Merovingian and Carolingian gift giving

MerovingianandCarolingian GiftGiving By Florin Curta "Near theItaliancityofComo, in thevillageofGravedona, there was a picture painted in theapse of thechurchof St. JohntheBaptist ofHoly Mary holding the infantJesusinher lap and theMagi offering presentsthatwas dimmedand almostwiped outwith age." In 823 thispicture"shone fortwo dayswith such clarityitseemedtoviewersthatitsancientbeautyalmost surpassedthesplendor of a new picture.But thesame claritydid not brightenthe imagesof theMagi This miracle recordedin except forthepresents(munera)which theyoffered."1 theRoyal FrankishAnnalsmay be viewed as a metaphor forthecurrentstateof researchin early-medieval giftgiving. Much liketheGravedona fresco,giftsap pearwith greatclarityina largevarietyof scholarly works. By contrast,theimage and intentions of giftdonors aremostly dimmedand "almostwiped out with age." Giftsand gift-giving practiceshave beenunder thescrutiny ofmedievalistsonly Marcel Mauss, PhilipGrier sincethelate1950s. Inspiredby theFrenchsociologist son treatedgiftgivingas a special formof transactioninwhich goodswere trans with theconsentof theformer, ferredfromdonor to receiver but forsocialprestige His was a distinctionrootedin thedebate and not formaterialor tangibleprofit.2 thatwas takingplace inthefieldofeconomic betweenformalists and substantivists ForGrierson,early-medieval "a anthropologyat thetime.3 giftgivingrepresented at theMedieval This paper was written with the support of a Mellon Visiting Fellowship Institute in 2003-4. I am grateful to Gerd Althoff, Piotr G?recki, Richard of the University of Notre Dame for their very helpful critique. Special thanks are owed to Thomas F. X. and Chris Wickham, Hodges, for his good advice and encouragement. Noble, 1 Royal a. 823, ed. Friedrich Kurze, MGH SS rer. Germ. 6 (Hannover, 1895), Prankish Annals, Scholz and Barbara Rogers p. 163; trans. Bernhard Walter (Ann Arbor, Mich., 1970), pp. 114-15. SS rer. Germ. 7 (Hannover, 1891; See also the Annals of Fulda, a. 823, ed. Friedrich Kurze, MGH repr. 1993), p. 23. 2 in the Dark Ages: A Critique of the Evidence," "Commerce Transactions of the Philip Grierson, See Marcel Mauss, "Essai sur le don: Forme et Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 5 (1959), 129-40. raison de l'?change dans les soci?t?s archa?ques," 1 (1923-24), Ann?e sociologique 30-186 (repr. in et anthropologie I cite the reprinted edition below). For Mauss's [Paris, 1980], pp. 145-279; Fournier, "Mar presentist approach and the political dimension of his theory of gift giving, seeMarcel Sociologie et soci?t? 19 (1995), 57-69; cel Mauss, Patrick l'ethnologie et la politique: Le don," Anthropologie inNegotiating The Limitations of a Construct," and Social Science Modeling: Geary, "Gift Exchange the Gift: Pre-modern and Bernhard ed. Gazi Algazi, Valentin Groebner, Figurations of Exchange, f?r Geschichte 188 (G?ttingen, 2003), pp. 139 des Max-Planck-Instituts Jussen, Ver?ffentlichungen 40. 3 For an excellent survey of the debate and its ramifications in the current preoccupation with gifts Coin of Value: The and gift giving, see David Graeber, Toward an Anthropological False Theory of Our Own Dreams (Basingstoke, Eng., 2001). For an example of a "functionalist" reading of Grierson, see Barbara H. Rosenwein, To Be theNeighbor of Saint Peter: The Social Meaning ofCluny's Property, " 909-1049 1989), p. 127, who sees "motives of social prestige involved in 'generosity' (Ithaca, N.Y., as one particular aspect ofMauss's in Grierson thesis that stressed above others his paper. original Speculum 81 (2006) 671 672 Gift Giving where thegifts developmentin thedirectionof themodern customof giftgiving, are of thenatureof tokens,"a remarksuggestingthat,inhis eyes,early-medieval giftgivingwas a superfluouspractice, in thatgiftswere not goods one badly needed or wanted.4 Sociologistshave longnoticed thatgiftstypicallybringno and add nothingto their substantialadvantageto recipients well-being.They have stressedredundancyas a definingaspect separatinggiftgiving fromother eco nomic systems.5 Mauss's workwas also theinspirationforAaron Gurevich'spaperon giftgiving in Scandinavianmedieval societies,rightlyso, since theFrench sociologisthad begunhis "Essai sur ledon" with a quotation fromHdvamal.6But unlikeGrier son,Gurevichwas interestedinMauss's fundamentalquestion:why is it that, therecipient althoughnot explicitlycompelledtodo so by anyexistingauthority, of a giftfeelsobligatedto reciprocate? Gurevichfoundthatgold and silverartifacts accumulated inhoardswere oftensaid to have takenon the luckof theperson who owned themand tohave retainedan inherent part of thatperson'squalities. As a consequence,obtaininggiftsfroma chieftain was formany of his retainers a way topartake in thatchieftain'ssuccessand good luck.7 By contrast,accordingtoWilliam IanMiller, giftexchange inmedieval Iceland was always based on theidea thatbypresentinggiftsa donor "exacteddeference fromthe receiverand obliged him to reciprocate."CitingMauss and Gurevich, Miller distancedhimselffromboth by pointing to theuse of giftexchange in defining,as opposed tomaintaining,social relations:"Social relations,theirdef inition,and thedeterminationof statuswere much ofwhat motivated giftex change."8UnlikeGurevich,Miller thusfocusedon competitivegiftexchange;as not a consequence, theemphasisof his analysis fellon debt-inflicting strategies, on reciprocity. differ However,Miller stillviewedgiftsand sales as substantially modes of exchange.In Icelandicsagas,while giftsofmov ent,albeitalternative, ables could requitehospitalityor othermovables of similarvalue, a giftof land indicates"a long-term subordinationof therecipientto thegiverbecausenothing but a returngiftof landcould extinguishtheobligation." In reaction,recipients of such giftsmake everypossible effortto redefinethegift-giving sequence as a commercialtransaction.9 4 Grierson, "Commerce," p. 139. 5 "Introduction: Questions David Cheal, The Gift Economy (London, 1988), p. 13; Mark Osteen, in The Question of the Gift," ed. Mark Osteen, Routledge of the Gift: Essays across Disciplines, 2 (London, 2002), p. 26. Studies in Anthropology 6 7 "Wealth and Gift-Bestowal Scandinavica A. I. Gurevich, among the Ancient Scandinavians," was line 145, "A gift always looks for For Mauss, the key quotation from H?vam?l (1968), 126-38. see also Elisabeth Vester repayment (ey ser til gildis g/o/)." For gift giving inmedieval Scandinavia, in Social Approaches to Viking Studies, ed. Ross and Outdoings," gaard, "Gift Giving, Hoarding, Samson (Glasgow, 1991), pp. 97-104. 7 "Essai sur le don," pp. 158-61; Gurevich, "Wealth and Gift-Bestowal," Mauss, pp. 131 and 136. as a "religious, is evident from his interpretation of this phenomenon Gurevich's Marxist approach " fetishization of social links. magical 8 and Classification William Ian Miller, "Gift, Sale, Payment, Raid: Case Studies in theNegotiation inMedieval of Exchange Iceland," Speculum 61 (1986), 18-50, at p. 23. 9 see C. A. Gregory, Gifts Miller, "Gift," p. 49. For the distinction between gifts and commodities, and Commodities (London, 1982). Gift Giving 673 A sharpdistinctionbetweengiftgivingand trade is also centralto themost cited texton (early)medieval giftexchange,thechapterentitled"Taking,Giving, and Consecrating" inGeorgesDuby's Warriorsand Peasants."0Duby's reading ofMauss stressedtheidea thatalthoughvoluntaryin theory, gifts were givenand reciprocated obligatorily.1" According toDuby, a considerableproportionofwhat was produced in theearlyMiddle Ages was distributedbymeans of "necessary generosity"("generositesnecessaires").12Duby therefore subscribedto the idea thatgiftexchangewas fundamentally fromtrade,but at thesame time different he viewed theexpansionof tradein theMiddle Ages as the"gradualand always incompletedovetailingof an economyof pillage,gift,and largesseintoa frame work ofmonetarycirculation."'13 Others have pushed thedichotomyevenfurther into medieval history an earlierperiodof a "gifteconomy"and a later bydividing one of a profiteconomy. According to suchviews, in thegifteconomyof theearly Middle Ages goods and serviceswere exchangedwithout a "specific,calculated value" being assigned to them,as theexpressionof power,prestige,honor,and wealth took the formof spontaneousgiftgiving.14 To Duby, the societyof the variednetworkforcirculating earlyMiddle Ages was foundedon "an infinitely thewealth and servicesoccasioned bynecessarygenerosity: giftsofdependantsto theirprotectors,of kinfolkto brides,of friendsto party-givers, ofmagnates to kings,ofkingstoaristocrats, of all of therichtoall of thepoor."At everygathering around theruler,a systemof giftexchangewas put inmotion "as kingscompeted with their magnates on outdoing theothers'generosity."'15 Conversely,thegifts magnates of theFrankish realmbrought to the ruleron theoccasion of such were not justa public expressionof theiracceptanceof therulerand gatherings 10 si?cle: Premier essor de l'?conomie europ?enne Georges Duby, Guerriers et paysans, V?Ie-XIIe trans. Howard B. Clarke, as The Early Growth of the European Economy: (Paris, 1973), pp. 62-63; Warriors and Peasants from the Seventh to the Twelfth Century (Ithaca, N.Y., 1974). Duby quoted an entire passage fromMauss's "Essai sur le don" but without proper citation in the footnotes. For Duby's use of Mauss, see Arnoud-Jan A. Bijsterveld, "The Medieval Gift as Agent of Social Bonding and Political Context, p. 127. 11 The le don" inMedieval Power: A Comparative Texts, Power, and Gifts in Approach," Transformations: ed. Esther Cohen and Mayke B. de Jong, Cultures, Beliefs, and Traditions 2 (Leiden, 2001), reference to gifts presented in obligatory to the quotation from H?vam?l in relation "Essai sur fashion appears at the start of Mauss's "Essai sur le mentioned above in n. 6. See Mauss, don," p. 147. 12 trans. Clarke, pp. 55 and 57. The argument may Duby, Guerriers et paysans, pp. 63 and 68-69; in be traced back toMarc Bloch, Feudal Society, trans. L. A. Manyon (Chicago, 1964), p. 206: "... this society, which was essentially based on custom, every voluntary gift, if it became at all habitual, was eventually transformed into an obligation." 13 contrast between gift giving Duby, Guerriers et paysans, p. 69; trans. Clarke, p. 57. For Duby's and trade, see Ana Rodr?guez L?pez and Reyna Pastor, "Reciprocidades, intercambio y jerarqu?a en 60 (2000), 64. las comunidades medievales," Hispania 14 inMedieval Lester K. Little, Religious (Ithaca, N.Y., Poverty and the Profit Economy Europe "an economy of gift in which economy was Innes, the Carolingian 1978), pp. 3-8. To Matthew inheritance and alms-giving were two sides of a gift-exchange between living and dead." See Matthew Rhine Valley, 400-1000, Innes, State and Society in the Early Middle Ages: The Middle Cambridge Studies inMedieval Life and Thought, 4th ser., 47 (Cambridge, Eng., 2000), p. 39. For the concept of in sociology, see Cheal, Gift Economy. "gift economy" 15 trans. Clarke, p. 57. et paysans, pp. 68-69; Guerriers Duby, 674 GiftGiving submissionto him but also "guaranteedprosperityforall and promised fertile soils,abundantharvestsand an end to plagues, forthey were offeredto thesov ereign,who was regardedby all as thenaturalmediator between theentirefolk and thepowers above."516 A combined interestingift-giving practicesand religiousattitudes was also at in theheartof PhilippeJobert'sstudyof donationspro anima, which he argued that such giftsentailed a spiritualtradewith God, sincebeginningin themid seventhcentury,almsgiving was understoodas a countergift fordivinecompen sation in the formof salvation.17 By contrast,othersmaintained thatsince such donationsweremade toGod, no return was actuallyexpected,forsalvationdid not come as a consequenceof thegift,even thoughthedonormay have hoped to receiveitat somepoint in thefuture.18 The contradiction was certainlynot justa matter of different sourcesbut conceptualas well.Meanwhile, anthropologists have become aware of the importanceofmedievalists' studiesof charity,and as a consequence theMiddle Ages have now turnedintoa stockof analogies for whatMauss had called "archaic societies,"insteadof being justanotherpage of European historyto be interpreted bymeans of comparativestudiesinspiredby fieldworkinanthropology.19 By 1980 thestudyof giftgiving linkinglay elites to religiouscommunitiesin the lightofMauss's work had become an almost exclusively American fieldof D. White and Barbara Rosenwein dealt with an investigation. Stephen explicitly thropological models ofgiftexchange,and both saw transfers of landfromsecular as the"social glue" of thecentral elitesto religiousinstitutions Middle Ages (tenth to twelfth century).20 Moreover, charity,theformof giftmost studiedbymedie inMauss's sense, of reciprocity as an illustration valists, iscommonlyinterpreted with thedifference thatmaterialgoodswere exchangedforspiritualones, asmost land donationswere toGod or Christ, to patron saints,or tomonks (as the on earthof theprimaryrecipients).21 representatives 16 et paysans, p. 63; trans. Clarke, p. 51. See Rosenwein, To Be the Neighbor of Duby, Guerriers Saint Peter, p. 128, who believes that Duby's concept of gift giving stressed the idea of a "supernatural consumer" demanding gifts in the grave or at the altar. 17 630-750 (Dijon, 1977), pp. 139 and 184 Philippe Jobert, La notion de donation: Convergences, 85. See also Martin Herz, Sacrum commercium: Eine begriffsgeschichtliche Studie zur Theologie der r?mischen Liturgiesprache, M?nchener theologische Studien 15 (Munich, 18 "Caritas y don en la sociedad medieval See Anita Guerreau-Jalabert, 1958). occidental," Hispania 60 (2000), 52-57. 19 For example, Annette Weiner, Possessions: The Paradox Inalienable of Keeping-While-Giving (Berkeley, Calif., 1992), p. 34, points to landed property in theMiddle Ages as another example of "inalienable" wealth enhancing the political authority of the donor and of the donor's successors. 20 inWestern parentum" Stephen D. White, Custom, Kinship, and Gifts to Saints: The "Laudatio Be To the Saint France, 1050-1150 Peter, N.C., Rosenwein, esp. 1988); Hill, of Neighbor (Chapel in a clockwise direction, so too p. 138: ". . . like the Kula exchange, inwhich necklaces always moved to men and back to God again." For a critique of parallels, see liana F. Silber, "Gift-Giving in the Great toMonasteries in theMedieval The Case of Donations de Traditions: West," Archives europ?ennes at p. 211. 36 (1995), 209-43, sociologie 21 Thomas Sternberg, "Orientalium more secutus": R?ume und Institutionen der Caritas des 5. bis 7. donations White's to Cluny formed a circle: from God use of anthropological and Rosenwein's Jahrhunderts pp. 31-32; in Gallien, Jahrbuch f?r Antike und Christentum, Arnold Angenendt, Thomas Braucks, Rolf Busch, 16 (M?nster, 1991), Erg?nzungsband and Hubertus Lutterbach, "Counting 675 Gift Giving Giftgivinginmedieval societynow appears as themain formof expressionof relationsbetweenpeersbased onmutual trust,to thepoint thatevenvassalage is viewed as a specificformof giftgiving,inwhich "prestations"(obligationsto provide a service)are exchangedforgiftsofmovable or immovableproperty.22 The strongerthe idea of an early-medieval"gifteconomy,"thegreatertheem On theotherhand, giftgivingis typicallyinterpreted phasis on mutuality.23 as a formof creatingandmaintaining,bymeans of reciprocity, bonds of friendship, "which layat theheartof aristocraticsociety."24 Late-antiqueconsulargamesand otherkindsof outdoingsare classifiedas "potlatch,"under theassumptionthat were thusdifferent from"regular"gift-giving they practicesreflecting reciprocity.25 The distinctiongoes back toMauss, who differentiated betweennon-agonistic and agonisticgift-giving practices,called thelatter"potlatch,"and suggestedthat of non-agonisticgifts.The main purposeof the were in facta transformation they giftin a potlatch is to "flatten"theother,to theextentthatone givesmore than inOrdering Medieval Piety in the Early and High Middle Ages," Society: Perspectives on Intellectual and Practical Modes ed. Bernhard Jussen (Philadelphia, 2001), pp. 18 of Shaping Social Relations, imMittelalter, Enzyklop?die der Fr?mmigkeit deutscher Ge 20; Arnold Angenendt, Grundformen schichte 68 (Munich, 2003), pp. 85 and 97-99 (with reference toMarcel Mauss). 22 "Ars Zur des Schenkens im fr?heren Mittelalter," donandi: ?konomie J?rgen Hannig, at p. 153. The term "prestation" was inWissenschaft und Unterricht 37 (1986), 149-62, Geschichte first coined von Jhering, a representative of the German Historical School, which in the late nineteenth economic with the adherents of neoliberal theories in century engaged in a famous Methodenstreit (gift), viewed as a counterpart of profit making. See spired by Adam Smith on the topic of Schenkung Beate Wagner-Hasel, and Altruistic Gift: On the Roots ofMarcel Mauss's "Egoistic Exchange Theory by Rudolf of the Gift," inNegotiating the Gift (above, n. 2), pp. 144-45. 23 as Aspects of the Byzantine, Arab, and Related Econ "Gifts and Cutler, Anthony Gift-Exchange Oaks Papers 55 (2001), 248: gifts are a "part of what J.M. Keynes described as omies," Dumbarton 'a whole Copernican system by which all elements of the economic universe are kept in their places " and interaction.' Against Grierson and Duby, Cutler argues that in Byzan by mutual counterpoise the perceived effectiveness of a gift was evaluated against its tium, as well as in the Abbasid world, monetary value. 24 in El disco de Teodosio, IanWood, of Gifts among the Late Antique Aristocracy," "The Exchange ed. Mart?n Almagro-Gorbea, and Sal Alvarez Mart?nez, Jos? Maria Jos? Maria Bl?zquez Mart?nez, at pp. 303 5 (Madrid, 2000), pp. 301-14, vador Rovira, Publicaciones del Gabinete de Antig?edades in The Social Life of The Circulation of Medieval Relics," 4; Patrick Geary, "Sacred Commodities: in Cultural Perspective, ed. Arjun Appadurai (Cambridge, Eng., 1986), pp. 174 Things: Commodities sees the exchange of gifts among members of the aristocracy as the 75. In a functionalist vein, Wood economic alternative to trade. See also Gerd Althoff, "Amicitiae as Relationships between States and inDebating ed. Lester K. Little and Barbara H. Ro theMiddle Ages: Issues and Readings, in Law, "Peers in the Early Middle Ages," 1998), p. 206; and Janet Nelson, (Maiden, Mass., and Laity and Solidarities: Essays inHonour of Susan Reynolds, ed. Pauline Stafford, Janet L. Nelson, (Manchester, Eng., 2001), pp. 32-33. Jane Martindale 25 of Gifts," p. 307; Benjamin Scheller, "Rituelles Schenken an H?fen der Otto Wood, "Exchange im fr?heren Formen und Funktionen nenzeit zwischen Ein- und Mehrdeutigkeit: des Austausches People," senwein eines Forschungskolloquiums in Ordnungsformen der Studienstif des Hofes: Ergebnisse Mittelalter," der Residenzen tung des deutschen Volkes, ed. Ulf Christian Ewert and Stephen Selzer, Mitteilungen zu G?ttingen 2 (Kiel, 1997), p. 61. Contra: Jacques Le Kommission der Akademie derWissenschaften "Essai sur le don," pp. 153 and 205, has Goff, Un autre moyen ?ge (Paris, 1999), p. 354. Mauss, called potlatches total prestations of agonistic type and compared them with (medieval) tournaments, a comparison "tournaments of value." See Arjun Appadurai, "Intro that inspired Arjun Appadurai's duction: Commodities and the Politics of Value," in Social Life of Things, p. 21. 676 GiftGiving The goal of thisstrategyis toput the one thinkstheothercan evergive in return. other lastinglyin debt, tomake him lose face inpublic,while at the same time The potlatch,thoughassimilatingdebtwith proclaimingone's own superiority.26 debt.Althoughbased on thelogic equality,ultimatelycreatesa nonextinguishable of equality,thepotlatchneveraims to achieve the idealof balanced reciprocity.27 while stressingthe significance thepotlatchalso On thecontrary, of reciprocity, denies it systematically. Were strictor completelybalanced reciprocity possible, The potlatch thusshows thatthe"logicof the there would be no need forgifts.28 gift [only]plays a role in situationswhere strictreciprocityis impossibleor in As a consequence,to theextentthatgift-giving transactionsare appropriate."29 neverequivalent,evenwhen apparentlybalanced,gift-giving practicescannotbe reducedto reciprocalexchanges,at leastnot asMauss understoodthatconcept. To be sure,Mauss discussedreciprocity only in relationto thepotlatch.To him, "[t]heobligationto reciprocateconstitutestheessenceof thepotlatch in so faras itdoes not consistof pure destruction.... [T]hepotlatchmust be reciprocated with interest, asmust indeedeverygift."30 Mauss's "obligation to reciprocate"has been the targetofmuch criticismin the last fewdecades. Gifts and giftgiving remainhotlydebated topics in the anthropologyand sociologyof thegift,with undeniablerelevanceto theunder standingof early-medieval gift-giving practices.The purpose of thisstudy is to revisitearly-medieval giftgivingbecause thelessonto be drawn fromtheanalysis of theevidencepertainingto theMerovingian and Carolingian periods can en 26Maurice toHannig, Godelier, The Enigma of the Gift (Chicago, 1999), pp. 56 and 160. According authors lay on largitas translates into "ein "Ars donandi," p. 156, the stress most early-medieval eines urspr?nglich durchaus auch aggressiven agonalen Versuch der verchristlichenden Domestizierung Systems." 27 in Gifts and Interests, ed. "Homo donator versus Homo oeconomicus," Jacques T. Godbout, "Essai sur of Life 9 (Leuven, 2000), p. 42. See Mauss, Antoon Vandevelde, Morality and theMeaning et on in a potlatch, "on fraternise et cependant on reste ?tranger; on communique le don," p. 205: commerce et un constant tournoi." s'oppose dans un gigantesque 28 to Augustine, true Christians do not need material gifts or services: "But there is a According so that we sometimes render service to those we love. What certain friendship of benevolence, if there is not any service we may render? Benevolence alone is sufficient for the one who loves." See Tractate on the First Epistle of John 8.5, ed. Paul Aga?sse (Paris, 1994), p. 348; trans. JohnW Rettig (Wash 1995), p. 234. ington, D.C., 29 in Gifts and Interests, p. 9. Antoon Vandevelde, of Gift Practices," "Towards a Conceptual Map 30 in Archaic Societies, trans.W D. Marcel Mauss, The Gift: The Form and Reason for Exchange to reciprocate" was Bronislaw Halls (London, 2001), p. 53. The inspiration forMauss's "obligation his explanation Malinowski's of conformity with norms in "principle of reciprocity," underpinning of had rejected any such explanation archaic societies. In an anti-Durkheimian stance, Malinowski or as a conscience." he forces" "collective either for Instead, argued conformity "psychological purely ser sociological explanation. His "principle of reciprocity" was therefore an exchange of equivalent vices: "Most if not all economic acts are found to belong to some chain of reciprocal gifts and coun in the long run balance, See Bronislaw Malinowski, benefiting both sides equally." tergifts, which in Savage Society (London, Crime and Custom 1926), p. 40; see also his Argonauts of the Western For reciprocity and the relation between Pacific (London, 1922; repr. New York, 1950), pp. 176-94. see Alvin W. Gouldner, "A Norm of Reciprocity: A Preliminary Statement," Malinowski and Mauss, American Review 25 (1960), 16-78; and Claude "The Principle of Reci L?vi-Strauss, Sociological ed. L. A. Coser and B. Rosenberg (New York, Theory: A Book of Readings, procity," in Sociological 1957), pp. 84-94. GiftGiving 677 hance theunderstandingofmedieval giftgivingingeneral.Earlier studieshave and have in typicallyapproached giftgivingfromtheviewpointof reciprocity sistedupon thecentralroleofgiftgivinginthe"gifteconomy"of theearly Middle Ages. The practical and ideological implicationsof gifts,especiallyof land, to whichMarc Bloch had pointed forunderstandingrelationsbetween lordsand their men, have not yetbeen reassessedin the lightof Susan Reynolds's critique of "feudalism."'" Meanwhile, giftgivinghas moved graduallyinto the focusof interest of thosestudying medieval politics in termsof, andwith theconceptual tools providedby,political anthropology.Public authorityin theearlyMiddle Ages isnow viewed as a constellationof personalalliancesestablishedby rulers The apparentcontradictionbetween the lackof primarilythroughgiftgiving.32 interestin "feudal" giftsand theuse of giftgivingas a "black box" formedieval politicscan onlybe explained in termsof theuneasinessmost historiansstillfeel when applyinganthropologicaltheoryto theirownmaterial,an uneasinesshigh lightedbyPhilippeBuc's recentcritiqueof the inadequateapplicationof thean thropologicalcategoryof "ritual" to early-medieval polities.33In thecase of the answers categoryof "gift,"therootof theproblemseemstobe thatno satisfactory have yet been given to at least two fundamental questions:Can early-medieval Did it forma constellationof giftgivingbe understoodin termsof reciprocity? practiceswith sufficient societal impactto justifythephrase "gifteconomy"? The ultimategoal of thisstudy is to circumscribethearea of social action in and to shifttheemphasisfrom what has which gift-giving practiceswere recurrent too oftenbeen viewed as theirexclusivelysocial "use" to theuse various actors made of giftsin specificsituations,and thusto reevaluategiftgivingas a political phenomenon,insteadof an economic strategyor a meremechanism formain tainingsocial stability."The giftimposesan identity upon thegiveraswell as the receiver.34As such, itshouldbe treatedas a categoryof power and as a political Because of theenormouscomplexityof thisissue,my analysisis limited strategy. 31 Evidence Reconsidered Susan Reynolds, Fiefs and Vassals: The Medieval (Oxford, 1994), pp. 76, and 98; Bloch, Feudal Society, p. 164. For a critique of the idea that Frankish kings 92-93, for loyalty, see also Franz Dorn, Die Landschenkungen der fr?nkischen granted land in exchange und Geltungsdauer, Rechts- und staatswissenschaftliche der Ver?ffentlichungen K?nige: Rechtsinhalt 83-84, see Jean-Pierre Poly and Eric Bournazel, 60 (Paderborn, 1991), p. 312. However, "The Politics si?cles (Paris, 1980), pp. 121-23; and Stephen D. White, f?odale, Xe-XIIe inMedieval of Exchange: Gifts, Fiefs, and Feudalism," (above, n. 10), p. 171. Transformations 32 "The Family Politics of Berengar I, King of Italy (888-924)," Spe E.g., Barbara H. Rosenwein, G?rres-Gesellschaft La mutation culum 71 (1996), 247-89; Innes, State and Society (above, n. 14). The role that gift giving in the form of feasting played inmedieval politics has already been revealed by Gerd Althoff, "Der frieden-, b?nd in Essen und Trinken im fr?heren Mittelalter," nis- und gemeinschaftstiftende Charakter des Mahles vom 10.-13. Juni 1987 an interdisziplin?ren Symposions ed. Irmgard Bitsch, Trude Ehlert, and Xenja von Ertzdorff (Sig 1987), pp. 13-25, esp. p. 19. maringen, 33 Texts and Social Scientific Theory of Ritual: Between Early Medieval Philippe Buc, The Dangers (Princeton, N.J., 2001). Buc had already warned against the inadequate use of the anthropological Viator 28 (1997), 99-100. of Objects," concept of gift giving in his "Conversion 34 Barry Schwartz, "The Social Psychology of the Gift," American Journal of Sociology 73 (1967), the role gift exchange can play in social control, as gifts reflect 1-11, at p. 2. Schwartz emphasizes inMittelalter und Neuzeit: Vortr?ge der Justus-Liebig-Universit?t and maintain social rankings. Gie?en, eines 678 Gift Giving in space to thepart ofwesternEurope under thedirectruleofMerovingian and, of thestudy later, Carolingiankings.Consequently,thechronologicalframework isno earlierthanca. 500 and no laterthanca. 900.Moreover, giventhedirection recentlytakenby studiesof giftgivingin the Middle Ages, emphasis in thispaper will be placed only on gift-giving sequences thatcannot be describedas charity. Equally excludedare diplomaticgiftsto or fromtheFrankishkings.The focus is practiceswithinMerovingian andCar insteadprimarilyon "internal"gift-giving olingian societies. A recentattempttomap the lexical ground of two key terms, munus and authorsemployed to referto a gift,resultedin a donum,which early-medieval forthisstudy:in thereligiousdiscourseof conclusionthatisof great significance theearlyMiddle Ages,munus has nothingtodowith reciprocity.35 Buildingupon Augustine's idea thatthepresenceof theHoly Spiritinone's heart is theresultof authors insistedupon thefactthatgiftstoGod a giftfromGod,36early-medieval were in fact"offerings"or "tribute"and had to be understoodas a duty.God regardedor accepted (butneverreceived)thegiver,not thegivenobject,which is why theword munuswas oftenaccompaniedby a word for"heart" (cor,anima, mens, or animus). Ifmunus, therefore, expressedan extremelyunequal power relationship,thisalso influenced gift-giving practices thatdid not involveGod. Placidia sent to St. Germanus When EmpressGalla ofAuxerre a "huge dish of silverladenwithmany kindsof delicious food," he accepted thegiftbut distrib which he probably uted the food to thoseservinghim and kept only the silver, planned to convertfor liturgicaluse. Germanus appears to have understoodthe not as a presentforhimself.37 As a conse giftof theempressas an "offering," wooden platterwith a quence,his presumed"countergift"in theformof "a little had been barley loafon it"was in facta signforGalla Placidia thatheroffering Life accepted,a pointConstantiusof Lyons, theauthorof the late-fifth-century of St.GermanusofAuxerre,was quick to explain: "The empresstreasuredboth delighted,bothbecause her silverhad [theplatterand thebarleyloafl,immensely passed throughhis hands to thepoor and because shehad receivedforherselfthe had thewood set in holyman's foodon so humblea dish. Indeed,she afterwards 35 of the Gift in theMiddle Ages: Semantic Evidence Bernhard Jussen, "Religious Discourses (Second to Twelfth Centuries)," inNegotiating the Gift (above, n. 2), pp. 173-92, esp. pp. 177 and 186-87. 36 p. 296. See Guerreau-Jalabert, Augustine, Tractate on the First Epistle of John 6.9, ed. Aga?sse, "Caritas y don" (above, n. 18), p. 49. 37 Similarly, when offered gifts by Duke Gunzo, after he had healed his daughter Fridiburga at some point in the early seventh century, St. Gall accepted the gifts, only to distribute them to the poor and In a story twist remarkably similar to the Life of St. Germanus of Auxerre, a disciple needy of Arbona. to retain one "costly silver vessel, richly chased" for liturgical service (Walahfrid of St. Gall wanted 4 [Hannover, SS rer.Merov. 1902], p. 299; 1.19, ed. Bruno Krusch, MGH Strabo, Life of St. Gall trans. Maud the donor was St. Martin Joynt [Felinfach, 1992], p. 90). Under normal circumstances, the correct attitude of a saint was perceived as problematic, when offered gifts by Emperor Valentinian or when the intention of to despise gifts, much like I (Venantius Fortunatus, Life of St. Martin 3, Similarly, while accepting the gifts offered by line 241, ed. Solange Quesnel [Paris, 1996], pp. 60-61). Theodo of Bavaria, St. Corbinian (Arbeo of rejected the honores offered by his son Grimoald SS rer. Germ. 13 [Hannover, 1920], pp. 203-4; ed. Bruno Krusch, MGH Freising, Vita Corbiniani, Eine Untersuchung der "Vita Corbiniani" des Bischofs and Lothar Vogel, Vom Werden eines Heiligen: 77 [Berlin, 2000], pp. 343-44). Arbeo von Freising, Arbeiten zur Kirchengeschichte Duke 679 GiftGiving gold and kept thebread towork manymiracles of healing."38 Much likeGer manus, theempress"deflected"the"countergift" fromherself,for we can imagine thatthemiracles of healing thatthebread performed were not forher exclusive use, despiteherdelightat having "receivedforherself"Germanus's food. In ex change fora dish of silverladenwith food,shegot a relic.The unequal value of thegoods exchanged (a pricelessrelic in exchangeforsilverand food) excludes andGermanus's actionsaremeant todefinethemean anyconceptof reciprocity, ingof thegiftaccordingly:theLord had looked,not at themunus thatGalla Placidia had sent to him,but at thegiverand her qualityof heart.Germanus's "countergift" may appear as not equivalentto the richnessof the initialgift;to thetruly ChristianaudienceofConstantius'swork, itwas in factinfinitely supe rior,preciselybecause itcame fromGod. Such attitudes may also explain theway inwhich some of thegiftsofferedto acquaintancesor friendsin sixth-century Gaul were presented.In a poem for Placidina, thewife of Bishop Leontius ofBordeaux, thataccompanieda giftof VenantiusFortunatusasksher toaccept thesesimplegifts(muneraparva),39 shells, althoughshe is a much greatergiftto theworld, a complimentpointingto her contributionto theChristianbuildingprogramofherhusband.40 Were significant in a any way symbolic As theshells gift? Andre Petitatnoted,a giftexchangeof objects is rarelyabout theobjects themselves;inanyexchangeof gifts,theobject is in facta sign thatcombinestangibleand invisiblesubstance.4'A sixth-century bishop,Ruricius of Limoges,would have completelyagreedwith such remarks. 38 (Paris, 1965), p. 188: "ligneum postea auro Life of St. Germanus of Auxerre, ed. Ren? Borius ambit et panem multis remediis et virtutibus reserva vit"; trans, from Soldiers of Christ: Saints and Saints' Lives from Late Antiquity and the Early Middle Ages, ed. Thomas F. X. Noble and Thomas (University Park, Pa., 1995), p. 101. For similar gifts to God accepted on his behalf by holy see Alcuin, The Life of St. Willibrord 12, ed. Christiane Veyrard-Cosme (Florence, 2003), p. 54; SS and Ardo, The Life of Saint Benedict, Abbot of Aniane and of Inde 19, ed. Georg Waitz, MGH 15/1 (Hannover, 1887), p. 208. A similar logic must have been at work in the episode of Thiota, a Head men, false prophetess from the diocese of Constance, who drew large numbers of followers coming to her "with gifts" and commending themselves to her prayers (Annals of St. Bertin, a. 847, ed. Georg Waitz, MGH SS rer. Germ. 5 [Hannover, 1883], p. 37). 39 Munus in the (or munusculum) parvum was certainly a literary topos, one that was still popular her gift of fifty gold early eighth century. In a letter of ca. 720 to Boniface, Bugga called munuscula coins and an altar cloth (Boniface, Letters, ep. 15, ed. Michael Tang?, MGH Epp. sel. 1 [Berlin, 1916], p. 28). Eighteen years later, Boniface referred to some other gifts from her simply as mu?era (ep. 27, the former p. 48). Both Abbess Lioba and a certain Cena sent Boniface "little gifts" (parva munuscula), as a reminder of her "insignificance" (epp. 29 and 97, pp. 53 and 217; trans. Ephraim Emerton [New York, 1940], pp. 60 and 173). The same phrase is employed by Ingalice in a letter to Lullus, dated between 740 and 746 (ep. 70, p. 143). 40 Venantius Fortunatus, Poems 1.17, line 1, ed. and trans. Marc Reydellet, 3 vols. (Paris, 1994 1:42 (see also p. 178 for the identification of the mu?era 2004), parva as shells). Placidina was a relative of Sidonius Apollinaris and of Emperor Avitus. See Judith W George, Merovingian Bishops in the Poetry of Venantius Fortunatus," Journal ofMedieval Gaul 191; and her Venantius Fortunatus: A Latin Poet inMerovingian (Oxford, "Portraits History of Two 13 (1987), pp. 70, with 1992), n. 31, and 109. 41 Andr? Petitat, "Le don: Espace imaginaire normatif et secret des acteurs," Anthropologie 19 (1995), 17-18: "L'objet offert oscille entre l'objet dou? d'une valeur d'usage et d'?change signe de sentiment et de pouvoir/hi?rarchie." et soci?t? et l'objet 680 GiftGiving To him,giftshad to be interpreted symbolically.42 This isalso trueforsomeof the giftsVenantiusFortunatussentto thefamousholywomen ofMerovingianGaul, Radegund andAgnes.Twice he sentgiftsof flowers(muneraflorum)accompanied who sentonlywhat they bypoemsmodeled afterclassicalexamplesof giftgivers, In one case, theflowersclearlysymbolizethroughtheir had picked themselves.43 lackofmaterial value theearthlyrichesthatRadegund had rejectedand thetrue richesshewas towin inheaven. In anotherpoemVenantius acknowledgedthe receiptof a giftof food fromAgnes. In the late sixthcenturysuch a tokenof friendship and honorwas called eulogia, a word ofGreek originotherwiseused A poem accompanyinga giftof threeapples forRadegund for theEucharist.44 and Agneswas writtenon theverycharta inwhich theappleswere wrapped, a Giftsof fish may be at theoriginof a peculiar clear signof intendedsymbolism.45 noteaccompanyingediblegifts-that epistolographic genre-the comico-satirical is repletewith allusions,double-talk,and symbolism,as best illustratedby the Over a centuryand a half later,giftsof spices letters ofAvitus,bishopofVienne.46 In fromoneman of thechurchto anothercould stillbe interpreted symbolically. 748 Theophylact,thearchdeaconof theRoman church,senta letterto St.Boni faceaccompanying"a littlegiftof blessingas a souvenirof our friendship"in the 42 Ruricius 30 (Liver of Limoges, ep. 1.2, trans. Ralph W Mathisen, Translated Texts forHistorians pool, 1999), p. 100. 43 Venantius Fortunatus, Poems 8.6, line 1, and 8.8, line 7, 2:149 and 151. See also George, Venan tius Fortunatus, p. 172. For the classical tradition of thank-you letters for gifts of food, see Danuta in Society and Culture in Shanzer, "Bishops, Letters, Fast, Food, and Feast in Later Roman Gaul," Late Antique Gaul: Revisiting the Sources, ed. Ralph W Mathisen and Danuta Shanzer (Aldershot, at p. 229. Eng., 2001), pp. 217-36, 44 Venantius 11.10, 3:120. For eulogia as a gift of food and drink, see George, Fortunatus, Poems Venantius Fortunatus, p. 172. By the time Fortunatus wrote his poem, the meaning of the term had begun shifting to a "gift presented in token of friendship or honor," as attested, inter alia, by a letter of Pope Gregory the Great, ep. 45, ed. Paul Ewald and Ludo M. Hartmann, MGH Epp. 2 (Berlin, in J. F. Niermeyer, Mediae Latinitatis lexicon minus (Leiden, 1997), 1899), p. 409. See s.v. eulogia, p. 382. 45 "mu?era quae portet, charta ca Venantius Fortunatus, Poems, appendix, no. 26, line 6, 3:160: " nister erit. Venantius had also sent apples to an unknown person, perhaps a newly appointed bishop To Bishop Avitus of Vienne, the apple from the forbidden Tree (Poems, appendix, no. 9, 3:149-50). a donum, albeit a wretched one (Avitus of Vienne, Poems 2, lines 204, 212, and 242, ed. Auct. ant. 6/2 [Berlin, 1883], p. 218). Venantius received at various times gifts Peiper, MGH of food from Radegund and Agnes, mostly in the form of milk and cheese (Poems 11.14 and 19,3:123 and 126). For other gifts of food, see Poems 5.13, 2:38 (fruit); and 11.12, 3:111 (unspecified goods). of Life was Rudolf for the "multitude of presents" he had received in 566 at a dinner (Poems 7.2, line 1, 2:87). For gifts of food inMerovingian Gaul, seeWood, of Gifts" (above, n. 24), p. 302; Shanzer, "Bishops, Letters, Fast," esp. p. 235 "Exchange Fortunat: Un projet culturel, "L'Arcadie chr?tienne de Venance with n. 143. See also Anne Rollet, Venantius to which also thanked Count the count had Gogo invited him 31 (1996), 112. M?di?vales spirituel et social dans la Gaule m?rovingienne," 46 Avitus of Vienne, Letters and Selected Prose, trans. Danuta Translated Shanzer and Ian Wood, 38 (Liverpool, 2002). See also Shanzer, "Bishops, Letters, Fast." Food also features Texts forHistorians as a gift in the fourth-century collection of letters of Ausonius. For other examples of gifts exchanged between bishops, see Gregory of Tours, Histories 9.24, ed. Bruno Krusch and Wilhelm Levison, MGH 1/1 (Hannover, 1951), p. 444. SS rer.Merov. Gift Giving 681 "in a sealedpacket."47Theo formof cinnamon,spice,pepper,and frankincense phylactexplained themeaning of his gift:"Andwe beg you earnestlyto accept within thepalace is the littleforthegreat.For it iswritten: 'TheKing's daughter all glorious' [Ps.44.14]. And also: 'Tohim thathath shallbe given' [Matt.25.29]. Forwho so hath perfectlove isworthy to receiveall giftsby theministrationof theHoly Spirit."Much likeSt.Germanus in the late fifth century, Bonifacewas advised to take themunus as comingfromGod, a rewardforthe"perfectlove" inhis heart.Boniface, too, sentsymbolic,if"trifling," gifts,to fellowbishops in Scotland and England.A lettertoBishop PehthelmofWhithorn accompanieda "coarse towel to dry the feetof the servantsofGod," while Bishop Daniel of WinchesterreceivedfromBoniface "a bath towel,not ofpure silk,butmixedwith roughgoat's hair," to dryhis feet.48 In the lightof suchconsiderations, we may wonderwhetherthe"trifling gifts"Boniface sentin745 or 746 toKing Ethelbald ofMercia were ultimatelynot to be interpreted symbolically:"a hawk and two if falcons,two shields,and two lances" (emphasisadded).49It ismost difficult, not impossible,to deciphertheexactmeaning of thesepairs of items,sincemuch must have dependedupon thecontextinwhich communication betweenBoniface and the Mercian king tookplace.However, thechoiceofweapons to accompany thebirdsof prey sent to a kingwas as deliberateas the towelssentto bishops. Boniface's giftsmust have spokenvolumes to theirreceivers,but theaccompa nyingletters provide few,ifany,clues to help us understandtheir meaning. Most "symbolicgifts"known fromour sourceswere offeredor receivedby people of thechurch.Did giftgivingoutside thiscirclecarryany comparable An interesting symbolism? example in thatrespectisGregoryofTours's storyof the trickthatKing Clovis played on the leudesofRagnachar, towhom he had givengolden armbandsand sword belts inorder to inducethemto betraytheir king.The ornaments"looked likegold, butwere reallyof bronze verycleverly gilded."When the receiversof Clovis's giftseventuallydiscoveredthatthegold and complainedto theking,he answered,"This is thesortofgold was counterfeit that a man can expectwhen he deliberatelylureshis lord to death."50Given Gregory'suse ofwhatWalterGoffarthas called the"contrastingironic mode," it isdifficult to takethisstoryat facevalue and treatitas a stratagemtoput towork 47 etenim munusculum ob recordationis nostri memoriam"; Boniface, ep. 84, p. 189: "Benedictionis trans. Emerton, pp. 155-56. Some of the frankincense, pepper, and cinnamon thatmay have been sent on a different occasion to Boniface and his mission inGermany by his Roman friends was then resent (see ep. 49, p. 80). Lullus, and Burchard to Abbess Cuniburg by Denehard, 48 and 131 ("ca Boniface, epp. 32 and 63, pp. 56 ("villosam ad tergendos pedes servorum Dei") et villosam ad tergendos pedes dilectionis ves sed caprina lanugine mixtam sulam, non olosiricam, trae"); trans. Emerton, pp. 61 and 116 (letters of ca. 735 and 742-46, respectively). At some point 740 and 746, a priest named Ingalice sent to Lullus a towel (mappa), together with four knives of reed pens, and requested prayers for help in exchange (ep. 72, p. 145). In 751 Boniface received towels (sabanum et facitergium) together with a little frankincense from the cardinal-bishop between and a bundle Benedict (ep. 90, p. 206). 49 Boniface, ep. 69, p. 142; trans. Emerton, p. 123. A few years later, Boniface received "a silver, three pounds and a half and two woolen cloaks" from King Ethel gold-lined drinking cup weighing bert II of Kent, with a request for a pair of falcons to be found only in Germany (ep. 105, p. 230; trans. Emerton, p. 179). 50 2.42, pp. 92-93. Gregory of Tours, Histories 682 GiftGiving thepolitical dynamicsof kinglyretinues.51 Nevertheless,thepoint of the story, which Gregory'saudience could hardlyhavemissed,was that thekinghad the rightnot only to alter thevalue of his giftsas hewished, accordingto thequality and positionof therecipient, but also to givemeaning to theobjectspresentedas gifts.Ragnachar's leudesmay have thoughtof theirrelationtoClovis as recip rocal; theking's trickremindedthemin themost dramaticway of thefundamen Clovis's reason fornot enteringa true tallyunequal natureof thatrelationship. gift-giving relationship with theleudeswas thefearthatsooneror laterhewould have filledRagnachar's shoes.His wish not to incura debt fromthosewho had as betrayedRagnacharwas a wish to dominate them,an attackon theiridentity his potentiallyloyalretainers.52 Far frombeinga formof "necessarygenerosity," theepisode points to theuse of giftsymbolismfortheexpressionof power rela tionships(gold fortrulyloyalretainers, gildedbronze forthetraitors). Sooner or later,thehiddenmeaning surfacesand forcestheunaware recipient toconformto thewish of thedonor.Anotherepisode involving King Clovis high lightsthepower of giftsymbolism. According to theLiber historiaeFrancorum, theBurgundians,fearingretaliationfromClovis,who was askingforhisbetrothed Chlothild,demanded thattheirkingGundobad ordera searchthroughtheroyal treasuryto findoutwhetheror not therewere "some gifts(munera)broughtat manner by a legateofKing Clovis." Questioned about some timeinan ingenious the issue,Chlothild revealed that indeed "in previousyears small giftsof gold (aureamunuscula)" had been broughttoGundobad byClovis's messenger,Au relian,The messengerhad been forcedtominglewith beggars inorder to come closer toChlothild.As soon as he had been able to approach her,shehad given him a solidus,and he had kissedherhand. Soon afterthat,he had given toher a "littlering"and a bag of othergifts.Chlothild had accepted thegiftsbut had hidden the ring inGundobad's treasury.53 Nevertheless,since the ringhad not been returnedto him,Clovis feltentitledto assume thatithad been acceptedas a betrothalgiftand was now demandingChlothild fromGundobad. This story also appears inGregoryof Tours and Fredegar,and in all threevariants it is an withmany thingsleftto thereaderto interpret and a excellentlynarratedstory, paratacticstyleindicatingthattheauthorsreliedon theiraudiences to "read be 51 as ironic mode" So Hannig, "Ars donandi," and Gregory's Histories p. 159. For the "contrasting (A.D. 550-800): satire, seeWalter Goffart, The Narrators of Barbarian History Jordanes, Gregory of Tours, Bede, and Paul the Deacon (Princeton, N.J., 1988), pp. 177, 179, and 199. In a parallel story, a Jew named Armentarius is invited to the house of the former vicar of Tours, Iniuriosus, with the that he would be offered gifts, only to be murdered together with his Christian companions 7.23, p. 343). (Gregory of Tours, Histories 52 sense of Raymond For "good reasons" Boudon's (in the sociological postulate of rationality) for not entering a gift-giving relation, see Jacques T. Godbout, "Les 'bonnes raisons' de donner," Anthro and 44. (above, n. 27), pp. 39-40 pologie et soci?t? 19 (1995), 51; and "Homo donator" 53 2 (Hannover, SS rer.Merov. Liber historiae Francorum 12, ed. Bruno Krusch, MGH 1888), promise trans. Bernard S. Bachrach (Lawrence, Kans., 9.25, p. 444. courting gifts, see Gregory of Tours, Histories 450-751 (London, 1994), pp. 43-45. vingian Kingdoms, pp. 256-57; For another case of 1973), pp. 38-39. see Ian Wood, The Mero For Chlothild, GiftGiving 683 tweenthe lines."54Fredegar'sversionhas Chlothild takingthe ringthatClovis had sent through Aurelian and givingthe latterone hundredsolidiand a ringof herown as a giftforhis efforts on behalfof theking.55 The giftof a ringaccom in reciprocal panyinga monetarycompensationiscertainlynot to be interpreted fortheringChlothildhad accepted in thefirst termsas a countergift, placewas fromClovis, not fromAurelian.But as JosBazelmans has noted,giftsof small gold ringsappearwith some frequencyinearly-medieval epics, inwhich all other categoriesof giftsand ultimatelythe"worth"associatedwith any specific person may be convertedinto such objects.56This suggeststhatChlothild's storywas meant to appeal to a certainaudienceaccustomedto interpret giftsina symbolic key.Justwho thataudiencemighthave been can be determinedfromthesources forthestoriestoldbyFredegarand theauthorof theLiber historiaeFrancorum. RichardGerberdinghas demonstratedthattheOise valley,particularlytheregion of Soissons,was theplace of originfortheLiber, "for it ishere thatthe talesof thegloryof theFranci and their Merovingian kingswould have been thesource of daily entertainment duringtheperiod inwhich theauthor lived."57It is from thisarea thattheauthorof theLiber collectedsomeof themost colorfulstories withwhich he enlivenedthenarrative,58 includingthatof Clovis courtingChlo thildthroughhis envoyAurelian. Similarly,ithas longbeen recognizedthatFre degarwas themouthpiece of a certain sectionof theAustrasian aristocracy, equally interestedin storiesof intenseloyalty,heroism,and accumulationof As a consequence, thegiftsymbolismon which theChlothild storyis booty.59 54 Gregory of Tours, Histories zur Geschichte des 7. und 2.28, pp. 73-74; Fredegar 3.18, inQuellen zur deutschen Ge 8. Jahrhunderts, ed. Andreas Kusternig and Herbert Haupt, Ausgew?hlte Quellen 4A (Darmstadt, 1982), p. 103. The story enjoyed some popularity and was schichte des Mittelalters See Pascale Bourgain, "Clovis et Chlothilde chez recycled for accounts of other monarchs' marriages. au premier si?cle cap?tien," les historien m?di?vaux, des temps m?rovingiens de l'Ecole Biblioth?que des chartes 154 (1996), 58-64. 55 et anolum hoc meum." See Bour Fredegar 3.18, p. 103: "centum soledus pro laboris tui mu?ere p. 64. That Aurelian was entitled to gifts because of his efforts on behalf gain, "Clovis et Chlothilde," is a point the author of the Liber historiae Francorum drove a little closer to home. of King Clovis to him, Gundobad, successful stratagem to obtain Chlothild, told According disgruntled with Clovis's Aurelian to return to his lord, "since you [now] have that which you may bring to him, themany gifts for (mu?era multa, quod non laborastis)." See Liber historiae Francorum that you have not worked 13, p. 259; trans. Bachrach, p. 42. Blinded by rage, Gundobad totally missed the point that the gifts were for Clovis, not for Aurelian, but coming from a king's mouth his bitter remark must have been meant for any retainer hoping to get royal gifts as a warning that work and loyalty were involved in such transactions. 56 in Beowulf," in Rituals of Power: From Jos Bazelmans, "Beyond Power: Ceremonial Exchanges Late Antiquity to the Early Middle Ages, ed. Frans Theuws and Janet L. Nelson, The Transformation of the Roman 8 (Leiden, 2000), p. 371. the "Liber historiae Francorum" World and See also Richard A. Gerberding, The Rise of the (Oxford, 1987), p. 76. 150 and 153. The author of the Liber historiae Fran Carolingians 57 pp. Gerberding, Rise of the Carolingians, corum reserved the term Franci for the leading warrior nobility of Neustria. 58 of Tours (Liber E.g., the story of the horse Clovis gave as a gift to the Basilica of St. Martin historiae Francorum 17, p. 268), "the first joke recorded in Frankish history," according to Gerberding, Rise of the Carolingians, p. 45. 59 inHistoriographie im fr?hen Mittelalter, Ian N. Wood, ed. Anton Scharer Fables," "Fredegar's and Georg Scheibelreiter, Ver?ffentlichungen 32 des Instituts f?r ?sterreichische Geschichtsforschung (Vienna, 1994), pp. 364 and 366. GiftGiving 684 basedmust have been particularlyappealing to theaudienceof Fredegarand the Austrasia and that Liber,namely,thearistocracyofmid- to late-seventh-century Gerberdinghas noted thatalthough of early-eighth-century Neustria, respectively. historiansmay have expected theNeustrians to be primarilyinterestedin land mentions several timesthe ac acquisition,theauthorof theLiber nevertheless This quisitionof bootyor treasureas themain politicalgoal ofNeustrian elites.60 insistence on treasureand bootymay be a sign thatin theearly700s, giftgiving If so, thenitwas stilla was stilla major concernfortheNeustrian aristocracy.61 paramountconcern in themid-eighthcentury,as Frankish leadersmentioned in theContinuationsof theChronicleof Fredegarwere oftendescribedas returning home "withgiftsandmuch treasure."62 The preoccupationwith giftgivingand itsassociationwith personal loyaltythat aristocrats and early-eighth-century may have been on theminds of late-seventhinFrancia is best illustratedbyFredegar's storyof an Avar namedXerxer,who had been takencaptivebyKing Theoderich.The kinghad noticed theextraor many timesto turnhim intohis retainer, dinarybraveryof theAvar and had tried bymeans of eitherpersuasionor promisesof futuregifts.However,Xerxer ob and Theodericheventuallyhad to give stinatelyrefusedto takean oath of fealty, up and releasehis prisoner.Once theAvar crossed theDanube on his horse and foundhimselfon theother side, he turnedaround and declared toTheoderich, who was watching fromtheoppositebank, thathewas now completelyfreeand therefore readyto takean oath of fealtyand to serveTheoderich likeall hisother retainers. Pleasantlysurprised,theking showeredXerxerwith giftsand began to which theAustra favortheAvar over his othermen.63The message of thisstory, sian aristocracycould hardlyhavemissed,was that inasymmetricalrelationsof iftherecipient power,thegiftsignalingemotionalattachmenthad no authenticity The relationbetweenXerxer andTheo did not enjoya certaindegreeof freedom. derichcan hardlybe described in reciprocalterms,forXerxer did not offerhis service to the king in order to receive the gifts he had rejected in the firstplace. 60 Gerberding, Rise of the Carolingians, booty and treasure to accounts of Gregory p. 165. On many occasions, of Tours that had none. This the author of the Liber added is certainly true for Chlothild's "Clovis et Chlothilde," in Gregory's version has no ring(s). See Bourgain, p. 64. story, which 61 p. 76. By contrast, Gregory of Tours has a generally negative Gerberding, Rise of the Carolingians, attitude toward the Frankish nobility, and the few notable exceptions confirm the idea that to him "'Adel' und 'Societas virtue. See Martin Heinzelmann, founded on Christian von Augustinus bis zu Gregor von Tours," und christliches Weltbild Ordnungen in Alteuropa, and ed. Otto Gerhard Oexle inNobilitas: des Adels Funktion und Repr?sentation f?r Geschichte 133 (G?ttingen, des Max-Planck-Instituts Werner Paravicini, Ver?ffentlichungen noble character sanctorum': was Soziale 1997), pp. 247-48. 62 Continuations in 736, "cum magnis thesauris etmuneribus": of Fredegar 18, E.g., Charles Martel in Fredegarii Chronicorum liber quartus cum continuationibus ed. and trans. J.M. Wallace-Hadrill, (London, 1960), p. 93. For the (The Fourth Book of the Chronicle of Fredegar and Its Continuations) as written up probably in 751, with the first section commissioned Continuations by Charles Martel's brother, Childebrand, 24), p. 14. 63 Fredegar 2.57, gifts to Dracolenus, see Paul Fouracre, "Writing about Charles Martel," in Law, p. 57. In a parallel story taken from Gregory of Tours, Guntram who rejected them arrogantly (3.80, p. 147). Laity (above, n. offered numerous Gift Giving 685 Nonetheless,Fredegar'sstorymakes itclear thattheway one could obtain gifts fromthepowerfulwas to become a retainer. Furthermore,this is clearlythe strategythepowerfulemployedto recruitre tainers. When Chilperic seized theroyalhoard his fatherhad leftin thevilla at Berny,he gatheredall the"mostusefulFranks" and placated them with presents, thusgainingthemon his side.64 When in576 Godin defectedfromSigibertand joinedChilperic,the lattershoweredhimwith presents.65 Similarly, when Remis tariuscame toPepin and swore tohimmany oaths "always to be faithful to the kingand his sons," thekinggave him richpresentsof gold and silverand costly clothesand horsesand arms.66 Afterentering Angouleme,Gundovald gained on his side theprioresof thecitybymeans of gifts.67 When Guntramwas busy ad visingChildebert,his newlyappointedheir,on how toconducthimselfas a king, one of thethings Childebertlearnedwas towhom to givegifts.As iftoprovehis point,Guntramorganizeda three-dayfeastfortheentirearmy,summonedon the occasion of Childebert'saccession,and distributed many giftsto his soldiers.68 What Childebertmightnothaveknown,butGregorypromptlyreported, was that KingGuntramemployedgiftsnot only to recruitloyalretainers but also toobtain information about thewhereaboutsofClovis's graveand to hiremen capable of exactingrevengeon his behalf.69 Queens, too, recruitedretainersbymeans of gifts.70 In an epitaph forQueen Theodechildis,VenantiusFortunatuspraises thediscretion withwhich she used to pass giftstomembersof her retinue,thusmaking sure that theywould not refusetoaccepthergenerouspresents.71 Waddo, Rigunth'schamberlain, went over toBrunhild,from whom he received while FredegundshoweredClau many gifts, 64 sibi subdidit." The phrase "most 4.22, p. 154: "muneribus mollitus Gregory of Tours, Histories useful Franks" is that of the Liber historiae Francorum 29, p. 289; trans. Bachrach, p. 73. 65 5.3, p. 196: "et multis ab eo muneribus Gregory of Tours, Histories locopletatus est." See Martin Tours: Heinzelmann, Gregory of History and Society in the Sixth Century, trans. Christopher Carroll showered gifts on Bishop Aetherius of (Cambridge, Eng., 2001), p. 114. Similarly, King Guntram Lisieux, who had taken refuge with him (Gregory of Tours, Histories 6.36, p. 308). 66 Continuations auri et argenti et preciosa uestimenta, of Fredegar 45, p. 114: "multa mu?era took an oath that he would never betray ?quit?s et arma eum ditauit." Similarly, after Theudebert Sigibert showered Theudebert with presents and allowed him to return to his father, Chil received from King 4.23, p. 155). By contrast, the giftMummolus peric (Gregory of Tours, Histories Guntram was a villa in the region of Avignon see Bernard (Histories AA4, p. 178). For Mummolus, S. Bachrach, in The World "Gregory of Tours as a Military Historian," of Gregory of Tours, ed. Kathleen Mitchell and IanWood, 8 (Leiden, 2002), p. 357. For other Cultures, Beliefs, and Traditions see the of SS rer.Merov. villae, Life of Lady Balthild, Queen gifts of the Franks 8, ed. Krusch, inMGH him, King 2, p. 492; and Liber historiae Francorum 34, p. 301. 67 sacramenta muneratisque 7.26, p. 345: "susceptaque Gregory of Tours, Histories prioribus." 68 7.33, pp. 353-54. Gregory of Tours, Histories Similarly, at the coronation of 813, Charlemagne advised his son to surround himself with trustworthy and God-fearing servants, to whom undeserved SS rer. Germ. imperatoris 6, ed. Ernst Tremp, inMGH gifts were hateful (Thegan, Gesta Hludowici iniusta odio habent"). [Hannover, 1995], pp. 183 and 185: "quia mu?era 69 7.29 and 8.10, pp. 346 and 377. Gregory of Tours, Histories 70 as gift givers, see Aafke E. Komter, "Women, Gifts and Power," For women in The Gift: An ed. Aafke E. Komter Perspective, (Amsterdam, 1996), pp. 119-31. Interdisciplinary 71 sua dona suis neu forte uetarent." Venantius Fortunatus, Poems 4.25, line 15, 1:155: "occultans 64 686 Gift Giving diuswith gifts,forshewas an enemyof Eberulf.72 At somepoint between715 and 718, Chilpericand Ragamfredreceivedmany giftsandmuch treasurefrom Plectrude.73 Queens could also employgiftstopay assassins.Much likeGuntram, Fredegunddid not hesitateto hire a hitman to ridher ofMerovech.74Nor did shehesitate,enragedas shewas at thenews about herdaughter'smisfortunes,to order thatthemayor of thepalacewho had accompaniedRigunthtoToulouse be strippedof his clothesand of thebalteus thathe had receivedas a giftfromKing Chilperic. Fredegundhad collectedan enormousdowryforherdaughter'smar riage to thekingof theVisigoths.When confronted,sheargued thatnothinghad been takenfromthepublic treasuryand that thedowrywas theresultof accu mulation fromrevenuesand taxes(apparently public!)grantedtoherbyChilperic, aswell as fromgiftsshehad receivedfromtheFrankishnobles.As PaulineStafford has shown, thisepisode betraysGregoryof Tours's "almostRoman ideologyof thepublic and theprivate,which he projectson to theFrankishworld."76Fre degund, a woman-the Roman symbolof theprivate-is satirizedforhaving misused thepublic treasure, while at thesame timeshe justifies herselfin termsof a privatesphereof action.Since thestoryofRigunth'smisfortunesis followedby the taleof Chilperic's assassination,it ispossible thatGregorywanted tomake thepoint that"familialuse-possibly (ab)use-of arguablypublic treasurepre cedes thenemesisof a man who had filledthatpublic treasureat theexpenseof to note thatno objections seem to have been churches."77If so, it is interesting raisedtoFredegund'salienationof thegiftsshehad receivedfromothers,possibly fromherown retinue. or averagepeople could employgiftstoobtain favorsfrom Conversely,retainers thepowerful. Munderic was accused of havinggiven foodand giftstoKing Sigi bert,perhaps inan attemptto gain his protectionafterfallingfoulofGuntram.78 After thedeath ofMarcovefa, Leudastus triedto gainKing Charibert'sfavorby As lateas 895, Odo, "kingofGaul, came to theking's [thatis, means of gifts.79 with gifts."80 When summonedbeforetheking to de EmperorArnulf's] fidelity 72 Gregory 7A3 and 29, pp. 364 and 347. Claudius had already been promised of Tours, Histories that he could find the means to rid him of Eberulf, who had taken refuge inTours (Histories 7.29, p. 346). Eberulf had been Chilperic's chamberlain gifts by Guntram, provided in the Basilica of St.Martin to avenge Chilperic's assassination. For Eberulf's story, before killing his lord, and Guntram wanted seeWalter Goffart, "Conspicuously in theHistories Absent: Martial Heroism of Gregory of Tours and inWorld of Gregory of Tours, p. 372 with n. 20. Its Likes," 73 Continuations of Fredegar 9, p. 88. 74 5.14, p. 211. Gregory of Tours, Histories 75 7.15, p. 336: "quod ex mu?ere Chilperici regis habebat." The gift is Gregory of Tours, Histories to be understood symbolically, as the balteus most certainly signifies the office themayor of the palace received from Chilperic. 76 Pauline Stafford, "Queens West, 77 ed. Elizabeth M. and Treasure in the Early Middle at p. 69. Ages," in Treasure in theMedieval Tyler (York, 2000), pp. 61-82, and Treasure," p. 71. Stafford, "Queens 78 5.5, p. 201: "alimenta etmu?era." Gregory of Tours, Histories inWorld of Gregory of Tours, p. 41. of Gregory of Tours," 79 5.48, p. 258: "oblatis muneribus." Gregory of Tours, Histories 80 Annals of Fulda, a. 895 (above, n. 1), p. 13; trans. Timothy p. 130. See Ian Wood, Reuter "The (Manchester, Individuality Eng., 1992), GiftGiving 687 fendhimselfagainstgravechargesbroughtby his own sons,Severusdid not go In a letterof 833 addressedjointlytohis deputyand to a certain empty-handed.81 priest,Einhard asked themtohave readythegifts, which he called eulogiae,tobe presentedon his behalf toEmperorLothar and hiswife,Queen Ermengard.He alsowanted to learnfromtheaddresseesof his letterhow his gifts were received by theimperialcouple.82 Kings commonlyreceivedgiftsfrom"Franksand nobles" while travelingtovariouspartsof thekingdomorwhen holdingcourtatMarch fieldorMayfield,83but by themid-eighthcenturythepracticehad turnedinto what TimothyReuter has called "a formof internaltribute, which seemstohave and ended with the To be it was not unusual forthe begun Carolingians."84 sure, to on Carolingians receive one and thesameoccasion theirannual giftsand also tributefromsubjectrulers,oftenat somegeneralassembly.85 According toHinc mar ofReims, at one of thetwoannualplacita, attending magnates,abbots,and But itwould be a bishopswere expectedto bringtheirannual giftsto theking.86 mistake to collapse categories-(annual) giftsand tribute-thatcontemporaries Offeredto thekingeitherbeforeor aftermilitary certainlyviewed as separate.87 campaigns,88 dona annua primarilyconsistedof horses,a sociallyelevatedform of giftassociatedwith freebirth,therighttobear arms,and honor.InCarolingian 81 the assassination of Ebroin in 680, Ermenfred 5.25, p. 232. Following Gregory of Tours, Histories his way, laden with presents, to Duke Pepin in Austrasia (Continuations of Fredegar 4, p. 83). In order to recover the assets wrongfully seized by a man of the king, a citizen of Clermont (Auvergne) had to make gifts to the king (Gregory of Tours, Histories 4.46, p. 183). Similarly, in order to escape made in plundering Tours, the vicar Animodius, that he had assisted Chuppa although innocent, gifts to the domesticus Flavianus, who had been appointed to direct the investigation of that affair (Histories 10.5, p. 488). One can hardly miss Gregory's critical views of judges and con accusations had to make temporary judicial procedures. 82 Einhard, ep. 54, ed. Karl Hampe, MGH Epp. 5 (Berlin, 1899; repr. 1995), p. 123. 83 in 764 (Continuations of Fredegar 48, p. 116). E.g., Charles Martel 84 in the Carolingian Transactions Timothy Reuter, "Plunder and Tribute Europe," of the Royal Historical Society, 5th ser., 35 (1985), 85. The earliest reference to dona annua is from 755, the latest from 877. 85 E.g., in 864, when Charles held a general assembly in Pitres and received the tribute from Brittany (censum de Brittania), together with the annual gifts. See the Annals of St. Bertin (above, n. 38), p. 72. 86Hincmar Fontes of Reims, De ordine palatii 29, ed. Thomas Gross and Rudolf Schieffer, MGH iuris 3 (Hannover, 1980), pp. 82-85: "autem, propter dona generaliter danda." Gross and Schieffer translated generaliter as "um allgemein ihre Geschenke (emphasis added). By contrast darzubringen" 840-903 Maurice de l'Europe carolingienne, Prou, in Annales 2002), p. 255, (Clermont-Ferrand, (emphasis added). preferred to read the word as "1'ensemble des dons annuels" 87 cities, in exchange for his E.g., Waiofar, asking Pepin in 763 for Bourges and other Aquitanian submission and the promise to send annually "whatever tribute and gifts (tributa uel mu?era) earlier to receive from the province of Aquitaine" Frankish kings had been accustomed (Continuations of Fredegar 47, p. 116). 88 In 827 Louis the Pious those who ed. Kurze where he gave instructions "to gifts in Compi?gne, on how theywere to proceed" (Royal Frankish Annals, and Rogers, p. 122). In 834 the emperor received the received his annual had to be sent to the Spanish March [above, n. 1], p. 173; trans. Scholz gifts and then set off on "a campaign through the regions of Troyes, Chartres, and the Dunois to liberate the people from those who had wrongfully seized the realm" (Annals of St. Bertin, p. 9; trans. Janet L. Nelson, Ninth-Century Histories, 1 [Manchester, Eng., 1991], p. 31). For the nature of Die Verfassung des Fr?nkischen the annual gifts, see Georg Waitz, Deutsche Verfassungsgeschichte: annual Reiches, 3rd ed., 4 (Graz, 1955), pp. 109-10. 688 Gift Giving seigneurialrecords,theverbdonare occurs in relationto dues or loans of horses (parafreda),a usage thatseemsto havemarked concessionsbased on freestatus, when defeated,butnot trulydeprivedof their militaryservice,or both.89Similarly, freedom,theSaxons promisedin758 toobeyKing Pepin's ordersand "to present as giftsat his assemblyup to threehundredhorses everyyear."90At a quick glimpse,thecustomarygiftto thekingmay have lostmuch of itsperformative aspectduringthe800s, and formalism may have indeedreplacedspontaneity. But at a closer examination,insteadof a Carolingian innovation,the annual gifts appear as a way to optimizeMerovingian gift-giving practices. More important, indona annua one can stillrecognize,ifonly ina symbolic way, theearly-medieval gift'sessentialspiritof freedomthathad made so much more problematicthe of an Avar captiveforTheoderich's retinue.91 recruitment One may wonder, though, what exactlyCarolingiankingswere doingwith so many horses and why, afterall, itwas necessaryfor themto have an annual collectionof gifts.To be sure,unlikeFredegund,Carolingian kingswere often of themeaning of redistribution. praised fortheircorrectunderstanding Notker theStammerernotes thatat Easter,Louis thePious used to "makepresents(dona tiva) to each and everyone of thosewho servedin thepalace or did duty in the royalcourt.He would orderbelts, legcoverings,and preciousgarmentsbrought fromall partsof hisvast empireto be givento someofhisnobles; thelowerorders would get Frisian cloaks of various colors; his grooms, cooks, and kitchen attendantsgot clothesof linenandwool and knivesaccordingto theirneeds."92 In a similarvein,Hincmar of Reims noted thatmanywho servedat thepalace without any preciselydefinedofficereliedon thegenerosityof theirsuperiors, who oftenbestowedupon themgiftsof food, clothes,silver,gold, horses,and otherornamenta.93 However, inmost othercaseswhen Carolingian kingswere munificence was notmovable. To the generous,thepalpable expressionof their 89 ed. Karl E.g., in the register of Lorsch, dated between 830 and 850. See Codex Laureshamensis, 3 (Darmstadt, See also Ludolf Kuchenbuch, "Porcus donativus: Lan 1936), pp. 173-76. Gl?ckner, inNe between the Eighth and the Twelfth Centuries," guage Use and Gifting in Seigniorial Records notes that since the compensation for military gotiating the Gift (above, n. 2), p. 209. Kuchenbuch as a gift of honor, the of service, implying free birth, was understood disappearance ca. 900 may well reflect a diminishing need to mark status-specific concessions. On for Einhard from Bernharius, bishop the gift of a mule ("mulum meum dare precepi") have carried a symbolic value subtly veiled under the humility topos (Einhard, ep. Einhard's Deusdona Miracles account of the translation this usage after the other hand, ofWorms, may 32, p. 111). In and Peter, the Roman deacon for a mule (Einhard, Translation and of the relics of SS. Marcellinus in exchange promises to deliver relics in his possession and Peter 1.1, ed. Georg Waitz, of the Blessed Martyrs Marcellinus inMGH SS 15/1 [Han nover, 1887], p. 240). 90 Royal Prankish Annals, a. 758, ed. Kurze, p. 17; trans. Scholz and Rogers, p. 42. These are clearly understood by both sides as gifts, not tribute stricto sensu. 91 In an from retainer to lord similarly became formalized context, the gift of weapons Anglo-Saxon as heriot during the ninth century and was subsequently enshrined in the Laws of King Cnut. See inAnglo-Saxon "The Circulation ofWeapons Harke, (above, Society," in Rituals of Power n. 56), p. 382. 92 Notker Balbulus, Gesta Karoli Magni 2.21, ed. Hans F. Haefele (Berlin, 1959), p. 92; trans. A. J. Grant (New York, 1966), pp. 156-57. 93 Hincmar of Reims, De ordine palatii 27, ed. Gross and Schieffer, pp. 80-81: "absque ministeriis Heinrich expediti milites." Pepin's gifts to Remistarius also included horses (Continuations of Fredegar A5, p. 114). 689 GiftGiving former marquio ofAnjou, Robert,Charles theBald "gave thecountiesofAuxerre andNevers, inaddition to theotherhonoreshe held already."94 Hugh, thesonof Charles's uncleConrad, receivedin 866 thecountiesofTours andAnjou, along with theAbbey ofSt.Martin and otherabbeys.FollowinghisgifttoHugh, Charles When Lothar'smen came over "dividedall therestamongstsomeof hismen."95 to him,Charles gave themabbeysand "beneficesfromtheabbey-landsofMar When Charles triedto gain on his side the chienneswhich he had dividedup."96 men of Louis theYounger,he promised thosewho would come to him "many beneficesand gifts(beneficiaac dona)."97Ever since themid-eighthcentury,the termbeneficium had describeda semanticconstellationcenteredupon theconcept "a of good deed," a keyconceptfora societygeared towardgivingand receiving favorsand gifts.Despite thefactthatgiftsof land fromtheking to loyalsubjects are sometimes presentedas a Carolingian innovation, Merovingian rulershad also granted land for lifeor forthedurationof service.98 More often thannot, the Carolingian grantwas out of land thathad alreadybeen givenpreviouslyas a beneficetogain politicalsupport.99 The recipients ofCarolingian royalgiftsofmovables, on theotherhand,were mostly foreigners. When theBasque leaderAdeleric came to theemperorto ex plain himselfforhavingattackedtheduke ofToulouse, hewas offered many gifts, which hewas able to takewith himwhen returning home.100In 851 Erispoe, the duke ofBrittany, presentedhimselftoCharles theBald and "was endowedwith royalvestmentsas well as with theauthorityof thecommand his fatherhad held."'10 In 823 Louis bestowedunspecifiedgiftsuponMilegast and Cealadrag, bothprincesof the oaths fromthemthatthey would respect Wilzi, afterextracting theiragreement with him.102 with them.In 825 Emperor They,too, took theirgifts Louis bestowedgiftsofmovables uponWihomarc ofBrittany,103 shortlyfollowed, 94 Annals 95 Annals p. 128. of St. Bertin, a. 865, p. 79; trans. Nelson, p. 136. To be sure, the envoy of Salomon, duke of St. Bertin, a. 866, p. 84; trans. Nelson, in 867 "the county of Coutances with all the fiscal lands, royal villae of Brittany, received from Charles and abbeys therein and properties and wheresoever pertaining to it, except for the bishopric" (Annals p. 140). of St. Bertin, a. 866, p. 87; trans. Nelson, 96 Annals of St. Bertin, a. 866, p. 134; trans. Nelson, p. 198. 97 Annals of Fulda, a. 876 (above, n. 1), p. 87; trans. Reuter (above, n. 80), p. 80. 98 imperatoris 19, ed. Tremp (above, n. 68), p. 202. See also F. L. Ganshof, Thegan, Gesta Hludowici "Note sur la concession d'alleux ? des vassaux sous le r?gne de Louis le Pieux," in Storiografia e storia: Studi in onore di Eugenio the evidence 101. 99 pertaining For a detailed discussion of Dupr? Theseider, 2 (Rome, 1974), pp. 589-99. to Merovingian (above, n. 31), pp. 73 kings, see Dorn, Landschenkungen Innes, State and Society (above, n. 14), p. 204. A confirmation of previous grants and properties is called munus in Louis the German's II diplomata, charters. See Ludovici ed. Konrad Wanner (Rome, the word was not used when Louis made a gift of a corticella 1994), pp. 89, 103, and 111. However, no. 45). to his wife, Queen Angilberga in Invern? near Corteolona (Ludovici II diplomata, 100 Vita Hludowici SS rer. Germ. 64 (Han Astronomus, imperatoris 5, ed. Ernst Tremp, inMGH nover, 1995), p. 299. 101 Annals of St. Bertin, a. 851, p. 41; trans. Nelson, p. 73. 102 a. 160 Prankish ed. and 162; Astronomus, Vita Hludowici im Annals, 823, Kurze, pp. Royal peratoris 36, pp. 413 and 415. 103 Royal Prankish Annals, a. 823, p. 167; Astronomus, Vita Hludowici imperatoris 39, p. 427. 690 GiftGiving in826, bygiftsto theDanish princeHarald Klak.104In all suchcases, thesewere not potentialenemieswhom theemperorwished to placatewith giftsbut half independentleadersseekingan imperialalliance or offeringtheirservicesinex change for imperialfavors.However, in some cases, thegiftswere so visiblyde signed to recruitusefulallies fortheFrankishking thatmodern translatorsfeel entitledto turntheveiledhostility of theannalistsintodirectaccusationsofbribes. When Louis theGerman rebelledagainsthis father, he fledacross theRhine into Germany and "sought inperson the supportof thepagans and of thepeoples beyond thefrontiers, givingthemlargebribes(compluribusdatismuneribus)."105 Lured, "so it is said," by bribes (munera) fromCharles theBald, theBulgars attackedLouis theGerman in 853.106Closer to home,when two legatesof the pope attendedtheSynod ofMetz inJune863 to discussLothar's demand of a with his concubine divorce fromTheutbergaand her substitution Waldrada, the emperorbribed themintoconcealingthe lettersof thepope and abstainingfrom That bribeswere verymuch on themind ofmany any criticismof his position.107 of Lothar's contemporariesis also demonstratedby no fewerthan threecapitu lariesinAnsegis's collectiondemandingthatjudges,counts,and vicarsrejectgifts It is thusworth exploringbrieflythe thatcould perverttheprocess of justice.108 exact social and politicalcontextinwhich bribesneeded to be separatedconcep tuallyfromgifts. Inorder toobtain theofficeof duke ofClermont (Auvergne), Rodez, andUzes, In the lightof his Nicetius had to pay "enormousgifts" toKing Childebert.109 GregoryofTours's preoccupationwith "bad gifts"used toobtain churchoffices, insistenceon theenormityofNicetius's giftsmay well be a veiled accusationof instancedoes notdiffer much but at a closer look thisparticulargift-giving bribery, fromother cases of "instrumental With justone gifts" reportedbyGregory.110 104 a. 823, p. 169; Astronomus, Vita Hludowici Royal Frankish Annals, imperatoris 40, p. 433; (above, n. 68), p. 221. To be sure, Louis also imperatoris 33, ed. Tremp Thegan, Gesta Hludowici in addition to "honorable "a good part of Frisia," gave to Harald gifts" ("donis honorificis ornavit to Harald Klak as the equivalent of the Anglo-Saxon eum"). For the gifts of movables feoh-gyfte, see Poly and Bournazel, La mutation f?odale (above, n. 31), p. 120. 105 Annals of St. Bertin, a. 840, p. 24; trans. Nelson, p. 49. 106 Annals of St. Bertin, a. 853, p. 43; trans. Nelson, p. 77. 107 Annals of St. Bertin, a. 853, p. 62: "corrupti muneribus." 108 des Ansegis Die Kapitulariensammlung 1.60, 2.6, and 4.62, ed. Gerhard Schmitz, MGH Capit. non n.s. 1 (Hannover, 1996), pp. 461, 527, and 665: "ut propter iustitiam pervertendam mu?era in the text repeats, almost verbatim, an injunction of Lex Ribuaria The passage quoted accipiant." LL nat. Germ. 3/2 (Hannover, 91, ed. Franz Beyerle and Rudolf B?chner, MGH 1954; repr. 1965), p. 133. 109 8.18, p. 385: "datis pro eo inmensis muneribus." Gregory of Tours, Histories 110 Simoniac bribes: Gregory of Tours, Histories 4.35, 6.7, 8.22 and 43, and 10.26, pp. 168, 277, SS rer.Merov. 1/2 (Han 388, 410, and 519; Liber in gloriam martyrum 77, ed. Bruno Krusch, MGH nover, 1885; repr. 1969), p. 90; Vitae Patrum 6, ed. Krusch, ibid., p. 232: "At that time, like a per nicious weed, that custom by which sacred offices were sold by kings and bought by clerics had already Latin Series, 1 [Liverpool, started to grow" (trans. Edward James, Translated Texts for Historians, of acceptance 1985], p. 55). Equally despicable, though for a different reason, was King Chilperic's bribes from Priscus, a Jew desperately trying to obtain a delay from forced conversion (Histories 6.17, in 839 of a certain p. 286). This reminds one of what the annalists had to say about the conversion to Judaism: "Rumor spread the news and the Emperor found out that the deacon Bodo, an deacon Gift Giving 691 and thereisa good exception,Gregorynevermentions thenatureof suchgifts,1"' chancehe did not knowmuch about it,sincesuchgifts were notpublic.To Greg ory,at least,inordertomake a giftlook likea bribe,one neededa clearconceptual separationbetweenpublicand private.Inhis eyes,with no rulesof socialbehavior at hand, thechurchand itshierarchyof servicesprovided theonly contextthat allowed a distinctionbetween"good" and "bad" gifts.112 Ithas longbeen recognizedthatinGregory'swork, truegiftsare almostalways public innature,while bribes involvea certaindegreeof secrecy.'13 But secrecyis an importantdimension in certaingift-giving sequences as well. For example, Bishop PraetextatusofRouen, thegodfatherofMerovech and one of themain political supportersof the rebelliousprince, is said to have secretlydistributed giftstopeople inorder togain theirsupportagainstKing Chilperic.114 Thosewho as thebishop's retainers, accepted thebribescertainlydid not see themselves al thoughhemust have thoughtof themas militarysupporters. Moreover,when accused byChilpericof plottingagainsthim,Praetextatustriedtodefendhimself forhorsesand other by arguingthathis supposedbribeswere in factcountergifts thingshe had receivedfromthepeople hewas accused of bribing.Praetextatus apparentlytriedtooppose thelogicof (reciprocal)exchangetoan accusationbuilt on theideaof a fundamentally unequal relationship establishedbymeans ofgifts, a dichotomyone would perhaps express today in termsof a sharp difference between"gifts"and "bribes." In otherwords, giventhathe had been engaged in a gift-giving sequenceby acceptinggiftsof "horsesand other things"in thefirst place, he had no otherchoice than to reciprocate. According to him, therefore, thiswas nothingelse but a perfectly balanced relation,and, as a consequence,his were gifts,not bribes.The bishops summonedby Chilperic to tryPraetextatus were quick to pick on thisparticularpoint: "If you gave thosemen giftsin ex change fortheirgifts(munerapromuneribushishominibuses largitus), why did To them,at least(if you ask themto takean oath of allegiancetoMerovech?"11'5 not toGregoryas well), theargumentof reciprocity seems to have excluded the in the Christian by birth and deeply imbued from his earliest childhood religion with the scholarship of the court clergy and with sacred and secular learning, a man who only the previous from the Emperor and the Empress to go on pilgrimage to Rome and year had requested permission had been granted this permission and had been loaded with many gifts: thisman seduced by the enemy Alaman race had abandoned (Annals of St. Bertin, a. Christianity and converted to Judaism" in this context are the gifts mentioned p. 42, emphasis added). However, 839, p. 17; trans. Nelson, certainly of the kind that important people took with them when embarking on a pilgrimage, e.g., in 745 (Royal Prankish Annals, a. 745, ed. Kurze, p. 4). Carloman 111 The exception is the bribe in the amount of a thousand solidi that friends of the count of Clermont of Avitus as bishop (Histories 4.35, p. 170). offered to the king in an attempt to stop the proclamation 112 "Ars donandi" (above, n. 22), p. 160. Hannig, 113 "Ars donandi," pp. 154-55. Hannig, 114 daret." See 5.18, p. 216: "contra utilitatem suam populis mu?era Gregory of Tours, Histories Heinzelmann, Gregory of Tours (above, n. 65), p. 45. In doing so, Praetextatus was no different from of the human in an attempt to incite them Brunhild, who sent gifts to the sons of Gundovald, apparently or to who from distributed the Franks in an attempt to Guntram, Queen against gifts Fredegund, mobilize them against her enemies (Gregory of Tours, Histories 9.28, p. 446; Liber historiae Francorum Queen 36, p. 304). 115 Gregory of Tours, Histories 5.18, p. 216. 692 GiftGiving ideaof allegiance.The bishopsattackedPraetextatus'sdefensebybringingup the issueof redundancyas a definingcharacteristic of "true" gifts:116 had therelation beenone of symmetrical reciprocity, thegiftsPraetextatusreceivedfromthepeople hewas accused of bribingcould not have broughthim anynet benefit. As a con sequence,hewould not have been in a position to extractan oath of allegiance fromtherecipientsof his "countergifts." That thesepeoplemust have been of a statusequal or,at least,comparable to thatof Praetextatus,not his inferiors, is shownbyanotherexamplefrom GregoryofTours'sHistories inwhichGundovald remembers how inexchangefornumerousgifts, KingGuntramhad takenan oath Much aswithKingGuntram, thathewould notharmGundovald upon his return. thegiftsPraetextatusdistributedto thepeoplewhom hewas accused of having bribedput therecipientsina positionof debt,but thatparticulardebtwas assim ilatedwithwhatwas owed, namely,loyalty. Such giftsoperatedaccordingtowhat JacquesGodbout has called the"solidarity model," and theirgoalwas precisely toproduce some formofwarranty,given thatthedebtcreatedby suchmeanswas in factcanceled,not by a countergift, but by an oath.117 The bishops summoned to tryPraetextatusclearlysaw throughhisplan: farfromcreatingbondsof friend had been tocreatesomemodicum of security ship,Bishop Praetextatus'sintention forhis politicalaspirations. Whether this impeccablelogicwas a matter of actual social practiceor justa skillfulapplication of theAugustinianconcept of gift,Gregory'sown attitude towardthepoliticaluse of giftsisconsistent.Perceivingthathe could not prevail againstTheudebert,Childebertenrichedhimwith somany gifts"that itwas a marvel to all."118In doing so,Childebertwas justa royalversionof thedeacon Marcellus, thenewlyelectedbishop ofUzes,who had been forcedto abdicateby governorofProvence.Marcellus, tryingtoput up some resis lovinus,theformer won bymeans of gifts,not tance, lockedhimselfup inUzes, but he eventually When ChildebertandLothar roseup againstTheudebert,he soughtcon valor.119 ciliationby gifts.120 Incapableof defeatingtheAvars,King Sigibertgave richpres with him, "which thing,"according ents to theirqagan and enteredintoa treaty 116 See Cheal, 117 Godbout, (above, n. 5), p. 13. Gift Economy "Homo donator" (above, n. 27), p. 43. For the relation between trust and gifts, see trans. Wallace-Hadrill ed. and 4.90, (above, n. 62), p. 77. Fredegar 118 The gifts that Theudebert received from Childebert befit a king: clothes, weapons, horses, and Such dealings are to be distinguished silver plate (Gregory of Tours, Histories 3.24, pp. 131-32). such as those Guntram sealed with from the exchange of gifts between equals entering alliances, and Lothar (Histories 4.50, 5.17, 9.11, and 10.28, pp. 187, 216, 426, and 522) Chilperic, Childebert, or Charles the Bald with his brother Lothar (Annals of St. Bertin, a. 852, p. 41). Similarly, King of Galicia sealed a peace by exchanging gifts (Gregory of Tours, Histories Leuvigild and King Miro the exchange took place at a feast. During his 585 visit to Orl?ans, in that city to several feasts in their houses, and they people For form of gift giving, see Massimo feasts as a particular 370). (Histories 8.1, p. gifts in Strumenti, tempi e luoghi di communicazione "Convivi e banchetti," nel Mezzogiorno 6.43, p. 315). Guntram was exchanged Montanari, normanno-svevo: In at least two cases, invited by important Atti delle undecime giornate normanne-sveve, ottobre 1993, ed. Giosu? Bari, 26-29 Musca and Vito Sivo (Bari, 1995), p. 325. 119 vincit." 6.7, p. 277: "sed cum non valeret, muneribus Gregory of Tours, Histories 120 3.23, p. 131. Gregory of Tours, Histories GiftGiving 693 The toGregory,"is justlycounted to his credit,and not held as anydisgrace.'121 reason,Gregorysarcastically explains,isthatSigibertobtained inreturn giftsfrom theqagan, thuswiping out thebare factsofhis defeatat thehandsof theAvars.122 BeyondGregory'ssarcasticremarkand analogies,thisexample showshow inhis eyes, ifnot in thoseof his audience as well, a blatant imbalanceof power called fora gift-giving sequence.Under suchcircumstances, giftgivingworks-to para phraseClausewitz-very much likea continuationofwarfarebydifferent means. Childeberttriedto overcomeTheudebertbymeans of giftsafterfailingto over come him bymilitarymeans. Apparentlyhe did sowithout any coercion from Theudebert,and thushis gifts must be distinguishedfromboth Sigibert'sgiftsto theqagan and thegiftsvariousFrankishwar leadersreceivedfromtheirdefeated enemies,all ofwhichmay be translatedas "tribute."'123 Despite theuse of thesame word,munus, thedifferenceisone of quality:everytimetheenemysurrendered, gifts were accompaniedby formalsubmissiontoFrankishoverlordshipand some timesby oaths of loyalty(dressedup ironicallyas foederain theepisode of Sigi bert'sdefeatby theAvars).The "gifts"thatSaxons, Lombards,Alamans, or Ba varianspaid to theFrankswere verysimilar,ifnot identical,tomore individual 121 4.29, p. 162. For Sigibert and the Avars, see also Walter Pohl, Die Gregory of Tours, Histories n. Chr. (Munich, 1988), p. 48. Similarly, Charles 567-822 imMitteleuropa, Awaren: Ein Steppenvolk the Bald, realizing that his men could not win against the Northmen, "made a deal with them, by lb [of silver] as a bribe (mu?ere)"; he thereby restrained them "from handing over to them 7,000 them to go" (Annals of St. Bertin, a. 845, p. 32; trans. Nelson, p. 60). p. 150, completely missed the irony of the passage from Gregory's Histories. skill in obtaining through gifts what he could not get Instead, he thought that, much likeMarcellus's the ars donandi Gregory attributed to King Sigibert was a virtue belonging to an by military means, arsenal of social strategies most typical for the civilized senatorial aristocracy ofMerovingian Gaul. further and persuaded advancing Hannig, "Ars donandi," In fact, Sigibert was in no better position of power than Charles the Bald in 845 or, for instance, the Lombard king Aistulf, who was forced to make rich presents to Pepin and to all the Frankish magnates . . . ("multa mu?era donat; nam et obtimates Francorum multa mu?era largitus est") in exchange for his life (Continuations of Fredegar 37, p. 106). 122 sarcastic remark does not exclude the possibility that when the donor found himself Gregory's in an inferior position, he could have expected something in exchange for his "forced" gift. In 887 the Fat, recognizing that he was deserted by all his men, "did not know what could be done for his cause, but at length sent gifts to the king [Arnulf] asking that in his mercy he would grant him a few places in Alemannia for his use until the end of his life" (Annals of Fulda [above, n. 1], a. 887, p. 114). One can easily imagine Sigibert demanding peace from the Avars in p. 115; trans. Nelson, Charles exchange for tangible proofs of his ars donandi. 123 the Saxons made When attacked byMummolus, gifts to him ("datisque muneribus Mummolo") 4.42, p. 176). When (Gregory of Tours, Histories faced with the invasion of Italy by King Childebert, the Lombards paid him presents ("multa ei dantes to be his loyal subjects (Gregory of Tours, Histories and promised mu?era") 6.42, p. 314; see also see 9.29, p. 447). For Gregory's coverage of this event, in sharp contrast to that of Paul the Deacon, and declared themselves subjects of King Sigibert Pohl, "Gregory of Tours and Contemporary Perceptions of Lombard Italy," inWorld of Greg ory of Tours (above, n. 66), p. 139. Weroc gave hostages and presents to Duke Ebracharius, asking for peace and promising that he would never again attack King Guntram's interests (Gregory of Tours, Histories 10.9, p. 492). Similarly, in 742 the Alamans gave hostages and presented gifts to Carloman Walter to observe the conquerors' laws and submit to Frankish overlordship promising in every (Continuations of Fredegar 25, p. 98). When Pepin attacked the Gascons, they "submitted to his orders and beseeched him with gifts (Continuations of Fredegar 28, p. 100). Later, particular" the Bavarians dispatched a mission to Pepin carrying many gifts and hostages, ready to submit to his and Pepin, while overlordship (Continuations of Fredegar 32, p. 102). 694 GiftGiving expressionsof submission,such as the "tribute"that thegovernorof Provence afterbeing offeredtopayKing Childebert,inaddition to takingan oath of fealty, Far from kept prisonerbyDuke Gondulf insidetheBasilica of Saint Stephen.124 was an indicationthatthedefeatedparty being justamatterof spoils,thetribute power relationimposedby thevictor.By con had recognizedtheasymmetrical trast,thegiftsthatChildebertofferedtoTheudebertwere an attemptto tiltthe unbalanced relationinhis favor.125 A similarinterpretation could be advanced forone of themost bizarreinstances of giftgivinginGregoryofTours's narrativeofMerovingian affairs: Theuderic plotted to kill his brother Lothar. He prepared an ambush of armed assassins and then summoned Lothar to his presence, saying that he had somethingwhich he wished to talk over in secret. In a courtyard of his house he stretched a piece of canvas across from one wall to another, and he told the armed men to stand behind it.The canvas was not long enough to reach theground, and themen's feetwere plainly visible beneath it.Lothar observed this and marched into the house stillprotected by his own bodyguard. In his turnTheuderic realized thatLothar had seen through his plot, so he had to thinkup a pretextwhile he chatted on about one thingafter another.Not quite knowing how to cover up his treachery,he finallyhanded Lothar a great silver salver as a present. Lothar thanked Theuderic for the gift, said good-bye and went back to his lodging (pro munere gratias agens, ad metatum regressus est). Theuderic then com plained to his family that he had handed over the silver salverwithout any valid reason for doing so. "Run after your uncle," said he to his son Theudebert, "and ask him to be so good as to hand back to you thepresent (munus)which I have just given to him." The young man set off and was given what he asked for.Theuderic was very good at this sort of trick (In talibus enim dolis Tbeudericus multum callidus erat).126 fromthesilverplate found The silversalvermay not have been verydifferent in fourth-and fifth-century burial assemblagessuch as at Hassleben, Gross Bo To judgefrom Gregory'sstory,thegreatsilver dungen,and Erfurt-Gispersleben.127 salverthatTheuderichanded toLotharmust have been inview insidethecourt yard,perhapson the tableatwhich the twowere sittingfortheirconversation. Given Theuderic'squalms in frontof his family,thereis a good chance thesalver 12i thanbecause was an heirloom,more valuable because of itsown "biography" toexplainotherwisetheproblemsraised value. Itwould be difficult of itsintrinsic by its transferintoLothar's possession,which led to the returnof thegift to Theuderic.Whatever thecase, theexpeditiousselectionof thesalverforthatgift givingsequence seemstohave led towhat PhilippeBuc has called a "conversion 124 6.11, p. 281. Gregory of Tours, Histories 125 For spoils and tribute, see Reuter, "Plunder and Tribute" (above, n. 84), pp. 75-94. 126 (Harmondsworth, Eng., 1974), p. 169. Gregory of Tours, Histories 3.7, p. 105; trans. Lewis Thorpe 127 von Hassleben, inDas F?rstengrab "Die Silberteller von Hassleben und ?ugst," Robert Zahn, Schulz and Robert Zahn, R?misch-germanische ed.Walther Forschungen 7 (Berlin, 1933), pp. 59-96; von Gro? Bodungen, 21 Der Schatzfund R?misch-germanische Forschungen Gr?nhagen, von Erfurt-Gispersleben," "Das altth?ringische Wagengrab Alt 1954); Wolfgang Timpel, 17 (1980), 181-238. See Matthias Hardt, Gold und Herrschaft: Die Sch?tze europ?ischer Th?ringen imMittelalter 6 (Berlin, 2004), pp. 106-16. Ac K?nige und F?rsten im ersten Jahrtausend, Europa of rulership and power. cording to Hardt, giving silver was an important demonstration 128 Graeber, Theory of Value (above, n. 3), p. 211. Wilhelm (Berlin, Gift Giving 695 ofmeaning."Although itwas notmelted down, theveryact of thesalver'salien ation threatenedto turnitfroma possibleheirloomintosomethingelse,andwith thatpossibilitycame an attemptto establishand tomemorialize a specifichier archybetweendonor and recipient.129 Theudericwas embarrassedin frontof his own familybecause he had transferred somethingof greatervalue thanthedebt presumablyinflicted upon Lothar.Moreover, he had done so inpublic, thatis, in thepresenceof thearmedmen who had accompaniedLothar, forreasonsof se curity,insideTheuderic's house. Theuderic's "compensatorygift" thusappears lessan exchangetransactionthana public event,with everything thatmeant for His fauxpas was thusmore thanan inappropriategiftat an his reputation.130 inappropriatetime.But what was in factthemeaning of thegift,and why did Theuderic feelembarrassedforhavinghanded thesalverto his brother? At first in glance, theepisode could easilybe read as a case of "mutualpositivedebt,"'131 which thedonor givesbecause ofwhat therecipientis tohim, inthiscase because On theotherhand, thesalverseemstohave beennot just of thekin relationship. inTheuderic's possession but also in thatof his immediatekin group, and the sourceof his embarrassment must have had somethingtodowith thekindistance between thatgroup and his own brother.The odd thingabout thisgift-giving sequence is thatTheuderic's intentioncannot have been to inflicta debt, as he No social relation was preoccupiedwith "coveringhis treachery." was produced which iswhy Theudericwas eventuallyable to or consolidatedthroughthisgift, recoverit so easily.The salverhad in factnot been alienated, in eitherhis or ofusage did not trulytakeplace.Theuderic'smach Lothar's eyes,and thetransfer inationsdid not ultimatelythreatentherecipient,towhom his criminalintentions had becomeall too clear.This had placedTheuderic ina veryunfavorableposition at thebeginningof thegift-giving relationof sequence. In such an asymmetrical power, thegiftof the salver thatwas supposed to signalemotionalattachment while inflicting mutual positivedebt had no authenticity fortherecipient,as the donor did not enjoyany degreeof freedom,corneredas hewas inan impossibly would have beenpossibleonly ifTheuderic embarrassingsituation.132 Authenticity had apologized forhis criminalintentions, as Lotharwould do afterconfronting Bishop Iniuriosus.According toGregoryof Tours,Lothar, fearingthewrath of with presentsafterthebishop,askingforgiveness St.Martin, hurriedservants and Theuderic's apologizingforhis decision to tax a thirdof all churchrevenues.133 129 of Objects" Bue, "Conversion (above, n. 33), p. 99. 130 see Hannig, "Ars donandi," For the public character of gift-giving transactions, pp. 154-55; "The Pleasures and Pains of the Gift," (above, n. 20), p. 218; Andrew Cowell, Silber, "Gift Giving" inQuestion of the Gift (above, n. 5), p. 281. 131 "Homo donator," p. 43. Godbout, 132 les rapports asym?triques de pouvoir, le don Petitat, "Le don" (above, n. 41), p. 32: "Dans ne peut se jouer sans un parfum de libert?, m?me si chaque partie signifiant un engagement r?ciproque sait, sans le dire, qu'il s'agit d'un parfum plus ou moins frelat?." For gifts, "status anxiety," and guilt, see Schwartz, "Social Psychology" (above, n. 34), pp. 8-11. 133 4.2, p. 136. In an attempt to appease Bishop Agericus of Verdun, in Gregory of Tours, Histories sent presents to the bishop (Histories whose church the king's men had killed Godegisel, Childebert in an attempt to appease the angry bishop 9.12, p. 427). The duke of Bavaria sent gifts to St. Corbinian after having disregarded his crossing of the food at a meal ("motum muneribus mitigavit episcopum") ed. Krusch [above, n. 37], p. 218). they had shared (Arbeo of Freising, Vita Corbiniani, 696 Gift Giving almost symmetrical counterpartisSt.Martius,whom Gregorypraised forhaving understoodthat"one shouldpardon freelytheonewho had offendedhim.Not only did he pardon the fault,but he also accompanied thepardonwith some present,so as neverto cheapen thepersonof theoffender."'134 What happenswhen therecipientrefusesthegift? When Childebertand Theu deric reachedan agreement,theysealed itbymeans of an exchangeof hostages. When theconflictbetween thembroke out again, some of the sons of senators who were kept as hostagesbecame servantsto those in chargeof them.One of themwas Attalus, a nepos ofBishopGregoryofLangres,who had been brought with othersons of senatorsto theTrier region,where he had become a together state-ownedslave by thetimehostilities were renewed.BishopGregorysentgifts to theFrankwho keptAttalus underguard, but theman rejectedthem,asking insteadfortenpounds of gold as ransom.135 The reason forthisrejection was not thattheman wantedmore fora captiveof greatvalue but thathe did notwant to accept eitherthemoral debt that thebishop's giftwould have inflicted upon himor thesocial relationthatwould have derivedfromit.Insteadof a gift-giving and sequence,theFrank shiftedtheemphasisto a quasi-commercialtransaction, the ironicspinGregoryput on thisstoryconcernspreciselythispoor choice of The bishop refusedto pay the ransom.His cook Leo, dis exchange strategies. guised as a slave,was eventuallyboughtby thesameFrank fortwentysolidi,but managed to escape back homewithAttalus.The ironyof thestoryis thatwhile refusingthe initialgifts,theFranknot onlydid not get thetenpounds of gold he had demanded forransombut had to pay out of his own pocket twentysolidi The initialrefusalto entera gift beforelosingtwoof hismost valuable slaves.136 givingsequence led to an economicdisaster.But a rejectionof a giftcould also of the trigger violence,as clearlyillustratedby theOld High German fragment in the 830s at Fulda: "And with thathe [Hildebrand] Hildebrandslied copied slipped fromhis arm thetwistedringswroughtof imperialgold,which theking, even the lordof theHuns, had bestowedupon him. 'Thiswill I give to thee in earnestgood faith.'"Neithergood faithnor thegiftwas apparentlysufficient for Hildebrand's son,Hadubrand, who eventuallypulled thesword to kill his own father. 137 It should be apparentby now thatalthough the idea thateverygiftpromptsa countergift certainlyunderpinned many gift-giving practicesinMerovingian and mentioned in thesame breath CarolingianFrancia,veryrarelyis thecountergift 134 Gregory of Tours, Vitae Patrum 14, p. 268; trans. James, p. 99. 135 3.15, p. 112. Attalus was Bishop Gregory's Gregory of Tours, Histories most likely the same Attalus who subscribed a document of 539 for Abbot Heinzelmann, Gregory of Tours, pp. 15-16. 136 "Ars donandi," p. 157: "Diese Ablehnung Hannig, die (rechtm??ige) listige Entf?hrung mit der k?stlichen der angebotenen grandson, not nephew, Silvester of R?om?. See Geschenke erm?glicht dann des fr?nkischen Barbaren, die " hat. ?bert?lpelung dann den Stoff zu Grillparzers Kom?die 'Weh dem der l?gt' abgegeben 137 lines 33-35, ed. Bruce Dickins Hildebrandslied, 1915; repr. New York, (Cambridge, Mass., For the relation between rejected gifts and violence, see Godbout, "Les 'bonnes 1968), pp. 80-81. raisons' de donner" (above, n. 52), p. 52. 697 GiftGiving inorder Some timemust have elapsed betweengiftand countergift as thegift.138 tomask thedonor's calculationsof self-interest, or, inPierreBourdieu's terms, Consequently,thereis little,ifany,evidenceof "theobjectivetruthof thegift."'139 inMerovingian andCarolingiangiftgiving.In fact,theonly balanced reciprocity authorsthoughtof as worth recording gift-giving sequences thatearly-medieval These were indeed the instancesin are typicallyunbalanced and asymmetrical. which giftgiving"provideda languageinwhich to expresspower relations.'"140 Only rarelydo "altruisticgifts"appear,giftsthatwere offeredinpureaffection,141 and thearchaeologicalevidencepertainingtopersonal (as opposed toceremonial) giftsis relativelyslim.Old Roman coins or broochesdeposited in sixth-century cemeteriesand usually foundinpurses gravesof theso-calledReibengrdberkreis attachedat thewaistmay have been smallpresentsof apotropaicvalue,much like were exchanginginRome and Ravenna thecontorniateslateRoman aristocrats orweddings.142 on variousceremonialoccasions suchas theNew Year, birthdays, in mentioned written sources was thatsmallor But none of thecomparablegifts When specifically thattrifling.143 mentioned,thesewere giftsof horses,weapons, 138 The only exceptions are meetings at which kings sealed alliances, which were always accompanied instances of gift giving between peers involving immediate countergifts by a gift exchange. Otherwise, are very rare in the literature of the early Middle Ages. See Harke, ofWeapons" "Circulation (above, n. 91), pp. 380-81. 139 Pierre Bourdieu, The Logic of Practice, trans. Richard Nice (Cambridge, Eng., 1991), pp. 104 5 and 108. Because of the delayed countergift, the donor can pretend that he was simply generous and deny any element of self-interested calculation. To Bourdieu, gift giving is "the paradigm of all the the reality-denying reality that the collective operations through which symbolic alchemy produces sustained and maintained of the consciousness aims at as a collectively produced, misrecognition 'objective' truth." 140 Reuter, "Plunder and Tribute," p. 85. 141 to Gregory, "dulci 9.20, p. 441 (the gifts offered by King Guntram Gregory of Tours, Histories nos affectu fovens"); Lioba's letter of 732 to Boniface (ep. 29, ed. Tangl [above, n. 39], p. 53; trans. Emerton, p. 60: "May the bond of our true affection be knit ever more closely for all time"). The duke "in affection (devotus)" of Champagne, Waimer, offered gifts of silver to Leudegar (Passio Leudegarii 5 [Hannover, 1910], p. 308). SS rer.Merov. 27, ed. Bruno Krusch, inMGH 142 in neuen H?nden: Peter Franz Mittag, Alte K?pfe Urheber und Funktionen der Kontorniaten, zur Vor- und Fr?hgeschichte, zur klassischen und provinzial-r?mischen Arch?ologie Abhandlungen und zur Geschichte des Altertums 38 (Bonn, 1999), pp. 207, 210, see Germaine Faider-Feytmans, and 214. For Roman coins in romaine d? "Objets d'?poque Reihengr?berkreis inM?langes couverts dans des tombes m?rovingiennes du bassin de laHaine (Belgique)," d'arch?ologie et d'histoire offerts ? Andr? Piganiol, ed. Raymond Chevalier, 2 (Paris, 1966), pp. 1013-14 and 1018; et rites fun?raires m?rovingiens," christianisation Arch?ologie m?di?vale Bailey Young, "Paganisme, burial assemblages, cimeti?res m?rovingiens de l'Est de la France: Lavoye, 7 (1977), 41; Quatre et qualitative des pratiques etMazerny. Etude quantitative res-Manchester Dieue-sur-Meuse, fun?raires, BAR M?zi? Interna "Zur M?nzbeigaben 73, and 156; and Guido Krause, (Oxford, 1984), pp. 36-38, an in Regio archaeologica: in merowingerzeitlichen und Geschichte Arch?ologie Reihengr?bern," 65. ed. Gerhard zum Christel Ober- und Hochrhein. B?cker, Geburtstag, Fingerlin Festschrift f?r 18 (Rahden, 2002), pp. 290 Michael Hoeper, Niklot Krohn, and J?rgen Trumm, Studia Honoraria tional Series 208 91. 143 The gift of a simple piece of bread that the wife of Namatius, bishop of Arvernes, accepted from a poor man who had mistaken her for a beggar, though called munus, is in fact a particular, "reversed" case of charity (Gregory of Tours, Histories 2.17, p. 65). 698 GiftGiving jewels,silverplate,or preciousbooks.144 Thesewere giftsof power,forthey were exchangedbetweenmembersof thearistocracy,includingkings,who understood sequences. theirsymbolismand definedtheirstatusbyparticipationingift-giving These were also powerfulgifts,in thatmost were expressionsof a desire to put therecipientlastinglyindebt, to overwhelmand thus to dominate.Even in in stancesof "complete" gift-giving sequences, inwhich kingsmeeting to seal an allianceexchangedgiftson thespot, there must have been countlessnuancesper tainingto thenumberand natureof thegifts,thequalityof theworkmanship, and themany detailsof theceremonialframework of thetransactionthatallowed one sideor theothertomake statements about relativestatusorpositionofpower. There can be littlesurprisetherefore that, when theonlyway toescapedomination was to refusethegift,theoutcomewas violence.Giftgivingwas not about social warfare inwhich assertivearistocrats bonds or glue; itwas a formof surrogate with each other forpower.As a consequence,giftscir engagedwhen competing circleof individualsinMerovingian and Carolingian culatedwithin a restricted societies;giftgivingwas not part of a generalproductionand distributionnet work. The horses and weapons thatCarolingian kings receivedas annual gifts and laterredistributed to theirloyalmen were apparentlyneithersufficient nor, indeed,as lucrativeas benefices,offices,or outrightgrantsof land.Nor were the or offered movable giftsthatFrankisharistocratsexchangedamong themselves and honor. to theirkingsanythingelse than"of thenatureof tokens"of friendship The regularization of giftgivingunder theCarolingians and theireffortsto im plementan annual, "large-scale"gift-giving sequence fortheexclusivebenefitof thekingwas an indicationof a royalpower inneed of continuous,ifsymbolic, not an expressionof supply-and-demand manifestationof loyaltyfromsupporters, mechanisms.145 Thus, theRoyal FrankishAnnals and theAnnals of St. Bertin, respectively, mention thatLouis thePious receivedannual giftsshortlybefore(in 827 and 829) and especiallyaftertherebellionof 830 (everyyear between832 and 837).146 Annual giftsofhorsesto thekingmust haveput a highpremiumon suchobjects, was not fortheprocurement of horsestomeet (military) butgiftgivingitself royal needs, a demand thatcould certainlybe satisfiedby other,more "economic" We would searchsourcesinvain foranythingsimilartoBronislawMa means.147 linowski'skula circuit:Merovingian and Carolingian giftgivingwas primarily 144 to Abbess Eadburga For gifts of books, see epp. 30, 75, and 91 of Boniface and Archbishop Egbert of York, ed. Tangl (above, n. 39), pp. 54 and 157. 145 to monasteries donations have been viewed as helping lords reaffirm their Similarly, Carolingian vis-?-vis other powerful lords, princes, or the king himself, at a time of sphere of political ascendancy weakened royal power. See Silber, "Gift Giving," p. 218. 146 See also Royal Frankish Annals, pp. 173 and 177; Annals of St. Bertin, pp. 5, 7, 9, and 11-13. Vita Hludowici Astronomus, imperatoris, pp. 441 and 453. By contrast, the Annals of St. Bertin has in 864, 868, and 874 (pp. 72, 96, and Charles the Bald receiving his annual gifts only episodically, ismade of annual gifts in the Annals of Fulda, despite the considerable 125). No mention overlap with other sources, in its coverage attitudes toward Carolingian much closer examination 147 Adriaan E. Verhulst, of the reigns of Louis the Pious and Charles the Bald. The differences annual gifts espoused by various annalists would certainly be worth than can be done in this study. The Carolingian Economy (Cambridge, Eng., 2002), pp. 107 and 112. in a Gift Giving 699 about politics,not economics,although the two spheresof social activity were certainlynot completelyseparate.Merovingian and CarolingianFrancia had no gifteconomy,butMerovingian and Carolingian political economycan only be understoodin termsof gift-giving practicesthatoftentook a public,almostcer emonialform.In theworld ofGregoryofTours,Fredegar,andHincmar ofReims, the imagesof bothmunera and donors shonewith equal clarityin the splendor of an ever-changing picture. Florin Curta isAssociate Professor ofHistory at theUniversity of Florida, Gainesville, FL 32611-7320 (e-mail: [email protected]).