Chapter 3
Archaeological Excavation at Balsaspata, Ayaviri
Henry Tantaleán
Introduction
It was at this time that the property where the site was located
was claimed by the homeowner’s association “Pueblo Libre,”
aided by the municipality of Melgar. The municipality had sold
lots to people in this association who threatened to construct
houses. This was denounced by the local INC representative in
Ayaviri and conirmed by the director of the INC-PUNO, Dr. Rolando Paredes, on September 4, 1998. Due to the circumstances,
it was necessary to immediately intervene at the site and establish
an effective presence. In reality, the site had already been badly
disturbed by the mining of middens to make adobes. The site’s
northeast section had been badly dug for adobe materials, resulting in a number of archaeological remains left on the surface
including fragments of ceramics, lithics, and animal bones.
The abundance of early ceramic sherds on the surface of the
site indicated a major Formative period occupation, up to then
poorly studied in the region. The diagnostic pottery suggested
the existence of an intensive occupation from the irst sedentary
altiplano societies up to the Inca period. We had hoped that an
excavation at the site, even a small one, would relect the social
and historical processes that developed in this zone. Here, I
present a description of this work, a synthesis of the recovered
materials, including the ceramics, and a reconstruction of the cultural occupations that we can infer from this small investigation.
The archaeological site of Balsaspata or Pueblo Libre, in
Ayaviri, Department of Puno, was investigated by the author
on September 8–30, 1998. The work was conducted as part of a
salvage excavation by the Instituto Nacional de Cultura of Peru
(INC) as a result of the rapid destruction of the site area. The
importance of the site was suggested by the large quantities of
decorated ceramic fragments, bone, lithics, and carved stone.
With the objective to verify the site’s actual size and chronology, the author and a small team composed of Carmen Pérez
Maestro, Eduardo Arizaca and two local assistants conducted
archaeological research at the site.
Although no information about the site existed in the literature, the people of Ayaviri recognized it as a site, and there
was a museum in the municipality where objects from the site
were collected. Likewise, Messrs. Italo Oberti and Jorge Calero
Flores had requested that the INC declare the site as cultural
patrimony of the nation. Moreover, the site’s importance had
been recognized by the then-students of archaeology at the
Universidad Nacional San Antonio Abad del Cuzco Eduardo
Arizaca and Jorge Calero (Arizaca et al. 1995:21; Calero 1998;
Fernández 1998:38).
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Pucarani
Cangallepata
Willaqollo
AYAVIRI
Pesqowañuna
Huancasayapata
Antaymarka
Qompicancha
Kolqueparque
Qaqachupa
iri
Balsaspata
R
yav
io A
Orquyo
Qesqoyo
Figure 3.1. Location of Balsaspata and other archaeological sites in the area of Ayaviri. The black pentagons mark the Formative sites and the
gray pentagons mark sites of another periods. The map blocks are 4.0 km on a side.
Location and Geography of Balsaspata
The archaeological site of Balsaspata or Pueblo Libre is on
the outskirts of the town of Ayaviri, at the edge of a new neighborhood called Pueblo Libre. It is on the right margin of the Río
Ayaviri, in the province of Melgar (Fig. 3.1). The site is delimited
on the east by the Pueblo Libre neighborhood, on the north by a
dirt road that runs parallel to the river, and to the south and west
by the asphalt Juliaca-Cuzco highway (Fig. 3.2). Later reconnaissance indicated that the site extends across the asphalt road
to the hills such that the road cuts the site into two.
The site is in the area referred to by Luis Lumbreras (1981) as
the South Central Andes. Although the deinition of this cultural
area has been questioned (Burger et al. 2000), we continue to
use this framework. The name Balsaspata suggests that this area
was where they crossed the river, perhaps with small boats. The
area of Ayaviri, like Pukara to the south, forms part of the same
hydrological drainage, a natural route between the Cuzco region
and Lake Titicaca. Today, the site is a medium-sized mound that
has been badly altered by modern soil mining and other human
activities.
Methodology
Work began in September 1998 with a surface collection of
the diagnostic ceramic material from the entire site. The surface
was so badly damaged that it was not necessary to carry out a
systematic collection as originally planned. We made a sketch
map of the site (Fig. 3.3) from which we were able to deine
and locate the zones where we would conduct investigations.
We also drew the sectors that were obviously disturbed. This
methodology was created to do an archaeological evaluation of
the site—to assess its state of preservation, its extent, its func-
Archaeological Excavation at Balsaspata, Ayaviri—Tantaleán
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Figure 3.2. The site is located in the center of the image, between the river and the house compound in the foreground. Photograph taken by
the author at the time of excavations, September 1998.
Figure 3.3. Sketch map of the site area.
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tion, the existence of structures, and the relative age of
these features, and to deine the successive occupations
through time.
We excavated test pits in areas with and without
obvious cultural materials on the surface. The test
pits were cardinally oriented and measured 1 × 1 m,
with the exception of Unit 01, which was 1 × 2 m.
This larger pit was intended to deine the successive
and superimposed prehispanic occupations (with the
goal to get a good stratigraphic column), as well as to
characterize these occupations from diagnostic pottery
from each period. Even though this was an emergency
rescue excavation, we were able to recover quite a bit
of information from these excavations.
The units were excavated in natural levels. However,
when we encountered the remains of structures or other
features with ceramics or other associated materials, we
immediately subdivided the natural levels into arbitrary
ones in order to preserve chronological information.
Description of the Excavated Units
Before we excavated the test units, we studied the
proiles made by the road construction on the site’s
northern side. There, we could identify evidence of prehispanic occupation that included possible structures.
We also took into account elevations of the mound,
scatters of artifacts and so forth. With these observations, we excavated eight units (described below).
Description of Unit 01
This unit was located in the proile on the north side
of the site that was exposed by the road construction.
The proile appeared to have cut through numerous
structures and had a large quantity of cultural material.
Even so, in this sector we found a major prehispanic
occupation, deined by an immense quantity of midden
that, overall, was part of a homogeneous level of highdensity artifacts. In this unit, after removing a pair of
levels, we found a very deep level with Formative pottery including Pukara (400 BC), Cusipata, and Qaluyu,
the latter obviously indicating an earlier component.
This excavation unit reached a depth of 3 m, ending
with a sterile level of yellowish clay (Fig. 3.4).
Surface level (registry number 101). The surface
materials include a large quantity of Qaluyu Incised
pottery, along with worked bone, camelid bone and
lithic debris (Figs. 3.5, 3.6).
Stratum A (registry number 102). Level A has little
material, taking into account its size. It most likely
represents the abandonment phase of the site (Fig. 3.7).
Figure 3.4. Unit 01, south proile.
Archaeological Excavation at Balsaspata, Ayaviri—Tantaleán
Figure 3.5. Ceramic key.
Figure 3.6. Qaluyu-style Incised tazón from surface of Unit 01.
Figure 3.7. Fragments of Collao-style vessels.
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Figure 3.8. Formative period vessels.
Figure 3.9. Formative jar forms.
Stratum B (registry number 103). This level has undecorated
pottery, ceramics with micaceous clay, lithics (obsidian and lint),
camelid bones and lithic debris (Fig. 3.8).
Stratum C, level 1 (registry number 104). This level has early
Formative pottery characterized by red slip with mica. There is
much burned camelid bone as well as post-ire burned pottery
and a variety of lithic lakes (Fig. 3.9).
Stratum C, level 2 (registry number 107). This level has Formative period Qaluyu and Pukara, camelid bones, obsidian and
so forth. Many of the ceramic fragments are very large, including
bases, rims and one bowl that is 40% complete. This is a classic
Pukara occupation (Figs. 3.10–3.17).
Stratum C, level 3 (registry number 111). This level has
pottery, lithics and camelid bone. This level has some Qaluyu
diagnostics (Figs. 3.18–3.21).
Stratum C, level 4 (registry number 114). This level has incised and painted Formative pottery that is most likely Qaluyu
but with some similarities to Cusipata. We also discovered a
molded fragment and a dark surface fragment with incisions.
The level also contained lithic debris (obsidian and lint), and
worked bone (Figs. 3.22–3.25).
Stratum D (registry number 116). This stratum has neckless
ollas, painted and incised Formative fragments, obsidian, camelid
bone in abundance, and obsidian (Figs. 3.26–3.31).
Stratum E (registry number 125). This stratum does not have
as much material as the preceding one, but there is a fair amount
of neckless ollas as well as incised (ine and thick incisions) pottery (Figs. 3.32–3.35).
Stratum F, level 1 (registry number 128). This stratum and
level has plainwares, neckless ollas, lithics and one complete obsidian point, lithic lakes and cores and camelid bones (Fig. 3.36).
Stratum F, level 2 (registry number 130). This level has
plainware pottery, a low density of camelid bones, plus a lot of
obsidian (Figs. 3.37, 3.38).
Stratum G (registry number 131). There are virtually no artifacts in this level. There is some carbon and burned soil.
Stratum F, level 3 (registry number 132). This level has small
carbon lecks, pottery and bone although the density is quite low.
This is an ash lens, the remains of burnt vegetal material.
Stratum I (registry number 134). This has a small quantity of
artifacts and carbon.
Stratum J. This is a sterile level.
Archaeological Excavation at Balsaspata, Ayaviri—Tantaleán
Figure 3.10. Formative period vessels.
Figure 3.11. Formative period tazones.
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Figure 3.12. Formative period tazones.
Figure 3.14. Formative period vessels.
Figure 3.13. Formative period tazones.
Figure 3.15. Formative period vessels. The top
two fragments are Pukara in style.
Archaeological Excavation at Balsaspata, Ayaviri—Tantaleán
Figure 3.16. Fragments of Qaluyu Incised.
Figure 3.17. Formative tazón.
Figure 3.18. Formative vessels.
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Figure 3.19. Formative vessels including Qaluyu Incised.
Figure 3.20. Formative vessels including Qaluyu Incised.
Figure 3.21. Base of Formative vessel with painted decoration.
Archaeological Excavation at Balsaspata, Ayaviri—Tantaleán
Figure 3.22. Formative vessels including Qaluyu Incised and Painted.
Figure 3.23. Formative vessels.
Figure 3.24. Formative vessels.
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Figure 3.25.
Formative vessels
including Qaluyu Incised.
Figure 3.26.
Formative vessels including
Qaluyu Painted. The bottom
fragment is deined by
Calero (1998) as Ayacwira.
Figure 3.27.
Formative vessels including
Qaluyu Incised.
Archaeological Excavation at Balsaspata, Ayaviri—Tantaleán
Figure 3.28. Formative period neckless ollas.
Figure 3.30. Formative vessels including Incised and Painted Qaluyu and
possible Pukara vessels (the two in the upper right-hand corner).
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Figure 3.29. Formative period neckless ollas and tazón base.
Figure 3.31. Formative vessels including Qaluyu.
Fragments of Qaluyu Painted vessels (except for the
fragment in the upper left-hand corner) possibly related
to Ayacwira style.
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Figure 3.32. Qaluyu-style tazones.
Figure 3.33. Fragments of Qaluyu Incised vessels.
Figure 3.34. Formative period neckless ollas.
Figure 3.35. Formative period neckless olla.
Archaeological Excavation at Balsaspata, Ayaviri—Tantaleán
Figure 3.36. Formative vessels including a neckless olla.
Figure 3.37. Formative period tazones and neckless ollas.
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Figure 3.38. Qaluyu Painted vessels.
Figure 3.39. Qaluyu-style tazón with incised decoration.
Description of Unit 02
We put Unit 02 (1 × 1 m) in the north area of the site close to the
road parallel to the river in a sort of “island” inside the disturbed area.
Surface level (registry number 105). There is abundant material including pottery, bone, camelid bones and some lithics.
Stratum A (registry number 106). This has a regular quantity
of pottery and bone fragments. There is a camelid mandible.
Stratum B (registry number 108). This stratum has fragments of
incised geometric Pukara pottery. There is also crude pottery with red
slip as well as camelid bones and polishing stones (Figs. 3.39, 3.40).
Stratum C (registry number 109). This stratum has red slipped
pottery. There are also some pieces of burned soil with grass
impressions, camelid bones and chert lakes. We found some
scoria of an unidentiied metal (Fig. 3.41).
Figure 3.40. Fragments of Formative
vessels including Qaluyu Painted and an
appliqué with incisions.
Stratum D (registry number 110). This stratum has coarse,
burnt pottery, lakes, and a lot of camelid bone. There are also
many small fragments of carbon (Fig. 3.42).
Stratum E (registry number 112). This stratum has pottery,
broken bone, some lithic material, and a fragment of thick-incised
blackware (Figs. 3.43, 3.44).
Stratum F (registry number 113). This has a fragment of a
painted black and beige tazón, a lot of burned plainware with
mica and large sand, camelid bones, obsidian lakes, and polished
bone. There is very little carbon. There is a piece of clay with
mica (Figs. 3.45, 3.46).
Stratum G (registry number 115). There is little cultural material here except for a large quantity of obsidian. There are some
small fragments of carbon (Fig. 3.47). Below this stratum is the
sterile sand of the river.
Archaeological Excavation at Balsaspata, Ayaviri—Tantaleán
(upper left) Figure 3.41. Fragments of Qaluyu Incised.
(above) Figure 3.42. Formative tazones, jar and neckless olla.
(left) Figure 3.43. Fragments of Formative vessels including
Qaluyu Painted and Incised.
Figure 3.44. Formative tazón and two neckless ollas.
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Description of Unit 03
Figure 3.45. Qaluyu-style tazón.
This was located in an elevated sector of the site.
On the surface there is much evidence of looting of
possible tombs. For this reason, we chose an area that
was least disturbed. We wanted to conirm whether
or not these elevations were in fact cultural mounds
or if they were natural. This test pit was not deep; at
around 20 cm we found a circular cist made in the
form of a Collao-Inka tomb. We did not continue with
this excavation.
Description of Unit 04
We placed this unit in the northern proile of the site
to deine the same characteristics as in Units 01 and
02. We also wanted to deine a stratum of ieldstones
and some semi-shaped stones that we noticed in the
proile that corresponded to archaeological structures.
This turned out to be disturbed stones with associated
cultural materials, including some late (Collao) pottery
fragments. This stratum represented a destruction episode on the highest part of the site. Below this stratum
we found an intact stratum that had a cut stone wall
associated with some Formative pottery.
Figure 3.46. Qaluyu-style tazón.
Figure 3.47. Qaluyu-style tazón with incised decoration.
Surface level (registry number 119). There are few
lithic and ceramic materials. There is a cut stone approximately 22 × 26 cm.
Stratum A (registry number 120). This level had
modern objects, prehispanic pottery and obsidian.
There are fragments of Pukara Incised Geometric.
Stratum B, level 1 (registry number 121). This level
has Collao pottery, Inca plates, and worked obsidian.
In the lower part of the level there is a large quantity
of Cusipata black-on-white pottery (Fig. 3.48).
Stratum B, level 2 (registry number 122). This level
has incised Qaluyu and plainware pottery, camelid bone
and obsidian (Fig. 3.49).
Stratum C (registry number 123). This level has
plainware pottery and obsidian. There is one piece
of worked bone, some bird bone and a lot of carbon.
Stratum D (registry number 124). This unit has
small pieces of carbon mixed with the soil. There is
a wall built with large stone. There is a compact loor
made with yellow clay associated with the wall on one
side. The loor was clean but on the other side there is
Formative pottery including painted blackwares, possibly Cusipata. This is a semi-subterranean structure
built with cut stones (Figs. 3.50, 3.51).
Archaeological Excavation at Balsaspata, Ayaviri—Tantaleán
Figure 3.48. Formative tazones with painted decoration.
Figure 3.50. Qaluyu-style tazón.
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Figure 3.49. Qaluyu Incised vessel.
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Figure 3.51. View of the excavation of Unit 04. One can see the wall
built with semi-cut stones and to the right a yellow clay loor (with
the arrow). Qaluyu fragments were found on this loor; below the
loor was sterile river sand. The scale is 20 cm.
Description of Unit 05
This is located on the northern part of the site. The irst two
layers or strata of the unit, down to 1 m below, were disturbed
by heavy machinery. Below these disturbed levels, we ind
similar archaeological levels, though with lower densities than
Units 01 and 02.
Surface level (registry number 127). This is a disturbed stratum with Inca and Cusipata vessel fragments. This is probably
a modern dump mixed with archaeological midden (Fig. 3.52).
Figure 3.52. Surface fragments including: a, local Inca; b, Collao
plate; c, d, two Qaluyu Painted fragments; e, f, two Qaluyu Incised
fragments.
Stratum A, level 1 (registry number 129). This stratum has
ceramic fragments, camelid bone and lithics (Fig. 3.53).
Stratum A, level 2 (registry number 133). This stratum has
few ceramic fragments, animal bone, lithics, and small pieces
of carbon (Fig. 3.54).
Stratum B (registry number 135). This stratum has a few
ceramic fragments, animal bone, lithics, and small pieces of
carbonized vegetal matter.
Stratum C (registry number 137). This was a very sparse level.
There was one Qaluyu cream and black fragment with geometric
motifs. There was also some obsidian (Fig. 3.55).
Archaeological Excavation at Balsaspata, Ayaviri—Tantaleán
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Figure 3.53. Qaluyu-style tazón.
Figure 3.54. Qaluyu-style fragment.
Figure 3.55. Qaluyu-style vessel with painted decoration.
Description of Unit 06
level that began with a mixture of Pukara and Qaluyu. In this last
stratum we found a wall made with semi-cut stones that seems
to be contemporary with Qaluyu in its earliest phase. This was
associated with the wall in Unit 05. However, this structure did
not have a related loor as in Unit 05 but there was some gray
clay that could have functioned as a loor material. Under this
gray stratum we found a sterile loor, made with alluvial sand
probably obtained from the river that has a similar sand material
composed of large-grained yellowish sand.
This unit was placed on the extreme west side of the site where
there was evidence of heavy equipment disturbance. About 1.5
m were removed from the surface. The intent of this unit was to
compare this area of the site with the other units. The unit was
deep but it did not have much material and we found nothing
signiicant. We were able to show that, along with Unit 04, this
area was peripheral to the main occupation of the site.
Description of Unit 07
We put this unit on the high side of the second high spot on
the site, located west of the other high area where Unit 03 was
excavated. This unit coincided with the external southern side of
a cist tomb, which was deined from a cut into the mound. It is
typically Collao in style (AD 1100–1450), although it is possible
that it was Inca in date. Below this stratum we found a Formative
Surface level (registry number 138). The surface here contained some late pottery.
Stratum A (registry number 139). This stratum has fragments
of local Inca pottery. In the north wall of the unit we see the tomb.
This is a cist made with uncut ieldstones with an oval or circular
form. The tomb was sealed with a slab and soil ill. The stones used
in the tomb are calcareous (limestone) that do not appear near the
site. The closest limestone is about 2 km from the site (Fig. 3.56).
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Figure 3.56. Local Inca-style vessels.
Stratum B (registry number 142). Just below stratum A there
is Inca pottery and one fragment of Formative ware, camelid
bone, and a fragment of a worked bone (Fig. 3.57).
Stratum C (registry number 144). Pottery with red slip (Pukara), camelid bones, burned bones and a feline claw (Fig. 3.58).
Stratum D, level 1 (registry number 145). This unit has the
well-constructed wall made with uncut stones similar to the one
in Unit 04. This stratum contains a lot of fragments of animal
bones and chipped stone. There are some painted black over
cream Qaluyu 2 (following Steadman 1995) fragments clearly
associated with this level. There are also small fragments of
carbon (Fig. 3.59).
Stratum D, level 2 (registry number 147). Under the wall
with the large stones was a supporting wall made with small
Figure 3.57. Formative vessels including Qaluyu.
rocks. There is virtually no cultural material associated with this
stratum. A sterile level is found under the wall.
Description of Unit 08
Unit 08 was excavated to verify if the eastern sector, which
was mined for soil and where there was such a high concentration
of materials, still retained some intact archaeological deposits.
This unit conirmed that there was little remaining. This unit
consisted of the irst stratum with disturbed material and a second stratum with some Pukara. We unfortunately did not ind
that this area was very deep, reaching only 1 m; here we found
the sterile stratum consisted of the yellowish river sand that was
clean and loose.
Archaeological Excavation at Balsaspata, Ayaviri—Tantaleán
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Figure 3.58. Formative vessels including Pukara.
Figure 3.59. Formative vessels including Qaluyu Painted and Incised.
Human Prehispanic Occupation at Balsaspata
tion of diverse goods, such as textiles, indicated by the discovery
of spindle whorls made from modiied potsherds and camelid
bone tools for weaving (Tantaleán 2005: Figs. 7, 8). We also
found a large quantity of pottery polishers and other tools used
for making incisions in pottery. Likewise, there is a proliferation of obsidian, including waste material most likely the result
of point and other tool manufacturing. There were also a large
quantity of cooking ollas and grinding stones. All of these diverse
elements in the material culture indicate specialized production
for internal consumption and external trade (Burger et al. 2000).
We also note that in the area of Balsaspata there are many
raised ields. Our results agree with Erickson (1988) and Stanish (2006) in that this technology was most likely in use by the
Qaluyu period. In the adjacent zone northeast of Balsaspata, we
The occupation at Balsaspata began in the Early Formative
circa 1500 BCE when the population was still using Archaic
projectile points alongside early Qaluyu pottery (most notably
neckless ollas). In this period, we see a settlement with a concentration of animal bones, such as camelid and deer, that we
interpret as increased consumption of these resources. The site
was emerging as a center in the region and was found near the
river edge of Ayaviri. This possibly occurred simultaneously
with the site of Qaqachupa (Burger et al. 2000), a site close to
Balsaspata on the other side of the river.
Based upon the recovered materials, we can infer that during
this early period there existed a division of labor for the produc-
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N
Figure 3.60. Base of Unit 07. One can see the wall built
with semi-cut stones and to the right a yellow clay loor.
Qaluyu fragments were found on this loor; below the
loor was sterile river sand.
Figure 3.61. Fragments of a ceramic style called Ayacwira (Calero 1998), collected
on the site’s surface.
were able to recognize a large raised ield area that indicates
agricultural production for local consumption.
At Balsaspata, we also observe a large quantity of Qaluyu
pottery and its variants, principally decoration with paint and
incisions.1 Here we note similarities with the Marcavalle style,
also mentioned by other investigators (Mohr Chávez 1977; Lumbreras 1981; Burger et al. 2000). These investigators mention
trade between these two polities as an explanation for this pattern. This also explains the presence of obsidian, a resource that
comes largely from the Chivay source in Cotahuasi, Arequipa
(Burger et al. 2000). This obsidian is abundant at Balsaspata
during the Formative occupation (Tantaleán 2005: Fig. 9). As
demonstrated by Burger et al. (2000), the Ayaviri zone was in
an intermediate area between the Cuzco and Titicaca regions.
As such, it was inluenced by both areas, as indicated by the
material remains.
As we have seen, the Formative period occupation at Balsaspata also documents important architectural structures with
walls made from large cut stone blocks. The structures are rectangular in shape with yellowish and gray clay loors associated
with Qaluyu pottery fragments (Figs. 3.51, 3.60). This pattern
is similar to what Amanda Cohen has discovered in the site of
Huatacoa, located in the lower Ayaviri Valley (Cohen 2010;
Plourde 2006). The worked stone walls and carefully prepared
loors indicate an intensive social activity apart from domestic
labor. These constructions most likely were used for nondomestic, communal activities.
In this period, apart from the typical Qaluyu pottery styles,
we found some atypical pieces that we are just beginning to
understand (Fig. 3.26). During the time in which we excavated
at Balsaspata, a local investigator (Calero 1998) named a style
“Ayacwira,” tentatively placed in the Early Regional Development period, following Pukara. This hypothesis is not supported
by the stratigraphy. His studies were based upon typological
analysis of surface materials. If this hypothesis is true, there
would be a society later than Pukara that would explain the
hiatus that one sees in the chronology of the northern basin.
Our excavations do not conirm this proposition, as this style of
pottery is associated with the latest Qaluyu pottery and closely
linked with Pukara. This ceramic style comes in various forms
at the site with the principal characteristic the use of painted
decoration with black lines, almost always straight, that delimit
spaces of yellow or red over an orange slip (Fig. 3.61). Based
upon the stratigraphic evidence, I suggest that this is a style that
Archaeological Excavation at Balsaspata, Ayaviri—Tantaleán
Figure 3.62. Inca arybalo found at Balsaspata. Recovered
by Eduardo Arizaca.
is contemporary with Late Qaluyu and Early Pukara. It is locally
produced, but we do not know if it was produced at Balsaspata.
We also have fragments of a style called Cusipata (deined
by Edward Franquemont, 1986). This is located chronologically between Qaluyu and Pukara although it has been found
stratigraphically with the former (Mujica 1987:25). During our
excavations, we did not ind that Cusipata was associated with an
isolated human occupation at the site. At Balsaspata, the majority of the Cusipata fragments were found mixed with the levels
with the highest percentage of Qaluyu and Pukara polychromes.
The best example of Cusipata pottery was recovered by Eduardo
Arizaca, that, while found out of context, is the most complete
ind of this type in the region (Tantaleán 2005: Fig. 13).
There are Pukara materials found at Balsaspata but these
were not recovered in particularly high quantities. The majority
of these pieces were found mixed with the latest phases of Qaluyu. A big question is whether there is a Pukara domestic style
that we have not identiied that, if found in quantity, would be
considered an indication of a Pukara occupation. On the other
hand, the Pukara polychrome can be considered a prestige good
shared by elites (Goldstein 2000) while Balsaspata would have
been a minor village during this period.
73
Figure 3.63. Inca-style plate found at Balsaspata. Recovered by
Eduardo Arizaca.
Our colleague Eduardo Arizaca informs us that some time
ago the people removed a carved stela from the site that was
in Pukara style. It is locally referred to as Ñakaj or Decapitator, a sculptural style associated with this culture.2 As we have
described in an earlier article (Tantaleán and Pérez 1999), this
and other material elements form part of a religious ideology
that served the elite to justify and reproduce the material basis of
society that supported them. This group utilized the labor of the
population to construct the great religious and secular structures
of Pukara and its satellites, to control trade routes on a large scale,
for other large-scale production such as raised ields and cochas,
and to produce sumptuary objects that utilized the “oficial”
Pukara style. The elite used these activities to maintain control,
in effect “naturalizing” social inequalities. This all occurred with
the emergence of the theocratic state in the northern basin that
continued up to approximately AD 350.
After this period there existed an apparent hiatus of 700 years
until the appearance of cultural materials that are referred to
as the Altiplano kingdoms that emerged around AD 1000. This
hiatus—in which there is no archaeological occupation—has not
been suficiently studied although there are some hypotheses to
explain this (Lumbreras and Amat 1968; Mújica 1990; Stanish
74
Advances in Titicaca Basin Archaeology–III
2003). In spite of the lack of research in the area, we can say that
the majority of sites with Pukara occupations were abandoned,
and we cannot ind an “epigonal” period at sites like Balsaspata.
The question is: where did the population that inhabited sites like
Balsaspata and other Pukara settlements go?
Likewise, as Pukara fell, Tiwanaku expanded throughout the
Titicaca Basin. However, the northernmost Tiwanaku site with
Tiwanaku IV and V is found at the site of Maravillas (Mujica
1990), in the heart of Pukara territory.3 The inluence of Tiwanaku
cannot explain the disappearance or invasion of territory that was
formerly occupied by Pukara.
The explanation for the disappearance of Pukara materials in
the region should be found in the society that produced them. We
can explain the abandonment of these sites as a result of socioeconomic reasons such as the collapse of Pukara from internal
contradictions and the creation of a new lifestyle and mode of
production. We can surmise a drop in economic production and
a transformation in the elite classes. There would be a disruption in the exchange of goods throughout the region, which
would disrupt the low of Pukara materials. Stanish (2003:159)
postulates that there was an epoch of drought that corresponds
to the collapse of Pukara and, in turn, suggests the existence of a
culture called “Early Huaña.” Obviously, much more work must
be done to test whether such a culture exists in the Ayaviri area.
Following the idea of drought postulated by Stanish, it is also
possible that these ecological factors accelerated the change
from a predominantly agricultural to a pastoral one. In this
economic system, there were no population concentrations but
rather smaller, dispersed settlements. In this respect, the lack of
large sites does not negate the possibility of human occupation
during this time period.
The last prehispanic use at Balsaspata was a mortuary one,
with tombs placed at the top of the mound. In spite of the destruction of the site, we can say that about one-third of the mound was
covered with intact and disturbed tombs on the higher areas of
the site. While the tradition of cist tombs is pre-Inca, we found
much material in Inca style associated with these tombs, including Inca-Cuzco style. Eduardo Arizaca has shown us Inca pottery
with Imperial Cuzco forms from the site (Figs. 3.62, 3.63). It is
possible that Balsaspata had been selected as a cemetery area
because of its location above the pampa.
In conclusion, the site of Balsaspata and its previous human
occupations that converted it into a cult place demonstrate the
great continuity and success of the irst human occupations of
the Ayaviri-Pukara Valley. Although the site has almost disappeared, we were able to recover some of its most important
archaeological features, and investigate how different societies
occupied the site, and how its natural and social resources were
produced and consumed. We believe strongly that our work
here, humble as it is was, yielded valuable information that will
help other researchers complete the intriguing puzzle that is the
prehistory of the northern Titicaca Basin.
Acknowledgments
I thank Chip Stanish for inviting me to publish this report
and for translating it from my original in Spanish. Also, it is
important to give thanks to Rolando Paredes Eyzaguirre (former
director of Instituto Nacional de Cultura-Puno) who permitted
me to excavate in Balsaspata. In the same way, Eduardo Arizaca
and Carmen Pérez Maestro were the better company and brilliant
archaeologists that I have there. My acknowledgments go also to
Juan Roel who made the inal drawings presented here. Finally,
Jill Rheinheimer helped me in a great way to ix many mistakes
on my original paper.
Notes
1. See Chávez Ballón (1950), Lumbreras and Amat (1968), and
Steadman (1995) for a good description of Qaluyu pottery.
2. These sculptures have been found in the type site of Pukara
(Valcárcel 1932), in Altarane between Juliaca and Sillustani (Paredes
1984:13), in Chumbivilcas (Nuñez del Prado Béjar 1971), in the Isla
de Sol (three examples are found in the Museum of Anthropology in
La Paz) (Ponce Sanginés 1969:34–36), and in other places described
by Kidder (1943), Rowe (1958), and Chávez (1988).
3. Burger et al. (2000) mention the presence of Tiwanaku material
in Taraco but this does not prove its actual control over territory.
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