Catacombs and Health in Christian Rome

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For queries about offprints, copyright and republication of your article, please contact the publisher via [email protected] Interdisciplinary Studies in Ancient Culture and Religion 15 CHILDREN AND FAMILY IN LATE ANTIQUITY LIFE, DEATH AND INTERACTION BY CHRISTIAN LAES, KATARIINA MUSTAKALLIO AND VILLE VUOLANTO PEETERS Leuven – Walpole, MA 2015 CONTENTS Preface and Acknowledgements . . . . . . . . . . VII List of Figures . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . IX Abbreviations . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XI . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XIII Contributors 1. Limits and Borders of Childhood and Family in the Roman Empire . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Christian LAES, Katariina MUSTAKALLIO and Ville VUOLANTO 1 I. THE DEMOGRAPHIC REGIME AND ECOLOGICAL FACTORS 2. A Time to Die: Preliminary Notes on Seasonal Mortality in Late Antique Rome. . . . . . . . . . . . Kyle HARPER 3. Catacombs and Health in Christian Rome . Leonard RUTGERS . . . 15 . 35 4. Illness and Disability in Late Antique Christian Art (third to sixth century) . . . . . . . . . . . . . Manuela STUDER-KARLEN 53 II. LABOUR, SEX AND THE EXPERIENCE OF CHILDHOOD 5. Children and their Occupations in the City of Rome (300700 CE) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . Christian LAES 79 6. Early Christian Enslaved Families (first to fourth century) 111 Bernadette BROOTEN VI CONTENTS 7. Growing Up in Constantinople: Fifth-Century Life in a Christian City from a Child’s Perspective . . . . . . 135 Reidar AASGAARD 8. “I Renounce the Sexual Abuse of Children”: Renegotiating the Boundaries of Sexual Behaviour in Late Antiquity by Jews and Christians . . . . . . . . . . . . 169 John W. MARTENS III. LOCAL CHILDHOODS AND THE RISE OF CHRISTIANITY 9. Children in late Roman Egypt: Christianity, the Family and Everyday Life . . . . . . . . . . . . . 215 April PUDSEY 10. Martyr Saints and the Demon of Infant Mortality: Folk Healing in Early Christian Pediatric Medicine . . . . 235 Susan R. HOLMAN 11. From the Roman East into the Persian Empire: Theodoret of Cyrrhus and the Acts of Mar Mari on Parent-Child Relationships and Children’s Health . . . . . . . 257 Cornelia HORN 12. Daughters as Disasters? Daughters and Fathers in Ancient Judaism . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 289 Hagith SIVAN 13. The Construction of Elite Childhood and Youth in Fourth- and Fifth Century Antioch . . . . . . . 309 Ville VUOLANTO Bibliography . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 325 General Index . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 367 CATACOMBS AND HEALTH IN CHRISTIAN ROME Leonard V. RUTGERS 1. INTRODUCTION Whenever one tries to conjure up a mental image of daily life in ancient Rome, the mind’s eye inevitably filters in images derived from the massive architectural remains that have towered over the cityscape of Rome’s centro storico for the last two thousand years. Yet for all their splendor and no matter how proudly buildings like the Colosseum or the imperial palaces on the Palatine continue to rise towards the Mediterranean sky, there is one essential quality that all these structures lack: each and every one of them is an empty shell from which human life has vanished irrecoverably long ago. With such enormous architectural remains looming over us constantly, students of ancient Rome are inevitably left to wonder whether it is possible at all to still gain some sense of the human measure of things. Surprisingly enough, this is still possible. If one wants to achieve it, one should leave the city itself and prepare oneself to visit that other Rome — the one located outside the ancient city walls, the one formerly hidden away under the pastoral fields of the Campagna romana, but now largely engulfed by postwar urban sprawl. It is here that even today we are able to experience Rome as it once was, in the form of a truly awesome underground city of the dead that we know as the Jewish and early Christian catacombs of Rome. What is most striking about these vast subterranean sites is not their number, nor even the quality of the archaeological materials they still contain. It is rather the overall impression that these catacombs leave on whoever dares to enter them. As soon as one moves away from the well-lit areas commonly open to the general public, one passes into a silent, dark, and at times slightly unnerving realm that allows one to be transported back in time almost in an instant. The underground architecture that wholly envelops visitors, the artwork that lights up from the dark when touched by the beam of a torch, and the omnipresent mortal remains of the very people who constructed these sites 36 L.V. RUTGERS all force one to meditate on the trauma of loss and human suffering, on the creativity through which these people confronted the mystery of death, and on what, in the end, seems like a surprisingly short distance between us and them.1 To be sure, what I am describing here is not the musings of someone who has spent too much time underground, away from fresh air and regular daylight. The catacombs have always fascinated scholars to the extent that the fervor characteristic of so much previous scholarship on these sites can be explained, at least in part, precisely as deriving from the overpowering vastness of the evidence itself, its tangibility, and from the sort of common humanity that pervades these selfsame places. Over the centuries, some have regarded the catacombs as “arsenals of the faith” and as places where one goes to pray in an attempt to come closer to God through the intervention of some of early Christianity’s most celebrated martyrs. Others have used them thankfully yet unscrupulously as a hunting ground in their search for sellable antiquities and holy relics.2 And, more recently, still others have investigated them for more scholarly purposes, for example to elucidate the evolution of early Christian art.3 Although, therefore, there exist major differences in the approaches taken and in the methodologies embraced by past and current scholarship on the catacombs, there is one rather surprising idiosyncrasy that all such scholarship shares, namely that the catacombs have never been studied systematically from the perspective of historical demography. Even though, admittedly, there are a few excellent recent case studies that specifically address aspects of late antique demography on the basis of inscriptions from the catacombs, it remains undeniable that so far catacomb archaeology has remained virtually impervious to two major developments that have impacted the ways in which we study the past and that, consequently, have ramifications for the information we can still retrieve from that past.4 On the one hand, catacomb archaeology On the catacombs of Rome, see Pergola 1997; Rutgers 2000; Fiocchi Nicolai 2001. Ferretto 1942; Ghilardi 2003 and 2006. On the Jewish catacombs, Rutgers 1995: 1-49. 3 The literature on this is more than plentiful. Recent work includes Engemann 1997; Bisconti 1998; Rutgers 2000: 76-106; Jensen 2000; Zimmermann 2002; Provoost 2009: 87-141. 4 For a classic study, see Shaw 1996a. See now, however, the excellent contribution of Kyle Harper to this volume. Efforts to determine life expectancy on the basis 1 2 CATACOMBS AND HEALTH IN CHRISTIAN ROME 37 has thus far failed to develop much affinity with scientific archaeology in general and with modern physical anthropological analytical techniques in particular.5 The few exceptions that exist only help to confirm this rule.6 On the other hand, it has shown itself particularly oblivious to recent developments in ancient history, where a small revolution has taken place in the area of historical demography, starting in the early 1990s.7 It hardly needs stressing that this is a highly undesirable situation. After all, being the gigantic underground cemeteries they are, what are the catacombs of ancient Rome other than the very incarnation of a valuable and rich demographic archive frozen in time and crying out to be deciphered? In this paper, I propose to approach the catacombs in precisely such a fashion, namely as a demographic treasure-trove that allows one to gain a deeper understanding of the daily lives of not just the upper crust responsible for the marbled buildings referred to in the first paragraph, but of the nameless multitudes that so frequently remain beyond the purview of our historical reconstructions. For these are the people who, through sheer numbers, made up the core of Rome’s urban population in Late Antiquity and who, through conversion, are responsible for transforming the rise of Christianity into a historical reality. My approach will focus on a discussion of some results of dedicated research carried out in the Jewish and early Christian catacombs of Rome over of references to age at death in funerary inscriptions e.g. Sgarlata 1991 in reference to the catacombs of Syracuse and expanding on earlier work on Roman materials by Saint-Roch 1983 and Ferrua 1988 have been known to produce unreliable results since the publication of Hopkins’ seminal essay of 1966. The same holds true for such references in Jewish funerary inscriptions, see Rutgers 1995: 100-38. 5 Good monographic introductions abound, e.g. Chamberlain 2006; Roberts 2009; Mays 2010. As a result of the availability of new technologies such as DNA profiling, stable isotope analysis and others, there has been an explosion of exciting new research, with results that would have been unimaginable until very recently. Good examples of current work can be found in journals such as Nature, the Journal of Archaeological Science, the American Journal of Physical Anthropology, and the International Journal of Osteoarchaeology, and others. 6 Mancinelli, Vargiu 1994; Blanchard et al. 2007. Outside of Rome, and equally exceptional: Giuntella et al., 1991. 7 E.g. Bagnall, Frier 1994; Scheidel 2001b and 2007; Holleran, Pudsey 2011. Note that ancient historians interested in ancient demography have not been particularly keen on integrating into their studies the results of work in the area of physical archaeology. 38 L.V. RUTGERS the last decade or so by a team under my direction. Towards the end of this paper, I will then try to contextualize these results by discussing their possible meaning within the framework of current work on health and the rise of Christianity in Late Antiquity. 2. THE CATACOMBS OF ROME FROM THE PERSPECTIVE OF HISTORICAL DEMOGRAPHY If one seeks to extract information from the catacombs of ancient Rome from the perspective of historical demography, there are at least two effective ways of doing so. One way, of course, is to look at the bones. There is, however, also another way, and that is by investigating the underground architecture that encloses all these skeletal remains. Let me explain. The Jewish and early Christian catacombs in Rome are structurally identical in that they consist of long networks of subterranean galleries into the walls of which the tombs have been hollowed out. What matters about the standard version of these tombs, or loculi, is that they come in different in shapes and sizes. There is, of course, the adult version, but there are also smaller ones for the internment of adolescents, children, and even babies or infants. As it turns out, the fossores or diggers responsible for hollowing out these recesses were highly pragmatic people: since each and every grave had to be emptied out individually from the volcanic rock, at which point the resulting dirt and soil had to be carted out manually, often over long stretches of narrow and uneven underground galleries, graves were typically made no larger than required. When a child passed away, the fossores carved out a small grave only, when an adolescent died they dug a slightly bigger one, and so on.8 That such a state of affairs provides one with useful evidence for the purposes of historical demography became particularly evident when we began making an inventory of all the graves preserved in the two Jewish catacombs under the Villa Torlonia on the Via Nomentana.9 We surveyed some 3700 graves to discover (table 1), amongst other things, that the incidence of child mortality is in fact much higher than 8 On tomb typology in the catacombs, see Nuzzo 2000 who does not use the evidence for demographic purposes. 9 Rutgers 2006. 39 CATACOMBS AND HEALTH IN CHRISTIAN ROME a more cursory investigation of the galleries would seem to suggest: it was only by entering the evidence systematically into our data-base that we began to realize how many graves of the infant variety there really were. The reason why this is so important is that in archaeological contexts other than the catacombs, remains of children generally tend to be difficult to recover. This, in turn, may easily result in a skewed picture of a population’s demographic structure.10 TABLE 1. Tombs of infants and children versus those of adults as based on loculus size, Jewish Villa Torlonia catacombs VILLA TORLONIA Infants & Children Adults Not clear Region A 34.3% 64.2% 1.5% Region B 52.7% 46.5% 0.8% Region C 23% 75.2% 1.8% Region D 9.2% 86.8% 4% Region E 23.1% 76% 0.9% That the evidence on child mortality is invariably strong in the case of the Jewish catacombs of Villa Torlonia, is borne out by our results: 26% of all tombs fall into the pre-adulthood category. This turns out to be consistent with what ancient historians have been arguing for some time on the basis of their extrapolations from the Coale and Demeny Model Life Tables, namely that half of Rome’s urban population did not live to see its sixth birthday.11 The divergence in data that can be ascertained in the case of region D find their origin in the unique architectural features of this particular section in the Jewish Villa Torlonia catacombs.12 For that reason, region D cannot be used for the kind of extrapolations proposed here, simply because a direct 10 For a recent discussion of this widespread and well-known phenomenon, see e.g. Musco and Catalano 2010. 11 Hopkins 1966; Coale, Demeny 1983; Laes 2006: 20. 12 In contrast to the other regions, in region D graves were not hollowed out as required by demand. Rather, the area was developed systematically from the very beginning through the excavation of tombs of the adult variety only. These were constructed consistently, one on top of the other, at intervals that are amazingly regular. When children had to be buried, such tombs were subdivided, at least at times, into two through the erection of a separating wall that was built in the 40 L.V. RUTGERS relationship between tomb size and age of the deceased can no longer be established with any sense of certainty.13 When studied against the background of the information contained in the already mentioned Life Tables of Coale and Demeny, the evidence presented in table 1 also allows us to hypothesize about life expectancy within this community. It should be stressed that such hypothesizing results in rough indications only, in particular because the Life Tables operate on a system in which immigration and emigration as well as population growth are not allowed to play any role at all. Even so, the results presented in table 2 are still the most reliable way to try to determine one of the more important aspects of this population’s demography. TABLE 2. Life expectancy in the Jewish catacombs of Villa Torlonia in light of Coale and Demeny’s Model Life Tables. e(0): life expectancy in years at age 0 VILLA TORLONIA Females Males Region A West, level 2/3 e (0): 22.5 / 25.0 West, level 4 e (0): 25.3 Region B East, level 1 e (0): 20.0 West, level 1 e (0): 20.4 Region C + E West, level 7 e (0): 35.0 West level 8/9 e (0): 34.9 / 37.3 Region D West, level 15 e(0): 55.0 West, level 16 e (0): 54.2 From table 2 it follows that for the people buried in the Jewish Villa Torlonia catacombs life expectancy ranges somewhere between 20 and 35 years of age. As always, such a low life expectancy cannot be taken to imply that no one in the Jewish community of ancient Rome ever grew middle on the inside of the tomb. Systematic planning of such a nature is unusual in the both the Jewish and early Christian catacombs of Rome. 13 As for the regions A-C and E, we are currently trying to determine a “stepby-step” chronology of the galleries, to see whether we can identify demographic changes over time. Such efforts turn out to be quite difficult, however, because the archaeological materials contained in these galleries do not allow for a precise dating. Further work on the calibration curve of the radiocarbon data that we generated may turn out to be helpful in this respect. CATACOMBS AND HEALTH IN CHRISTIAN ROME 41 old. Those who passed those crucial childhood years certainly did. Among the Jews buried here average life expectancy was so low simply because child mortality was so high. Besides, even though such life expectancies are clearly sobering from a modern point of view, they are not when seen from the proper historical perspective: in modern Italy, around the year 1860, average life expectancy was still hovering around 30.5 years of age.14 In any case, there can be no doubt that from a demographic perspective rabbinic literature reflects a lived reality when it observes that “at thirty” a man reaches the age for entering one’s “full strength,” “at forty” the age “for understanding,” “at fifty for council, at sixty” a man attains “old age,” “at seventy the hoary head, at eighty strength, at ninety (he bends beneath) the weight of years, and at hundred he is as if he were already dead and had passed away from the world.”15 On a more general level, however, results such as these still raise questions about how reliable or typical the data really are. To find out, we proceeded to perform exactly the same type of tabulation survey in the so-called Liberian Region in the early Christian Catacombs of St. Callixtus on the Appian Way.16 Although roughly the same size in terms of circumference, the Liberian region differs from the Jewish catacombs of Villa Torlonia with regard to its subterranean architecture: in general, the galleries tend to be higher and in certain areas the graves tend to be parsed out more unevenly, to the point of being a real hodgepodge. As a result, there is a higher concentration of graves. In addition, the Liberian region is also more monumental with regard to the cubicula or burial rooms it contains: there are more of them, they are larger, and, predictably, they also contain more graves than do their Jewish counterparts. As a result, we were able to expand on the total number of tombs to be included in this survey, namely 5164.17 Considering all of this, it was all the more interesting to note that once we started entering our survey-data into our data-base, a pattern emerged (table 3) that turned out to be strikingly similar to the one recorded for the Jewish catacombs under Villa Torlonia. Duggan 1994: 147. Mishnah, Avot 5:21. 16 De Rossi 1864-67; Rutgers et al. 2009, which includes an up-to-date map. 17 Van der Linde 2008: 53-96. With regard to chronology of the individual galleries, the same situation applies as in Villa Torlonia: we are working on a stepby-step chronology, but such a chronology is in fact quite hard to produce. 14 15 42 L.V. RUTGERS TABLE 3. Tombs of infants versus those of non-infant children and adults as based on loculus size, Liberian region, catacombs of St. Callixtus CALLIXTUS Region A Region B Region C Region D Gallery H Cubicula Infants Non-infant child Adults 1.5% 3.9% 1.6% 4.2% 3.9% 8.6% 17.9% 31.8% 19.2% 27.8% 32.6% 30.5% 79.7% 61% 72.7% 54.2% 59,1% 59.8% As is evident from the figures presented in this third table, 27% of the graves belong, once again, to the pre-adulthood type. As a result, life expectancies here can be said to be remarkably similar to the ones posited for the Jewish Villa Torlonia catacombs. Table 4 contains an overview of life expectancy in the catacombs of St. Callixtus. It combines the evidence presented in table 3 with the data contained in Coale and Demeny’s Life Tables. TABLE 4. Life expectancy in the early Christian catacombs of St. Callixtus (Liberian region) in light of Coale and Demeny’s Model Life Tables. e(0): life expectancy in years at age 0 CALLIXTUS Females Males Region A West, level 10 e (0): 42.5 West, level 412 e (0): 44.5 Region B East, level 3 e (0): 25 West, level 5 e (0): 27.7 Region C West, level 8 e (0): 37.7 West level 10 e (0): 39.7 Region D West, level 2 e (0): 22.5 West, level 3 e (0): 22.9 Gallery H West, level 3 e(0): 25 West, level 4 e (0): 25.3 Cubicula West, level 2 e (0): 22.5 West, level 4 e (0): 25.3 CATACOMBS AND HEALTH IN CHRISTIAN ROME 43 From the evidence presented in table 4 it follows that the early Christian population buried in this region of the catacombs of St. Callixtus experienced low levels of life expectancy. As in the Jewish catacombs of Villa Torlonia, such low levels resulted directly from high levels of mortality early on in life. Again, this does not mean that the people buried at St. Callixtus never grew old. In fact, this time there is independent evidence in the form of skeletal data to demonstrate that they did, for example in the case of persons who can be shown to have died in their early eighties, as demonstrable on the basis of a tooth cementum annulation analysis of their teeth.18 Equally striking about data contained in table 4 is the fact that life expectancy for this early Christian population is so surprisingly similar to the one documented for the Jewish population buried at Villa Torlonia. Such a state of affairs has several interesting ramifications that will be explored in a moment. What matters here is to observe that this provides an answer to our initial query and allows for the conclusion that the evidence from the Jewish catacombs at Villa Torlonia is not atypical at all. Nor does it seem coincidental that still other evidence points in precisely the same direction. In the hypogeum of Trebius Justus on the Via Latina a circumscribed skeletal population has recently been investigated by physical anthropological means (the hypogeum of Trebius Justus is justly famous for the wall paintings that grace this fourth-century set of subterranean tombs of uncertain religious affiliation). Named investigations have revealed mortality patterns that are strikingly similar to the ones we have just observed in the Jewish and early Christian catacombs of Rome. In the burial rooms that make up the hypogeum of Trebius Justus more than half of the population also passed away before reaching the age of 22.19 In light of this combined and statistically significant evidence, it stands to reason to argue that the comparability in child mortality rates between these diverse collections of evidence cannot be accidental. In fact, it may be used to extrapolate or at least to hypothesize about what life expectancy was like for large segments of the urban populace, particularly when it came to children and the harsh reality of high frequencies in child mortality. In addition, such evidence also 18 19 Van der Linde 2008: 110-11. Catalano et al. 2004: 107-31, esp. fig. 104. 44 L.V. RUTGERS allows one to reflect on interreligious interaction from a more general historical perspective. Specifically, the similarity in life expectancy between these two (or possibly three) religiously divergent populations can and should be seen as a function of the integration of the Jews into the texture of late antique Roman non-Jewish society. When it came to the physiology of life and death, Jews, pagans, and Christians confronted the same sort of realities in ancient and late ancient Rome. The reason they did so is simple: instead of living wholly separated lives, they intermingled all the time. That this should be so is not really surprising. After the Jews had first settled in Trastevere in the same way as many other immigrant populations flocking to Rome, they started to take up residence in other parts of the ancient city, as evidenced by the location of their catacombs. Being situated in close proximity to the communities that patronized them, these Jewish catacombs may be found to the southeast, the south-west, and to the north of the ancient city.20 Such topographic evidence is indicative of the fact that from as early as the first century onwards, Roman Jews were living all over town in neighborhoods that were ethnically and culturally diversified; and precisely this explains why they were prone to the same diseases and suffered from the same low life-expectancy rates as everybody else.21 High population density meant that infectious diseases could travel quickly and easily, and that little could be done to protect oneself against them.22 When seen from a purely demographic perspective, the integration of the Jews of ancient Rome into contemporary society appears to have been nothing short of utter and complete. Such a On the catacombs: Rutgers 1995: 30-42. On immigration and the location of the Jewish communities Noy 2000. On immigration, Killgrove 2010: 11-38 who presents exciting new insights arrived at through stable isotope analysis (strontium and oxygen). 21 On the early dating of the catacombs, see Rutgers et al. 2006. 22 The classic essay on how the urban ecosystem impacted disease is by Scobie 1986. Morley 2005 attempts to weigh up the evidence. Only a systematic study of skeletal populations can throw more light on the question of how insanitary daily life really was in a city such as Rome. For an excellent example of such a study, see the discussion in Killgrove 2010: 99-146, who notes that her populations (partly suburban and partly intra-urban) are relatively healthy and who duly notes that not all diseases leave traces on the bone. Van der Linde’s 2008 study of the catacombs, using dental data in particular, is clearly more negative on the issue of how healthy this urban population really was, see the main text below. 20 CATACOMBS AND HEALTH IN CHRISTIAN ROME 45 state of affairs stands in marked contrast to the situation that confronted the Roman-Jewish community a millennium later: evidence relating to that group suggests that once the Jewish community had been locked away behind the walls of a ghetto, starting in 1555 and ending only in 1870, they suffered less from malaria than did their non-Jewish contemporaries — a rather unexpected side-effect of later papal policy towards the Jews.23 While an approach to the demography of ancient Rome based on tomb-size in the catacombs allows for significant conclusions such as the one we have just discussed, it goes without saying that, inevitably, it carries with it certain limitations as well. First, even though tombs generally appear to have been used only once, the number of recorded children is probably still too low simply because one cannot exclude the possibility of juveniles occasionally ending up in adult tombs. As an example, we have observed cases where a woman and a young child were buried together in a single adult grave — a moving instance of what most likely has to be interpreted as a mother and baby dying in childbirth or shortly thereafter, either together or one after the other.24 Secondly, the use of the Coale and Demeny Life Tables discussed earlier is beset by several interpretational problems. For example, while these Life Tables relate to stable populations, there can be little doubt that Rome was a city of immigrants to the extent that it needed a continuous stream of newcomers in order to avoid negative population growth. Thirdly and most importantly, an exclusive focus on the funerary architecture of the catacombs alone can provide us only with a generic demographic framework. For more particular information, one needs to inspect the content of these tombs as well, that is the skeletal remains. Within the framework of this paper, a full discussion of the skeletal evidence we have studied so far in the Liberian Region of the early Christian catacombs of St. Callixtus by physical anthropological means is not possible. Suffice it to say here that such a micro-level 23 Salares 2002: 201-34. On cleanliness in the ghetto in general, but without reference to malaria or mortality, Stow 2012. 24 In gallery D 6, Northern Wall, grave III.3. In fact, loculi for families (one would assume) and consisting of two interconnected spaces for adults and one for a child, which is normally located at the back of the loculus, are fairly common throughout the Liberian Region. 46 L.V. RUTGERS analysis carries with it an enormous potential for future research. As an example, during a systematic investigation of the dental remains of no less than 360 individuals in the Liberian Region of the catacombs of St. Callixtus, it could effectively be shown that children in the age-bracket between two and six years of age had frequent health problems, possibly as a result of or in connection with weaning, as evidenced by the placement of hypoplasia lesions on their teeth.25 Comparison with data from other Roman-period archaeological sites throughout Italy produces rather similar results and indicates that outside of Rome too life must have been quite stressful for children.26 In short, while both the architecture of the catacombs as well as the physical anthropology of the remains they contain point into the same direction, it is evident that further work on skeletal populations will be of crucial importance to help flesh out the harsh demographic realities that lie behind the already quite straightforward survey data presented here in tables 1 through 4. Such work should also allow us to contextualize our data and reflect further upon their possible meaning, which is a topic to which we must now turn. 3. RODNEY STARK’S RISE OF CHRISTIANITY In 1996 the sociologist Rodney Stark published his highly original Rise of Christianity. Drawing on Rational Choice Theory, Stark argued that Christianity’s success should be understood not merely in terms of faith or the appeal of its beliefs, but through social mechanisms that shape human behavior. According to this view, conversion to Christianity happened through networks, and it was the strength of these networks as well as their inherent capacity for exponential growth that grounded Christianity’s rise to prominence. It was at this point that demographic considerations entered into Stark’s equation. To bolster an already problematic parametric growth model, Stark argued that Christianity’s rapid expansion was facilitated further by significantly higher survival rates. This would be the result of early Christian charity; Stark thought such a scenario likely because of medical experts who “believe that conscientious nursing 25 26 Van der Linde 2008: 99-133. Van der Linde 2008: 171-202. CATACOMBS AND HEALTH IN CHRISTIAN ROME 47 without medications could cut the mortality rate by two-thirds or even more.” According to such a scheme of things, Christianity is believed to have increased vastly even without conversion. After all, a further disintegration of pagan social networks was now inevitable, as was a general increase in admiration for Christianity. As a result of this new demographic reality — one in which pagans were emotionally completely adrift, that is, if they were lucky enough to survive at all — further conversions to Christianity were no longer a matter of time, but an inescapable actuality.27 Very similar ideas now surface in Stark’s mass-market The Triumph of Christianity, which was published in 2011 and which likewise typifies Christianity as an “island of mercy and security.”28 There are at least three reasons to argue that such a view of things is, in fact, highly inaccurate. First of all, passages in the works of such contemporaries as Cyprian of Carthage and Dionysus of Alexandria indicate that early Christians were not less likely to die than anyone else, for example during the plague of 250 C.E. Cyprian observes that Christians were upset about this, not because they had come to expect higher survival rates, but simply because in this fashion “the just were dying with the unjust.”29 In addition, while early Christian charity is likely to have been a driving force in the emergence of that typically late antique phenomenon, the hospital, our evidence is far too sparse and inconsistent to be able to determine whether such institutions had a lasting effect on the health of people in the later Roman Empire generally. This is especially so because in-patient care of non-monastics does not seem to have been a regular feature of the monasteries where these early hospitals first came into existence.30 A related question, and equally difficult to ascertain, is how accessible Christian healthcare was in financial terms. As in all ages, doctors had to be paid, as is evident from an early Christian funerary inscription from Stark 1996: 4-13 and 73-94. Stark 2011: 105-19; 153-65. Comparable also is Avalos 1999 who argues that Christianity succeeded in attracting converts because of the accessibility of its health care system. 29 As keenly observed by Muir 2006: 221. Cyprian, Mort. 8 and Eusebius, HE 7, 22. 30 On hospitals, see Van Minnen 1995, discussing evidence from Egypt in particular, where the data are best. And see Brown 2002: 33-4; Horden 2004 and Crislip 2005. 27 28 48 L.V. RUTGERS Rome commemorating a medicus ingeniosus who prided himself for his lack of cupidity versus anyone.31 Whenever doctors say this did not happen, as in the case of a long metric inscription from Rome that celebrates the exploits of a certain Dionysius who “despised the dirty profit of payment” and who “when the sick came to him gave them everything for free” one must assume that we are looking at an example of early Christian rhetoric and ideology, and not just at a neutral and matter-of-fact rendition of how this devoted man lived his eventful life.32 In the end, there is only one thing we know for certain, and that is that during this time, medical knowledge did not undergo any radical transformation at all, but, if anything, had a tendency to stagnate, at least insofar as medical theorizing was concerned.33 Second, there is a massive amount of modern empirical scholarship on the interrelationship between social networks and health.34 It is true that according to this scholarship, health benefits can accrue from being a participant in such social networks. We now have firm evidence to suggest, for example, that people living in a relationship of whatever meaningfulness are generally healthier than people who live alone — single men being especially at risk of dying younger. Yet, crucially, it is in the nature of such networks that they do not discriminate against what they disseminate: smoking, drinking, substance abuse, even depression and obesity have been shown to move forward along the lines of social networks. It hardly needs stressing that this notion, by which the network functions as a facilitator, holds 31 ICUR 5.13800: hic iacet amicus et caru[s omnibus ---] / medecus ingeniosus pru[dens --- o]/peribus / non cupidus ne[mini] / cuius beneficia omnibus cop[iosa fuerunt vixit annis] / p(lus) m(inus) LXX depositus pridie i[---]. Discussed by Flügel 2006: 124. The transcription included here follows ICUR. 32 ICUR 7.18661. And see Flügel 2006: 130-1 who also discusses the biblical imagery embedded in this inscription, describing it (p. 151) as a unique (and therefore atypical) case. There is circumstantial evidence suggesting that being a doctor was a popular profession in early Christian circles, see Schultze 2005: 144-54. Around 5-10 % of all doctors (pagan as well as early Christian) appear to have been women, see Schultze 2005: 139-43. For a Jewish female physician, see Josephus, Vita 37. The practice of Jewish female doctors continued into the Middle Ages, see Shatzmiller 1994: 108-12. 33 Nutton 2004: 292-309. And see Amundsen and Ferngren 1986 and Ferngren and Amundsen 1996. 34 Smith, Christakis 2008. CATACOMBS AND HEALTH IN CHRISTIAN ROME 49 particularly true in the case of infectious diseases, where simple human contact is a prime agent.35 Without proper medical care of the kind absent in pre-modern societies, there is very little one can do against such contagious diseases as tuberculosis or the plague, and once again, it is the ancient sources themselves that explicitly indicate that this is what in fact happened. Thus the same Dionysus of Alexandria notes how those visiting the sick “became infected with the affliction of others” to the point that “the best of the brethren among us departed from life in this manner.”36 In dramatic situations such as these, it is evident that a network characterized by strong communal solidarity had the potential to work as much against a community as in favor of it, simply because collateral health effects could as easily be negative as they could be beneficial. Third and last, rather than erecting an edifice on a foundation consisting of scattered ancient sources or some grand theory, I prefer to give pride of place to the patterns that emerge from that data themselves, that is, from our survey of the 9.300 tombs in the Jewish and early Christian catacombs of Rome. I argued above that the absence of any noticeable differences in life expectancy between the Jewish and non-Jewish populations in ancient Rome can be interpreted as a function of the societal integration of those Roman Jews. A quick look at a summary of the evidence presented earlier in tables 2 and 4 will help to visualize one final time how similar the data deriving from these two collections of evidence really are (table 5). TABLE 5. Comparison of average life expectancy among Jews and Christians in ancient Rome as derived from evidence preserved in the Villa Torlonia and Callixtus catacombs (a summary of tables 2 and 4) Life expectancy averages e=0 Jewish Early Christian Female Male 27 27.4 29.1 30.5 It hardly needs stressing that the argument about societal integration of the Jews works the other way as well, that is, a very similar argument can be developed with regard to the early Christian community 35 36 Empirical evidence for this in Smith, Christakis 2008: 414-15. Eusebius, HE 7, 22. 50 L.V. RUTGERS of late ancient Rome. We have seen that high child mortality resulting in low general life expectancy was something Rome’s early Christian community shared with their non-Christian contemporaries. Such a resemblance tells us something about the social and cultural matrix characteristic of the larger urban context in which all of these early Christians lived and in which they participated: they were doing the same things and, consequently, were attaining the same results as everyone else (i.e. their health care was not better when it came to battling child mortality). No less significantly, Rome’s early Christians inherited the documented mortality patterns from a pagan past from which Christianity emerged in a drawn-out social process characterized not by radical change alone, but by continuity and compromise as well. While they may have been a little less thirsty and felt a bit more loved, from a purely physiological point of view, Christianity did not have anything more to offer than other religious communities or social groups in the ancient world — at least not in this life. In fact, if anything, the figures presented in tables 2 and 4 show that demographers have been right all along when they argue that large cities such as Rome were populations sinks or black holes — that is, cities whose continued existence depended on permanent streams of immigrants who could help the existing urban population to avoid negative population growth.37 Populations with a life expectancy as low as 20 years of age (as in region B in the Jewish Villa Torlonia catacomb) cannot sustain themselves and need newcomers.38 Several of the regions in both the Jewish and early Christian catacombs of Rome discussed here come terribly close to that fatal boundary, particularly when one realizes that the incidence of child mortality must have been still higher than the figures presented here, as I have observed. Whatever difference Christianity made in the city of Rome, it surely was not in the area of health or (more precisely) life expectancy. Obviously, this is not to say that the importance of caring for the sick as promoted within the context of early Christian charitable activities never impressed or impacted contemporaries, let alone that we understand the demography of early Christianity perfectly or that E.g. Purcell 1999, 141; Salares 2002: 273-78. Such low expectancies may result from a high incidence of malaria, see Salares 2002: 278. 37 38 CATACOMBS AND HEALTH IN CHRISTIAN ROME 51 an approach via a study of the tombs alone is sufficient. If, for example, the uniqueness of the new and exciting stable isotope data from the Liberian Region has shown us anything, then it is surely that more dedicated research is necessary in the field of physical anthropology, and that such research makes sense only when Christian remains are contextualized properly, synchronically as well as diachronically.39 We are clearly still very much at the beginning of things. Still, the new evidence from the catacombs that I have presented here is consistent with all the literary evidence we have: insofar as the late ancient city of Rome is concerned, there is no sign at all that Christianity brought about a revolutionary chance in terms of life expectancy. No matter how appealing Stark’s overarching theory concerning the demographic background of Christianity’s rise to prominence may appear at first sight, all the primary evidence we now have indicates that it is wrong. 4. CONCLUSION Whatever insights future research will succeed in producing, one final conclusion seems pretty evident already now, namely that Christianity did not owe its rise to higher survival rates, at least not in Rome. It is a rather different scenario that seems to apply. Being subject to the same demographic mechanisms as anybody else, Roman Christianity did well as long as the continuous stream of immigrants continued to replenish and replace an inner-urban population suffering from life expectancy rates that were terribly low (incidentally, the same holds true for the Jewish community in Rome during this period). Once the Empire began to come apart, however, and travel became more hazardous and commerce more difficult, an already delicate demographic balance was disturbed, and population figures began to drop.40 By the time of Gregory the Great’s accession to the Rutgers et al. 2009. For a general discussion of the size of the population in the city of Rome in Late Antiquity, see Purcell 1999. Changes in the location, size, and nature of burials around Rome start as early as the early fifth century, see, for the most recent overview and discussion, Fiocchi Nicolai 2012. And see the contributions of Laes and Harper in this volume. 39 40 52 L.V. 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