Revista
Pléyade
NÚMERO 8 | JULIO-DICIEMBRE 2011 | ISSN: 0718-655X
DOSSIER
“Poder y soberanía: Lecturas teológico-políticas”
Ely Orrego
Teología Política: El nuevo paradigma de la soberanía y el poder
ARTÍCULOS
John P. McCormick
Del Catolicismo Romano al Leviatán: Sobre las disyunciones teológico-políticas
en el pensamiento weimariano de Schmit
Nathan Van Camp
Hannah Arendt and Political Theology: A Displaced Encounter
Daniel Nichanian
Carl Schmit, Saint Paul and Paradoxical Truth
Tomas Borovinsky
Escatología, política y administración a partir de la obra de Alexandre Kojève:
El problema del “in de la historia”
Emmanuel Taub
Universalidad y mesianismo: Para una teología política desde el pensamiento
de Hermann Cohen
Rodrigo Karmy
El ángel de la modernidad. La igura del Ángel en el pensamiento contemporáneo
Manfred Svensson
Hobbes, Spinoza y Locke sobre la herejía
Emanuele Coccia
El mito de la biografía, o sobre la imposibilidad de toda teología política
Fabián Ludueña
Poder Pneumático. Una reconsideración del problema teológico-político
Alfonso Galindo
Por una política sin teología política
Entrevistas
Miguel Vater
Pensar la política desde la Teología Política (Entrevistado por Ely Orrego)
Samuel Weber
Theology, Economy and Critique (Interviewed by Diego Rossello)
Reseñas
Pablo Pavez
Qué hacer con el vivir… (Qué signiica volver a vivir). Lecturas y pre-textos a
propósito de “Políticas de la interrupción. Ensayos sobre Giorgio Agamben”.
Rodrigo Karmy (ed.), Ediciones Escaparate. 2011.
James Martel
Miguel Vater, ed. “Crediting God: Sovereignty and Religion in the Age of
Global Capitalism.” Fordham University Press. 2011.
REVISTA PLÉYADE 8/ ISSN: 0718-655X / JULIO-DICIEMBRE 2011 / PP. 199-211
Theology, Economy and Critique
(Interviewed by Diego Rossello)*
Samuel Weber**
Northwestern University
ABSTRACT
In this interview, Samuel Weber, Avalon Professor of the Humanities at Northwestern
University and Paul de Man Chair at the European Graduate School, discusses his
latest work on theological economy. Professor Weber draws on Walter Benjamin´s essay
“Capitalism as Religion” to suggest a link between the Christian conception of guilt, and
the capitalist understanding of debt. According to Weber, since debt and guilt share the
need for redemption, an economic crisis not only reveals inancial anxieties, but also
religious ones. Professor Weber also discusses the implications of theological economy for
critical theory, in the works of Karl Marx, Theodor Adorno and, specially, Jacques Derrida.
Keywords: Theology, Economy, Critique, Benjamin, Derrida.
Diego Rossello (DR): The question of political theology features
prominently in several of your essays and books. However, in some of
your latest essays you turn to relect upon the links between economy and
theology. In your view, which are the links between political theology and
theological economy that you ind more thought-provoking?
Samuel Weber (SW): It’s true that in recent years I have come to the
conclusion that the questions posed by “political theology” beneit by
being connected with what I, and many others, have called “economic
theology”. Political theology, at least insofar as it has been associated with
the work of Carl Schmit, construes “modern” political theory in general,
* Diego Rossello is assistant professor of political theory at the Pontiicia Universidad Catolica
de Chile. He is now working on the translation of Samuel Weber’s essays into Spanish. His
article: “Hobbes and the Wolf-Man: Melancholy and Animality in Modern Sovereignty” is
forthcoming in New Literary History. E-Mail:
[email protected]
** Samuel Weber is Avalon Professor of the Humanities at Northwestern University and Paul
de Man Chair at the European Graduate School (EGS). Professor Weber is a leading scholar
in the areas of literary criticism, critical theory, psychoanalysis and deconstruction. His latest
book, Benjamin’s Abilities, was published by Harvard University Press in 2008. A collection of his
essays on theological economy will soon appear in Spanish by Diego Portales University Press.
E-Mail:
[email protected]
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and the theory of the “secular” state in particular, as informed by many
of the concepts of theology, and in particular, Christian (and especially
Catholic) theology. For instance, the executive “decision” to suspend the
constitution in the “state of exception” is, according to Schmit, heir to the
Catholic notion of the “miracle”. But Schmit believes that the development
of bourgeois “economics” with its (Max Weberian) rationality of calculation,
quantiication and instrumentalization, is fundamentally opposed to and
diferent from the tradition of political theology he is concerned with. By
contrast, Walter Benjamin, in his fragment, “Capitalism as Religion,” argues
that Capitalism itself is the heir to and continuation of a certain religious
tradition, which he identiies above all with Christianity, both Catholic
and Protestant. In contrast to Max Weber, however, Benjamin argues
that Protestantism (Calvinism) did not merely “promote” and further
Capitalism but actually developed into Capitalism, which, he wrote, seeks
to address “the same cares and concerns” that traditional religions sought
to address. The notion of “economic theology” strikes me as useful in
developing Benjamin’s suggestive but unelaborated insight (although all
of his later work can be seen as an implicit elaboration and exploration of
the connection between Capitalism and Christian Theology). The “cares
and troubles” addressed by traditional religions Benjamin associated with
“guilt”: Capitalism, he argued, was the irst religion that did not seek to
provide a solution to the problem of guilt, to de-culpabilize, but rather to
universalize it. But if this is true, it means that modern politics, insofar as
it is increasingly dominated by capitalism –today, by inance capitalism on
a global scale– has to be understood in the context of a tradition that treats
guilt in a very particular way– particular, because this tradition is not in its
origins global: it claims universal validity but is itself associated with what
is called the “religions of the Book,” the Biblical religions and hence with
various forms of monotheism. This I think is important: it is the Logic of a
Universal and self-identical theos, a Creator God, that is the origin of Guilt,
and hence at the origin of Economic Theology and the political (but also
cultural) tradition it informs. The problem is quite simply this: if God is One
and the Same, Self-Identical, and above all, immortal –or rather beyond Life
and Death– then mortality, which characterizes all living beings qua living,
and initude, which characterizes all beings qua singular, whether animate
or inanimate, has to be explained in a way that does not call into question
the unity, unicityand self-identity of their divine origin. In the First Book
of Genesis, or Moses, this is explained through the “fall”: which is to say,
through the transgressive action of Adam and Eve (but especially Eve) in
eating from the Tree of the Knowledge of Good and Evil. Their transgression
is the origin of Guilt, and it is their Guilt that “explains” the arrival of death,
mortality, sufering and scarcity into a Creation that with previously free of
all such features. Guilt, then, describes the “loss” of the original “oikos” –
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Eden– through the violation of its divine “nomos”. Christianity, by contrast,
promises the recovery of that oikos, once again by a deliberate act of selfsacriice: that of God in Christ and of Christ in His Cruciixion. Through this
deliberate, volitional act of self-sacriice, the Self can be “saved” or beter,
“redeemed” from its debt and guilt: what was lost by Adam will thus be
redeemed (note the conversion of economic and theological discourse) in
Christ– or if you prefer, through the Messiah (although in the later case,
the form of redemption is less “concrete,” less tied to an individual, visible
igure and body).
Let me translate this narrative into more structural categories:
economic theology, as I have just described its mythical infrastructure,
depends on a notion of identity, of the Self, as relecting, or mirroring,
the unity of the one Creator-God. This God is outside of time and space,
but nevertheless has to communicate with both, since they are both of
His Creation. Everything Created, as the House Father speculates about
Odradek in Kaka’s tale, seems to have been created with a purpose, a
meaning, and hence as inite: but the identity of the creature, if it is to truly
relect its origins, must in someway remain self-identical in and through
all alterations of time and space, which is to say, despite its singularity
and its initude. Economic Theology thus seeks to provide a framework in
which to resolve this “problem” –which however is not strictly a problem
of theological dogma at all, but a very prosaic problem of how identity is
construed and conceived. In the tradition of Economic Theology, and of the
Political Theology informed by it, such identity is conceived as somehow
recovering the meta-temporal, meta-spatial quality of its divine origin, and
this even in “secular” societies –and perhaps especially in such cultures,
since they take for granted the compatibility of this notion of identity and
the Self with a world of immanence and initude.
In such a secular world –”secular” here marking, as already mentioned,
the extension of the theological rather than a radical alternative to it–
the speculative-specular movement of Capital is not simply, as Schmit
(and perhaps Max Weber) thought, a mere quantiication of a previously
qualitative tradition, but rather also its culmination: money, and monetary
(inancial) “value” ostensibly “materializes” a relationship that places
singular beings and phenomena in relation to a process that can never be
entirely reduced to phenomenally, but also never entirely separated from
it (any more than “exchange-value” can be entirely separated from “usevalue” in traditional political economy, including Marx). This problematic
but indissoluble conjunction is relected in the peculiarly American –but
to some extent also bourgeois– tendency to separate “economic” discourse
from “political” and “cultural” –”spiritual”– maters: a separation that
has contributed to the ease with which inance capital has taken control of
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political processes in the United States, and increasingly in other parts of
the world.
DR: You seem to suggest, with Benjamin, that the “secular” economy is not
an alternative to the theological, but rather an extension of it. According to
your argument then, capitalist economy would be a kind of extension of
theology by other means, namely, a “secular” redescription of the “cares
and troubles” addressed by traditional religions now reformulated in terms
of money, credit, debt, etc. In this context, money (and the inancial system)
would be a kind of medium where the Self rises and falls (sufers ups and
downs) in such a way that evokes (or perhaps even repeats) Christian
anxiety towards salvation. Do you see a link between the “ups and downs”
of the economy and the question of salvation as conceived by Christianity?
SW: Your irst point marks for me the real insight of Benjamin: Capitalism
is not simply promoted by Protestantism, especially in its Calvinist version,
as Max Weber had argued, but rather preserves some of the essential
tendencies and functions of Theology –and I believe not just of “theology”
or of “religion” but more particularly of Christianity– although it obviously
has implications for all Biblically based religions.
The key to the familial continuity, but also change –Benjamin writes
of Capitalism as “heir” to Christianity– is the notion of “guilt”, which in
German, and following Nietzsche’s discussion in the Second Book of his
Genealogy of Morals, is also associated with “debts” (Schuld - Schulden),
which Benjamin argues is universalized in Capitalism, and at the same time,
and consequently, deprived of the perspective of “redemption” (Erlösung).
Today, just at a moment when the question of the redeemability of public
and private debt appears to be threatening the very credibility and stability
of the established political, economic and juridical order –in short when the
danger of “default” appears not just to threaten private debt (enterprises,
banks etc.) but also the public institutions that seek to “guarantee” the
functioning of that order –so-called “sovereign debt”– at a moment when
Sovereignty itself is thereby called into question –the insight of Benjamin
developed in the early years of the Weimar Republic seems particularly
apposite, not to see prophetic. So we are discussing here not just abstract
theoretical issues –which I would be the last to belitle– but at the same
time eminently practical and topical ones. What seems to me most oten
overlooked in discussions of these issues, both theoretical and practical, is
a point that Marx never ceased to return to, and that Derrida in his own
way ampliied: namely, that the “economy” –whether religious or secular,
Christian or Capitalist– is ultimately based on the notion of “appropriation”
and in particular, “private” appropriation of wealth. Here is where Max
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Weber’s insight into the connection between Protestantism and Capitalism
is important, for Protestantism takes the “personalist” perspective of
redemption and privatizes it, so to speak, as a protest against the abuses of
the collective “universal” Church.
But “private” implies “singular” and as already noted, living beings qua
singular are inevitably inite, i.e. mortal. This augments the tension between
the mortal, inite individual, who in the Biblical and Christian perspective
is mortal as a punishment for his transgression act –”original sin”– and the
perspective of an original structure of life as emanating from an Eternal
Creator God, who is above Life and Death. “Guilt” –and subsequently
“debt”– then becomes the necessary “down” –the “fall”– required for man
to “arise” and return to a quasi-Edenic state. The fall is as “fortunate” as
one’s debt: in the U.S. someone without a “credit history” is a non-person,
at least from a inancial perspective (and not only that). But Debt is not
equal to Credit: Credit, as the etymology of the word says, requires “belief”
–belief that one’s guilt and debts can and will be redeemed, that the sheet
will ultimately be balanced and indeed show a positive “return”. All of the
concepts of bourgeois economy, of double bookkeeping, are theological
(and primarily Christian) concepts (despite the early ban on usury). The
Christian fascination with the usurious Jew is the symptom of the uncanny
proximity of Christian redemption to inancial speculation: which means,
to the shadow of a speculation that is never “risk-free”, never sure of its
redemptive conclusion. Jewish Messianism tends to place the redemptive
return in an uncertain future. The uncertain of the future, however –one
could say, from the perspective of the living individual, an ultimately
inevitable uncertainty– is precisely one of the dangers that “religions”,
according to Benjamin, were invented to address –and to assuage.
But “danger” is always, as Freud in Inhibitions, Symptom, Anxiety
emphasizes, is always danger for and to a system, an organization. And the
systemic organization that Christianity has helped to establish is one that
construes identity, and the Self, as capable of staying the same over time. To
stay the same over time, however, is to resist the efects of entropy, of a time
that wears individuals down and out rather than providing the medium
of their fulillment and recovery. This I think is the secular correlative to
those “ups and downs” to which you refer: time becomes a medium of
mortality through guilt; through credit it becomes the medium of possible
redemption.
From the Christian, and even more, Capitalist perspective, the Upsand-Downs (of the Boethian Wheel of Fortune) are thus both inevitable,
and also salutary, since they alone provide the possibility of the survival
of this Self. This is a paradigm that is present in the Biblical religions as
the notion of the purgative Apocalypse, the Last Judgment, but also in
its secular opponents as the notion of Revolution, especially in its more
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nihilistic forms. Benjamin himself was very tempted by this nihilistic notion
of Revolution, which is why I have never been very atracted to his –or
any other– notion of Messianism. Hölderlin’s notion of Umkehr(inversion)
or Caesura is I believe quite diferent. Hölderlin therefore insists –in his
“Remarks on (Sophocles’) Antigone”– that a “total A turn-around (Umkehr)
in these things, as with turn-arounds in general, without anything to hold
on to, is not permited to humans as cognitive beings.”
The problem accordingly is to think Umkehr –turn around or about–
as something other than just “overturning” what is. But when Benjamin,
in “Capitalism as Religion,” insists that the speciicity of Capitalism is
that it includes God in the process of unredemptiveculpabilization, he
describes a situation that reveals the quandary of “globalization” today:
when everything becomes irremediably guilty and indebted, when Rating
Agencies like States, Corporations and Individuals, all appear equally
“guilty” and non-credible, this does two things: it calls the credibility of
credit itself into question, but at the same time causes so much anguish
and uncertainty that a widespread response is to seek a plausible “culprit”
to punish. As Nietzsche says, in an untranslatable phrase, “Where there is
a Tat (a deed), there must be a Täter” (a doer- but above all an evil-doer,
a “culprit”). This perpetuates the view of radical contingency as itself
the result of deliberate, conscious action. And therefore seems to justify
mobilization against the “culprits” –the “enemies”. If death is the result of
guilt, and as retribution inseparable from deliberate action, then everything
that is held to threaten the perennial status of the Self must be met with
force … and ultimately annihilated. It is just a question of inding the right
culprit, and the “media” are ready to guide people to the desired “target”.
DR: Your reading of Benjamin and Schmit suggests a doubling of theology.
On the one hand, Schmit´s political theology reclaims the centrality
of “secularized” theological notions for understanding the political.
On the other, Benjamin reclaims “secularized” theological notions for
understanding capitalist economy. Theology is therefore linked, at the same
time, to politics and economy. Theology becomes a kind of missing link,
a tertium quid, between politics and economy –a link that Marxism tried
to established somewhat obsessively, perhaps subordinating politics to
economy. Our exchange is therefore leading us to a kind of theologicalpolitical-economy whereby the notion of “sovereign-debt-guilt” can be
redeemed neither by the classic Marxist (materialist) understanding of
revolution nor by the Benjaminian (messianic) understanding of divine
violence. If theology continues to be the key of our contemporary politicaleconomy, how can we unplug from it? Is the notion of Umkehr that you
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propose via Hölderlin, a kind of negative theology? Can it be conceived
perhaps as “the other” of theology?
SW: There are so many diferent aspects to your remarks, and questions,
that I am not sure where to begin. Perhaps with the notion of “theology”:
in “Capitalism as Religion,” Benjamin doesn’t write much about “theology”
but about “religion” –or rather, “so-called religions”, leaving open the
question of whether there are “others” that would not simply be “so-called”,
i.e. which would be authentic without being so-called (this is a thought that
he explicitly stresses at the end of an earlier essay, “Dialogue on Religiosity
in the Present”, where one of the dialogue-partners argues for the necessity
of distinguishing a “religion of the time” from the “historical religions”). In
the “Capitalism as Religion” fragment, Benjamin characterizes Capitalism
as a religion of “cult” –which he elsewhere distinguishes from “ritual”. Cult
seems to have to do more with idolatry than ritual, but what distinguishes
both from “theology” is the practical nature of the practice involved.
Capitalism as Religion consists in the unrelenting and universalizing cult
of “culpabilization” and “indebtedness”, to the point where even “God”
is drawn into this eminently human practice. It is not “theological” in the
sense of consisting essentially in a series of dogmas –in a “theoretical”
system– but rather in the Kantian sense perhaps “practical”, as that which
by its very nature exceeds theoretical comprehension and cognition (but
which also can inform it).
But Benjamin, like Marx (and many others!) is much clearer about what
he wants to change than about how to change it –not just instrumentally,
but also in what direction a true alternative can be sought. In the period
during the First World War and the decade following it, references to
a positive alternative do oten invoke the name and certain concepts of
Hölderlin: Umkehr, Nüchternheit (heilig or other) and above all, Caesura –
suspensive interruption. But I think it would be a mistake to assimilate that
to a “negative theology”, when in fact it tries to present an alternative to
theology, negative as well as positive. As I read Benjamin –and certainly
there are many diferent and in part conlicting tendencies to his thinking
and writing– but what I value most in it, what I’ve learned most from, has to
do with what I would call a Kierkegaardian emphasis on the irreplaceability
and irreducibility of the Singular and Unique –which is not to be confused
necessarily with the theological tradition of monotheism. Indeed, I think
it can be argued –although Benjamin is much less clear on this– that
monotheism betrays the Singular by identifying it with a Universal and
Self-identical Being, with an exclusive Creator-God. To the extent that
this serves as a model of self and of self-identity, it cannot do justice to the
unique singularity of living beings, or of inanimate ones as well.
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Negative theology orients itself on that very Universality, however: it is
a dogma that seeks through negation to transcend initude: not this, not that,
etc. I think Benjamin’s notion of “interruption” (with respect to Brecht) or
Umkehr(with respect to Hölderlin, or indeed as an alternative to “Capitalism
as Religion”) seeks to do justice to situations –”constellations”– that deine
but also delimit the possibility of change, of “turn-around” or “-about”. This
deines the task and distinctive possibility of the “critic” –as which he saw
himself: not in the Schlegelian sense of constituting an ininite progression
but as bringing out what a given writer (such as Goethe) or age (such as
the German Baroque) precisely did not want to know about its problems,
yearnings and anxieties. But this is also why Benjamin paid such close
atention to his own writing style, and especially to the rhythm of its syntax,
his “way of meaning,” which suspends, interrupts, anticipates, repeats and
surprises but is rarely linearly continuous in its uterances. Of course it
helps to be able to follow his text in German, since such “nuances” –which
are in reality essential– tend oten to disappear or diminish in translation.
I think this interruptive-suspensive rhythm is in turn quite diferent from
the kind of divine intervention he describes in Toward A Critique of Violence,
in which the Clan of Korah is wiped out without a trace, once and for all;
and it is also diferent from the continuity of temporal disintegration that
he describes in what Adornolabeled his “Political-Theological Fragment”.
Benjamin was not at all immune to a Nihilistic temptation, it seems to me:
he assumes and asserts its value, as did many others in the period in which
he was writing. Understandable perhaps given that period, which it is easy
to forget or ignore or simplify today –but which we do at our peril, given
similar tendencies that are at work.
But there is another question that complicates any atempt at a
straightforward answer to your questions: it is the increasingly problematic
status of the basic concepts on which we rely, and on which your remarks
also rely, necessarily perhaps. “Politics,” “economy,” “theology”, “religion”.
Take “politics”: to what extent is it dependent upon a notion of place –
namely as “container”– that is increasingly tenuous today, in view of the
interacting development of the technology of “communication” and travel,
as well as the digitization of relations through the electronic media? And
the same is true of “economy”: the oikos like the polis are both, it seems to
me, not just historically dependent on that notion of place qua container
that has been in the process of transformation for centuries, while at the
same time producing very strong and oten dangerous counter-reactions,
fueled by anxiety and channeled into aggressivity. I think the historical
lesson to be learned from both Marx and Benjamin, among many others,
is not to succumb to the compartmentalization of reality and knowledge
that is temporarily reassuring but increasingly incapable of articulating the
complex overlapping and interacting of diferent areas: this strikes me as
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particularly true of “economics” and “politics,” but also, as we have been
developing, of the relation of both to “religion” and religious “issues”. Marx
was much less of a determinist than is usually made out, as Marcuse argued
many years ago in his book, Soviet Marxism. The determinist argument
dates from Eduard Bernstein and was used, then and since, as a way of
disqualifying the Marxian critique of capitalism. Then as now, the charge
of economic determinism oten functions as a way of not confronting
the very real and diicult interaction of politics and economics –political
economy, economical politics– that is so painfully obvious today. Just look
at the various “oicial” discourses on the current crisis, with respect to the
“market”: the later is elevated to a kind of supernatural judge of value,
which is a way of equating the very real power of those who dominate
market-relations with a kind of ontological or natural inevitability. Finance
capitalism of the most speculative and rapacious kind is thus portrayed as
the only game in town, with the so-called “market” as the divine arbiter.
This is what we are seeing today, most crassly with the so-called “rating
agencies” deciding over the fate of so-called “sovereign” nations –who are
no longer “sovereign” since their “sovereign debt” depends on the agencies
and the holders of capital.
I think it was Marcuse who insisted, repeatedly, on Marx’ refusal
to outline his notion of a post-revolutionary society. In the Grundrisse
one of the very few characterizations of it –as distinct to the transitional
state involving the dismantling of capitalist power relations through a
proletarian revolution– involved the reduction of the work-week, i.e. of that
part of human existence spent on labor. The signiicance of this perspective
can be gauged today when one surveys the scorn that was provoked by
the French Social Democrats reduction of the work-week to 35 hours: the
entire Protestant Ethic bared its teeth in condemning the anti-economic
laziness of the French, and indeed it has been a major aim of the French
Right to roll back the work-week, which has been largely successful.
Similarly, scapegoating of certain groups such as teachers, to distract from
the increasingly lopsided distribution of wealth in US and other societies
over the past decades, also is framed in terms of laziness, lack of work-time
(not to mention the atack on “welfare” or unemployed recipients). This is
not to say of course that individuals don’t take advantage of such programs,
or try to, but as a systemic efort to disqualify all life that would not be
“productive” in this sense it remains a negative indication of what a true
alternative to traditional theological-political-economy might look like. Of
course, “leisure” brings with it its own set of problems …and even demons!
DR: Our exchange on the links among religion, economy and the political
has now shited primarily toward Benjamin’s understanding of capitalism
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as religion. Besides Benjamin, another important source of inspiration for
your work has been the philosophy of Jacques Derrida. Derrida too relected
upon questions of “theological political economy” but he did so in terms
that depart from, but also remain in conversation with, Benjamin. Derrida´s
discussion of the mystical foundations of political authority, of the notion of
messianicity, as well as his take on the “propre,” of what is proper, propriety
and ownership, seem to intersect in many ways with Benjamin’s concerns.
From your perspective, which are the diferences between Benjamin’s and
Derrida’s contributions to “theological-political-economy” that you ind
more thought-provoking?
SW: You’re right about the importance of Derrida’s thinking and its
inluence on my work. You’re also right in pointing to his problematization
of the “proper” –proper, own in English– as a decisive moment of his
deconstruction. This goes together with a long-standing critique of
“economy” as the “law of the proper” –the nomos of the oikos. This is perhaps
more obvious given the French use of the word “économie”, which is used
in a wider sense than just “economics” or “economy”: it really suggests
more a systematization of a self-enclosed, self-serving system. A hint of that
can be found in our use of the word “economize” in English: i.e. in the
sense of ever greater “eiciency”. This presupposes some sort of underlying
identity or goal that informs and homogenizes the space and time that have
to be “economized”. Derrida’s problematizing of “the proper,” and in his
later work, of “ipseity” –a term that he adopts, andadapts, from Levinas, to
whose thought Derrida acknowledges an ever-growing indebtedness, even
while difering from it on certain essential points. And you are also right to
point to a convergence between Derrida and Benjamin, a convergence that
is impossible to ignore and yet also very diicult to deine precisely, given
what I at least take to be their enormous diferences. I should also add to
this couple the work of Theodor Adorno. For although I haven’t writen
much on Adorno, and in many ways felt it necessary to take a certain
distance from his “critical theory,” I realize as time passes how much certain
aspects of Derrida seem to me to be related to Adorno’s critique of “identity
philosophy” in its various guises. Like Marx himself, all three: Benjamin,
Derrida and Adorno were strong critics of modern capitalism, in various
ways, but also very reluctant to elaborate notions of what an alternative to it
might look like. For Marx, Benjamin and Adorno, the alternative belonged
to a future that it was impossible to predict, imagine or experience directly;
the same is true of Derrida, but not quite in the same way. His critique of
the temporal “ecstasies” of past-present-future – and indeed his insistence
on distinguishing, in French, between the “future” and “what is to come”:
l’avenir, was largely motivated by the need to argue for a more immediate
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experience of “the coming”, even if it is only as “coming”, rather than as a
Present that has not yet arrived.
But –and here the diiculty for me begins– every time I try to distinguish
clearly between the three, and in particular between Benjamin and Derrida,
I ind my formulations inadequate, not suiciently nuanced. Thus Benjamin
already as a young man wrote a “Program for the Coming Philosophy,” in
which the future was deined precisely as “Coming”, a present participle
that suggests more than simply something that is outstanding, a notyet-present. But Benjamin also was more dependent in many ways on
traditional vocabulary, shown by his use of the word “program” –a word
that Derrida from the outset problematizes and avoids. All three, Adorno,
Benjamin and Derrida, are clearly inscribed in the Nietzschean tradition
that problematizes identity and ontology, but the manner in which they do
so demonstrates some clear divergences. Perhaps the most obvious –I’m not
sure if its’ the most signiicant– is in the Germans’ willingness to accept and
use the value of “negativity” –Adorno’s atempt to construct a “Negative
Dialectic,” and in a certain sense, Benjamin’s atempt to construct a version
of “Negative Theology”– this contrasts sharply with the deconstructive
and post-Heideggerian suspicion and problematization of the value of the
negative, as structurally a mirror image of what it seeks to “negate”. This
has important political consequences: for instance you need only read or
reread the short fragment of Benjamin entitled (byAdorno, not by Benjamin)
“Theological-Political Fragment”, which begins (my translation): “It is only
with the Messiah himself that all historical happening is completed…”.
Derrida’s efort to think a “Messianicity without Messianism” also amounts
to a repositioning of the igure of the Messiah, of the Messiah as igure.
Without being able to even begin to unpack this incredibly suggestive but
also incredibly allusive and elusive fragment, it displays a certain number of
traits that I don’t think are to be found in Derrida’s thought: the conception
of the Messianic as a “realm” for instance –”messianische(s) Reich”– the
airmation of a notion of “immortality” (also prevalent in Benjamin’s essay
on Goethe’s “Elective Ainities”; and above all, the faith in a kind of dialectic
through which the “eternal and total transience” of “nature” makes way,
as it were, for the “messianic”). Benjamin concludes this fragment with an
airmation of Nihilism as the “task of world politics” –and this is something
that Derrida would never have done or endorsed. Indeed, he criticized one
aspect of it as it is articulated in Benjamin’s “Toward a Critique of Force,”
where the extermination of the clan of Korah is cited by Benjamin as an
exemplary instance of “divine violence” –divine because there is no bloodleting. The tribe of Korah is simply swallowed up by the earth, buried alive,
as it were. Derrida, in Force of Law, found this fascination with a purifying
violence, extremely dangerous.
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And yet, when Derrida in his inal interview, shortly before his death,
goes on to describe his airmation of “life” and of living, he cites Benjamin’s
distinction, in the Task of the Translator, between “outliving” (überleben)
and “surviving” (fortleben) as a source for his own atempt to construe the
relation of life and death in terms of “surviving” (survivant). Not however
simply as “survival” (survie): but as something that both airms life and also
departs from it. This departure was perhaps already in Benjamin’s mind, in a
nuance or connotation of the German word, Fortleben, that Derrida perhaps
did not suiciently notice. The “fort-” of Fortlebenis also the “Fort-” of
Freud’s Fort/Da: which is to say it is not just a continuation or prolongation
but also a separation, a departing from. Departing from what? In a leter to
Horkheimer defending his atempt to atribute a redemptive force to the
critical historian –expounded in the “Theses on the Concept of History”–i.e.
the historian’s power to “save” the victims of the past oppression, Benjamin
accepted Horkheimer’s argument that the dead could not be resurrected
in person, as it were, but he still insisted that through a change in their
memory, their historical ater-life could be transformed. However, as with
translations, such an ater-life does not modify or change the inite life of the
individual (work or person). Nevertheless, and perhaps in contradiction with
this notion, Benjamin seemed oten fascinated by the thought of physical,
material destruction as a condition of renewal and salvation (Erlösung)–a
position very much shared by his contemporaries, on both let and right.
Derrida, perhaps chastened by historical experience since the 30s, remained
skeptical with regard to the notion of “salvation” –“salut”– and tended
instead to look for other modes of transforming existing power-relations.
A possible example would be his efort to mobilize the notion of “autoimmunity” as a potential motor of historical and political change. It puts
the notion of “protection” and “self-protection” at the heart of a process that
results in the confounding of self and other and thus opens the possibility
of radical alteration. This may look like a traditional dialectical model, but
I don’t think it is: nor is it the antithetical-antinomical model that Benjamin
cites at the end of his book on the Origin of the German Mourning Play, where
Allegory, in taking a relexive turn and allegorizing itself, points toward a
possible “ponderaciónmisteriosa” –in which the fall of the subject is itself
turned into an allegory and “held fast” in “God”. Rather, as I understand it
at least, Derrida’s outlook, for all of its insistence on “airming life”, does
not assert any sort of direct “salvational” strategy. And perhaps that is its
most important “lesson” for political theory and indeed for politics today:
to contemplate a change in power-relations that would not do away with
them in a grand, redemptive solution, but which would, by identifying
certain constraints, loosen their hold: for instance, as with autoimmunity,
the constraint to “protect oneself,” to “immunize” oneself, to –and this was
Derrida’s minimal deinition of “religion”– keep oneself “intact” (indemne):
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“safe and sound”. It is the break with this more or less hidden theological
goal of politics –the politics of security, if you will, or of protection– that
Derrida’s thought entertains. But even in this it echoes a phrase from Kaka
with which Benjamin concludes his essay on that writer, and that can serve
to bring our discussion to an end, however anticlimactic and provisional:
“Sancho Panza, stolid fool and hapless helper, sent his rider on ahead.
Bucephalus outlived his. Whether man or horse is no longer so important,
as long as the weight is taken from the back.”
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