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The development of the modern state continued through the 16 th and the 17 th century with the ideas of Niccolo Machiavelli, who discussed deferent types of government, principalities, and republics 1 , and the way they are established and maintained, and Thomas Hobbes, who focused on the concept of absolute power conceded by the citizens to an unaccountable person or a group whom he called " Sovereign " to decide every social and political issue concerning the citizens. Although, Machiavelli spoke of the function of power in the republic and principalities from both personal experience and historical point of view, Hobbes' Leviathan stated that the nature and the role of absolutism were similar to but deferent from Machiavelli's republic and principalities. Machiavelli, the Prince indicated that states were either a republic or a principality and that principalities were either hereditary passed down through the bloodline of the ruling families, or by acquiring new cities into the existing principality. Machiavelli further explained that hereditary principalities were easier to hold on to and maintain because the citizenry was accustomed to being ruled by the same family 2 , which had the power to rule and serve the people, and legislate and implement the will of the prince. He also expound on the struggle for power in the principality between groups within the city, when citizens began to look for ways to overthrow their oppressing ruler. In addition, when addressing the civil principalities, he gave the example of a prominent citizen successfully becoming a prince of his country by the favor of his fellow citizens, not by violence 3. Hobbes, on the other hand, agreed with Machiavelli, suggesting that the state had sovereignty over the people being governed, but the difference emerge in how the government was formed before having complete authority.
Hobbes, it will analyze Machiavelli's confounding concept of liberty, its meaning, expression and attainment through the dual analysis of states and the populace. Hobbesian absolute monarchy is suitable for the conservation and utilization of his orderly " negative liberty " with the sole goal of securing peace and security for its subjects. Machiavelli's advocacy for the republic, as the only " free " form of government that provides the best political conditions for the exercise of freedom, is undermined and contradicted by his own account of human nature. This paper argues that Hobbes provides a more plausible definition of freedom, thus his argument for absolute monarchy is more consistent and convincing when juxtaposed to Machiavelli's account of republic, while both depart from the same pragmatic vision of human nature. This paper reveals Machiavelli's true intentions behind his advocacy for the deliberative assembly, the instrumental implementation of which promises the mobilization of support and resources for the state's imperial expansion. Machiavelli is less concerned with liberty for its sake, he is more captivated with its role in pursuing the end goals of state's expansion and maximization of state's power. This paper will conclude by illuminating the ambiguity of Machiavelli's perplexed inclinations towards " liberty of necessity " and " liberty of choice " for the states, thus unveiling the incompatibility of security and liberty as a dilemma in contemporary international politics.
Machiavelli in his Prince is primarily a practical observer and diplomat analyst prescribing numerous ethical and political instructions to Cesar Borgia for, as it were, pyramidical maintenance, sustenance and enhancement of political power at various stages of capturing, nurturing, preserving and augmenting power and absolute power at the helm of the State.
UCAC, 2024
The History of Philosophy is characterized by the search for philosophical solutions to the problems that confront humanity. One of such problems is the question of sovereignty which constitutes the bedrock of present-day discourse in political philosophy. Political philosophy begins with the question: what ought to be a person’s relationship to society? The discussion of sovereignty is indispensable inasmuch as there are a people who ought to be governed. This is because human beings, as “political animals”, are surrounded by a political arena needing leadership as they inter-relate with one another. Consequently, the question of sovereignty is always very sensitive in the discussion of politics. But it is often confused by liberalists with selfishness and identified with exploitation. More often than not, the essence of sovereignty is questioned and efforts are most of the time geared toward minimizing its power in the society. In effect, Thomas Hobbes understands sovereignty and invites all to reflect on it. He wants us to think straight of the absolute sovereign as the restorer and preserver of peace. The concept of absolute sovereignty is the core of Hobbes’ political philosophy. Part 1 of Leviathan, which culminates in the discussion of the state of nature, is intended to establish the necessity of Hobbes’ theory of sovereignty, its nature and its justification. According to him, only a sovereign with absolute power can liberate individuals from the violence posed by the state of nature and to protect them from returning to it. As such, the alternative to this state of nature is, for Hobbes, the absolute sovereign whom he personifies as the “Leviathan.” He considers absolute sovereignty as the best political system in which peace, Hobbes’ overriding concern, could be best preserved. The peace Hobbes seeks is for the good of the people who are the objective of government action. Before continuing to prescribe the methodological framework of this dissertation, it will be important to clearly state its main objective. Our objective is to investigate whether there will be an ardent respect of God and for human dignity in a political system that practices absolute sovereignty as Hobbes portrays. This leads us to ask salient questions that the work seeks to answer following Hobbes’ political insight. To this end, the overriding question of focus is: what is the place of God and human dignity in a commonwealth that practices absolute sovereignty? Related to this are other minor questions that will be answered in the course of this work. They include: what is absolute sovereignty according to Hobbes and how should it run the state? What are the foundations that make sovereignty necessarily absolute? What type of state existed before an absolute sovereign state? And what relevance has Hobbes’ theory of absolute sovereignty to our present day society? Keywords: Sovereignty, Power, Common Good, Good Governance, Human Right and Freedom.
Forum Philosophicum, 2010
Thomas Hobbes bequeathed to us a comprehensive system, the interpretation of which remains a matter of disagreement even today. In his political theory, he pays most attention to the state community. He deliberates over the reasons for its origin, its decline and fall. Among the more detailed issues dealt with in his reflections, the more important ones are the following: the concept of the state of nature, human motivation, the state of war and peace, as well as considerations concerning the social contract. In order to be consistent in his argument, Hobbes also deals with the analysis of the structures of the state, the division of power and with the functions a state should perform. Due to these deliberations, he finally arrives at the secret of the state's durability. Though it is certainly the case that, since his times, the socio-political situation and circumstances have changed, many of the solutions postulated by Hobbes have not lost their value.
2017
In the course of knowledge, the aspect that gives enlightenment about a state, government, politics, liberty, justice and authority by exploring the question that come up in any of these aspects and tries to come up with recommendations to minimize friction and conflict in a state is commonly referred to as Political Philosophy. Overtime, the definition of political philosophy has been modified to suit different eras and epochs but it remains unchanged on the premise that it gives stance to how a state should be set up, what system of government minimizes conflict and ensures inclusiveness within a polity as well as summarize the rights and duties of individuals within the state. Many scholars have been brought to limelight through their ideological stance on what is or what ought to be in a state, before it can said to enjoy governance and authority and the boundary between the right of the governed and the governor and some of these ideals have been criticized on various ethical, moral philosophical and religious grounds but these scholars have made their mark as far as the field of Political philosophy by bringing forth their ideological thoughts, one of such scholar is Thomas Hobbes.
For Machiavelli, Hobbes, and Spinoza alike, the primary function of the sovereign is the achievement of the internal stability and security of the state, but their accounts vary significantly beyond this point. For each, I demonstrate, first, the relationship between law and human nature, and, second, why the sovereign must, in each case, infuse this relationship with affect in order to further state security. Further, I show that the way in which the first is determined affects the second insofar as it determines which affect best provides for that security. On one hand, Machiavelli and Hobbes, for whom the existence of valid law and a positive sense of justice cannot be directly derived from human nature, see the most effective political affect as fear. On the other hand, Spinoza, who conceives of the individual human as in principle capable of a full conception of law and justice without the intervention of a sovereign power, sees hope to be the best political affect.
Dialogi Polityczne/Political Dialogues: Journal of Political Theory [ISSN: 1730-8003], 2022
This paper suggests that the trajectory that Machiavelli's concept of the state took by later political thinkers, active in reshaping the character of the political order they were working with, fundamentally shaped and altered the direction of the political development of Early Modern Europe. Looking at how later thinkers used Machiavelli's concept and reframed it in their given political traditions and contexts often leads to how the concept evolved over time. This paper argues that there was a clear arch of how Machiavelli's concept of the state was reformulated and repackaged by key legal and political thinkers such as Gentili, Bodin, Grotius, and finally Hobbes. Their reformation of Machiavelli's state fundamentally altered the concept radically from what Machiavelli coined as an outcome of the given prince's new modes and orders to Hobbes's depersonalized Leviathan.
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