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Marcin Matczak
University of Warsaw
[email protected]
WHY JUDICIAL FORMALISM
IS INCOMPATIBLE WITH THE RULE OF LAW
ABSTRACT
When a judge follows the letter of the law, her judgment may be considered blinkered by
the man in the street. Legal professionals, however, would classify the judgment as
formalistic. From a theoretical perspective, formalistic decision-making limits the number
of premises on which a judge may base a verdict. It asks the judge to focus on the literal
meaning of the legal text and to disregard other interpretative premises, like the purpose
or function of the law, legislative history or – in civil law jurisdictions – previous court
decisions.
Formalism as an art of limiting judicial choices is perceived by many as fully consistent
with the rule of law. It seems to both allow the curtailment of interpretive discretion and to
ensure fidelity to the will of the lawmaker. This contrasts with an all-things-considered
approach, where the premises for judicial decision-making seem unlimited, discretion
encouraged, and the will of the lawmaker ignored.
In this paper I show that the apparent compatibility between formalism and the rule of law
is based on a particular assumption as to the nature of legal language: that this language
is criterial in the sense that in order to understand it, one needs to rely on dictionary
definitions understood as sets of criteria. This assumption is misguided, and its flaws are
revealed by theoretical advances in the contemporary philosophy of language. Specifically,
semantic externalism demonstrates that the meaning of language cannot be discovered
merely by reading dictionaries; rather, it requires the investigation of the linguistic
practices of a particular communicative community, and an insight into the history and
function of individual legal terms.
Because the nature of legal language is different from that assumed by the formalists, the
compatibility between formalism and the rule of law collapses. With such a distorted
perspective of the characteristics of legal language, formalism cannot ensure fidelity to it.
This paper shows that judicial decisions based on applying definitions are very often
surprising to the law’s addressees; this contradicts one of the main tenets of the rule of law,
namely, the predictability of court verdicts. As a consequence, the rule of law requires a
different, moderately non-formalistic approach to legal interpretation. Within this
approach, judges can make decisions based on a broader scope of interpretive premises
and by doing so ensure a better level of predictability.
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1. INTRODUCTION
This article offers a critical assessment of the method of applying law
traditionally referred to as judicial formalism. By and large, formalism rigidly follows the
letter of the law, even if the outcome appears unjust or if it is at odds with common
sense. In the philosophy of law, formalism is a theory of the application of law that
encompasses several theories of interpretation, including textualism and originalism1.
The defining feature of formalism is the belief that by limiting the number of available
interpretive premises, the number of interpretative choices for lawyers will be similarly
restricted. This restriction may take different forms: in the case of textualism it equates
to acknowledging that out of many possible readings of the legal text only the “plain” one
is correct2; in the case of originalism it consists of limiting the number of available
meanings of the legal text to the original one3. Other forms of formalistic limitations to
the interpretive premises exist: formalism does not take into consideration the purpose
of legislation, nor does it accept application of general principles to the case at hand.
Rather, it promotes the application of so-called “bright-line” and “most-locally
applicable”4 rules, even if the result of their application cannot be reconciled with those
general principles.
Judicial formalism is not a purely theoretical construct but one constantly
intertwined with our daily lives. We encounter it while pursuing actions in courts or
authorities and often experience disappointment when faced by the specific, formalistic
rationality of bureaucratic modus operandi. This disappointment is fuelled by frustration
when our case is seemingly decided contrary to common sense. Such decisions, we are
often told, are dictated by the so-called letter of the law, an approach which disenchants
those people dealing with courts or authorities who expect their decisions to be dictated
by justice. Disenchantment with formalism has a long lineage: indeed, as far back as 1BC
Cicero occasioned the legal maxim Summum ius, summa iniuria, “The highest law, the
1
Bix (2004) defines formalism as a group of opinions about legal interpretation that includes both textualism and
other opinions accepting as correct interpretation consistent with the original legislative intentions.
2
Textualism supports so called “plain meaning” (D’Amato 1991, passim; Ross 1995, passim), understood
as an acontextual meaning resulting from the semantic autonomy of language, i.e. the capacity of language
to convey meanings independently from the speaker’s intent. See Schauer (1988), p. 527
3
See Solum (2008)
4
Schauer (1988), p. 522
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highest injustice” (Cicero 2008, I, 10, 33): rulings rigidly sticking to the letter of the law
often have little to do with justice.
What is the origin of this disconnect between the letter of the law and justice? It is
not necessarily error or malice on the part of the decision maker: serious arguments
support the application of formalism in the decision of legal issues. These arguments
include enhancing the predictability and stability of law, and curtailing judicial
discretion. Arguments of this sort lead formalists to claim that a judge’s role is not to
implement justice but to let the law speak for itself, without correcting it, even if it
produces worse results than common sense would prescribe.
In line with this position, formalists maintain that an optimal legal procedure
entails reduction of the number of interpretive premises guiding the legal decision,
manifest in a refusal to factor in values of legal culture other than the text of law5. This
argument is clearly attractive, as formalism is widely believed to be in line with the idea
of the rule of law6.
This paper challenges the alleged compatibility between formalism and the rule
of law. The primary reason is not merely that rulings adhering to formalistic methods
are unjust; rather, they are simply not compatible with the idea of the rule of law
because they disregard the nature of legal language. The nature of legal language
requires interpretation that does not reduce the scope of interpretive premises to the
acontextual meaning of the text of law – the central tenet of formalism.
In what follows I first outline the main feature of formalism and present the
structure of the argument on the alleged compatibility between formalism and the rule
of law. In the second part of the paper I draw on semantic externalism to challenge the
formalist view of the nature of legal language. I conclude that fidelity to legal language
and the realisation of the rule of law ideal require a moderately non-formalistic, nonreductionist approach to legal interpretation.
5
Schauer (1988), p. 520
6
See Scalia (1997), p. 25: “Of all the criticisms leveled against textualism, the most mindless is that it is
“formalistic.” The answer to that is, of course it’s formalistic! The rule of law is about form”).
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2. WHAT IS JUDICIAL FORMALISM?
Traditionally, a group of lawyer-academics active at the end of the 19th century,
mainly from the Harvard Law School, are considered as representatives of classic
formalism7. Classic formalists advised judges to avoid the role of a political actor and
expected courts to adopt a “deductive” approach to adjudicating8. The latter consists in
mechanically or automatically moving from general categories or concepts to conclusions,
without taking into account political, moral or practical aspects9. Classic formalists believed
that law should fulfil three requirements: first, it must be determinate, its judgments
following from the application of norms to facts; second, it must be systematic, creating
a coherent structure of relatively abstract concepts and principles; and thirdly, it must
be autonomous, deriving its norms only from legal sources rather than from the
contestable claims of religion, philosophy, or political economy10.
Early critiques identified five properties of classic formalism11:
a) the autonomy of law – a belief that a solution to legal issues must be
searched for only within the realm of legal materials without referring to
any sources outside law;
b) textualism – a belief that a leading source of legal arguments is legal text,
and not, for instance, purposive interpretation of legal regulations;
c) conceptualism – a belief that (i) legal concepts (such as ownership or
freedom) may be identified through an analysis of legislation or court
judgments, and (ii) detailed rules that will be a basis for judicial dispute
resolution can be logically derived from those concepts;
d) originalism – a belief that the legislative history or the original
understanding of a legal text by readers at the time when it was drafted
7
Cox (2003), p. 57-58.
8
Duxbury (1995), p. 9.
9
Bix (2004)
10
Grey (1999)
11
Cox (2003) and Grey (1999)
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has a decisive role in solving interpretive doubts related to ambiguity in a
legal text12;
e) “geometrisation” of the process of law’s application – a belief that the
outcome of law’s application is an internally consistent, systematic and
rationalised law. The legal system from this standpoint is similar to
Euclidian’s geometric system, with theorems and axioms, in which an
answer to a legal question may be given by referring to the logic of the
system and that answer is therefore perfectly deductive and always
certain; this element of classic formalism was also referred to as
“mechanical jurisprudence”13.
In addition to its mechanical nature, formalism in its more contemporary form
(so called “new formalism”) “by distinguishing the literal mandates of the most locally
applicable legal norm from some arguably better result reachable by considering a
wider range of factors, reinforces the systemic isolation, or closure, of the legal
system”14. This results in a “narrow” understanding of a legal issue to be resolved;
formalism limits the area for interpretation, and hence denies that in a specific case there are
other reasonably possible interpretations than that based on the wording of a legal text 15.
The contrary position is that in applying laws, one should take into account all available
arguments, and not be limited to selected arguments, in particular to the linguistic
understanding of a legal text.
Formalism does not deny that there is a choice in how we interpret a given rule;
rather, it considers its own purpose to be to limit such choice16. In fact, formalists intend to
close so-called “escape routes”: ad hoc applied interpretative manoeuvres that aim at
avoiding undesirable effects of the application of law resulting from the mechanical
application of a literal rule to a given case17. Typical examples of escape routes are
12 This paper does not focus on the originalist branch of judicial formalism. Some of its arguments
however, especially those concerning formalism’s criterial approach to ordinary meaning, can be relevant
with regard to original meaning as it is defined by the originalist.
13
Pound (1908)
14
Schauer (1988), p. 522.
15
Schauer (1988), p. 512.
16
Schauer (1988), p. 521
17
Schauer (1988), p. 519.
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relying on legislative history or relying on the intended meaning of the legal text18.
Formalist dogma is to close all such escape routes by reducing the number of available
interpretive premises. The justifications given for thus restricting choice are: firstly, the
legal system does not incorporate rules operating as escape routes; and second, that the
person making a decision does not have the right to create a rule that would serve as an
ad hoc escape-route19. The possibility of creating those routes would increase the scope
of judicial discretion to make choices motivated by individual preferences rather than
the law itself, which judges are not empowered to do20. Hence, the focus on literal
meaning removes the judge’s ability to depart from the plain meaning of a statutory act and
thereby their ability to engage in judicial lawmaking21.
One prevailing feature seems to emerge from different accounts of formalism22:
the reductionism of interpretive premises. This consists in a focus on a particular factor in
the interpretive process: on the text, for instance on the plain meaning of a legal regulation
and the omission of all other factors – such as the purpose or function of the interpreted
provision, moral or political principles (Sunstein23, Pildes24, and others25). The reduction of
interpretive premises is considered to be a primary factor in securing formalism’s
compatibility with the rule of law. This compatibility is discussed in the next section.
3. JUDICIAL FORMALISM AND THE RULE OF LAW
One of the primary reasons for the popularity of formalism is its apparent
consistency with the rule of law. It is a popular belief among lawyers that relying strictly
18
Formalism in one of its meanings is “what others call ‘textualism’ – an assertion that statutes and
constitutions should be interpreted according to their plain meaning and not (where this would be
different) according to their underlying purposes or their drafters’ intentions (Bix, 2004).
19
Schauer (1988), p. 520.
20
Eskridge (1990), p. 648
21
Eskridge,(1990), p. 656
22 In the literature one can encounter several other accounts of formalism, understood as: a refusal to
accept that there is a freedom of choice in resolving cases taking into account the semantic interpretation
of a legal rule (Hart 1961, p. 124-130); an excessive reliance on the canonical language of written rules
(Llewellyn 1962, p. 183-188); the opinion that mechanical application of rules is fair (Kennedy 1973, p.
351, 355); an artificial narrowing of available interpretative choices, (Tushnet 1985, p. 1502, 1506-1507).
23
Sunstein (1999), p. 639
24
Pildes (1999), p. 612
25
Michelman (1999), p. 936, Kennedy (1976), p. 1687 and Huhn (2003), p. 309
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only on the legal text and omitting other interpretative premises ensures the
implementation of the rule of law and not the rule of people
26.
The rationale for this
position is that a legal text is the most transparent interpretative premise whereas
referring to extratextual premises involves a possibility of selective choice (because they
are so numerous) and misunderstanding (because they are vague).
Both formalism and the principle of the rule of law aim to limit the impact of the
individual human factor on the application of law and to give priority to an
autonomously understood legal text that incarnates the law27. The sources of this
ideology go back to “Montesquieu’s contentions that in a republican political system an
act of law is the act of sovereign public will, restraining arbitrary judgement of every
person, including a judge. Democracy must create clear and precise laws to limit the
judge’s arbitrariness”28.
The compatibility of formalism with the principle of the rule of law is further
corroborated by various attributes of formalist adjudication; these include the effective
limitation of interpretative freedom (discretion) of lawyers29, and the shielding of law
from the impact of judges’ political, moral and other individual preferences30. By doing
so, formalism deals with lawyers’ concerns regarding political choices being made by
judges31, which may differ from the choices of a democratic majority32.
Formalism also seems to promote the predictability of the process of law’s
application, and hence legal certainty – primary elements of the rule of law33. Through
its focus on the plain meaning of a legal text, formalism appeals to the intuition that
when interpreting we must reach out to the most tangible evidence of legislators’
expectations and to a legal material that is most available to the general public. Only a
text accepted in a legislative process is a law, and the conviction of members of
parliament as to the purpose or function of the law is not. Since a text is the source of
knowledge of a law, then in a sense it would be unfair to rely in interpretative decisions
26
Burton (2004), p. 141
27
See Scalia (1997), passim.
28
Kozak (2002), p. 78.
29
Schauer (2008), p. 433-434
30
See Craig, Hodder-Williams (1996), p. 2 and Craig (2003), pp. 92-111.
31
Barak (2005), p. 54
32
Eskridge (1990), p. 667
33
Schauer (1988), p. 549
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on other bases, in particular, on legislative history as an indicator of the lawmaker’s
intention (non quod voluit sed quod dixit): first of all, premises such as the lawmakers’
intention or the purpose of rules are not readily accessible to the general public; and
second, they are subject to differing interpretations. Deriving a legal interpretation from
a basis other than the legal text leads to the imposition of obligations on citizens of
which they have not had a chance to know before taking their actions. Such decision will
clearly be surprising to the public34. Involving premises other than publicly
communicated text into the decision-making process may even be considered as the
creation of obligations ex post facto, which clearly contradicts the rule of law.
Formalists’ claims are strong arguments that the process of applying laws should
be a rule-based decision-making rather than a particular reasoning in which the
principles underlying the rule are directly applied to the case at hand. The former
equates to deferring to the person who created the rule, the latter is an independent
decision by the interpreter. The reduction of interpretive premises to those derived
from the text of the rule only promotes the rule-based decision-making. and is more
compliant with the rule of law. Contrary to this, a decision based on extra-textual
premises, including the purpose of the rule, makes it possible for the interpreter to
engage their personal preferences and prejudices in the decision-making, and as such is
more akin to the rule of men than the rule of law.
To summarise, formalists strongly believe that they are faithful to the rule of law
because their approach is focused on the lawmaker’s language, attempting to interpret it
and decode the rules. As such, the backbone of judicial formalism is its fidelity to the
language of law. If one is able to prove that formalism fails to secure this fidelity, its
compatibility with the rule of law collapses. Below I demonstrate that as a method of
application of the law, legal formalism fails to correspond with crucial semantic features
of the language of law. As such, formalism does not do justice to the linguistic character
of law and thus is incompatible with the rule of law, which – as shown above – is rooted
in the language and depends on it.
In what follows I apply a new kind of semantic analysis to the text of law with the
purpose of justifying an anti-reductionist claim, namely that the reduction of premises
used in the interpretive process is a misguided strategy if one attempts to be faithful to
legal text. The nature of language as seen from the perspective of recently developed
34
Sunstein (1999), p. 654 and Adler (1998), p. 248
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semantic theories, (collectively known as “semantic externalism”35) requires a different
approach which consists in a moderate extension of the interpretive premises.
Considerations provided in the next part of the paper will lead to the conclusion
that formalistic claims regarding the necessary reduction in number of interpretive
premises cannot satisfy their descriptive or normative ambitions. As regards the former,
they fail to deliver on promises because they paint an inaccurate picture of the
interpretive process. They also fall flat as normative claims because they lead to grave
and unjustified oversimplifications of interpretation, resulting in incorrect conclusions.
Worst of all, those oversimplifications lead to surprising interpretative results, thereby
undermining one of the pillars of the rule of law: the predictability of judicial decisions.
4. JUDICIAL FORMALISM AND THE LANGUAGE OF LAW
Two visions of language
The question of meaning in general, and the question of the meaning of legal text
in particular, can be approached in two ways. The first, based on the descriptionist
theory of meaning, assumes that the meaning and reference of terms are contingent
upon both a set of criteria a speaker has in mind and a fit between an object in reality
and that set of criteria36. In this approach (called semantic internalism) the speaker’s
intent controls how the term refers to reality. When the speaker uses a certain term, she
has in mind certain criteria that constitute its meaning; to determine what the speaker
refers to, the receiver must identify an object that satisfies those criteria. This approach
makes use of definitions as the main vehicles of conveying meaning. As definitions are
sets of criteria an object must fulfil to be covered by the definition, interpretation within
this approach consists in matching extra-linguistic objects (e.g. things, human beings and
circumstances) with the criteria specified in the definitions.
The second approach to meaning, called semantic externalism, departs from the
descriptionist, criterial theory towards one which declares that “meanings just ain’t in
the head” (Putnam 1975, pp. 215-271). In its quest for meaning, semantic externalism
35
See Kallestrup (2012)
36
See Kripke (1991), p. 25-29
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abandons the criterial approach and turns to the usage of specific words in social
practice, which – owing to an enduring tradition of standard usage of terms –
determines which objects and situations occurring in the extra-linguistic reality are
referenced. The meaning of a word is identified based on the nature of reality to which
that word refers, i.e. on the basis of the features of external reality systematically
indicated by that word.
Semantic externalism differs from its internalist counterpart in many ways, and
some of those differences are particularly relevant for legal theorists. First, according to
semantic externalism, it is not the intention or knowledge of the speaker that
determines which elements of reality the speaker’s words refer to. The reference is
rather determined by the tradition of those terms’ usage. A word or sentence refers to a
state of affairs to which a particular group of people traditionally (i.e. for a relatively
long time and in a typical way) have referred. Hence, semantic externalism shifts the
focus away from the author and focuses instead on her words and the linguistic practice
of the communicative community that created and interprets the text, as well as the
reality referenced within37. The speaker’s intended meaning is no longer relevant for
interpretive purposes. What replaces this focus on intention is one on the relationship
between words and reality at the particular instances of this word’s usage in the past.
Second, meaning is no longer understood as a description (Mill, Russell) or a
cluster of descriptions (Searle). To determine the meaning of a word one does not need a
definition, understood as a set of criteria which must be fulfilled by the referent. What
must be determined is the set of properties or states of affairs to which this word
referred in the past. The ability to refer to those properties and states of affairs
constitutes “the proper function” (Millikan, 1984) of terms and sentences, a crucial
element of meaning within the externalist framework.
Third, semantic externalism is focused on the particular instances of language
usage. The language is perceived as a living practice, and not as an atemporal, static
structure. In other words, the externalist approach assumes that pragmatics prevails
over semantics: it is the use that influences the meaning and not the other way round.
37 Bix (2003, p. 287) criticises semantic theories stemming from Kripke and Putnam for prioritising the
“word meaning” at the expense of “speaker’s meaning.” He finds such an approach at odds with the
essential feature of law, the lawmaker’s power to change the meaning of words in the legislative process. I
do not see this criticism justified, as the lawmaker’s power to choose the words constituting legal text, not
to change their meaning, seems to be the essential feature of law.
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The definition-based approach versus the paradigm-based one
Formalism draws on semantic internalism, not semantic externalism.
As a
consequence, it perceives legal concepts as criteria-based concepts. Ultimately,
formalism considers the interpretation and application of law to be a process of
subsumption (qualification of facts according to criteria), the outcome of which is that
facts are qualified according to whether or not they fulfil criteria established in
definitions. This approach underweighs the context in which the language is used,
especially linguistic practices and traditions in the speaker’s community. It also neglects
the fact that in using language we do not apply definitions to objects and situations, but
rather seek analogies between previous uses of a word or phrase and the current use.
Semantic externalism rejects a criteria-driven analysis and instead examines the
history of linguistic practice of a particular community in order to find meaning; by
doing so it steers clear of mechanistic, subsumption-based reasoning. As Stavropoulos
points out, it is precisely the point of the externalist framework “that determining the
content of a concept is not a mechanical exercise, but is a complex-theoretical-procedure
shot through with evaluative judgments (Stavropoulos 1996, p. 10).”
The starting point for the externalist critique of formalism is the latter’s
conceptualisation of meaning, borrowed from semantic internalism. Semantic
externalism rejects the notion of meaning defined as a set of characteristic features
attributed to extra-linguistic objects allowing one to either classify the given object as a
designator of the term or disqualify it if some features are missing (Kripke 1991). Kripke
argues that meaning is not constituted by the compliance of the properties of the object
that the speaker refers to and those making up the content of the term (so-called clusterof-properties or –descriptions, making up a definition). It is false to believe that for one
object to be a designator of a certain term it must satisfy the majority or even all
conditions prescribed in the definition38.
According to semantic externalism, while identifying objects to which the speaker
refers, one must establish not the object the speaker had in mind39, but the object to
38
Kripke (1991), p. 91-92.
39
See Hughes (2006), p. 36; See also Kripke (1979), p. 6-27.
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which the term refers, on the basis of “the most coherent explanation of name or termusing practice40”. This “term-using practice”41 starts with a so-called “original baptism”42
and continues with subsequent uses, which are called “multiple groundings” (Devitt
1981: 138). For Kripke, “original baptism” is the first naming of the object. This first
naming consists of description or simple indication (as in the baptism of a child). Evans43
indicates that it is not only the first naming that is significant for the meaning of the
given word; subsequent individuals refer to the object in the causal chain by invoking its
name, thus, as it were, grounding its reference. A similar conviction that subsequent uses
of a term influence its meaning is present in Millikan (1984) in her idea of historical
chains of language usages − “lineages”44. In Millikan’s theory, linguistic meaning has
been shaped in the process of repeatable co-occurrence of words (sentences) and states
of affairs. A name co-occurs with a person, a noun co-occurs with a thing, a predicate cooccurs with a given attribute. The co-occurrence can be physical (words and things or
qualities are present at the same time and place), or of a historical-causal nature (as in
Kripke-Putnam semantics, in which our current reference extends back to the first use of
the word).
Multiple groundings or lineages are the main mechanisms of how the tradition of
linguistic uses influence meaning. If, as Millikan puts it, meaning is the proper function of
linguistic tools45, to understand what this function is one needs to trace back the
instances of previous uses. Language users usually do this already during language
acquisition, which consists in observing instances of a term’s use and grasping what
elements in the surrounding reality the term picks out. Later, the tracing of the tradition
takes place in the learning process, when one makes oneself familiar with texts and
other utterances from the past, developing a knowledge of how they have referred to the
world. Multiple groundings and lineages are theoretical notions covering what lay
40
Stavropoulos 1996, p. 8
41
Kripke (1991), p. 106
42
Devitt (1981), p. 26
43
See the discussion in Mallon (2015), p. 11
44
Millikan (2005, p. 38): “The phenomenon of public language emerges, I believe, not as a set of abstract
objects, but as a real sort of stuff in the real world, neither abstract nor arbitrarily constructed by the
theorist. It consists of actual utterances and scripts, forming crisscrossing lineages”.
45
Millikan (1984), p. 28
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people call “practice”; they are similar to Wittgensteinian language games46. The more
instances of a particular linguistic behaviour one observes, the better one knows the
practice, and the better one is equipped to repeat the behaviour correctly in the future,
i.e. to correctly link the words with the world.
When applied to legal language, the concept of multiple groundings and lineages
changes the traditional perception of how the meaning of legal terms is shaped. Upon
completing an utterance in the language of law (e.g. provision or norm), the lawmaker
applies the terms of ordinary language, which, according to semantic externalism,
already have a chain of multiple groundings by virtue of being used in linguistic practice
of the given communicative community47. Contrary to a common belief amongst legal
philosophers, the lawmaker is not the original reference-fixer, the baptiser48. In enacting
a new law, the lawmaker includes into the legal language words that have been used
before, along with their histories (their lineages). If this were not the case,
communication via legal text would be impossible: no lawmaker can effectively
communicate with newly coined words alone. Naturally, in the language of law some
terms acquire specific legal meaning right at the moment they are incorporated into it,
for example by passing specific legal definitions that modify the ordinary meaning of the
word. But mostly, terms used in legal text are adopted from ordinary language as they
are, unchanged. With time, terms used to express the law gain an increasing number of
groundings both in the domain of ordinary language and the domain of legal language.
This is so because the communicative community uses those terms while referring to the
reality in which it functions. In legal discourse, court rulings and administrative
decisions are examples of multiple groundings. Opinions expressed in legal doctrine also
belong here, as lawyers employ legal terms and refer them to reality.
46
Wittgenstein (1958)
47
In this paper I assume that the original area of application of semantic externalism, namely proper
names and natural kind terms, may be extended to include fields of social practice where one uses
theoretical concepts, and law is undeniably such a field. The scope of this paper prevents me from proving
the validity of the assumption made. However, the viability of extending semantic externalism to cover
concepts other than proper names or natural terms has been demonstrated in Stavropoulos (1996, p. 6768) where he treats at length semantic externalism’s relevance for the language of law, and Michael Devitt
(1981, p. 199) who suggests that causal theory of reference can be applied to terms other than proper
names and natural terms, for example to theoretical concepts. See also Burge (1979) and Brink (1984).
48 See Stavropoulos (1996, p. 46) who suggests that lawmakers are original reference-fixers, i.e. that they
perform a naming ceremony by using legal terms in the legal text.
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Within this picture of how legal language operates, the task of the interpreter
differs significantly from the one proposed by semantic internalism and judicial
formalism. In those approaches, interpretation is a deductive process which involves
forming a definition and applying it to the external world. Instead of such a “definitionbased” application of general terms, semantic externalism proposes a “paradigm-based”
application of the terms49. In this model, interpretation is an inductive process of tracing
previous instances of using a particular term or phrase and forming a theory of what is
the proper function of the term or phrase. To form this theory, the interpreter must
identify typical properties that are picked out by the term when it is used. This cannot be
done by simply reading a definition. Instead, it requires immersion in the contexts of
particular uses from the past and finding a common denominator among them.
A new approach to plain meaning
Semantic externalism requires lawyers to change their approach to the plain or
ordinary meaning: from one based on definitions to one based on lineages. A useful
example of a lineage-based approach has been provided by Recanati (2004) in the form
of “semantic potential”, understood as an ability to refer to some set of features in the
world50. Recanati distinguishes between “source” and “target” situations: the “source
situations” are all the situations in which a term has been used in the past51; the “target
situation” is the current situation in which a term is to be used. The task of the speaker
is to assess whether the use of the word in the target situation is appropriate as
compared to its use in the source situations. The set of source situations provides the
speaker with some comparative material to perform this task. To assess whether the
term should be applied in the target situation, the speaker first needs to assess if and to
what extent the features of that situation resemble the features of the source situations.
49
“Howard Wettstein distinguishes ‘definition-based’ from ‘paradigm-based’ stories about the application
of general terms. On the paradigm-based story, one is ‘exposed to a certain number of cases, and . . .
perhaps corrected on a number of occasions on the application of the term, one [then] gets the feel for
what is to count as a genuine application of the term, somewhat like the way one gets the feel for how to
serve in tennis’ (Jackson, 1998, p. 65).
50
Recanati (2004), p. 141
51
Recanati (2004), p. 143. Although Recanati does not use her terminology, the chains of the source
situations resemble Millikan’s lineages.
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The speaker’s second task is to find out which similarities between the source and target
situations are relevant and which are not.
Take the term “dangerous tool” used in some criminal law regulations. The
previous applications of that term allowed one to form a definition which would surely
involve some criteria concerning the shape of the tool (e.g. hardness, sharpness), some
affordances (e.g. being able to shoot with it). If one faces a target situation in which a
criminal uses a knife to threaten a victim, the criteria of the definition are sufficient: the
target situation is similar in many aspects to the source situations, so the decision on
whether to apply the term “dangerous tool” to the knife is an easy one. The same goes
for situations involving the use of a gun.
If, however, one is presented with a target situation in which a robbery has been
committed by a kung-fu master who used only his bare hands to threaten his victim52, a
more difficult question arises: is the target situation similar to the source situation in
which “dangerous tool” has been used? It may happen that no available definition allows
for including bare hands within the term, as no one ever faced a situation similar to the
target situation. Nonetheless, the target situation is similar to the source situations in
some relevant sense: the bare hands of the kung-fu master fulfil the same role as a knife
or a gun, namely dangerous implements used to trigger the victim’s fear and encourage
them to give their belongings to the robber. The definition itself is inadequate but our
knowledge of source situations can be used to decide whether the application of the
term to the target situation is appropriate.
Within the context of his analysis, Recanati makes use of the idea of open
texture53. The open texture is a flaw inherent to definitions understood as sets of criteria
formed on the basis of previous applications of a particular term. The proper use of the
term in the subsequent situation depends on whether that situation fulfils previously
formed criteria. The problem is that the previous situations in which the term has been
used had many features, only some of which a definition can capture. When next applied
to the target situation, the definition may be found inadequate if it does not contain the
features relevant from the perspective of the target situation. To diminish the negative
impact of the open texture, Recanati proposes not to use definitions at all as
52
This is an actual case heard by the Polish Supreme Court
53
Recanati (2004), p. 143. Originating from Waismann, this is the same concept as that used by HLA Hart
in “The Concept of Law”.
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intermediaries between the source situations and the target situation54. Instead, he
proposes that the target situation should be compared with a raw set of source
situations and the language user should decide on the resemblance between the target
situation and the source situations on the basis of all features to which the term earlier
referred, i.e. on the basis of the full semantic potential of the term55.
According to Recanati, in novel and difficult cases we make use of our knowledge
of previous situations to assess how to apply the term to the target situation. We
compare the two and eliminate those features that are not relevant and select those
which are. The set of features selected in the case of one target situation may be
different from the features we select in another; the selection depends on the function
the target situation has for us. Millikan’s idea of lineages and proper function may be of
help here. The set of sources situation in which a term has been applied because a set of
features having a particular function existed in those situations forms a lineage. The
same word can have several lineages as it may be used with regard to a different set of
features or to the same set of features but having a different function for us.
Take again the kung-fu-master case. Any definition of “dangerous tool”, formed as
a common denominator of the features of all source situations in which that phrase has
been used previously will be only a selection of the features. It is probable that one of the
features selected to the definition would be a feature of “being an implement”. That
feature is not present in the target situation: human hands are not implements in the
literal sense. Thus, the target situation does not fall under the definition of the
“dangerous tool”. Yet judges deciding that case found the hands of the kung-fu master to
be dangerous tools because they compared the target situation with all relevant features
of the source situation, irrespective of whether they were included in the definition. One
of the features was the ability of the “tool” to harm or the fact that the perception of the
“tool” can trigger fear in a robbery victim.
Recanati’s approach to literal meaning is paradigm-based, not definition-based. It
assumes the definition-based approach is too reductive: any definition may provide
speakers with only a small number of relevant features of the source situations and
there is no guarantee that the selected features will be relevant for a novel target
situation, as in the example of the dangerous tool. Therefore, Recanati proposes to
54
Recanati (2004), p. 143
55
Recanati (2004), p. 147
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expand the number of features to take into consideration instead of reducing them.
Reduction petrifies the language and makes it unable to react to a new target situation.
The application of a word to the situation may be justifiable because it resembles the
source situations; however, it is excluded because that resemblance does not fall within
the features selected by a single definition. The result is inconsistency: a term should be
applied to a situation but it is not. Recanati’s approach of expanding the number of
features interpreters take into consideration allows them to be more consistent and
precise in applying terms to reality.
Combining Recanati’s concept of ordinary meaning with Millikan’s idea of
lineages provides a robust externalist theory of language. This theory can be used to
criticise the reductionism of interpretative premises advocated by the proponents of
judicial formalism.
5. CRITICISM OF REDUCTIONISM OF INTERPRETATIVE PREMISES
Traditionally, the criticism of reductionism of interpretative premises has been
undertaken from two positions: a utilitarian and a contextual one. Utilitarians oppose
the reduction of interpretive premises because such reduction brings about an inferior
result in the process of applying the law when compared to an all-things-considered
approach56. An all-things-considered approach would include, for instance, the
legislative purpose and intention57, a change in the social environment since the time of
enactment, the individual situation of the person to whom law is to be applied, and
finally, the consequences of interpretative decisions. Utilitarians emphasise that allthings-considered legal thinking is closer to practical reasoning, the principle of which is
to maximise the amount of data in the decision-making process rather than reduce it58.
As a result of such maximisation, the final decision is optimal.
The utilitarian argument doesn’t undermine the main formalist line of argument,
namely, the need to be faithful to the language of the law, because it simply doesn’t
address it. Formalists do not treat the outcome or utility of the outcome as the main
criterion to assess the appropriacy of judicial decisions. They are ready to accept a sub56
Schauer (1991), p. 113
57
Michelman (1999), p. 937
58
Eskridge and Frickey (1990), p. 348
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optimal outcome, one inferior to that which would be achieved in a particular case by
taking all aspects relevant for a given matter into consideration. This inferiority is a cost
they are willing to pay for a standardisation which ensures the similarity of all decisions
undertaken in similar cases. Therefore, formalists argue that being faithful to a rule
means that the person making an interpretation should not have any scope to alter suboptimal outcomes where they arise59. In other words, the individual attempt to optimise
a decision may endanger a rule’s standardisation function.
A better argument is provided by the contextualists, who criticise the reduction of
the interpretive premises not from a utilitarian but from a linguistic point of view.
Contextualists (e.g. Barak60 and Fish61) claim that understanding a legal text is not
possible without taking into consideration interpretative premises derived from the
context in which that text was developed or in which it is interpreted. Consequently,
they argue that context-based interpretative premises (e.g. legislative history or a
change of circumstances) should be treated as fully legitimate interpretive premises.
Formalists are acontextualists. Their main argument for reducing interpretive
premises derives from the nature of linguistic meaning; they believe that meanings are
acontextual sets of criteria, abstracted from particular situations of language use. This is
not to say that all formalists are literalists. The authors supporting formalism
acknowledge that “the literal or dictionary definitions of words will often fail to account
for settled nuances or background conventions that qualify the literal meaning of
language”62 and observe that “no mainstream judge is interested solely in the literal
definitions of a statute’s words”63 The criticism of the definition-based approach
discussed here is not directed against literalism. It rather targets an assumption that one
is able to identify the ordinary meaning of a word by analysing criteria set forth in its
definition. As Christopher Hutton writes: “One way in which courts feel they can access
the ordinary language user’s point of view is through dictionary definitions”64. What I
argue is that definitions cannot give access to the ordinary meaning because they are
59
Schauer (1991), p. 100
60
Barak (2005), p. 26
61
Fish (2005), p. 629
62
Manning (2003), p. 2393
63
Nelson (2005), p. 376
64
Hutton (2014), p. 44
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abstract generalisations and therefore artificial65. Hutton argues that a convincing
response to the accusation of the generalisation can be that rules are abstract in the
sense that they have generalised focus (Hutton 2014, p. 45-46). However, I argue that
this response is not convincing at all – the generalisations we make must be always
understood as rooted in particular contexts from which they have been derived.
Without doubt, each rule set down in the legal text is a form of generalisation66.
This generalisation consists of criteria which a fragment of reality must fulfil to be
covered by the definition. The formalist’s problem is that they believe the criteria set
forth by the generalisation are immutable in the sense that they are independent from
the particular state of affairs to which they are applied. In the kung-fu example, the
formalistically understood rule covering “dangerous tools” would oblige the tool to be an
implement and as such exclude the application of the rule to hands. This is wellintentioned: the main task of generalisations is to confine the risk of individual error in
applying the law to a particular case. Without such generalisations, the individual would
be forced to decide the case on an ad hoc basis, using the rationale for which a legal rule
has been set, but not applying the rule itself.
But where do generalisations come from? Legal provisions contain general terms
that are abstractions from experience: we experience particular situations and abstract
some set of features common to those situations. The term “tool” encapsulates all
experiences of tools, the term “dangerous” summarises all experiences of situations in
which a risk or threat is involved. A set of features we extract from such situations is
usually expressed as a definition; e.g. the definition of a tool consists of a set of features
abstracted from our experience of tools. Within this approach to generalisations,
interpretation consists of applying the definition to new situations, events and features.
According to this picture, to use language is to make deductions: i.e. to apply a general
set of uniform criteria to particular cases.
That definition-based approach to language can be contrasted with a paradigmbased one. As we have seen, in order to form a definition and apply it to a new situation,
we need to have an experience that led to the formation of the definition: the definition
is thus a bridge between a previous experience and a current one. Within the paradigmbased approach, using language is not a question of applying definitions, but rather of
65
A similar argument is presented in Harris and Hutton (2007, p. 212)
66
Schauer (1991), p. 17
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comparing a situation to which the language is to be applied with previous situations to
which it did apply. The use of a term with reference to a new situation is justified by its
similarity to the situation to which the term had been applied at the previous instance(s)
of its use. The paradigm-based approach is a kind of analogy-based reasoning.
The problem with the definition-based approach is that its interpretation of
language detaches itself from experience, and thereby detaches itself from the real
world. The approach focuses on the criteria selected as a result of experience. Those
criteria become autonomous from the experience, they live their own lives. As we have
seen in the kung-fu master example, the definition of a “dangerous tool”, including the
general terms like “implement” does not allow hands to be qualified as dangerous tools.
And yet we believe that qualifying hands as dangerous tools makes sense. In order to
treat the hands of a kung-fu master as dangerous tools, one needs to go beyond the
definition, to the real context of the previous uses of the term “dangerous tool”. By
analysing the contexts of the previous uses of the term, one can find the similarity
between those uses and the target use, even if the target situation does not fulfil some of
the criteria listed in the definition (hands are not implements).
By eliminating the use of definitions as intermediaries to interpretation, the
paradigm-based approach avoids the reductionism of its competitor. While the latter
relies on a limited number of features selected by the definition, the former makes use of
the full set of features covered by past uses of a term. Instead of limiting the number of
interpretive premises, the paradigm-based approach expands their number significantly.
The crucial term for the paradigm-based approach is “similarity”: the key
interpretative decision involves finding similarities between target and source
situations. But what does it mean for these two situations to be similar? It means they
share a feature which led previous users to apply the term in a particular case. In our
example of a kung-fu master, the interpreter decides to apply the term “dangerous tool”
to the target situation because she realises that the reason for using the word previously
was that dangerous tools are things that can harm people and force them to succumb to
violence; the fact of tools being implements was not relevant.
The paradigm-based approach is a similar approach to language use as the one
proposed by Millikan in her theory of linguistic lineages. As we recall from the previous
parts of the article, it is exactly the existence of a feature that leads users of a language to
apply a term again and again to particular situations which creates a lineage of a term’s
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uses. The recurrence of this feature has induced community of speakers to reuse the
same term to signal that feature’s existence, and this reuse of the term has endowed the
term with a proper function of signalling that feature’s occurrence.
Because the theoretical analysis of language may seem too abstract for lawyers
involved in practical, day-to-day cases, in the next section two real cases are analysed to
show the explanatory power of the theoretical framework proposed by the theory of
lineages and the paradigm-based approach.
6. HOW THE PARADIGM-BASED APPROACH WORKS IN PRACTICE: TWO
CASES
The purpose of discussing these cases is twofold. First, I aim to show the
advantage of the paradigm-based, historical analysis of language practice over the
definition-based analysis in real-life cases. Second, I argue that cases solved with the
formalistic, definition-based approach result in incongruity: a feeling on the part of the
law’s addressee that the solutions are strange and surprising. Lawyers’ reaction to such
incongruity is very often to quote a Latin proverb “Dura lex sed lex” – “Harsh law but it is
the law”. My conclusion is that the “harshness” of the law arising from the formalistic
rule is an adverse effect of taking a non-natural, definition-based approach to language,
not a genuine feature of the law per se. When that interpretative approach is replaced
with a paradigm-based, externalist one, the incongruity disappears, and with it the sense
of harshness. If one analyses language as a historically developed, context-sensitive
practice, the judicial decision to apply statutory terms according to their ordinary
meaning does not have to result in surprise. To the contrary, the decision can be at once
commonsensical and legally justified.
Nix v. Hedden
The first case illustrating how the lineages work is Nix v. Hedden. In this “tomatoas-fruit case”, as it is known, the US Supreme Court faced the quandary of how to qualify
tomatoes in the light of tax tariffs that differ with regard to fruit and vegetables. If
tomatoes were qualified as fruit (as they are from a botanical perspective) they would
be subject to lower tax than when qualified as vegetable (which they are from a culinary
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perspective). The latter approach was that taken by current practice. The case triggered
a wave of legal and general discussions on how to solve this puzzle and it still causes
disagreement. When taken from the externalist perspective, however, Nix v. Hedden
nicely depicts the usefulness of the paradigm-based approach and the concept of
lineages.
The issue at the heart of Nix-Hedden can be best observed through the prism of
lineages. The dilemma the judges faced was based on the existence of two lineages of
using the word “fruit”. The first one, “culinary”, is a tradition of using “fruit” within
culinary contexts. The instances within the culinary lineages include situations in which
previous users applied “fruit” with a proper function which has been to cover the
properties of things like cherries, strawberries or avocados. These properties include
typically (but not exclusively): the property of being sweet or the property of being
elements of desserts. Tomatoes, which from this perspective are rather similar to
cucumbers, onions and pumpkins, have not been covered by the word “fruit” in this
lineage.
The other lineage, the “botanical” one, is a tradition of using the word “fruit” in a
different, specialised context of botany, in which technically fruit is a part of a plant that
forms itself from a flower and contains seeds. Within this context the proper function of
“fruit” has been to cover the property of being a particular stage in the development of
plants. The crucial legal question in Nix v. Hedden was within which lineage the term
“fruit” had been used in the relevant tax legislation, and, consequently, if tomato should
be covered by this term. It is quite clear that tomato had been covered by the word
“fruit” within the “botanical” lineage (a tomato is technically a fruit because it develops
from a flower and contains seeds), and not covered by the word “fruit” within the
“culinary” lineage (within the latter it has been covered by the term “vegetable”).
The Court rightly decided that the use of “fruit” in the tax legislation was an
instance of the culinary lineage, as it is a more general one and there no indications that
the term “fruit” was used in the narrow, botanical lineage. After all, one taxes objects
with an eye how they are used in regular life, not how they develop biologically67. In
terms of semantic externalism the two lineages allow for two theories explaining on how
67
Excise tax, for instance, is widely use to burden the sale of luxury products, like perfumes, or products
(like tobacco and alcohol) whose use the government discourages. On the other hand, sometimes lower
rates of VAT are introduced for products whose use is supported by the government (e.g. books or
newspapers).
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the word “fruit” has been used. Each theory presents an explanation by finding a
common denominator for a particular practice of using the word. The co-existence of the
two lineages and two theories caused the ambiguity the Court faced in Nix v. Hedden. As
the case shows, the task of interpretation is to trace the lineages and to decide in which
one the interpreted term has been used.
Approaching the Nix v. Hedden case via Recanati’s terminology, the court’s
application of the word “fruit” to tomatoes is a target situation. To assess the
appropriateness of this application, one needs to trace back the source situations in
which the word “fruit” has been previously used. The semantic potential, shaped by the
history of using the word “fruit” includes both the source situation in which the feature
of sweetness and the feature of “being-developed-from-the flower” occurred. As the
features have different functions for us, however, two functional lineages of using the
word “fruit” exist: a culinary and a botanical one. Those lineages are sets of source
situations in which different features with different functions have been chosen by
speakers68.
As we have seen, legal interpretation within the externalist paradigm consists in
deciding whether the target situation (in the Nix v Hedden case, exporting tomatoes)
sufficiently and in relevant aspects resembles the source situation, which was the use of
the term in the legal text (“exporting fruit” in the tax legislation). The court decided that
the lawmaker used the word “fruit” in the tax legislation to invoke the series of the
previous source situations in which the proper function of the word “fruit” was to signal
the occurrence of the features connected to taste (like sweetness) and culinary use
(“dessertness”). As the target situation (tomato) does not have those features of
sweetness and dessertness, the tomato cannot be named “fruit”.
The judges in Nix v.. Hedden had then to take two decisions: which set of source
situations to choose and whether the target situation resembles the source situations
within the chosen set. The former decision was crucial: the judges decided that the
original use of the word “fruit” in the tax tariff was an instance of a “culinary” use, not a
“botanical” one. By doing so, they determined that the right set of source situations with
68
A lineage is a kind of consistent linguistic practice of naming the situations in the world with the same
words if those situations include the same relevant features. Polysemy occurs when a word is used in
several lineages, and is thus applied to several sets of situations. Some polysemies are obvious: like the
word “bank” in English, with its two clearly separated lineages: the financial one and the one applied to
parts of rivers. The case of fruit is a case of polysemy, as well, albeit not so obvious
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which to compare the target situation is the culinary one, not the botanical one. Once
chosen, the culinary set of source situations provided the judges with a clear set of
features, like sweetness and “dessert-ness” that cannot be found in the target situation
(tomato), so the application of “fruit” to “tomato” was found to be incorrect.
Interpretive controversies like that in Nix v. Hedden cannot be resolved with the
use of definitions alone, and the Court was well aware of that69. Like “fruit”, other legal
and non-legal terms acquire their meaning not from dictionaries but from the practice of
using them in particular contexts. As with the tomato-as-fruit example, every legal
interpretation has to look into the past to discover the proper function of terms and
phrases. The “normal” or “typical” meaning is not a “plain meaning” but the typical,
proper function the terms and phrases acquired by being used in particular contexts in
the past.
The problem with formalism is conspicuous when one imagines a different
decision in Nix v. Hedden, i.e. to decrease the tax rate for tomatoes because they are
technically (i.e. according to the definition) fruit. Such a decision would appear
incongruous, given that the practice had been to treat tomatoes as vegetables for tax
purposes. What is the source of this incongruity? In practical terms, it is that the
proposed use of a word (i.e. tomato as fruit) is not typical but idiosyncratic. In technical
terms, the proposed use does not fit in with the word’s lineage: tomato is not a fruit in
the most common tradition of using this word. The tomato-as-fruit case provides an
example of overlooking the distinctions between lineages – or ignoring the very
existence of those lineages. A more common name for such practices is “dictionary
shopping”, where definitions are chosen for the sake of expediency. It is easier to cherrypick a definition favouring one’s preferred outcome than to analyse whether that
definition is aligned with previous uses of the word in question.
If the lawmaker uses a term in one lineage and the judge uses the same term in a
different lineage, it is clear that confusion will arise and incongruity will follow: treating
69
Hence, in Nix v. Hedden the Court openly diminished the role of definitions in understanding legal text:
“There being no evidence that the words "fruit" and "vegetables" have acquired any special meaning in
trade or commerce, they must receive their ordinary meaning. Of that meaning the court is bound to take
judicial notice, as it does in regard to all words in our own tongue, and upon such a question dictionaries
are admitted not as evidence, but only as aids to the memory and understanding of the court.” (emphasis
added).
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tomatoes as fruit would have been surprising. It would also have been unpredictable.
And yet, predictability is one of the most salient features of the rule of law. Thus it
appears that judicial formalism, with its tendency to apply dictionary definitions
artificially and mix the lineages actually endangers the rule of law by endangering the
predictability of judicial decisions.
Smith v. United States
As the analysis of Nix v. Hedden has shown, the source of incongruity in judicial
interpretation can be an insensitivity as to which lineage the interpreted term belongs. It
is, in other words, an insensitivity to the context in which words and phrases are used in
linguistic practice. Definitions are generalisations and as such they may be applied in
detachment from the contexts in which the defined words have been formed. This
phenomenon is conspicuous in another court case, Smith v. United States, in which the
judges interpreted the phrase “to use a firearm” and considered applying it to the
situation in which the perpetrator exchanges a bag with a firearm in it for drugs. An
interpretive decision that exchanging the bag with a gun constituted an instance of
“using a firearm” would make it possible to impose a harsher punishment on the
perpetrator.
Unlike Nix v. Hedden, the Court in Smith intuitively reached for a dictionary
definition of the verb “use”, instead of focusing on typical applications of the phrase70.
The problem is that, within the theory of lineages, it is not words but phrases and
sentences that refer to the world. The reason for this is the nature of language as applied
to reality: sentences correlate with situations, and particular words, which correlate
with elements of situations, can be the building blocks of many sentences and thus
appear in many lineages. Situation A, in which “a firearm” is used, and situation B, in
which anything else is used, can be contextually completely different, yet the verb “to
use” appears in both. Therefore, understanding “to use” according to its dictionary
definition, i.e. as abstracted from those completely different situations, is not justified
70
The Court explicitly cited the following definitions of “use”: “ Webster's defines "to use" as "[t]o convert
to one's service" or "to employ." Webster's New International Dictionary 2806 (2d ed. 1939). Black's Law
Dictionary contains a similar definition: "[t]o make use of; to convert to one's service; to employ; to avail
oneself of; to utilise; to carry out a purpose or action by means of." Black's Law Dictionary 1541 (6th ed.
1990).” (…) Petitioner's handling of the MAC-10 in this case falls squarely within those definitions.”
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within the theory of lineages. In the case, however, the judges applied a general
definition of “to use”, detaching it completely from the typical situations within which
the phrase “to use a firearm” is generally employed.
The dictionary definition of “to use” is a distillation of all the lineages including
this word, and as such is multifarious. The theory of lineages requires a focus on
particular instances of using language, and there exist no particular instances of using
“to use”. In other words, with one exception, there are no particular situations in which
one simply “is using”.71 However, there are particular instances of “using a firearm” that
form lineages entirely distinct from others such as “using a bag” or “using a car”.
If we analyse the lineages of particular words making up the phrase “using a
firearm”, the number of possible lineages for each word grows significantly72. This can
be seen especially in the case of the verb “to use” taken separately, not as a part of the
phrase. The number of meanings of “to use” is enormous. As in its transitive form “use”
is always accompanied by a noun, the source situations of “to use” must be taken
separately, but with their accompanying noun. In the “using-a-firearm” case, judges
analysed the word “using” separately its accompanying noun. The semantic potential of
“using” is much wider, as it encompasses all the source situations in which “to use”
occurred, with all the possible nouns it can occur with. As nouns modify the meaning of
verbs with which they occur73, each use of the verb “to use” with a different noun creates
71 This
one exception is a colloquial and intransitive use of the verb and represents a separate lineage; e.g.
“My brother is using”. It can be found here: http://www.urbandictionary.com/define.php?term=using
72
That the definition-based approach of the court is too broad is the main topic in Judge Scalia’s dissent to
Smith v. New York: “The Court begins its analysis by focusing upon the word "use" in this passage, and
explaining that the dictionary definitions of that word are very broad.” (…). “It is, however, a "fundamental
principle of statutory construction (and, indeed, of language itself) that the meaning of a word cannot be
determined in isolation, but must be drawn from the context in which it is used. (…) That is particularly
true of a word as elastic as "use," whose meanings range all the way from "to partake of" (as in "he uses
tobacco") to "to be wont or accustomed" (as in "he used to smoke tobacco").”
73
Recanati (2004). As the author points out, drawing on Pelczar’s work:, “the word ‘get’ takes on different
senses – denotes different relations – depending on what fills the second argument-place of the relation.
Thus ‘Smith has got the virus’ means that he has contracted the virus, while in ‘I need to get some eggs’
‘get’ has what Pelczar calls the acquisitional sense. (…) The same remarks can be made with respect to the
word ‘cut’, whose meaning is modulated differently in ‘John cut the grass’ and ‘John cut the cake.’ As Searle
points out, if I ask John to cut the grass, and he cuts it the way one cuts a cake (or if I ask him to cut the
cake, and he cuts it the way one cuts grass), he has not complied with my request; he has not done what I
asked him to do”. (p. 133). A similar remark is made by Judge Scalia in his dissent: “Just as adding the
direct object "a firearm" to the verb "use" narrows the meaning of that verb (it can no longer mean
"partake of"), so also adding the modifier "in the offense of transferring, selling, or transporting firearms"
to the phrase "use a firearm" expands the meaning of that phrase (it then includes, as it previously would
not, nonweapon use)”
26
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a different lineage. Thus, “to use a firearm” has a different lineage than “to use a valuable
thing as a means of payment”.
The whole phrase “to use a firearm” has a history of being used in the typical
situations in which a person has used a gun for shooting or threatening. Those have been
the situations in which one have been using a firearm in a typical way, according to the
purpose for which guns are manufactured. Naturally, there must have been situations in
the past in which one used a gun for a strange, atypical purpose: to hammer a nail or to
open a beer. It seems unlikely, however, to assume that in those atypical situations the
ordinary meaning of the phrase “to use a firearm” was to indicate the possibility of using
it in that atypical way. The possibility of that atypical use must have been signalled
differently from a typical source situation in which one uses a firearm. No one expects a
person to shoot a nail or a bottle in those situations, so additional linguistic information
must have been provided, either explicitly or implicitly, for allowing the hearer to
deduce that a non- typical use is being proposed. It could have happened by adding a
phrase “using the firearm” (“use a firearm AS A HAMMER”, “use a firearm AS AN
OPENER”) or by a behaviour which was communicatively obvious in a given context (e.g.
by handing over a non-loaded gun to a person struggling to open a bottle). In those
atypical cases, “using a firearm” has had another proper function, and hence a different
meaning. As a consequence, those atypical situations constituted a different lineage of
different linguistic expressions (e.g. “use a firearm AS AN OPENER”). Finally, it can be
stated that the lineage of the phrase “using a firearm as a firearm” is stable and clearly
refers to using a firearm in a typical way. Interpreting it in a context-insensitive way, as
the Court in Smith v. New York did, is an interpretative mistake.
It is strange to claim, as formalists do, that a plain or ordinary meaning of a
particular phrase consists not in how this phrase is typically used, but in the sum of all
possible uses of all phrases in which the interpreted word has been used (e.g.
understand “to use” as it has been used in any phrase including “use”, and not as it has
been used in the phrase “to use a firearm”). The definition of “to use” is too broad to be
meaningful – it is a generalisation that is simply too general.
27
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The interpretative decision in Smith v. New York is surprising, as is rightly
stressed in Judge Scalia’s dissent74. The reason is that the Court interpreted the phrase
“to use the firearm” in an unnatural way, i.e. in a way which was insensitive to the
natural context of this phrase75. The incongruity of the decision results from the
acontextual approach taken by the Court to the ordinary meaning of this crucial phrase
and this in turn was due to the Court assuming a definition-based, not a paradigm-based,
approach to language.
Incongruity of the definition-based approach
Both cases discussed above demonstrate how easily a judge may assume an
interpretation that is completely surprising and incongruous. The incongruity results
from a simple fact that the application of a word or phrase to a new situation (the target
situation) seems unjustified, as the target situation is not similar in a relevant aspect to
previous situations to which the word or phrase at hand has been applied. Applying the
word “fruit” to tomatoes is incongruous, because tomatoes, as they are used for culinary
purposes, do not resemble the typical objects we call fruit: cherries or avocados.
Claiming that handing over a bag with a gun in it is using a firearm seems strange, as this
situation does not resemble a typical situation we have been calling “using a firearm” in
the past (like shooting or threatening with a gun).
The incongruity of the formalist approach is a fatal flaw because it puts the
predictability the rule of law requires out of reach. Legal language is a branch of
common language and as such should be used and interpreted in a way consistent with
74
Scalia: “To use an instrumentality ordinarily means to use it for its intended purpose. When someone
asks, "Do you use a cane?," he is not inquiring whether you have your grandfather's silver-handled
walking stick on display in the hall; he wants to know whether you walk with a cane. Similarly, to speak of
"using a firearm" is to speak of using it for its distinctive purpose, i.e., as a weapon. To be sure, "one can
use a firearm in a number of ways," ante, at 7, including as an article of exchange, just as one can "use" a
cane as a hall decoration - but that is not the ordinary meaning of "using" the one or the other. 1The Court
does not appear to grasp the distinction between how a word can be used and how it ordinarily is used.
(…) It is unquestionably not reasonable and normal, I think, to say simply "do not use firearms" when one
means to prohibit selling or scratching with them.” (…) “The Court cannot avoid "anomalous applications"
when it applies its anomalous meaning of "use a firearm" in other contexts”
75
Scalia: “We are dealing here not with a technical word or an "artfully defined" legal term, [508 U.S. 223,
245] cf. Dewsnup v. Timm, 502 U.S. 410, 423 (1992) (SCALIA, J., dissenting), but with common words that
are, as I have suggested, inordinately sensitive to context”
28
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common language – i.e. in a contextualised, lineage-based way. If it is not, those who are
governed by the law will be surprised how their understanding of language differs from
that of judges. To minimise the divergence between legal and common language, legal
interpretation needs to abandon the artificial definition-based approach to meaning,
which can give rise to incongruity in judicial decisions and unpredictability in the
application of law. Unpredictable judicial decisions cannot promote the rule of law.
If one is to treat seriously the formalists’ argument on the importance of sticking
to language and language alone in legal interpretation, one must ask what concept of
language they are talking about. Should we stick to the artificial language of definitions
or to the real language of everyday use? If legal interpretation is to be predictable, it
must be sensitive to the history and function of the terms we use, just as everyday use is.
An outline of such an approach to legal interpretation is proposed in the final part of this
paper.
7. A NON-FORMALISTIC APPROACH TO LEGAL INTERPRETATION
As we have seen, semantic externalism posits an anti-dictionary thesis: the
definitions we encounter in dictionaries are to help us to imagine typical contexts in
which a word is used, but they cannot substitute for those contexts. According to
semantic externalism, a plain meaning is not a dictionary meaning, but rather one
resulting from the “normal” use of a phrase or a sentence, not a particular word. To
identify this meaning, one needs to trace a lineage of this phrase or sentence use, and
this requires looking into past, not simply into a dictionary. This process is inductive, not
deductive. It is not definition but paradigm-based. Normal use consists of using a phrase
or a sentence in a typical context, i.e. in the presence of particular facts, things and
people.
Let us look from the perspective of the theory of lineages at how legal
interpretation proceeds within the paradigm-based approach. As noted earlier, the
crucial interpretive decision is to find relevant similarities between the target situation
(the new situation in which the term is to be used) and the source situations (the
previous situations of the same term’s use, the members of the lineage). Is the target
situation involving “tomatoes” similar to previous situations involving “fruit”? Is the
target situation of bartering the gun for drugs similar to the previous situations in which
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the phrase “using a firearm” has been uttered? These are the questions the interpreter
needs to answer.
According to the paradigm-based approach, the proper application of a legal term
to a new situation requires two decisions to be made: (1) deciding in which lineage the
term at hand has been used in the legal text, and (2) deciding whether the target
situation resembles the source situations which form the lineage. Let me take each
decision in turn, as they are usually taken in legal interpretation.
Take for example the word “bank”. If one is to decide if the target situation is
suitable for using the word “bank”, one must first choose between its two main lineages:
the financial one and the geological one. A judge prohibiting construction of an
additional floor on a bank building is surely mistaken if he or she applies to that
situation a provision from environmental law prohibiting any construction to be carried
out on a bank. The root of the mistake is clear: one cannot compare the target situation
with a source situations taken from a different lineage.
A similar mistake could have been made in the tomato-as-fruit case – namely to
qualify tomatoes as fruit even if the term “fruit” has been used by the lawmaker within
the culinary lineage, not the botanical one. The mistake was made in the using-a-firearm
case by interpreting the word “using” too broadly, as it is understood in lineages other
than that of “using a firearm”. The identification of the correct lineage requires first an
analysis of how the subject term was used by the lawmaker. How do we establish to
which lineage the lawmaker’s use belonged? One of the best tools to do so is to analyse
the context of that use, namely the legislative history. This is comprised of utterances
referring to the legal act contained in legislative texts, reports of parliamentary
committees, protocols of plenary sessions, etc. All these utterances constitute
concurrent uses of terms that are the same as or similar to terms occurring in the text of
law. All these utterances concern the scope of matters regulated in the act, social issues
to be remedied by the legal act, and so on. By analysing these utterances, an interpreter
can establish what the problem was that the lawmaker attempted to solve by enacting
the law, and what were the specific topics the lawmaker addressed in the parliamentary
discussions. In other words, the analysis of the legislative history helps the interpreter to
identify the elements of reality to which the lawmaker referred to in the legal text, and
by doing so establish the possible lineages within which the interpreted term was used.
The use of the term “bank” within a parliamentary discussion on water resources may
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not be decisive in ruling out the financial lineage, but a deeper analysis of the legislative
context can be a key factor in determining the appropriate lineage. Similarly, the
analysis of the legislative history in the tomato-as-fruit case reveals that in its original
context the term “fruit” referred to culinary situations rather than botanical ones.
Judicial formalism, especially its textualist branch, generally refuses to use
legislative history in legal interpretation76. It claims that analysis such as that described
above would go beyond the language of the statutory text, which it perceives as
complete and inviolable. This claim is misguided: if the analysis of legislative history
goes beyond anything, it goes beyond the semantics of the text, but only to arrive at its
pragmatics, i.e. to the real context in which the language is used. Semantic externalism
perceives this pragmatics as a fully legitimate part of linguistic analysis of the statutory
text. In other words, if meaning is perceived as having a close relation to the reality to
which it refers, analysing that reality cannot be treated as non-linguistic. Legislative
history is the real context in which the lawmaker used the term the interpreter is to
apply; formalism’s proposal to remove legislative history from the set of legitimate
sources of knowledge about language use seems to be an unjustified reductionism of
interpretative premises.
Once one is sure that both the instance of using the legal term by the lawmaker
and the planned use of that term by the interpreter (i.e. its application to the case at
hand) will be instances of the same lineage, the second interpretative decision can be
taken. It resides in finding similarity between the target situation and the source
situations. Traditionally, the key source situation to which the target situation is
compared is the lawmaker’s use of the subject term. However, as Recanati pointed out,
the semantic potential of a term is shaped by all the source situations in which the term
has been used. Thus the theory of lineages encourages interpreters to expand the
number of source situations and to include other instances of using the term, including
those precedent, contemporaneous and subsequent to that of the lawmaker. Those
instances include, for example, other court verdicts in which the term was applied to
similar facts, and the uses of the term which took place in legal literature, both before
and after the lawmaker’s use. The lineage is a chain of all public uses of a term and, as I
indicated earlier, the lawmaker’s use is by no means definitive for the purposes of legal
interpretation.
76
See Nelson (2005), p. 361
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The argumentation for expanding the number of interpretive premises by
including other court verdicts and the opinions expressed in the legal literature seems
convincing within the theoretical framework of semantic externalism. Yet it is not
accepted by the formalists77. From the formalist perspective, such expansion may be
criticised in those jurisdictions in which court decisions are not formal sources of law
(for example in the continental legal systems). As to the opinions expressed in legal
literature, despite their wide use in legal argumentation, the last formal recognition of
the communis opinio doctorum within the legal system took place in ancient Rome and
the first German Reich. The intention of this paper is not to argue for a return to those
days but to admit that the analysis of legal language cannot exclude other and related
uses of legal terms. These latter constitute legitimate comparative material for legal
interpretation if we agree that the meaning of the language is produced by living
linguistic practice rather than fossilised dictionary definitions.
As we have seen, the dispute between judicial formalism and a non-formalistic
approach to language again revolves around the issue of reductionism of interpretive
premises: where formalism wants to minimise the number of these premises, the
counter-proposal wants to increase it, by embracing legislative history, similar court
verdicts and doctrinal opinions as sources of linguistic information. The formalist,
definition-based approach tends to limit the number of features that enter the definition
and, as a result, are considered while applying that definition to a new case. In
opposition to that, the paradigm-based approach, by resigning from the intermediary
function of the definition, allows the interpreter to assess the similarity between the
target and the source situations on the basis of the whole set of features present in the
source situations, i.e. on the basis of the whole semantic potential of the term. The
increase of features present in the source situations that are considered by the
interpreter is another anti-reductionist characteristic of the approach to language
proposed in this paper.
The non-reductionist thesis that I am defending concerns not only the quantity of
the interpretative premises but also their quality. The paradigm-based approach to
interpretation allows the interpreter to consider both the formal and the functional
similarities between previous and current instances of language use. As the “dangerous
tool” example shows, the hands of a kung-fu master are dangerous tools within the
77
Schauer and Wise (2000), passim
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meaning of the Criminal Code, because they are dangerous in a functional sense, even if
they lack some physical features present in the previous source situations (like being an
implement). This functional approach to interpretation is absent in judicial formalism;
indeed, functional and purposive interpretations are methods formalists criticise as nonlinguistic and prone to advancing judicial discretion78. Switching the perspective from
semantic internalism and its criteria-based approach to meaning to semantic
externalism, with its focus on the relationship between language and real features in the
real world, reveals that judicial formalism’s reluctance to use functional and purposive
considerations is entirely unjustified. Linguistic terms have a function, which is to pick
up relevant features from reality. We use linguistic terms for the purpose of signalling
that those features occur. No approach to interpretation that aspires to be an effective
tool of decoding ordinary meaning can neglect those functional and purposive aspects of
language.
To summarise, legislative history, other judicial rulings, and views expressed in
legal literature, as well as the functional and purposive aspects of legal language can all
be treated as elements that help in analysing the meaning of legal terms. An
interpretation guided by historical, comparative, or legal literature perspectives goes
hand in glove with the rule of law, especially with the claim that provisions and rules are
essentially of a linguistic nature. This, in turn, unseats formalism, along with its textual
perspective, as the exclusive method of interpretation compatible with the rule of law.
Critics of non-formalism who fear excessive discretionary powers being handed
to lawyers or judges have nothing to fear. Paradoxically, the non-formalist approach to legal
interpretation can ensure a better predictability of judicial decisions and a stricter curtailment
of judicial discretion by broadening the scope of interpretive premises judges base their
decisions on. Although it is not reductive, the theory presented here curtails
interpretative discretion and secures predictability thanks to its reliance on lineages. To
claim that a word has a particular meaning is to reason that it acquired that meaning as a
result of past uses. Thus, an important element of the theory of lineages is deference to past
uses that makes idiosyncratic uses unlikely79. In this sense enrooting a typical meaning of a
78
As Horwitz (1977, p. 254) argues, formalism equates to a refusal to admit that law has instrumental
functions. Pildes (1999, p. 612) defines formalism as an adherence to the rules without consideration of
their purpose (R. Pildes 1999, p. 612).
79
Rauti (2012), p. 1-2
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legal term in the tradition of its use has binding power, like the one depicted by Dworkin in his
chain novel metaphor: our current uses of language are at the same time inspired and bound
by previous uses80.
The non-formalist approach to interpretation, derived from the externalist positions in
the philosophy of language, sees language in a natural way: as a historically determined
practical tool for co-ordinating human behaviour, not as a set of abstract, criterial definitions,
artificially separated from the real world. The latter approach, i.e. that championed by legal
formalists, can result in surprising interpretive results because it departs too far from the way
people use their language. As such, it undermines the rule of law instead of promoting it.
8. CONCLUSION
The American Realists’ critique mentioned at the start of this paper did not
dispatch judicial formalism, nor did later ones; in fact, as Weinrib points out, formalism
has been killed many times within the last two hundred years but still refuses to remain
dead81. One reason that criticism proved unsuccessful is that it rarely attempted to cut
formalism from its main life-support system: its purported compatibility with the rule of
law. Formalists believe that theirs is the only theory of interpretation that secures the
rule of law, a corollary of which is that any criticism of formalism endangers this
founding ideal of Western legal systems. In order to be effective, any criticism of judicial
formalism must start by decoupling formalism from the rule of law, as I have attempted
to do in this paper.
What was missing in the criticism of formalism was the argument that competing
approaches to the application of law better pursue the principle of the rule of law than
formalism itself because they are more faithful to legal language. In order to see this, one
needs to analyse legal language from the position of semantic externalism. By revealing
a more sophisticated nature of legal language, this new position makes clear that the
interpretation of legal texts need not be reductionist. To the contrary, legal
interpretation must make use of the richness of our linguistic history and practice if it is
to do justice to the language used by the lawmaker. To be interpreted faithfully, legal
80
Dworkin (1986)
81
Weinrib (1988), p. 951
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language does not actually require a fully all-things-considered approach, but it cannot
be restricted to a merely formalistic one. A moderately non-formalistic, non-reductionist
approach to legal interpretation seems more justified.
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