embellishment of their martyrdom to increase the intrigue or honour of their death. The edicts against Christians covering the three main emperors discussed in chapter Page | 47 two do not indicate that it was illegal to be Christian, but to convert others and to further spread the reach of Christianity. Since these were high ranking church officials,26 and not the average Christian lay-person who refused to offer sacrifice to pagan gods, they were guilty of treason and thus executed. The catacombs as the location of martyrdom is almost secondary in both the stories of Pope St. Stephen I and Pope St. Sixtus II, and it is no small coincidence that the majority of sources that site the location of their execution post-date the event by several centuries. Eusebius, who had no qualms discussing a multitude of martyrdoms, is suspiciously quiet and makes no mention of even the death of Pope St. Stephen I, but merely mentions he was succeeded by Xystus/ Sixtus II (Ecclesiastical Histories 7.5). Eusebius also makes no mention of Xystus’ death but names his successor (Ecclesiastical Histories 7.27). If these remarkable martyrdoms that were discussed with such reverence by authors of the 19th century were legitimate, then the supposed ‘Father of Church History’ would be expected to have mentioned their deaths in some capacity. St. Cyprian’s mention of Pope St. Xystus’ death in Epistle 81, discussed in chapter three is the extent of contemporaneous literary evidence of anyone Christians in the catacombs during a period of persecution. The physical evidence of the use of catacombs as places of refuge, or lack thereof, detailed in chapter four argues that extant archaeological evidence is limited to burial artefacts and/ or cultural remains associated with those that were buried within. The cultural remains that have been reviewed in this dissertation demonstrate at the most, an active burial society that reflects the then current beliefs and attitudes towards the afterlife and religious dogma. It is also of note that the fact that catacomb archaeology developed during Counter-reformist Europe essentially “determined the kind of evidence scholars were willing to consider, the kind of questions they 26 Pope St. Stephen I and Pope St. Sixtus II discussed in Chapter Three. Page | 48 were willing to ask, and the kind of methodologies they were willing to apply” (Rutgers 2000; 14). The expected remains of those individuals that supposedly lived in the catacombs during intermittent periods of persecution either never existed because Early Christians never hid in the catacombs for extended periods of time, or any evidence was overlooked or discarded prior to modern archaeological excavation and recordation practices were developed. In conclusion, this dissertation has argued in favour that the legend of the catacombs as clandestine places of refuge during Roman persecutory periods is fiction. With little to no contemporaneous sources and biased secondary sources written during the combative CounterReformation, what was created was a romanticized myth to inspire Christians and remind them of the purity of their ancient origins. Coupled with zero physical evidence of habitation between the third and fifth centuries AD, I conclude that those modern Christian authors mentioned in the introduction chapter still supporting the catacomb legend are incorrect and poorly researched. Further studies into the reception of the catacomb legend into the Early Modern Period, specifically the period of the Reformation and subsequent Counter-Reformation, has the potential to determine conclusively the authors responsible for the sensationalizing propaganda that evolved into the fictitious legend of Early Christians, huddled underground for fear of pagan persecution; when in reality as has been demonstrated in this dissertation, nothing can be further from the truth. 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