Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone

Himalayan Linguistics Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone Mark W. Post and Tage Kanno Universität Bern and Future Generations A BSTRA C T Despite being one of the most extensively researched of Eastern Himalayan languages, the basic morphological and phonological-prosodic properties of Apatani (Tibeto-Burman > Tani > Western) have not yet been adequately described. This article attempts such a description, focusing especially on interactions between segmental-syllabic phonology and tone in Apatani. We highlight three features in particular – vowel length, nasality and a glottal stop – which contribute to contrastively-weighted syllables in Apatani, which are consistently under-represented in previous descriptions of Apatani, and in absence of which tone in Apatani cannot be effectively analysed. We conclude that Apatani has two “underlying”, lexically-specified tone categories H and L, whose interaction with word structure and syllable weight produce a maximum of three “surface” pitch contours – level, falling and rising – on disyllabic phonological words. Two appendices provide a set of diagnostic procedures for the discovery and description of Apatani tone categories, as well as an Apatani lexicon of approximately one thousand entries. K EY W ORD S lexicon, tone, morphophonology, Tibeto-Burman languages, Tani languages, Eastern Himalayan languages, Apatani This is a contribution from Himalayan Linguistics, Vol. 12(1): 17– 75 ISSN 1544-7502 © 2013. All rights reserved. This Portable Document Format (PDF) file may not be altered in any way. Tables of contents, abstracts, and submission guidelines are available at www.linguistics.ucsb.edu/HimalayanLinguistics Himalayan Linguistics, Vol. 12(1). © Himalayan Linguistics 2013 ISSN 1544-7502 Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone1 Mark W. Post and Tage Kanno Universität Bern and Future Generations 1 Introduction Despite being one of the most extensively researched of Eastern Himalayan languages (Anonymous 1965; Simon 1972; Sai 1983; Abraham 1985; Abraham 1987; Weidert 1987; Kani, Kani et al. 1994; Kani and Habuñ 1995; Apatani Language Project 2009; Blackburn 2010), Apatani remains inadequately described in some fairly basic respects. A number of core phonological features, such as vowel length, nasalization and glottal features, have been either ignored or are inconsistently represented in the literature, and Apatani tones, though they have been identified by scholars such as Abraham (1985) and Weidert (1987), have not yet been systematically and accurately described. This is unfortunate, as tone in Apatani is quite robust, by comparison with many other languages of the Eastern Himalaya, many of which are either not tone languages or have tone systems with such a “low functional load” that research can be frustratingly difficult and fraught with uncertainty (Morey 2010: 83-94). If well-understood, Apatani tones could provide a solid regional benchmark in comparative pan-Himalayan prosody. During recent fieldwork, we were able to make a certain amount of progress in the analysis of Apatani phonology and lexicon, especially as concerns the operation of Apatani tones. While our analysis of the Apatani tone system is not yet complete, we believe that enough is now understood to enable some reliable statements regarding basic phonological categories and processes in Apatani. In writing this paper at the present stage, we thus have several goals. One goal will be to advance a comprehensive view of Apatani phonology, such that the interactions between segmental, syllabic and prosodic features in Apatani can be made explicit. A second goal will be to provide a 1 Fieldwork for this article was conducted in Tajang village (Bulla cluster, Ziro complex, Lower Subansiri District, Arunachal Pradesh), and in Itanagar and Naharlagun during December 2011-January 2012, with a brief follow-up in July 2012. Author Post thanks his second Apatani consultant Michi Chatung Tanyang. Both authors thank Pascal Bouchery, with whom we have corresponded frequently on these and other topics, as well as Larry Hyman and two anonymous reviewers. The authors had distinct but complementary goals in conducting this research. Author Post is engaged in a reconstruction of Proto-Tani language, with support from Taiwan National Science Council Research Grant NSC 100-2410-H-001-097-MY2 Proto-Tani: A Tibeto-Burman Mesolanguage (PI Tian-Shin Jackson Sun), and had the primary goal of isolating tonally-specified Apatani roots. Author Tage, a native Apatani speaker, is working on the community-based design of a phonologically-adequate Apatani orthography. Both projects require a comprehensive approach to Apatani phonology, due to the fact that segmental and prosodic features in Apatani interact extensively, as we will demonstrate below. Finally, please note that Apatani names are, like Japanese names, conventionally ordered Surname Given-Name; thus, author Tage’s surname is Tage, given name Kanno. 17 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) certain amount of what we believe to be reliably-transcribed Apatani data, which we hope will be useful in the immediate term for documentary and comparative purposes. Our third and perhaps over-arching goal will be to outline a set of simple methods for the further investigation of Apatani tones, which we hope will make it simpler for linguists and anthropologists, both Apatani and nonApatani, to broaden and deepen research into this important and accessible, but not yet very wellunderstood, Eastern Himalayan language. The rest of the paper is structured as follows: we first provide a brief contextual overview in §2, while §3 gives an equally brief overview of Apatani word types and their structures. §4 is the first of two major sections of the paper; it treats segmental and syllabic phonology, focusing in particular on two “special” segments which are not always consistently recognized in research on Apatani language, but without which the Apatani tone system cannot be adequately represented: an “underspecified” nasal and a glottal stop. §5 is the second major section of the paper, and focuses on Apatani tones. §6 is a brief conclusion, and is followed by two Appendices: Appendix A summarizes some diagnostic procedures for determining Apatani word and morpheme shapes and tones. Appendix B is an Apatani lexicon of just over 1,000 entries. 2 Contextual overview Apatani is spoken by around 60,000 people, mostly natives of Ziro Plateau, in the Lower Subansiri district of modern-day Arunachal Pradesh State, in the North East Indian Himalaya (Figure 1). In his well-known comparative-historical study of the Tani subgroup of Tibeto-Burman languages, Sun (1993) describes Apatani as a relatively “aberrant” member of the subgroup, classifying it as an early-branching member of his Western Tani branch (Figure 2). Indeed, a number of features mark Apatani as relatively special in the Tani context. First, Apatani has a number of salient features which are rare or unique in Tani, including contrastively nasalized vowels, a phonemic syllable-final glottal stop, and a voiceless velar fricative x (ᵏx in some dialects). While rare, since such features appear to be regular innovations, they tend to support Sun’s earlybranching hypothesis. However, a number of other features are more difficult to explain. These include Apatani’s lack of topographical-deictic demonstratives, an absence which seems to be unique in Tani (Post 2011). Additionally, we find several prominent Apatani words and morphemes which are rare in or possibly absent from other Tani languages; among lexemes, these include the culturally-important terms ˀáǰí ‘wet field’ and ljàʔpyóo ‘dry field’ (compare Proto-Tani *rɨk ‘field (wet or dry)’). Among grammatical morphemes, we find several commonly-occurring predicate suffixes which seem not to be found elsewhere in Tani; for example, -ŋé ‘Imperative’ and -cì ‘Intentional irrealis’. While it seems unlikely that an early-branching hypothesis by itself can account for such features, it is not yet clear what will.2 Mutual-intelligibility between Apatani and the varieties of Nyishi spoken nearby to the Apatani area is relatively high; however, Apatani and Nyishi languages seem well-differentiated when the full range of regional varieties is taken into 2 One possibility to be kept in view is that Apatani may incorporate features of a substrate of unknown phylogenetic status; this could in principle account for both the non-Tani (and possibly non-Tibeto-Burman) forms that we find in Apatani, as well as, perhaps, certain atypical patterns (such as lacking topographical deixis). This idea is supported by Apatani oral histories, which recount the earlier existence of such a population, and from whose lost language the prominent Apatani place name Ziro is supposed to have derived. Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone account, such that there appears to be a clear basis for assigning Apatani and Nyishi to different branches on a Tani family tree, as Sun did (1993: 272). Figure 1. The Eastern Himalaya, showing the Tani Language Area in rough outline, and the approximate location of the Apatani Valley (Ziro) Figure 2. Provisional Tani family tree (Sun 1993) 19 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) While all Apatani varieties are mutually-intelligible, there is a certain amount of internal variation, roughly correlated with the geographical clustering of villages in Ziro plateau. Author Tage estimates there to be five major Apatani varieties (some with relatively minor internal variation): moving clockwise from the north, these are (1) Bulla, spoken in the villages of Lempia, Reru, Tajang and Kalung, (2) Hari, spoken in Hari village, (3) Hong, spoken in Hong and Swro3 villages, (4) Dwbo, spoken in Swbe, Bwrw, Michi-Bamin and Mudang-Tage, and (5) Hija, spoken in the villages of Hija, Dutta and Nencalya. This paper is based on the Bulla variety, as it is spoken in Tajang village, in the northeastern corner of Ziro plateau (Figure 3). Figure 3. The Apatani valley, with major villages and speech varieties as shown As we mentioned in §1, Apatani is one of the most extensively-researched of Eastern Himalayan languages.4 However, a complete representation of Apatani phonology has apparently Here and in Figure 3, w = ɨ. This is a feature of at least one current Apatani Romanization proposal, also widelyadopted among writers of Galo and Nyishi languages. 3 4 Apatani have also received considerable attention from anthropologists; see especially von Führer-Haimendorf (1955; 1962; 1980) and Blackburn (2003; 2003/2004; 2008; 2010). 20 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone presented a challenge to scholars. In the first work to approach Apatani language systematically, Anonymous (1965) contained only a segment inventory, with little analysis. Simon (1972), whose data were later employed by Sun (1993), included a two-and-a-half page sketch of Apatani phonology. Unfortunately, almost every sentence of this sketch seems to us to contain serious errors, which we therefore refrain from discussing in the interest of space. Regarding tone, Simon provides only two purported minimal pairs, and then writes that “Apatani is comparatively free from…tonal complexities…The meaning of a few words may change according to the tone… This feature is restricted to a small number of expressions” (Simon 1972: 2-3). As will become clear below, we believe that these statements radically underestimate the importance and pervasiveness of tone in Apatani. Ensuing years saw publication of Sai (1983), which, however, contained even less phonological analysis than did Simon (1972). Later, Abraham’s (1985: 5-22) expanded presentation of Apatani phonology was marginally more insightful than that of Simon (1972). However, Abraham’s transcriptions, including his representation of tones, are neither consistent, nor are they in general accurate. Abraham identified three Apatani tone categories, “rising”, “level (unmarked)” and “falling”, and provided putative three-way minimal pairs such as ámi ‘cat’, ami ‘eye’ and àmi ‘tail’. Here, Abraham seems to have confused certain segmental features with prosodic features; specifically, here and throughout his work Abraham failed to consistently transcribe contrastive vowel length and syllable-final glottal stop. In our data, these words occur as ˀáamì ‘cat’, ˀàmíʔ ‘eye’ and ˀámì ‘tail’.5 Weidert (1987) provided what we count as 228 Apatani words and a description of Apatani phonology with special attention to tones. In general, we find that Weidert’s analysis is insightful, if not always consistent with our own, and we particularly appreciate his assignment of a “floating tone” to some Apatani word and morpheme types which is realized on a following syllable6; while we feel that this measure is ultimately probably not correct, and certainly leads to an unnecessarily complex analysis of Apatani tonemes, it does enable fairly accurate predictions of Apatani phrasal pitch contours. Weidert, unlike Simon and Abraham, in our assessment produced correct and consistent transcriptions of contrastive word-medial vowel length and word-medial glottal stop. However, he seems to have failed to recognize these features word-finally. These crucial omissions fatally compromised Weidert’s analysis of Apatani tone, as will become clear in §5. A number of works have more recently emerged either within or with the participation of the Apatani community. T. Kani, P. Kani et al. (1994) and T. Kani and Habuñ (1995) are two works prepared by Apatani community members, the first a grammar and the second an English-Apatani dictionary. Conceived on the models of an English grammar and lexicon, these works may address some of the Apatani community’s needs in terms of language preservation and English languagelearning, but lack a certain depth of analysis when it comes to the appraisal of native Apatani features on their own terms.7 Finally, the Apatani Language Society’s (2009) Dictionary of the Apatani Language (DAL) has been co-produced by Apatani community members together with 5 Here, Abraham missed a true tonal minimal pair with ˀámí ‘elder sister’, a word which does not seem to appear in Abraham’s (1987) dictionary. 6 Weidert’s analysis is in this respect very close to what Ray (1967) analyses as “syllable pitch” in an unspecified variety of Nyishi. 7 Thus, in the dictionary, for example, one finds the purported Apatani equivalents of terms which seem conceptually quite foreign, such as ‘lion’ and ‘dermatology’, whereas we do not find many commonplace Apatani cultural artifacts, nor most of the local flora and fauna. 21 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) the anthropologist Pascal Bouchery. DAL is a very impressive work indeed, apparently containing 10,000+ items (entries and subentries) – many of them illustrated by photographs – with a meticulously-researched semantic base from the point of view of Apatani cultural knowledge. Apatani words in DAL are represented in a slightly modified Romanization (ii = ɨ, kh = x), which, however, underdetermines Apatani phonology to a considerable extent. This is partly compensated for through the inclusion of “phonetic transcriptions” in a fair number of entries (though seemingly fewer than half ); even in the latter case, however, certain features are either not represented or inconsistently represented. Our hope, therefore, is that the phonological analysis and representation outlined in this article might be taken up, either directly or in a modified form, by a future edition of DAL, which we believe to be the current “best foot forward” in the documentation of Apatani lexicon. 3 Word types and structures To understand the operation of Apatani tones, it is important to first understand the structures of Apatani words. Here, we need to draw an initial distinction among two levels of representation, corresponding to Apatani words and Apatani morphemes, respectively. Apatani morphemes are in principle morphologically bound; that is, Apatani morphemes are not normally pronounced independently with a recognizable meaning, and morphemes do not normally stand as constituents of a syntactic phrase. By contrast, Apatani words are morphologically free; they can be meaningfully pronounced, and do stand as constituents of syntactic phrases. Words in Apatani minimally consist of a single monosyllabic morpheme; an example of a monosyllabic, monomorphemic Apatani word is ǰìi ‘black’. However, most Apatani words have two or more morphemes, and are usually, therefore, disyllabic or larger. This is important to the analysis of Apatani tones, because the basic tone bearing unit (TBU) in Apatani is the monosyllabic morpheme.8 And, since Apatani morphemes are in principle bound, it is therefore not usually possible to determine the tone of an Apatani morpheme by pronouncing it in isolation. Instead, it is usually necessary to “work down” to the underlying morpheme tones by examining the pitch contour of a morphologically complex and polysyllabic word. Here, it is useful to draw a methodological distinction between Apatani verbs (or predicates) on the one hand, and nouns and adjectives on the other. Patterns of formation for these word types are quite different, as are the resulting ways in which they are amenable to analyses of tone: 8 We would like to clarify here the sense in which we will use the term “tone-bearing unit” or “TBU” in this paper. We use this term to mean “a unit at any level of analysis to which a phonological tone is attributable, whether by virtue of being lexically-assigned, or by virtue of being derived from the combination of smaller units.” In other words, we do not insist that there should be only one “TBU” in Apatani phonology, such that if (for example) a lexical morpheme which is referenced as a TBU by a word-level phonological rule must also be referenced as a TBU, in the same way or at all, by a phrase-level phonological rule. At the same time, we do not insist that there cannot be only one such TBU. Such questions remain in essence open to research. Thus, by “basic tone-bearing unit” here we mean “the smallest unit that we have been able to discover for which lexically-assigned tones are discoverable, by virtue of their being referenced by Apatani phonological rules”. We do not mean “the sole unit which is referenced as tone-bearing by all relevant Apatani phonological rules”. We thank an anonymous reviewer for alerting us to the possibility of confusion here. 22 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone Most Apatani verbs form predicates, which minimally consist of a single bound verb root followed by at least one dependent formative of some kind.9 Most often, this will be a derivation and/or an inflection (Figure 4). Examples (1)–(3) illustrate these structures, which are fully productive in Apatani. Most of the verb types discussed in this article have the types of structure illustrated in (1)–(2) [[[VROOT]PROOT(-PDER1…n)]PSTEM-PINFL]PRED Figure 4. Basic structure of an Apatani predicate (slightly simplified, head underlined). VROOT = verb root, PDER = predicate derivation, PINFL = predicate inflection (1) pá-bí cut.by.striking-BEN VROOT-PDER ‘chop for (someone)’ (2) pá-dó. cut.by.striking-IPFV VROOT-PINFL ‘(Someone) is chopping.’ (3) pá-bı ́-dó cut.by.striking-BEN-IPFV VROOT-PDER-INFL ‘(Someone) is chopping for (someone).’ Nouns and adjectives in Apatani minimally consist of the structure [ROOT], although very few words in our database exemplify this structure (4). The majority of words in our database are either prefixed roots or compounds, with the structures [PFX-ROOT] and [ROOT-ROOT] respectively (5)–(6). (4) ǰìi black ROOT ‘black’ 9 Some Apatani speakers are able to pronounce verb roots independently (without any suffix), and assign them meaning and a full phonological specification. This includes the second author of this paper. However, with the exception of a small number of existential copulas (see Abraham 1987: 70-73), we are not able to find any syntactic constructions in which verb roots pattern independently, and we cannot be certain that all Apatani speakers will view verb roots as independently pronounceable. 23 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) (5) ˀa-mı ́ʔ PFX-eye PFX-ROOT ‘eye’ (6) m� ́ʔ-láa eye-juice ROOT-ROOT ‘tear(s)’ Unlike with verbs/predicates, whose formation is in general fully productive, the productivity and transparency of nominal/adjectival structures [PFX-ROOT] and [ROOT-ROOT] is variable. Certain types of word with these structures are fully productive; for example, classifier and numeral roots are productively compounded to form a “classifier expression”, exemplified in (7). (7) dór-ɲı ̀ CLF:ANIMAL-two ROOT:CLF-ROOT:NUM ‘two animals (e.g. dogs)’ Other words are more opaque. In many cases, only one formative of an underlying (or etymological) [ROOT-ROOT] compound can be recognized; in such cases it may be possible to assume that the remainder of the word reflects an as-yet-unidentified root. For example, in p� ̀sáa ‘pine tree’, the second formative is obviously sáa- ‘pine’ (cf. sáatı́ ‘pine sap’, sàaxúu ‘pine cone’, etc.), however the first formative is unknown. In other cases, it may not be possible to identify any subcomponents of a disyllabic word; one such word is kánú ‘seven’. Here, one can say nothing concerning any potential internal structure, until further comparative-etymological research is undertaken. A relatively small number of Apatani nouns and adjectives have trisyllabic structures; such structures are particularly common among time expressions. Most such words are morphologically opaque to us, and for reasons that will become clear below, we are not yet able to incorporate such words into our analysis of Apatani tones. Examples include lóox� ̀dà ‘four years hence’ and kánúdá ‘five days hence’. 4 Segmental and syllabic phonology Our description here is based on the “Bulla” dialect of Apatani, as it is spoken in Tajang Village (cf. Figure 3). This variety was specifically selected for our research due to its robust retention of a syllable-final glottal stop -ʔ in all phonological word positions; although glottal stop is not found in this position in all Apatani dialects (for example, it is not found in Michi-Bamin), it is a prominent feature of our analysis of Apatani tones (§5). We begin with a presentation of Apatani segmental phonemes. 24 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone 4.1 Overview of segments Nineteen consonants are found at four places of articulation in Apatani (Table 1). Apatani exhibits the typical Tani seven-vowel system, as described by Sun (1993) (Table 2).10 Place → Manner↓ Stop/affricate Voiceless Voiced Nasals Voiced Fricative Voiceless Liquids Voiced Rhotic Voiced Labial Alveolar (Alveo-) Palatal Velar Glottal p b m k g ŋ x t d n s l r c ǰ ɲ ʔ h y Table 1. Apatani consonants Front Mid Back High Central Low ɨ ə a i e u o Table 2. Apatani vowels The distribution of Apatani segments will be discussed further in §4.3, in the context of our discussion of Apatani syllable structure. First, we will discuss two “special” Apatani consonants in some detail. 4.2 Two “special” consonants: Underspecif ied nasal and glottal stop Apatani has two “special” consonants, an underspecified nasal ñ and a glottal stop ʔ. They are “special” in two senses: first, in that their distribution is marked from the perspective of Apatani syllable and word phonology overall, and second, in that they each play a prominent role in the operation of the Apatani tone system to be described in §5.11 Both underspecified nasal and glottal stop appear in the underlying forms of Apatani morphemes. We next discuss these segments in order. 10 See Sun (1993: 66) for an analysis of the Tani vowel system. 11 Underspecified nasal and glottal stop are also somewhat “special” in the sense that they are two of the three major segmental features in Apatani which are consistently under-represented in previous descriptions, the third being contrastive vowel length. 25 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) 4.2.1 Underspecified nasal Underspecified nasal ñ occurs in syllable-final (usually also morpheme-final) position only.12 A few examples from different lexical classes include táñ- ‘imbibe’, kúñ- ‘peach’, ɲáñ- ‘year’ and làñ‘hundred’. Underspecified nasal ñ has different surface reflexes in different morpho-phonological environments: word-finally and when followed by a fricative, ñ is realized as nasalization over a preceding vowel, as in ˀa-lyáñ ‘PFX-ten’ > ˀàlyã́ ‘ten’, or táñ-sú ‘imbibe-REFL’ > tãś ú ‘drink for oneself ’. When followed by a stop or affricate – affricates tend to be treated as stops by the phonologies of Tani languages in general – ñ surfaces as a homorganic nasal; in the case of following velar and labial stops, the homorganic nasal is also accompanied by nasalization of the preceding vowel, while in the case of following coronal and palatal consonants, no vowel nasalization is observed; examples ́ pà ‘in order to drink’ and táñ-dó ‘imbibe-IPFV ’ > tándó ‘drinking’. include táñ-pà ‘imbibe-SBRD’ > tãm ñ is deleted – in most cases, with no compensatory effects13 – before sonorants; for example, táñ-ŋé ‘imbibe-IPTV ’ > táŋé ‘Drink!’ and làñ-ɲì ‘hundred-two’ > láɲì ‘two hundred’. Finally, ñ is realized as ŋ inter-vocalically, as in làñ-e ‘hundred-one?’ > láŋè ‘(one) hundred’. The realization of ñ in various morpho-phonological environments is summarized and exemplified in Table 3. Historically, -ñ derives from a merger of Proto-Tani syllable-final nasals *-ŋ, *-n and *-m. Syllable-final nasals seem to have first merged to *-ŋ, being the form that we find in unconditioned pre-vocalic environments, and to have later split into the environmentally-conditioned set of reflexes we now find. Thus, being unpredictable from context, it would be in principle possible to treat -ŋ as a synchronically “underlying” form, with the remaining forms generated by rule. However, the alternative of assigning a more abstract nasal consonant which is not specified for place – generating all surface forms by rule – is adopted here since it seems to better accord with the intuitions of native Apatani speakers/writers, to the extent that we can gauge these from our present standpoint.14 4.2.2 Glottal stop Turning now to glottal stop: a phonetic glottal stop appears in both syllable-initial and syllablefinal environments in Apatani. However, syllable-initial and -final glottal stops do not have the same phonological status. In syllable-initial position, glottal stop is simply a prosodic onset to an otherwise vowel-initial phonological word. That glottal stop is not a segmental feature of the corresponding morpheme in such cases is demonstrated by the fact that it is lost when the morpheme occurs word-finally – i.e., when glottal stop would occur in a word-medial environment. In (8)–(9), note that the morpheme áa-, which occurs as a word-initial verb root in (8), and a wordfinal predicate derivation in (9), occurs with a glottal stop in the first case, but not in the second.15 ñ is chosen as a symbol for the underspecified nasal because it is the symbol most often used for this purpose in the emerging, community-based Apatani orthography. It is not intended to invoke the idea of a palatal nasal, for which we use IPA ɲ in this paper (in Apatani orthography, the palatal nasal is usually represented ny). 12 13 Compensatory vowel lengthening has been observed when ñ is followed by r, however such examples are extremely rare in our database. Further research on a larger lexical corpus will be required to determine the regularity of this feature. 14 Please note that we employ the terms “generating…by rule” in a colloquial sense here, and do not intend to invoke (much less adhere to) any particular theory of phonology, formal or otherwise. 15 It might be supposed here that a categorical distinction among verb roots and predicate derivations could be conditioning the alternation. We don’t at present have good evidence to demonstrate that this is not the case, 26 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone Form Following environment Ṽ word boundary, fricatives #, s, x, h Ṽŋ oral velar stops Ṽm oral labial stops n k, g p, b oral coronal/palatal stops/affricates t, d, c, ǰ Ø sonorants ŋ vowels ŋ, ɲ, n, m, y, r, l Examples Morphemes ˀa-lyáñ táñ-sú díñ-xúʔ làñ-híñ góñ-kóʔ díñ-gyàñ táñ-pà léñ-bó díñ-táʔ táñ-dó láñ-cáñ láñ-ǰañ táñ-ŋé làñ-ɲì táñ-né táñ-má táñ-yó táñ-lyí sàñ-ròʔ Gloss PFX-ten imbibe-REFL head-shell hundred-three mouth-open hammer-post imbibe-SBRD road-male? head-plank drink-IPFV red.1-red.2 neck-??? imbibe-IPTV hundred-two imbibe-PFV.1 imbibe-NEG imbibe-PROH imbibe-IRR wood-banyan làñ-e hundred-one? Word ˀàlyã́ tãś ú d�xúʔ ̃̀ lã�̀ ̃́ ̀ kóʔ gõŋ ̀ ́ d�̃ŋgyã ́ pà tãm ́ bó lẽm dìntáʔ tándó làncã́ lànǰã́ táŋé láɲì táné támá táyó tályí sàróʔ ~ sàaróʔ láŋè Gloss ‘ten’ ‘drink by oneself’ ‘skull’ ‘three hundred’16 ‘open mouth’ ‘fencepost’ ‘in order to drink’ ‘road’ ‘pate; crest’ ‘drinking’ ‘red’ ‘base of head’ ‘Drink!’ ‘two hundred’ ‘drank’ ‘not drink’ ‘Don’t drink!’ ‘will drink’ ‘banyan’ ‘(one) hundred’ Table 3. Realizations of underspecified nasal in various morpho-phonological environments (8) ˀáadó. áa-dó come-IPFV ‘(He’s) coming.’ (9) lyòáa lyòo-áa leap-INWARD ‘jump in (a pool of water, e.g.)’ primarily due to the paucity of vowel-initial morphemes in our database (around 10/600). In particular, we currently lack clear examples of vowel-initial nominal roots occurring as both initial and final formatives of [ROOT-ROOT] compounds, which would help to illustrate this point in a language-general sense. However, we note that an identical alternation is found in Galo, also a Western Tani language (Post 2009). The presence of this feature in Galo does not demonstrate its reality in Apatani, of course, but since this does appear to be a conservative feature of the subgroup, it adds a contextual plausibility. -h- is subsequently deleted inter-vocalically, although its underlying presence can be detected via the underspecified nasal’s realization as vowel nasalization. When followed by an underlying vowel, the underspecified nasal is realized as ŋ, as shown at the base of this Table. 16 27 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) If initial glottal stop is not a segment specified in underlying forms, then, is it necessary to recognize and transcribe it as a phonological feature? This is certainly debatable. We have decided to transcribe initial glottal stop because it appears to be a robust prosodic feature. For example, it blocks assimilation phenomena across word boundaries: in (10), note that according to the distribution outlined in Table 3, underspecified nasal ñ should surface Ṽŋ when followed by a vowel; however, since this is blocked by ˀ-, a word-final realization Ṽ is found instead. (10) ́ àlóo) l� ̀bã́ ˀàlóo (*l� ̀bãŋ l� ̀báñ ˀàlóo knee bone ‘kneecap’ The phonemic status of syllable-final glottal stop is less debatable; it is clearly phonemic, reflecting a merger of earlier Proto-Tani consonant codas *-k, *-t1, *-t2, and *-p.17 It can be established through segmental minimal sets such as kóʔ- ‘open’, kóo- ‘pry (manipulate lever)’ and kó‘eggplant berry (Solanum indicum or khasianum)’, and occurs in both word-final and word-medial positions (11)–(12). (11) ̀ kóʔ gõŋ góñ-kóʔ mouth-open ‘open the mouth’ (12) kóʔdó. kóʔ-dó open-IPFV ‘(He’s) opening (it).’ Like the underspecified nasal, syllable-final glottal stop is a crucial feature of tone patterning in Apatani, as we will demonstrate in §5. Due to the seemingly different phonological statuses of syllable-initial and syllable-final glottal stop in Apatani, we transcribe the former via a superscript ˀ – signifying that it is a prosodic rather than segmental feature – while we transcribe the latter as a full consonant ʔ, signifying its phonemic status.18 Sun’s (1993) *-t1and *-t2 represent an unknown distinction at the Proto-Tani level, with a merged -t reflex in Eastern Tani and a complex (and seemingly not reconstructable) set of reflexes in Western Tani. In Apatani (much as in Eastern Tani), both proto-consonants have merged to -ʔ. 17 18 An alternative representation might simply omit any representation of syllable-initial glottal stop, and treat it as a predictable feature of word structure. This seems acceptable to us, and might simplify matters from an orthographic perspective; we do not do so here simply because we wish to represent phonological distinctions as explicitly as we can at the present stage. The other two alternatives, namely omitting glottal stop altogether and treating syllableinitial and syllable-final glottal stop as instances of “the same” segment type, do not seem acceptable to us. 28 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone 4.3 Syllable structure Apatani syllables have the basic structure given in Figure 5. In Figure 5, note that Ci is an optional initial consonant, V is an obligatory vowel nucleus, and X is an optional coda, which may be one of either (a) a nucleus-identical (lengthened) vowel (b) nasalization on a preceding vowel, or (c) a final consonant Cf. μ is a mora (a unit of weight). This set of concepts will be discussed in detail below. μ μ (Ci)V(X) Figure 5. Basic Apatani syllable structure The optional Ci slot in an Apatani syllable can be either simple or complex. A simple Ci may be one of any of the consonants listed in Table 1 above, potentially excluding glottal stop (see discussion in §4.2) (Table 4). Ci Word k g ŋ c ǰ ɲ t d n p b m y r l s x h kíibò gùbúʔ ŋ� ́í cúun� ̀ ǰántú ɲácú tákí dáɲí nèesúu pàakúʔ bìisə́r mílò yàapáa ríimì láʔn� ̀ sáatí xùíʔ háarù Gloss ‘male dog’ ‘warm/hot’ ‘fish’ ‘sambar doe’ ‘fat’ ‘lip’ ‘ginger’ ‘sun’ ‘granary’ ‘plate’ ‘langur’ ‘husband’ ‘young man’ ‘spider’ ‘thumb finger’ ‘pine sap’ ‘sour’ ‘lung’ Table 4. Simple Ci in word-initial position A complex Ci may be any of the consonants g, p, b, m, or l, plus the glide y (Table 5). 29 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) Ci Word Gloss gy gyúudó ‘shouting’ py pyóodó ‘pincing (using pincers)’ by byòopáa ‘helmetlike cane hat’ my myàamyáa ‘ringworm’ ly lyàʔpyóo ‘dry field’ Table 5. Complex Ci in word-initial position Unlike Simon (1972) and Weidert (1987), we do not find a complex cluster Cry- in our Apatani data.19 Obligatory nucleus V may be any of the seven vowels listed in Table 2. However, it is worth noting that mid-central vowel ə has a relatively restricted distribution in Apatani by comparison with other Tani languages, and generally occurs only with a following rhotic coda -r (Table 6).20 V Word Gloss a ˀàxéʔ ‘kidney’ i ˀìpóʔ ‘brewer’s yeast’ u ˀúdè ‘house’ e ˀéʔpè ‘pumpkin’ o ˀóo ‘liquor’ ə làʔŋə́r ‘wrist’ ɨ ˀ� ̀ŋáa ‘baby’ Table 6. Simple V nuclei Syllables which have only a V nucleus and, optionally, either a simplex or a complex Ci, are said to be light. Light syllables have only one mora, i.e. the obligatory nucleus V; Ci, whether simple or complex, does not count towards syllable weight in Apatani. Examples of light syllables include each of the syllables in ˀúdè ‘house’, tákí ‘ginger’ and myámú ‘male pubic hair’. Syllables which Examples of words containing the syllable onset Cry- in Simon’s (1972) data include akhrya ‘old (person)’, khryí ‘six’ and pryihni ‘eight’ (Simon 1972: 9). In our data these words appear as ˀàxáa ‘old (person)’, x� ́ɨ ‘six’ and píʔɲì ‘eight’ respectively. Weidert’s (1987) data are inconsistent with Simon’s in this respect. We are unable to explain this discrepancy, however the second author of this article does not believe that such pronunciations are in fact found in Apatani (at least one of Simon’s named consultants is a speaker of Tajang variety, the same dialect on which this paper is based). 19 The only exception in our database is the discourse particle kə̀ə ‘okay’, which also occurs in Nyishi, Tagin and Galo and may have entered Apatani as a regional loanword. Apatani ə in _r environments may reflect any of several Proto-Tani vowels; compare Apatani tàdə́r ‘worm’ (< Proto-Tani *dor ‘worm’) with p� ̀mə́r ‘dust’ (< Proto-Tani *mɨr ‘dust’). Interestingly, the association of an ə nucleus with a coda -r appears to have generalized to encompass certain etymologically simple nuclei, introducing secondary -r codas in Apatani; for example, ˀàpə́r ‘gall bladder’ (< ProtoTani *pɨ ‘gall bladder’, cf. Galo neppə̀ ‘bladder’). Even more interestingly, such secondary -r codas tend to be “optional”, and can additionally – together with most if not all etymological -r codas – be “optionally” transferred to the initial syllable; for example, ˀàrpə́ə is a common variation of ˀàpə́r ‘gall bladder’. This phenomenon, which has no known parallel among other Tani languages, would seem to merit further research. 20 30 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone include an X constituent, and which therefore have two moras, are said to be heavy. The X constituent is critical to our analysis of Apatani tones, and we will take some space here to elucidate its properties. As briefly mentioned above, X may be one of either (a) a nucleus-identical (lengthened) vowel (b) nasalization on a preceding vowel, or (c) a final consonant Cf. This is a phonetically diverse set of features; however, they have the common property of creating a heavy Apatani syllable. We will discuss these features further in the order just given. Nucleus-identical (lengthened) vowels in Apatani might be treated either as independent segments, or as an abstract (supra-segmental) “length” feature operating on the nuclear vowel. Our transcriptions imply the former, however this is simply a notational convenience which reflects our desire to transcribe Apatani data using as few technical symbols as possible; since diphthongs (sequences of two contrasting vowels within the same syllable) do not seem to be permitted in Apatani, it may well be that an abstract “lengthening” analysis would ultimately be preferable. In either case, the important thing to note here is that contrastive vowel length is an underlyingly specified feature of Apatani morphemes, and accounts for numerous minimal pairs such as m� ̀- ‘do’ vs. m� ̀ɨ- ‘heal’ and x� ́- ‘count’ vs. x� ́ɨ- ‘cook by boiling’. Depending on a morpheme’s position in an Apatani word, contrastive vowel length is not always clearly audible “on the surface”. In word-final position, it can be almost impossible even for native speakers to detect a long vowel when a word is pronounced in isolation.21 So, for example, the words húbyú ‘scum’ and hùbyúu ‘sheath’ appear to be segmentally homophonous when pronounced in isolation (they necessarily differ in tone, for reasons to be discussed in §5) (13). However, they can often be contrasted in phrase-medial position. This is often most easily accomplished by introducing a following “new information” article ke (14). (13) húbyú, hùbyú húbyú hùbyúu scum sheath ‘scum, sheath’ (14) húbyú kê, hùbyúu kê húbyú ke hùbyúu ke scum IND sheath ‘some scum, a sheath’ IND It is also usually possible to discern contrastive vowel length when a syllable occurs in word-initial position. In the case of nominal and adjectival roots, it is sometimes (certainly not always) possible to find word pairs such as those in (15)–(16), in which the same root is found in both initial and final positions of different [ROOT-ROOT] compounds (cf. §3). As suggested by our transcriptions, when yámù ‘fire’ and p� ̀sáa ‘pine tree’ are spoken in isolation, the underlyingly contrastive final syllable vowel length appears to be phonetically neutralized. However, the initial syllables of mùbúʔ 21 For this reason, virtually none of the extant sources on Apatani – indeed, on most Tani languages – accurately transcribe contrastive vowel length in word-final positions. This is a very important point to keep in mind when making use of Tani language sources for comparative reconstruction! 31 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) ‘gun’ and sáadí ‘plantation of useful trees’, which reflect the same formatives, can usually be clearly contrasted in terms of length. (15) yámù, mùbúʔ ya-mù mù-búʔ PFX-fire fire-burst ‘fire, gun’ (16) p� ̀sá, sáadí pɨ-sáa sáa-dí PFX-pine pine-plant.seedling ‘pine tree, plantation of useful trees’22 Contrastive vowel length among verb roots is more easily detectable. This is because any verb root, in principle, may be directly suffixed by -dó ‘IPFV ’. A large number of minimal root pairs can be established in this way (17)–(18). (17) m� ́dò, x� ́dó, pídò, dúdò m� ̀-dó x� ́-dó pì-dó dù-dó do-IPFV count-IPFV swat-IPFV drip-IPFV ‘doing, counting, swatting, dripping’ (18) m� ́ɨdò, x� ́ɨdó, píidò, dúudò m� ̀ɨ-dó x� ́ɨ-dó pìi-dó dùu-dó heal-IPFV cook.by.boiling-IPFV bark.dog-IPFV sit-IPFV ‘healing, cooking by boiling, barking (of dog), sitting’ A second type of X feature is vowel nasalization. As we said in §4.2, nasalization of an Apatani vowel reflects the underlying presence of “underspecified” nasal ñ. Word-finally and when preceding fricatives s, x and h, ñ surfaces as nasalization on the preceding vowel nucleus. The resulting syllable is treated as heavy, for reasons that will become clear in §5 (19). (19) ˀàd�,̃́ d�xúʔ ̃̀ ˀa-díñ PFX-head díñ-xúʔ head-skull ‘head, skull’ Should a nasalized vowel also be treated as long? This is not clear to us. Nasalized vowels do not strike us as being phonetically long, although this would require systematic study. If it turned out that a phonetic case could be made for treating nasalized vowels as also lengthened, then nasalization as a criterion for syllable weight could perhaps be dispensed with (or treated as Note that sáadí appears to have generalized at the word level, ‘pine plantation’ > ‘plantation of useful trees [of any type]’. It might be suspected that the underlying composition could be sàñ-dí ‘wood/tree-plant’, but the expected surface form in this case would then be *sándì (cf. Table 3). 22 32 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone redundant). For present purposes, we would like to simply state that syllables bearing nasalized vowels must be treated as heavy, whatever the feature best analysed as mora-bearing ultimately turns out to be. And, we would like to underscore the importance of recognizing vowel nasalization to an analysis of the tone system, inasmuch as corresponding syllables are in turn recognized as heavy, as will be discussed in §5.23 Finally, we turn to Cf. Cf may be one of the consonants ŋ, n, m, r and ʔ. Nasal consonants ŋ, n, and m, like nasalization on a preceding vowel, reflect an underlying coda ñ (§4.2, Table 3). The resulting syllable is treated as heavy, whether or not there is concomitant vowel nasalization.24 Previous descriptions of Apatani have generally been reliable in their identification of these segments, as well as of the coda -r. Descriptions of Apatani are more mixed in their representation of -ʔ, which is often not found, or may be inconsistently represented. There might be several reasons for this. First, it is not always easy to hear -ʔ in every position; word-medially, for example, -ʔ may be less salient than in word-final positions, and may be confusable for vowel length. More importantly, however, not every Apatani dialect retains syllable-final -ʔ in word-final position. So, for example, tàt� ́ʔ ‘frog’ and ˀàláʔ ‘arm/hand’ as spoken in Bulla (the Apatani variety on which this article is based) are pronounced tàt� ́(ɨ) and ˀàlá(a) in Michi-Bamin.25 Since the presence or absence of word-final -ʔ is critical to our analysis of tone in Apatani, it has been necessary for us to restrict our presentation to the speech of Bulla cluster. To summarize this section, Apatani syllables are either heavy or light. Light syllables have an obligatory vowel nucleus, and may optionally have a simple or complex onset Ci. Heavy syllables, in addition to a vowel nucleus, have a second constituent X, which may be one of (a) vowel length (b) vowel nasalization or (c) a final consonant ŋ, n, m, r or ʔ. 4.4 Morphophonology In this section, we discuss a small number of morphophonological processes, some of which are relevant to the analysis of tone in Apatani. We discuss a Bimoraic phonological word constraint in §4.4.1, following by Intervocalic -h- deletion in §4.4.2, Final high vowel devoicing in §4.4.3 and some miscellaneous Rhyme alternations in §4.4.4. 4.4.1 Bimoraic constraint Phonological words are minimally bimoraic in Apatani. This means that if a morpheme is underlyingly specified for a single mora (i.e., the obligatory vowel nucleus, and lacking an X constituent), it cannot form a simplex morphological word without further alteration. In all attested cases, simplex and underlyingly monomoraic Apatani words fulfil this Bimoraic constraint by lengthening the nucleus, forming a long vowel. The Bimoraic constraint is most clearly illustrated by the Apatani pronoun set, as shown in Table 7. In Table 7, we see that the singular forms (top row) are morphologically simplex, and consist phonologically of a single heavy (CVV) syllable. In the remaining rows two through six, we 23 Though it has usually been recognized, vowel nasalization is inconsistently transcribed in many previous descriptions of Apatani. The equivalence of -Ṽ, -Ṽŋ, and -ŋ in terms of weight might provide a second argument in favor of analyzing -Ṽ as -ṼṼ (or -Ṽ:). 24 25 We are not certain whether glottal stop is deleted outright in Michi-Bamin, or whether it might result in compensatory vowel lengthening. This would require further investigation. 33 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) find morphologically complex, mostly disyllabic forms (the third person dual is irregular, and can be disregarded). In these complex forms, now note that the first and second person forms have an initial light (CV) syllable, while only the third person form has an initial heavy (CVV) syllable. The reason for this patterning is that the first and second person singular pronouns are underlyingly monomoraic ŋó and nó, while the third person singular pronoun is underlyingly bimoraic mòo.26 Initials in the complex forms thus preserve the underlying contrast in syllable weight, while in the simplex forms, monomoraic rhymes are lengthened in the first and second persons to achieve minimal word bimoraicity First person Second person Third person Singular Dual Plural Singular Genitive Singular Accusative Singular Dative ŋóo ŋ� ́ɲì ŋúnú ŋ� ́kà ŋ� ́mì ŋ� ́pà nóo n� ́ɲì núnú n� ́kà n� ́mì n� ́pà mòo mòo ˀáɲì móolù móokà móomì móopà Table 7. Apatani pronouns Similar alternations are found among lexemes; consider the word compound gyúu gyúrò ‘throat’. Here, we can see quite clearly that the root gyú- ‘throat’ reflects its underlying monomoraicity when functioning as a root compound initial; however, when standing as the single root of a simplex word, as in gyúu, the rhyme is lengthened to fulfil bimoraicity. When alternations such as the above cannot be found, it may not be possible to fully specify the underlying form of a morpheme whose sole lexical exponent is a morphologically simplex word; this is because one cannot determine whether or not an adjustment to an underlying form has been made in order to fulfil the Bimoraic constraint. For example, no root compound has yet been found to corroborate the underlying length of yòo ‘meat’. One can only hope that such a compound will turn up eventually! 4.4.2 Intervocalic glottal deletion Glottal consonants h and ʔ are deleted inter-vocalically in Apatani. Clear examples of this process include làñ-híñ ‘hundred-three’ ‘three hundred’, which is realized lã�̀ ̃́ (compare híñ > h�̃́ ‘three’), 27 and g� ́ʔ-ìi ‘lie-DOWN’, realized g� ́ì (compare g� ́ʔdó ‘lying down’). Intervocalic glottal deletion can make it difficult to discern the underlying forms of ˀa- prefixed nouns; this is because all roots with an underlying h- onset will exhibit Intervocalic -h- deletion in this environment. In such cases, the root onset can only be discovered by obtaining a word in which the corresponding root occurs in word-initial position. For example, the h- onset in híi- ‘blood’ is clearly audible in hìilíñ ‘blood clot’, but obscured in ˀà-híi ‘PFX-blood’ ‘blood’ and myàʔ-híi ‘penis-blood’ ‘semen’, which The first and second person combining forms in -ɨ and -u seem to reflect irregular regressive vowel harmony in the dual and plural forms respectively, the dual form then extending via analogy to the Genitive, Accusative and Dative forms. Irregular vowel harmony processes are common among Tani pronouns (see for example Post 2007: 320-321 for Galo). 26 27 Note here that nasal specification precedes Intervocalic -h- deletion; see §4.2. 34 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone are realized ˀàíi and myàíi respectively (note in the latter case that both ʔ and h are deleted). Behaviour of h and ʔ does not appear to be in every respect identical; while Apatani speakers can generally reconstruct the “full form” of a word containing a deleted intervocalic -h-, this does not seem to be the case with intervocalic glottal stop. So, for example, ˀàhíi is available to some speakers as a clear speech realization of ˀàíi ‘blood’; however, *g� ́ʔìi does not seem to be found. 4.4.3 Final high vowel devoicing Short high vowels i, ɨ and u devoice word-finally. In our data, this happens in low tone words only, and in a limited set of consonantal environments (primarily, following palatal and velar fricatives and affricates). However, we do not yet know how widely these constraints apply, or whether some apparent constraints may simply reflect gaps in our data. Examples include ˀa-cì ‘PFX-pain’, realized ˀáci ̥ ‘pain’, làñ-x� ́ ‘hundred-six’, realized lãx́ ɨ ̥ ‘six hundred’, and s� ̀-x� ́ púxù ‘PFXporcupine RDUP ’, realized s� ́xɨ ̥ púxu̥ ‘porcupine’.28 4.4.4 Rhyme alternations A number of rhyme alternations occur in our data which we are not yet able to explain. In each case, the alternation is conditioned by a syllable’s occurrence in the initial or final position of a disyllabic phonological word (we have not yet attested these alternations in larger structures). The alternations include: (a) a word-final syllable with nucleus i frequently alternates with ɨ in wordinitial position, as in yásì ‘water’ versus s� ̀pə́r ‘pond’ and ˀálì ‘leg/foot’ versus l� ́n� ̀ ‘big toe’. (b) wordinitial syllable with nucleus u sometimes alternates with ɨ in word-initial position, as in yámù ‘fire’ but m� ̀túu ‘burnt firewood’. (c) a word-final syllable with nucleus u sometimes alternates with o in word-initial position, as in ˀàgṹ ‘mouth; speech’, but gòmpyã́ ‘close the mouth’. (d) word-final short vowels are sometimes followed by a glottal stop word-medially, as in ˀáɲì ‘two’ but ɲìʔxã́ ‘twenty’. (e) word-final short vowels are sometimes long word-initially, as in s� ́bí ‘monkey’ but bíin� ̀ ‘female monkey’. Obviously, additional research in these areas is required; we mention such alternations here only because it might otherwise be difficult to interpret the data provided in our Appendix B (that is to say: these are real alternations in need of explanation; they are not typographical errors). 5 Tone In this section, we present our analysis of Apatani tones. Following an overview (§5.1), we discuss tones in verb roots, classifiers and numerals in §5.2, followed by simplex and prefixed nouns and adjectives in §5.3, and more complex word types in §5.4. Throughout this section, we emphasize data-oriented discovery procedures. 5.1 Overview As with morphemes and words (§3), Apatani tones must be understood in terms of two levels of representation. At the level of the morpheme, we find that Apatani morphemes are 28 Our transcription in this case may be insufficiently representative of Apatani pronunciation. Specifically, a “fall” to the underlyingly low tone of the devoiced syllable seems perceptible to us, however due to the absence of final syllable voicing, transcribing a “low” tone mark here seems hard to justify. This would be a useful potential topic for further research on a larger lexical database. 35 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) specified for one of two lexical tones. 29 Since morphemes are in principle bound and unpronounceable in Apatani (§3), these underlying tones are in principle inaudible. They are assigned the labels H and L (for “High” and “Low”) on the basis of their phonetic reflexes in the small number of morphologically simplex words we find in Apatani, as well as certain properties in more complex words. H tones are notated with an acute accent, and L tones are notated with a grave accent. Some minimal root pairs are first presented in Table 8. H morphemes Form Gloss kú‘maternal uncle’ kóʔ‘open’ cí‘brother’s wife’ táa‘bird’ túu‘log’ t� ́ʔ‘frog’ díñ‘head’ pyóo- ‘steal’ bú‘snake’ L morphemes Form Gloss kù‘dove; pigeon’ kòʔ‘filth’ cì‘bite’ tàa‘aunt’ tùu‘small’ t� ̀ʔ‘umbrella hat’ dìñ‘muntjac’ pyòo- ‘first; before’ bù‘uproot’ Table 8. Some minimal root pairs Morphologically simplex, monosyllabic words with a single H root constituent are realized with a relatively high, level pitch contour, 44 ˦ or 33 ˧. Those with a single L root constituent are realized with a falling-to-low pitch contour 42 � 41 � or 31 �. What is important here is not the precise pitch heights involved, but rather the overall character of the pitch contour, high and level or falling-to-low (Table 9). As we mentioned in §3, most Apatani words are morphologically complex – most often, dimorphemic and disyllabic, with one of the internal structures [PFX-ROOT], [ROOT-SFX] or [ROOT-ROOT]. Complex, disyllabic words can have one of three pitch contours: (1) high, level (“high”, for short) (2) high-to-low falling (“low”, for short) (3) low-to-high rising (“rising”, for short). These three pitch contours are in turn determined by at least two factors: (a) final syllable weight and (b) constituent morpheme tones. We first consider syllable weight. As discussed in §4.3, Apatani syllables may be light or heavy, depending on the presence or absence of a mora-bearing X constituent (coda consonant, vowel nasalization or long vowel). When an Apatani word with a final light syllable is spoken in isolation, its pitch contour may be high or low; examples include ˀámí ‘elder sister’ and ˀámì ‘tail’. When an Apatani word with a final heavy syllable is spoken in isolation, its pitch contour will always be rising; examples include tàkə́r ‘star’, ˀàd�̃́ ‘head’ and tàt� ́ʔ ‘frog’.30 There may be exceptions among functional words such as ke ‘IND’ and prefixes such as ˀa- ‘PFX’; see our discussion below in this section. 29 30 The importance of recognizing vowel nasalization and final glottal stop in Apatani should now become apparent; if they are not recognized, the pattern we are describing here simply will not emerge. 36 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone H words Form Gloss nóo ‘you (second person singular)’ síʔ ‘urine’ ríi ‘drool (n.)’ s� ́ɨ ‘cow; cattle’ híʔ ‘dried, fermented bamboo chips’ ŋóo ‘I (first person singular)’ h�̃́ ‘three’ dóo ‘existential copula (inanimates)’ x� ́ɨ ‘six’ kṍŋ ‘one’ sáa ‘tea’ n� ́ɨ ‘what’ L Words Form Gloss nòo ‘where’ sìi ‘this (speaker-proximate)’ ǰìi ‘black’ yòo ‘meat’ dàʔ ‘existential copula (standing position)’ mòo ‘he/she (third person singular)’ hã̀ ‘anything’ dùu ‘existential copula (animates)’ kə̀ə ‘okay’ hùu ‘who’ Table 9. Some morphologically simplex H and L words Now tone: in the case of words with a light final syllable, high or low word pitch is governed by the underlying tones of constituent morphemes. This is most easily seen with prefixed roots, i.e. words with an initial prefix ˀa- ‘PFX’, ta- ‘PFX’ ya- ‘PFX’ or sɨ- ‘PFX:ANIMAL’. Seemingly, prefixes are not TBUs in Apatani, meaning that a prefixed root will, in principle, directly reflect the tone of its single constituent TBU, the root. Thus it appears that ˀámí ‘elder sister’ and ˀámì ‘tail’ have the underlying structures ˀa-mí and ˀa-mì, respectively. This is not so in the case of words with a heavy final syllable; such words are always rising when spoken in isolation. For example, ta-kə́r ‘star’ and ta-kə̀r ‘spit’ underlyingly contrast in their tonal specifications, however both are realized, in isolation, as tàkə́r. We will continue with this topic shortly; first, we provide a set of Apatani words illustrating the full set of combinations of final syllable structures and tonal specifications which are available in Apatani, and the resulting word pitch spoken in isolation (Table 10). Gloss ‘elder sister’ ‘tail’ ‘star’ ‘spit’ ‘bone’ ‘baby animal’ ‘head’ ‘muntjac’ ‘eye’ ‘kidney’ Final σ weight mí- light mì- light kə́r- heavy kə̀r- heavy lóo- heavy tùu- heavy díñ- heavy dìñ- heavy míʔ- heavy xèʔ- heavy F. 1 F. 2 ˀaˀatataˀaˀaˀasɨˀaˀa- X Type Ø Ø r r V length V length V nasalization V nasalization ʔ ʔ Word Pitch ˀámí high ˀámì low tàkə́r rising tàkə́r rising ˀàlóo rising ˀàtúu rising ˀàd�̃́ rising s� ̀d�̃́ rising ˀàmíʔ rising ˀàxéʔ rising Table 10. Pitch contours of Apatani prefixed roots spoken in isolation, illustrating the full range of available final syllable shapes and tonal specifications (F. = “formative”) 37 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) The above discussion of course raises the question of how it can be determined that words with final heavy syllables differ in internal tonal specifications, since all will be pronounced with a rising pitch in isolation; for example, tàkə́r ‘star’ (< kə́r-) and tàkə́r ‘spit’ (< kə̀r-). The underlying difference becomes apparent when we look to tone spreading. While our understanding of tone spreading in Apatani remains rudimentary, we have been able to determine that tone will spread rightward to certain following morphemes. One such morpheme is the “new information” article ke ‘IND’.31 High words cause a following ke to be realized with a high-to-low contour kê; roughly, 41 �, 52 �, etc. Low words cause a following ke to be realized with a low pitch kè; roughly, 22 ˨or 21 �. Note that our discussion here implies a conception of Apatani tone which differs from that of Weidert (1987), in which particular morphemes or words were specified for an unpredictable “floating” tone. In our analysis, tone spreading is a general phenomenon, which therefore applies to any Apatani word in a qualifying context. This phenomenon is illustrated in (20)–(23). (20) and (21) illustrate high and low tone spreading to ke respectively; note that these two words – having light final syllables – are independently audible as high and low respectively, so their tonal specification is not in doubt; these examples simply illustrate the character of tonal spreading. (22) and (23) then show that the same spreading characteristics apply in the case of words with heavy final syllables, despite that both are realized with rising pitch contours in isolation. (20) ˀámí kê ˀámí ke elder sister ‘an elder sister’ (21) ˀámì kè ˀámì ke tail ‘a tail’ (22) IND IND ˀàd� ̃́ kê ˀàdíñ ke head IND ‘a head’ (23) s� ̀d� ̃́ kè s� ̀díñ muntjac ‘a muntjac’ ke IND To summarize this section, two lexical tones are underlyingly assigned to Apatani morphemes, H and L. Simplex words exhibit direct phonetic reflexes of these tones. In the case of complex, disyllabic words, it is necessary to attend to syllable weight. Words with a final light ke ‘IND’ is primarily associated to the noun phrase, and so is grammatically acceptable following most if not all nouns. Some speakers are comfortable placing ke ‘IND’ after other word types (adjectives and verbs); while the resulting utterances are pragmatically marked, they seem grammatically acceptable. Accordingly, the majority of words in our Appendix B with a final heavy syllable are shown with spreading to ke ‘IND’. 31 38 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone syllable exhibit a high pitch contour if no constituent morphemes are L (i.e., if all are H), and exhibit a low pitch contour if any constituent morphemes are L (i.e., if the first or the second is L). Words with a final heavy syllable exhibit a rising pitch contour in isolation, regardless of the tonal specifications of constituent morphemes. However, the tonal specifications of constituent morphemes may still be determined by examining spreading to a following form (such as ke ‘IND’ in the case of nouns, at a minimum); if the following form exhibits a falling tone, the underlying tone of the preceding word is high. If a low tone, then the preceding word is low. This concludes our general introduction to tone in Apatani. In following sections, we present some techniques for discovering the tones of particular types of morpheme, in relation to the grammatical word contexts in which they are able to appear. 5.2 Simple verbs and classifier expressions Together with simplex words and prefixed roots (§5.1), simple verbs and classifier expressions present two of the most useful contexts for the discovery of underlying morpheme tones in Apatani. As discussed in §3, all Apatani verb roots may be suffixed in -dó ‘IPFV ’ – a light syllable. When they are, the resulting word pitch may be either high or low, as discussed in §5.1, the alternation being a function of the verb root. Thus, it becomes relatively easy to determine the underlying tone – and segmental specification – of a verb root when suffixed by -dó ‘IPFV ’; dozens of minimal pairs can be discovered in this way (Table 11).32 Word Gloss kárdó ‘emerging’ kárdò ‘rolling up (something)’ túdó ‘kicking’ túdò ‘flooding’ t� ́ʔdó ‘jerking’ t� ́ʔdò ‘crushing’ píidó ‘slicing’ píidò ‘barking (of a dog)’ néndó ‘pushing (using body)’ nándò ‘pushing (using hands)’ Pitch high low high low high low high low high low Initial root Initial root tone kárH kàrL túH tùL t� ́ʔH t� ̀ʔL píiH pìiL néñH nàñL Table 11. Determining verb root tones via suffixation in -dó ‘IPFV’ As briefly mentioned in §3, “classifier expressions” are productively-formed grammatical words in Apatani with the internal structure [CLF-NUM]. They are used when enumerating individuals or quantifying masses, such as heads of cattle, poles of bamboo or baskets of food grains; examples include cáñ- ‘CLF:POTS’, dór- ‘CLF:ANIMALS’ and bàr-‘CLF:UNITS.OF.MONEY ’. Note that since -dó ‘IPFV’ has an initial d, an underlyingly nasal-final preceding root will have a clearly audible coda n. This is fortunate; if the Imperfective suffix happened to begin with a segment such as m, for example, a preceding underspecified nasal would not be detectable (see again Table 3). Note also that it would be possible, in principle, to analyze -dó ‘IPFV’ as being unspecified for tone; we return to this point in §5.4. 32 39 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) There are currently thirty-one classifier roots in our database, but we suspect that this number would grow with additional research. Classifier expressions are formed using root forms of numerals one through six, ten and one hundred, and word forms of other numerals.33 We first list numeral root-combining forms in Table 12. Form Gloss kúñ- ‘one’ ɲì‘two’ híñ‘three’ pí‘four’ ŋó‘five’ x� ́‘six’ lyáñ- ‘ten’ làñ‘hundred’ Table 12. Apatani numeral root combining forms Recalling the set of principles discussed in §5.1, it becomes clear that numerals ‘one’, ‘three’, ‘ten’ and ‘hundred’ will be useless in determining the tone of a preceding classifier. This is because the resulting word pitch will be rising, and we have no means of discovering the initial formative tone via this word shape, in isolation at least.34 ‘Two’ and ‘five’ are also less than ideal due to the fact that, bearing ɲ- and ŋ- onset consonants respectively, they will neutralize the distinction between preceding morphemes which end in an underspecified nasal and those which lack an X constituent (Table 3, also cf. §4.3). This leaves ‘four’ and ‘six’; both of these are usable, however ‘six’ is less than ideal due to (a) the occasional difficulty of perceiving vowel nasalization (as opposed to a nasal segment), as well as (b) the fact that in low words final short ɨ will devoice (§4.4.3), which can make the resulting contour comparatively difficult to hear. Fortunately, the only remaining root pí-‘four’ is an ideal choice! It is a light syllable in H tone, like -dó ‘IPFV ’, meaning that a high or low word terminated in pí- ‘four’ should have an initial H or L formative, respectively. And, since pí- ‘four’ begins with a consonant p, a preceding nasal coda will be clearly audible as Ṽm (24)–(25). Thus, it would appear that the underlying forms of all classifier roots can be straightforwardly determined via compounding in pí- ‘four’.35 33 We do not present a full description of the Apatani numeral system here in the interest of space; however, for the immediately curious, it is worth noting that Apatani numerals ‘seven’, ‘eight’ and ‘nine’ have the (synchronically) morphologically simplex forms kánú, píʔɲì and kòáa respectively; these three numerals irregularly lack a classifiercombining root form, a feature which seems likely to have been inherited from Proto-Tani itself (Post 2007: 379385). Also, and unlike in Galo, Apatani appears to lack ˀa- prefixed forms of classifiers, from which the classifier root tone would in many cases be immediately discernible (cf. Post 2007: 386-387). 34 35 Accordingly, in our Appendix B below, all classifier roots appear compounded in pí- ‘four’. 40 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone (24) ́ pí cãm cáñ-pí CLF:POTS-four ‘four pots’ (25) bárpì bàr-pí CLF:UNITS.OF.MONEY-four ‘four units of money (e.g. rupees)’ 5.3 Simplex and prefixed nouns and adjectives We reviewed simplex and prefixed nouns in some detail in §5.1. Here, we simply recapitulate some of these points from a methodological perspective. Simplex nouns and adjectives are in a sense the simplest of word types to deal with, inasmuch as they can be pronounced in isolation, and their word pitch appears to be a direct projection of their sole underlying morpheme tone. Unfortunately from a methodological perspective, there are very few such words in Apatani (see again Table 9)! In any case, however, there are a few pitfalls to be avoided when encountering what appears to be a simplex noun or adjective. First, a word which appears as a single, long vowel can be the result of Intervocalic glottal deletion (§4.4.2); so, for example, what appears at first to be a tonal minimal pair in ˀóo ‘liquor’ and ˀòo ‘son’ turns out not to be one: ˀòo ‘son’ in fact reflects underlying ˀóhò ‘son’, with the intervocalic -h- deleted by rule (note that -h- is recoverable for most speakers in clear speech. Note also that there is no phonetic difference between ˀòo and ˀóò in our notation). Finally, it is important to recall that a Bimoraic constraint applies to all simplex, monosyllabic words, which in principle can mask underlying rhyme length (see §4.4.1). So, in our data, for example, we are currently unable to determine whether the recorded form ǰìi ‘black’ reflects underlying ǰìi- or ǰì-, and yòo ‘meat’ underlying yòo- or yò-, etc. Prefixed nouns and adjectives are also useful in determining underlying morpheme tones; since it appears that prefixes are not underlyingly specified for tone in Apatani, the pitch of a prefixed noun or adjective should in principle be a direct projection of its single underlying tone bearing unit. As was discussed in §5.1, the underlying tones of prefixed nouns and adjectives with a final light syllable can therefore be discovered simply by pronouncing them in isolation, as for example ˀámí ‘elder sister’ (< mí- ‘elder sister’) and ˀámì ‘tail’ (< mì- ‘tail’). However, the underlying tones of nouns and adjectives with a final heavy syllable must be discovered either through recombination (i.e., formation of compounds in which the target root is initial constituent, and which has a light syllable final in underlying H tone) or via spreading. In practice, it seems possible to place a “new information” article ke ‘IND’ after most types of word for this purpose, even if it is pragmatically a bit strange. However, it will be essential to eventually work out some additional tests, as not all members of all word classes have been amenable to testing via spreading to ke for all speakers. This remains a topic for further research. 5.4 More complex words: Progress and remaining challenges The above sections have outlined methods for determining the underlying tones of morphologically simplex words, prefixed roots, simple verbs suffixed in -dó ‘IPFV ’ and classifier roots 41 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) compounded in pí- ‘four’. These diverse word types have an overarching similarity: all have only one target TBU, while the remainder of the word provides, in a sense, a “neutral context” (more on what this might mean shortly). Word ˀàɲã́ (kê) ́ pí ɲãm kòŋã́ (kè) s� ̀ɲã́ (kè) Gloss ‘year’ ‘four years’ ‘last year’ ‘this year’ Word Gloss yámù ‘fire’ múbú ‘ash’ múrù ‘torch’ mùbúʔ (kê) ‘gun’ Table 13. Selected words containing root formatives m� ́- ~ m� ̀- ‘fire’ and ɲáñ- ~ ɲàñ- ‘year’ Examining the first row, it appears we have two governing roots ɲáñ- ‘year’ and m� ̀- ‘fire’, the first H and the second L.36 Looking down the first column, ‘four years’ is consistent with this analysis (cf. §5.2). However, ‘last year’ and ‘this year’ are both low, as we can see from spreading to ke ‘IND’ (cf. §5.1). Looking at the simplex form of the proximate demonstrative sìi ‘this’ (cf. Table 9 above), we can perhaps suppose that these two words contain controlling L tones, which condition the spreading to ke. However, múbú ‘ash’ and mùbúʔ (kê) ‘(a) gun’, in the second column, both demonstrate that this cannot be the case; assuming that the initial root m� ̀- ‘fire’ is indeed L, these two high words should then also be low. Obviously, then, some other principles must be at work here. We have made no further progress in the analysis of tone in complex Apatani words as of this writing. One line of inquiry which might perhaps bear fruit would be to consider whether there might be three types of morpheme, H, L and tonally unspecified. This is essentially as we have been doing with our assumptions regarding prefixes and the indefinite article ke, however we have not looked for evidence of tonally unspecified forms among roots. The similar behaviour of prefixes and numeral roots such as pí- ‘four’, which we have analysed as H, suggests that H may simply be an “unmarked” tone, which could perhaps therefore be dispensed with.37 We do not do so here simply because simplex and prefixed roots which are specified for an H tone have a definite pitch contour, meaning that even an “unmarked” tone must be aligned with a “default pitch”; it seems descriptively more elegant, therefore, to simply identify this as a tone. However, it seems clear that not all tones are necessarily equal in Apatani prosody, and that a more complex set of interactions than that we have presented here must eventually be recognized and accounted-for. Another possibility that will have to be considered is that different rules or conditions might apply to words of different morphological compositions or different lexical classes. For example, it is conceivable that compounds which are diachronically compositional, but which may be morphologically non-compositional in modern Apatani, can be analysed differently from morphologically compositional forms in terms of their tonal assignment. At present, we have evidence from the similar patterning of inflected predicates, classifier expressions, and prefixed nouns and adjectives that this is most likely not the case; however, we cannot exclude this possibility for all word types and conditions. Note that short final -ɨ becomes -u in all four examples here due to a seemingly irregular labial assimilation process; compare m� ́lyó ‘flame’ and m� ̀túu ‘burnt firewood’ (also cf. §4.4.4). 36 37 That is, Apatani may have a “privative L” system, in the sense of Hyman (1999). 42 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone Finally, there is scope for considering the possibility that the “basic TBU” – in our description, an underlying morpheme – may not be a functional unit at all levels of analysis. That is to say, there is scope for considering the possibility that in some lexical or grammatical domains at least, there may be no tonally-specified unit which is smaller than a phonological word. For example, consider the word kánú ‘seven’ (cf. §3), which seems to have been morphologically noncompositional as far back as the Proto-Tani stage; can such a word be effectively described in terms of the set of analytical units and processes that we identified in §5.1-§5.3? It does not appear to violate them; given its segmental composition, one would assume an internal structure ká-nú, with spreading to ke as kê, and in fact this is what we find. But there is no morphological evidence in favour of this composition, neither of a synchronic nor (at present) of a diachronic nature. So how are the tones being assigned? Perhaps only at the level of a disyllabic and non-compositional lexical word. There is thus scope for considering the possibility that Apatani exhibits relics of a “morphosyllabic” tonal profile, but that it is either shifting toward, or in some domains may have already shifted to, a more “word tone-like” profile. We have not adopted this perspective, and its associated assumptions, in the present description simply because the productive morphological compositions that we have discovered – for example, predicate inflection in -dó ‘IPFV ’ – exhibit clear patterns of tone assignment which, due to the morphological compositionality involved, we must presume to in turn be compositional. But since these same principles proved insufficient in the case of [ROOTROOT] nominal compounds such as those illustrated in Table 13, one may have to consider the possibility that such forms simply exhibit an unpredictable, hence lexically-specified, “word tone”.38 We thank an anonymous reviewer for directing our attention to these possibilities, but can provide no further insight into these issues at the present time of writing. 6 Conclusion The preceding sections have outlined a view of Apatani phonology in which tone is an inaudible, lexically-specified property of bound morphemes, which must be deduced by examining the surface pitch contours of words in which they appear. We identify two underlying lexical tones among Apatani morphemes, with two corresponding surface reflexes among simplex, monosyllabic words. However, disyllabic phonological words present three types of contour, high, low and rising. High and low words always have a light final syllable; among prefixed roots and verb roots suffixed in -dó ‘IPFV ’, the high or low contour correlates to the H or L specification of the remaining root TBU. Rising words are those with a final heavy syllable; here, the tonal specification of a target root among prefixed roots can be determined via spreading to ke ‘IND’. Accordingly, it is very important that segmental features contributing to syllable weight (particularly, vowel nasalization, vowel length and final glottal stop) are consistently transcribed; if they are not, the distribution of Apatani tones cannot be effectively analysed even at these very basic levels. Our methods have been unsuccessful in more complex word structures; this suggests that further insight into the properties of tone spreading in Apatani will probably be required, and that the possibility that there may be a word-level TBU at (at least) some level of analysis must be 38 In this case, one would still want to understand how the word tone might have come about! But that would be a diachronic question. 43 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) considered. We must leave such investigations to further research, hoping that the basic descriptive techniques, and the data, provided in the Appendices below will provide a useful point of departure. SY MB O L S A N D A BB R E V IA T IO N S BEN C Cf Ci CLF H IND IPFV L N benefactive consonant final consonant initial consonant classifier high tone new information (≅ “indefinite”) imperfective low tone noun NUM PDER PFX PINFL RDUP SFX TBU V V X numeral predicate derivation prefix predicate inflection reduplication~ reduplicant suffix tone-bearing unit verb vowel mora-bearing unit RE FE RE N C E S Abraham, P. T. 1985. Apatani grammar. Mysore: Central Institute of Indian Languages. Abraham, P. T. 1987. Apatani-English-Hindi dictionary. Mysore: Central Institute of Indian Languages. Anonymous. 1965. Apatani language guide. Shillong: North East Frontier Agency Research Department. Apatani Language Project. 2009. ‘Dictionary of the Apatani Language (website).’ Retrieved September 7, 2011, from http://www.apatani-language-society.com. Blackburn, Stuart. 2003. “Colonial contact in the ‘hidden land’: Oral history among the Apatanis of Arunachal Pradesh.” Indian Economic Social History Review 40.3: 335-365. Blackburn, Stuart. 2003/2004. “Memories of migration: Notes on legends and beads in Arunachal Pradesh, India.”European Bulletin of Himalayan Research 25/26: 15-60. Blackburn, Stuart. 2008. Himalayan tribal tales: Oral tradition and culture in the Apatani Valley. Leiden: Brill. Blackburn, Stuart. 2010. The Sun rises: A Shaman’s chant, ritual exchange and fertility in the Apatani Valley. Leiden: Brill. Hyman, Larry M. 1999. ‘The typology of tone systems.’ In: Martin Haspelmath; Ekkehard König; Oesterreicher,Wulf; and Raible, Wolfgang (eds.), Language typology and languge universals: An international handbook (Volume 2). Berlin: Walter de Gruyter. Kani, Takhe; and Habuñ Budii.1995. English-Apatani dictionary. Itanagar: Frontier. Kani, Takhe; Kani, Padi Kani; and Kani, Mihin. 1994. The Apatani grammar. Itanagar: Frontier. Morey, Stephen. 2010. Turung: A variety of Singpho language spoken in Assam. Canberra: Pacific Linguistics. Post, Mark W. 2007. A grammar of Galo. PhD Thesis, Research Centre for Linguistic Typology, La Trobe University. 44 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone Post, Mark W. 2009. “The phonology and grammar of Galo ‘words’: A case study in benign disunity.” Studies in Language 34.4: 931-971. Post, Mark W. 2011. ‘Topographical deixis and the Tani languages of North-East India.’ In Hyslop, Gwendolyn; Morey, Stephen Morey; and Post, Mark W. (eds.), North East Indian linguistics Volume 3. New Delhi: Cambridge University Press India: 137-154. Ray, Punya Sloka. 1967. ‘Dafla phonology and morphology.’ Anthropological Linguistics 9.8: 9-14. Sai, Tasso. 1983. A guide to Apatani language. Shillong: Directorate of Research, Government of Arunachal Pradesh. Simon, Ivan Martin. 1972. An introduction to Apatani. Gangtok: Government of India Press. Sun, Tian-Shin Jackson. 1993. A historical-comparative study of the Tani (Mirish) branch of TibetoBurman. PhD Diss, University of California, Berkeley. van Driem, George. 2011. ‘Tibeto-Burman subgroups and historical grammar.’ Himalayan Linguistics 10.1: 31-39. [Special Issue in Memory of Michael Noonan and David Watters] van Driem, George. 2013. ‘Trans-Himalayan linguistics.’ In Hill, Nathan; and Owen-Smith, Tom (eds), Trans-himalayan linguistics. Berlin: Mouton de Gruyter. von Fürer-Haimendorf, Christoph. 1955. Himalayan barbary. London: John Murray. von Fürer-Haimendorf, Christoph. 1962. Apa Tanis and their neighbours: A primitive civilization of the Eastern Himalayas. London: Routledge and Kegan Paul. von Fürer-Haimendorf, Christoph. 1980. A Himalayan tribe: From cattle to cash. Berkeley: University of California Press. Weidert, Alfons. 1987. Tibeto-Burman tonology. Amsterdam: John Benjamins. Mark W. Post [email protected] Tage Kanno [email protected] 45 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) A P P E N D IX A : SU M MA RY O F D IA G N O S T IC S Here, we summarize some diagnostic procedures that we hope will help in the collection (or retranscription) of segmentally and tonally well-specified Apatani data, among monosyllables and disyllables at least. 1) Does the word have one syllable or two? a. If it has one syllable… i. is the pitch… 1. high/level? 2. low/falling? (like nóo ‘you’) (like nòo ‘where’) b. If it has two syllables, go to (2): 2) Listen for the pitch of a two-syllable word: is it rising, high/level or low/falling? a. If rising… i. is there a final -r, like tàkə́r ‘star’? If yes, fine. If not… ii. is the vowel… 1. nasalized? 2. stopped? 3. neither? (like àd�̃́ ‘head’) (like tàt� ́ʔ ‘frog’, in Bulla speech) (if neither, the final vowel should be underlyingly long, like in ˀàlóo ‘bone’ – this may be hard to hear out-of-context; try adding a following ke) b. If the word pitch is high/level… i. it should have a single, short vowel (like ˀámí ‘elder sister’) c. If the word pitch is low/falling… i. it should have a single, short vowel (like ˀámì ‘tail’) Or, conversely… 3) If the segments of a disyllabic word are thought to be well-transcribed, including nasalization, vowel length, and glottal stop in the final syllable at least… 46 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone a. is there a final -r, vowel nasalization in the second syllable, a final glottal stop, or a long final vowel? i. If so… 1. the pitch should be rising (like in ˀàd�̃́ ‘head’and tàt� ́ʔ ‘frog’) (if it isn’t, something’s wrong!) ii. If not… 1. is the pitch a. high/level? b. low/falling? (like in ˀámí ‘elder sister’) (like in ˀámì ‘tail’) (if it’s neither, something’s wrong!) 47 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) A P P E N D IX B : A P A TA N I LE XI C O N This Appendix presents a lexicon of Apatani words. The sort order is as follows: a i u e o ə ɨ k g ŋ c ǰ ɲ t d n p b m y r l s x h ʔ _́ _̀ The following parts-of-speech are used in this lexicon. This is not stated or intended to be an exhaustive list of lexical and/or grammatical categories found in Apatani. adj adv art clfr cnj cop dem dem.pos int n n:kin n:qual n:rel name adjective adverb article classifier root conjunction copula demonstrative demonstrative postposition interjection common noun kinship term qualifying noun relator noun proper name nce num numr pcl pder pder:nzr pinfl pos pro pros pro.cop pro.int v nominal compound element numeral numeral root particle predicate derivation nominalizing predicate derivation predicate inflection postposition pronoun pronominal suffix copular pronoun interrogative pronoun verb root Entries may be read as follows: headword [pronunciation] Var: variant forms (dialect name or morphophonological rule) part-ofspeech. 1 • sense one 2 • sense two. Use: further information regarding use From: source of borrowing, if a loanword. example ‘translation of example An important note on pronunciation: all verb roots are shown with a following imperfective suffix -dó ‘IPFV ’. All classifier roots are shown with a following numeral root pí- ‘four’. All disyllabic words with a heavy final syllable are shown with a following ‘new information’ article ke. This is to aid in exemplifying the tone of the form in question, as described in §5. Pronunciation of suffixes is not exemplified, for reasons discussed in §5. Finally, note that in example sentences, tones are sometimes marked, and sometimes not; this reflects our rudimentary understanding of Apatani tone at the phrasal level. We have only included tones in examples when we felt relatively confident that our representation would ultimately be tenable. Wherever we remain uncertain (usually, in larger phrases), we have omitted tones altogether. 48 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone a -áa ˀàgéʔ [ˀàgéʔ (kê)] n. arrow quiver. pder. 1 • inward; of an action, directed into a space, esp. toward a deictic centre. 2 • forward; of motion, directed forward, or along a forward-facing trajectory. lyòáa ‘jump in (to a ˀágó [ˀágó] n:rel. outside, as of a house pool)’; g� ́á ‘fall forward’. ˀácì [ˀác�]̥̀ n. pain; illness. adj. sick; in pain. ˀáa- ˀàgə́r [ˀàgə́r (kè)] n. field border. [ˀáadó] v. come. ˀácò ˀáakú [ˀáakú] n:kin. maternal uncle (term of speaker-oriented information as a spontaneous reaction of surprise on the speaker’s part. May have an assertive or contrastive value in non-speakeroriented statements. no aco! ‘Oh, it’s you!’ poosa ɲímá àcô! ‘I don’t have any money (with me, upon reaching into my pocket and discovering it)!’ mookɨ póosa doo aco! ‘(No), he *has* money (it isn’t the case that he doesn’t)!’ moo Amerikan aco! ‘But he’s American (why is he acting as though he’s Australian?)!’ address). ˀáací [ˀácò] pcl. to my surprise. Particle marking [ˀáací] n:kin. brother’s wife (term of address). ˀàatáa [ˀàatáa (kè)] n:kin. 1 • aunt, whether paternal or maternal (term of address). 2 • woman elder than oneself, whether or not related by blood (term of address). ˀáatè [ˀáatè] n:kin. elder male relation on one’s father’s side, including elder paternal uncles and their sons (if elder to ego). Term of address. ˀáǰí [ˀáǰí] n. wet field. ˀáǰí ŋ� ́í [ˀáǰí ŋ� ́í] n. var. of fish raised in paddy ˀáatò [ˀáatò] n:kin. grandfather (term of fields. address). ˀàǰíñ ˀáanè [ˀáanè] n:kin. mother (term of address). [ˀàǰ� ̃́ (kè)] n. friend. v. befriend. ˀáabá [ˀáabá] n:kin. father (term of address). ˀàǰúʔ [ˀàǰúʔ (kê)] adj. weak, of a person. ˀáayò [ˀáayò] n:kin. grandmother (term of ˀáɲì ˀáamì [ˀáamì] n. cat. ˀàɲáñ [ˀàɲã́ (kê)] n. year. address). ˀàɲíñ [ˀàɲ� ̃́ (kè)] n. 1 • breast. 2 • milk. ˀáarìdà [ˀáarìdà] adv. in the future. ˀáú ˀàúu ˀà� ́ʔ ˀáɲó [ˀáɲó] v. be subject to a behavioural restriction due to a taboo. [ˀáú] n. body. ˀàtáʔ [ˀàtáʔ (kê)] n. stinger, on a bee. [ˀàúu (kè)] n. son-in-law (term of address). ˀàtíñ [ˀà� ́ʔ (kè)] v. leave something behind; ˀàtíñ ˀàkáñ [ˀàkã́ (kê)] n:rel. bottom (shelf, e.g.). ˀákì ˀákó [ˀàt� ̃́ (kè)] Var: ˀàrtíñ (r-variation). n. scrotum. [ˀàkán ɲácú] n. lower lip. ˀàtíñ b� ̀líñ [ˀàt�m ̃́ b� ̀l� ̃́ (kê)] Var: ˀàrtíñ b�l̀ íñ (r- [ˀákì] n. dog. ˀâkì kè ‘a dog’. variation). n. testicles. [ˀákó] num. one. Usage: Distribution is ˀátú [ˀátú] n. vagina. ˀátè [ˀátè] adj. thick, of a liquid. irregular. Has independent sense ‘only one; but one’; compositionally, forms ɲíʔxã̂ ela ako ‘twenty-one’. ˀákò [ˀàt� ̃́ (kê)] v. block; block the motion or progress of an entity. forget to bring something along with oneself. ˀàkáñ ɲácú [ˀáɲì] num. two. ˀàtúu [ˀàtúu (kè)] n. baby animal. adj. small. [ˀákò] adj. short; low. n:rel. lower (side), as of a village. ˀátò [ˀátò] n. 1 • grandfather. 2 • father-in-law. ˀádú [ˀádú] n. sound; noise. ˀàdíñ [ˀàd� ̃́ (kê)] n. head. ˀàgúñ [ˀàgṹ (kê)] n. 1 • mouth. 2 • speech; language. tan� ̃ ˀagũ ‘Apatani language’. 49 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) ˀánú ˀán� ̀ ˀàmyáʔ [ˀàmyáʔ (kê)] n. penis. [ˀánú] n. younger brother. ˀàyáa [ˀàyáa (kê)] adj. good. [ˀán� ̀] n. mother (term of reference) ˀàyáa! int. ouch! oh no! ˀàn� ́ʔ [ˀàn� ́ʔ (kè)] Var: ˀàrn�́ʔ (r-variation) v. ˀàyáʔ [ˀàyáʔ (kê)] n. flesh; muscle; meat, lacking swallow something, as food or drink. ˀápá [ˀápá] adj. dear; sweet; pure; simple. ˀápâ any bone, far or sinew. catuŋ ‘dear old Chatung’. ˀáyú ˀàpáñ kèemáñ [ˀàpãŋ́ (kê) kèemã́ (kè)] n. male ˀáyú mápà [ˀáyú mápà] adv. in a moment; after dragonfly. ˀápì awhile. [ˀápì] v. lay something out in the sun to ˀáyú hò [ˀáyú hò] adv. a long time back; quite dry. some time ago. ˀápí ˀálá [ˀápí ˀálá] n. 1 • nectar. 2 • resin or sap of ˀáyò a tree other than pine. ˀápù [ˀáyò] n. 1 • grandmother. 2 • mother-in- law. ˀàpíñ [ˀàp� ̃́ (kê)] n. cooked rice. ˀápú [ˀáyú] n. a long time; quite some time. ˀáyò [ˀápú] n. arrow. [ˀáyò] n. night. ˀàyóo [ˀàyóo (kè)] n:rel. upper (side), as of a [ˀápù] n. hive; beehive; ants’ nest. village. ˀápù-ˀálù v. wrap something in a package. ˀàyóo ɲácú ˀàpúʔ ˀámé ˀàráa [ˀàráa (kè)] adj. empty, as a container. ˀàyóo tápé ˀàpúu [ˀàpúu (kê)] n. flower. [ˀàpúʔ ˀámè] n. dandruff. ˀàríñ ˀàpə́r Var: ˀàrpə́ə ’r-variation’. [ˀàpə́r (kê)] n. gall ˀàpyáa [ˀàpyáa (kê)] n. tracks made by a relatively small animal. ˀáró ˀàbáñ [ˀàbã́ (kè)] n. elder brother. ˀárò [ˀábí] n. lower garment, whether skirt or [ˀábù] adj. many; be many. ˀábyú ˀàxéʔ ˀámì ˀárp� ̀ Var: ˀàp�́ ’r-variation’. [ˀárp� ̀] n. bamboo crossbeam on a fence. ˀàláa [ˀàláa (kê)] n. 1 • juice; broth. [ˀábyú ˀàxéʔ (kê)] v. move. [ˀámí] n. elder sister (term of reference). 2 • variety of rice beer, obtained by directly steeping warm water in fermented grains. [ˀámì] n. tail. ˀàláʔ [ˀàláʔ (kê)] n. arm, including hand. ˀálì [ˀálì] n. foot; leg, including the foot. ˀálí [ˀálí] n. lineage; generational line of descent, for humans, animals and plants (any regenerating entity). ˀàmíñ [ˀàm� ̃́ (kè)] Var: ˀàrmíñ ’r-variation’. adj. ripe, of a fruit. ˀàmíʔ [ˀàmíʔ (kê)] n. eye. ˀámú [ˀámú] n. body hair. ˀálí léñbó ˀámú [ˀámú] v. lie; tell a lie. ˀám� ̀ [ˀárò] n. vein; nerve; sinew. tomorrow. ˀábyú [ˀábyú] v. move. ˀámí [ˀáró] adj. poor; not wealthy. ˀárdà Var: ˀáadà ’r-variation’. [ˀárdà] n. pants. ˀábù [ˀàr� ̃́ (kè)] adj. brittle; easily broken. ˀàréʔ [ˀàréʔ (kè)] adj. sharp, of a blade. [ˀábá] n. 1 • father (term of reference). 2 • man, of the expected age of a father. ˀábí [ˀàyóo tápé] n. pumpkin. ˀàrúʔ [ˀàrúʔ (kê)] n. husk; outer skin of something relatively large, like bean or corn (not rice). bladder. ˀábá [ˀàyóo ɲácú] n. upper lip. ́ [ˀálí lẽmbó] n. paved road; constructed road. From: Assamese. [ˀám� ̀] n. daughter-in-law (term of ˀàlúñ [ˀàlṹ (kè)] adj. be surprised; feel shocked. address). 50 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone ˀàléʔ ˀáló ˀálò [ˀàléʔ (kê)] n. wing. ˀàlyóo góñsò [ˀályó gṍsò] Var: ˀàlyóo [ˀáló] n. salt. kóñsò (Michi-Bamin). n. grasshopper. ˀàsíñ [ˀàs� ́̃ (kê)] v. give someone a drink; feed a [ˀálò] v. dry something by laying it out in drink, especially to a child or animal. the sun. ˀàlóo [ˀàlóo (kê)] n. bamboo flooring support. ˀàl� ́ɨ [ˀàlə́r (kê)] adj. strong, of a material. [ˀàl� ́ʔ (kè)] v. insert; put. ˀàxúʔ [ˀàxúʔ (kè)] v. regurgitate, as a baby spitting up milk. ˀàxéʔ [ˀàxéʔ (kè)] n. kidney. ́ p� ́lyí] num. forty. ˀàlyáñ p� ́lyí [ˀàlyãm ˀáx� ́ ˀàlyáñ yáŋó [ˀályá yáŋó] num. fifty. ˀáx� ́ ˀàlyáñ x� ́ɨ [ˀàlyã́ x� ́ɨ] num. sixty. ˀályí [ˀàs� ́ʔ (kê)] v. bite. old man. adj. elder. ŋɨka axaa ǰaa ɨŋaa ‘my eldest son’. ˀàlyáñ [ˀàlyã́ (kê)] num. ten. ˀályí ˀàs� ́ʔ ˀàxáa [ˀàxáa (kê)] n. elderly person. ˀábá ˀàxáa [ˀàl� ́ɨ (kê)] n. foreleg; front leg of an animal. ˀàl� ́ʔ [ˀàsíʔ (kê)] n. bird’s nest. ˀàsúʔ [ˀàsúʔ (kè)] n. sneeze. ˀàlóo [ˀàlóo (kê)] n. bone. ˀàlə́r ˀàsíʔ [ˀáx� ́] n. guts. [ˀáx� ́] n. comb. ˀàx� ́ʔ ˀere n. internal organs, in general. [ˀályí] n. bow (for shooting arrows). ˀàx� ́ʔ pàtáʔ n. rib; ribs; ribcage. [ˀályí] n. wind. ˀályí ˀàróo [ˀályî ˀàróo (kè)] n. storm. ˀàháa [ˀàáa (kê)] n. strap of a machete sheath. ˀàlyíñ [ˀàly� ̃́ (kê)] n. pancreas. ˀàhaá ˀàrtáʔ [ˀàáa ˀàrtáʔ (kè)] n. sternum; ˀàlyíñ [ˀàly� ̃́ (kê)] n. evening. ˀàháa [ˀàáa (kê)] n. heart. ˀàlyíʔ [ˀàlyíʔ (kê)] n. pig. breastbone. ˀàháʔ [ˀàáʔ (kè)] v. hang something up, as a dao ˀályú [ˀályú] v. lose something; be unable to find on a wall. ˀáhì something one has misplaced. ˀàlyéʔ [ˀàlyéʔ (kê)] n. door. ˀàhíi ˀályó [ˀályó] n. tongue. ˀàhíi ˀályò [ˀályò] n. 1 • skin of an animal. 2 • bark of [ˀáì] n. fruit, whether berry or apple-sized. [ˀàíi (kê)] n. blood. [ˀàíi (kê)] n. tooth, in general. ˀàhúʔ [ˀàúʔ (kê)] n. belt. a tree. ˀàhúʔ g� ̀gyáa [ˀàúʔ g� ̀gyáa (kê)] n. waist. i ˀíŋè -ì pder. downward; of an action, be directed downward. g� ́ì ‘fall down; overturn’. ˀìcáñ [ˀìcã́ (kê)] n. dysentery. ˀìkóo [ˀìkóo (kè)] n. under side; space ˀìpáʔ [ˀìpáʔ (kè)] n. excrement. underneath an object. ˀìŋíñ [ˀíŋè] n. var. of taro, cultivated by Apatani. [ˀìŋ� ̃́ (kê)] n. var. of taro, not usually v. excrete. ˀìpóʔ [ˀìpóʔ (kè)] n. yeast; fermentation starter cultivated by Apatani but sometimes imported from Nyishi areas. for rice beer. ˀímí 51 [ˀímí] v. sleep. Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) ˀìlyóʔ [ˀìlyóʔ (kè)] n. machete; dao. ˀíñ- ˀíñtôosì [ˀíntôosì] dem. that, very distant from both speaker and addressee. [índó] v. go. ˀíñpyá ˀìñsáa [ˀímpyá (kê) ˀ�sáa ̃̀ (kê)] v. scatter; ˀîñkà ˀáɲì [ˀîŋkà ˀáɲì] dem. those two, very move in different directions. distant from both speaker and addressee. ˀíñsì ˀíñtôo dákà ˀáɲì dem. those two, extremely ́̃ [ˀ�sì] dem. that, distant from both speaker and addresee. distant from both speaker and addressee. u ˀúì ˀúgù [ˀúì] n. spirit. ˀúuné [ˀúuné] n. wound. ˀúdé ˀùubúu [ˀùubúu (kê)] n. hole. [ˀúgù] n. fireplace. [ˀúdé] n. house. ˀùmyúu [ˀùmyúu (kê)] adj. pointed, of a tip; ˀùuráa [ˀùuráa (kè)] n:rel. inside, as of a house. sharp, of a point. ˀùkóo sìñbyáa [ˀùkôo símbyàa] n. rear balcony. e ˀéñmò [ˀémò] n. paddy; rice, as a plant. -é pder. of an item, be sufficient for the action at ̀ ˀèñsúʔ [ˀẽsúʔ (kè)] v. fail, esp. of rice plant hand. dóé ‘enough to eat’. ˀèréʔ [ˀèréʔ (kè)] n. belly; stomach. failing to fruit. ̀ ˀèñxóo [ˀẽxóo (kè)] n. rice stalk; portion of a stalk ˀéñdì [ˀéndì] n. rice seedling; seedling of a rice of rice left in the field after the top portion is harvested. plant. ̀ ˀèñpyáʔ [ˀẽmpyáʔ (kè)] n. cotton; wool; any ˀéʔ- natural fibre. [ˀéʔdó] v. shoot. ˀéʔpè [ˀéʔpè] n. pumpkin. Usage: Michi-Baamin ̀ ˀèñbíñ [ˀẽmb� ̃́ (kê)] n. husked rice. o ˀóo ˀóhò ˀàsíʔ [ˀóò ˀàsíʔ] n. grandchild. [ˀóo] n. liquor. ˀóo tándó ‘(I’m) drinking liquor’. ˀóhó ˀóhò ˀòhóo [ˀòhóo (kè)] adj. tall. [ˀóó] v. feed food, esp. to a child. [ˀóò] n. 1 • son. 2 • child. ə ˀə̀ə [ˀə̀ə] int. yes. 52 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone ɨ ˀ� ́dé -ɨ pinfl. Inflectional predicate suffix with unknown properties, poss. to do with past or perfectivity. Tage sɨka book mi ŋɨmi biɨ. ‘Tage gave this book to me.’ [ˀ� ́dé] n. deadfall trap; stone slab trap for catching small animals. ˀ� ̀d� ́ʔ ˀ� ̀p� ́ʔ ˀ� ̀ŋáa [ˀ� ̀ŋáa (kè)] n. child. [ˀ� ̀d� ́ʔ (kê)] adj. spicy hot, of a chili pepper. [ˀ� ̀p� ́ʔ (kê)] v. sweep, as with a broom. ˀ� ́myó [ˀ� ́myó] n. arrow poison. k -kà pros. Genitive pronominal suffix. si ŋɨka káʔa [káʔa] pcl. to my surprise; Particle marking information as a spontaneous reaction of surprise on the speaker’s part. poosa ɲímá káʔa! ‘I don’t have any money (with me, upon reaching into my pocket and discovering it)!’ ˀami. ‘This is my eye.’ -kaa pder. ever; have ever. Aktionsart derivation (?) marking an event as one of which at least one full iteration has occurred. Pasighat ìŋkáa to ha? ‘Have you (ever) been to Pasighat?’ káa- kíin� ̀ [kíin� ̀] n. female dog; bitch. kíibò [kíibò] n. male dog. [káadó] Var: ká- (precedes certain suffixes, kìirúʔ [kìirúʔ (kè)] n. hunting party, with or such as -paa ‘ATTN’. v. look. -káa without dogs. pder. ...and see (Tentative aktionsart). -kiñ ́̃ dò. ̂̃ pder. need to. �k� ‘(I) need to go.’ káapyò [káapyò] adj. good-looking. -kiʔ pder. of an action, result in an undergoer káarú [káarú] adj. ugly. becoming bent. tàrkíʔ ‘bend something without breaking it, while making as though to break’. dàñkíʔ ‘bend something by hitting it with a stick or hammer’. hèŋkáa ‘feel around to find something’. káè [káè] adj. big; large. kánú [kánú] num. seven. kú pcl. Completive suffix or particle, marking an kánúdá [kánúdá] n. five days hence; in five event as a finality or transition point. íŋé kú! ‘Be gone!’ days. kàpáa [kàpáa (kè)] v. see; manage to see; find. [kúupí] clfr. Classifier for a unit of measurement, being the distance from the tip of an outstretched arm and the sternum. kúu- kàpâa kéndò. ‘I can see.’ kàpyóo [kàpyóo (kè)] adj. first. [kútù] n. pig fat; oil of any kind, including liquid mustard oil and oil derived from animal fats. kútù kámó [kámó] adj. dark; lacking light. kár- [kárdó] v. emerge, of the moon. kàr- [kárdò] v. roll something up, as a mat. kùbúu [kùbúu (kè)] n. rodent; rat or mouse. kùrmúu [kùrmúu (kè)] n. var. of large kàlyáa [kàlyáa (kê)] v. wait for someone or grasshopper. Var: kòrmúu (Michi-Baamin). something. kàʔ- kúñ- [káʔdò] v. coagulate; harden, of liquid; numr. one. dòrkṹŋ kê ‘one body (of animal)’. freeze; solidify. ke [ke] art. a; article marking new information. 28/02/2013 36 53 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) kée- [kéedó] v. write. kóné-kóné kórmò [kórmò] n. seed. [kéedó] v. pole vault; jump with the assistance of a pole. kéekée- [kéedó] v. rub, as tobacco in the hand. kèe [kèe] pcl. particle expressing politeness, [kóné-kóné] adv. (?) one by one. kólò [kólò] n. the other day; the day before yesterday. kólò lóé n. three days ago. possibly with a hortative value in some uses. ŋó pácíkè. ‘(Don’t worry,) I’ll cut it for you.’ n� ̂kà páró soʔ dàʔ kèe. ‘Your chicken is here (standing).’ kòháʔ [kòáʔ (kè)] n. cricket. [kṍŋ] Var: kṍŋ (counting form); kúñ(numeral combining form); kón- (followed by enclitic article =he). num. one. kone. ‘It’s one.’ kóñ kéñté [kénté] n. quilt, made of several pieces of sewn-together fabric, used as a blanket. laŋkuŋ ‘one hundred’. kéʔkùrù n. bulbul; nightingale. kóñkòɲàñ [kṍŋkòɲã]̀ n. four years ago. -kò kóñkòlò [kṍŋkòlò] n. four days ago. pder:nzr. Locative nominalizer. [kóʔdó] v. 1 • pry something open using a wedge or lever. 2 • divine an omen by examining a chicken liver. kóʔ- kòáa [kòáa (kè)] num. nine. kóo- [kóodó] v. 1 • pry; manipulate a lever. 2 • dig or dig out using a lever. kóo- -kóʔ [kóodó] v. move the hips, as when closing being opened. nàŋkóʔ ‘push open (a door)’. kə̀ə a door with the hands full or when bumping against someone. k� ́- kòotáʔ [kòotáʔ (kè)] n. buttocks. Usage: Hari [kə̀ə] int. okay. [k� ́dó] v. punch, by striking forward with a fist. kòopyáa [kòopyáa (kê)] n. lower back. k� ̀cíʔ kòobyáñ [kòobyã́ (kê)] n. bracelet; bangle. k� ́dí kòoyúu [kòoyúu (kè)] n. anus. [k� ̀cíʔ (kè)] n. hiccup. [k� ́dí] n. soil. k� ̀páʔ [k� ̀páʔ (kê)] n. banana. kòcíʔ [kòcíʔ (kè)] adj. bitter. k� ̀ráñ [k� ̀rã́ (kê)] adj. hardworking. kòɲáñ [kòɲã́ (kè)] n. year before last; two years adv. often; frequently. moo Ziro k� ̀rã́ caadaʔ. ‘He often goes up to Ziro (these days).’ ago. kòɲáñ ɲáŋé [kòɲáa ɲáŋé] n. three years ago. kóné tàrə́ə pder. of an action, result in something k� ́lé [kóné tàrə́ə] pro.ind. anyone. ŋo [k� ́lé] n. river. kóné tárə̂ə kapa ma. ‘I didn’t see anyone.’ g gáʔ- [gáʔdó] v. grasp. gùríʔ [gùríʔ (kè)] v. get up. gáʔb� ́ [gáʔb� ́] v. hold onto something, as gúlì someone’s hand, a stick, or a knife. gù- [gúdò] v. crawl, as a baby or caterpillar. gú� ́ [gú� ́] v. turn or turn oneself over, when in [gúlì] n. bullet. gúʔpí [gúʔpí] v. lie face down. góí tábú [góí tábú] n. monitor lizard. góo- [góodó] v. fly, of a bird or dragonfly with flapping wings, or an airplane. a lying position. gùbúʔ [gùbúʔ (kè)] adj. hot; warm (of feeling, or to touch). 54 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone gòoráa [gòoráa (kè)] n. village-level council, for 4 • be disposed in a particular way. Usage: should be followed by a result derivation indicating the disposition; somehow, seems associated with falling and may in fact be a distinct form with this meaning. resolving minor disputes. gòoráa [gòoráa (kê)] n. horse. From: Assamese. gòrbáñ [gòrbã́ (kè)] n. shoulder. gòrxáñ [gòrxã́ (kê)] n. armpit; underarm. g� ́á position. [g� ́á] v. lie down; move to a lying-down gòlúu [gòlúu (kê)] n. liar. v. lie; tell a lie. g� ́ì [g� ́ì] v. fall down; overturn. góñ- g� ̀ɨ- [gṍmpí] clfr. Classifier for handfuls. [g� ́ɨdò] Var: gìi- (cond. unkn.). v. collar; pull something from the side, as to turn it around to face you. ̀ gòñkóʔ [gõŋkóʔ (tô)] v. open the mouth. góñcì [góncì] Var: kóncì (Michi-Bamin). n. g� ̀dáa pàtáa dragonfly. gòñpíñ [gõ̀mp� ̃́ (tô)] v. close the mouth. g� ̀yáñ [g� ̀yã́ (kê)] Var: gìyáñ (poss. subdial.) n. góñp� ̀ [gṍmp� ̀] n. chin. mustard, construed as a leafy vegetable. g� ̀r� ́ɨ [g� ̀r� ́ɨ (kê)] n. spring action noose trap, for catching small animals such as rodents. gòñpyáñ [gõ̀mpyã́ (tô)] v. close the mouth. góñmú [gómú] n. facial hair, including beard g� ́ʔ- and moustache. góʔ- to rid them of water. gyáʔ- [gyáʔdó] v. roam around; go uselessly here [góʔdó] v. measure, as the length of and there, especially of young men prone to getting themselves in trouble. [g� ́dó] v. 1 • wear clothing. gyúu- [gyúudó] v. 1 • shout. 2 • bellow, of a cow, mithun, elephant or pig. something or distance between two things. g� ́- [g� ́ʔdó] v. lie down. gyáa- [gyáadó] v. flick, as the fingers of the hand [góʔpí] clfr. Classifier for a handspan, being the distance from an ourstretched thumb to an opposing outstretched forefinger or middle finger. góʔ- n. var. of large, densely-woven basket. 2 • of a tree, bear or have fruits. gyúu gyúrò 3 • carry a child; be pregnant. [gyúu gyúrò] n. throat. gyóʔ- [gyóʔdó] v. call (out); call someone something (as a name). ŋ ŋár- ŋáʔknot. ŋóo- [ŋárdó] v. laugh; smile. way. [ŋáʔdó] v. tie something, as shoes; make a ŋòoyáa pro.ind. anywhere. ŋo ŋooyaa ĩma. ‘I didn’t go anywhere.’ ŋúnú [ŋúnú] pro. we; First person plural ŋ� ́í pronoun. -ŋé ŋó- [ŋóodó] v. get lost; become lost; lose the pinfl. Imperative suffix. [ŋ� ́í] n. fish. ŋ� ́kà [ŋ� ́kà] pro. my; First person singular ŋ� ́k� ̀ [ŋ� ́k� ̀] pro.cop. mine; First singular genitive genitive pronoun. [-ŋó] numr. five (combining form). s� ́ɨ dorŋó ‘five cows’. pronoun incorporating a copula function. sîi kitàp ŋ� ́k� ̀ ‘This book is mine.’ ŋóo [ŋóo] Var: ŋóo (isolation form, independent phonological word); ŋ�́- (form combining with case and dual suffixes); ŋú- (form combining with plural suffix). pro. First person singular pronoun. ŋ� ́ɲì [ŋ� ́ɲì] pro. we two; the two of us; First person dual pronoun. 28/02/2013 38 55 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) ŋ� ́pà ŋ� ̀ráa [ŋ� ̀ráa (kè)] n. var. of fish. [ŋ� ́pà] pro. to me; First person singular ŋ� ̀lyáñ [ŋ� ̀lyã́ (kê)] n. var. of fish. dative pronoun. ŋ� ́mì [ŋ� ́mì] pro. me; First person singular accusative pronoun.. c càa- [cáadò] v. ascend; go up; rise, of the sun; sprout or grow, of a plant. -càa pder. upward; of an action, be directed or cíi- [cíidó] v. swim, of a fish. cíʔ- [cíʔdó] v. hurl or throw a spear or spear- like object. transferred to an upward location, or a movement upward in order to perform. cúuɲí [cúuɲí] n. beetle. cár- [cárdó] v. boil water. cúun� ̀ [cúun� ̀] n. sambar doe. cáñ- ́ ́ ‘one [cãmpí] clfr. Classifier for pots. cãŋé cúupò [cúupò] n. sambar buck. pot’. -cé càñcáñ [càncã́ (kê)] adj. cold, to the touch. cutting’. dóocé ‘crack of itself, of an item in a lying position (due to the effect of gravity only)’. sárcé ‘rip in two’. càñcúu [càncúu (kê)] n. cooking tripod. cì- [cídò] v. bite or bite into something, as céʔsú v. argue over a topic; disagree about something and argue over it. meat. -cì pinfl. Intentional suffix. Marks an action intended by an actor, thus prototypically found in statements with a first person subject or second person interrogatives. Not normally found with third person subjects. ŋó íncì ‘I’m going to go (statement of intention).’ -cì pder. cracked result. pácè ‘crack by còo- [cóodò] v. bounce, of a ball or kangaroo; hop on one foot, of a human. cór- [córdó] v. spray. spray; cause to spray. pder. reach; of an action, result in reaching a goal. hárcì ‘reach (a destination, when running or driving)’. ǰ ǰáa ǰí- [ǰídó] v. roll something round or spherical, such as a ball or a wheel. pos. -nth; Sequential ordinal postposition, possibly with other attributive functions. ŋɨka axa ǰa oho ‘my eldest son’. ŋɨka ɨŋa kae ǰa ‘my eldest (biggest) child’. ǰàa- ǰìi [ǰáadò] v. 1 • soar; fly without flapping the ǰíiǰí [ǰíiǰí] adj. blue; blue-green; aqua. ǰíǰé [ǰíǰé] adj. true (not false). ǰîgǰìrò n. var. of shawl. wings, as a circling hawk. 2 • sway, as a drunken person. 3 • toss or throw a discus sidearm, such that it flies through the air; cause an object to soar by throwing. ǰáré [ǰìi] adj. black. ǰìhíñ ǰíñ- [ǰáré] num. one thousand. From: ǰíʔ- Assamese. ǰáñtú [ǰántú] adj. fat. fire. 56 [ǰì� ̃́ (kè)] n. rag. [ǰíndó] v. bind; tie to bind, as fencing. [ǰíʔdó] v. melt, as ice in sun or plastic in Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone ǰùuǰáa [ǰùuǰáa (kê)] adj. wet. ǰôoǰ� ̀rù n. var. of plant, a fruiting creeper. ǰèʔbíʔ [ǰèʔbíʔ (kê)] n. mud; swampy area. ǰòom� ́ʔ [ǰòom� ́ʔ (kè)] n. cloud. ɲ ɲà- ɲà� ́ɨ ɲì- numr. two (combining form). papu puɲì ‘two Var: ɲàr- ’r-variation’. [ɲádò] v. whittle. eggs’. ˀalyã leʔ ɲì ‘twelve’. [ɲà� ́ɨ (kê)] n. daughter-in-law (term of n:qual. both; the two of them; Post-head dual marker. Tage ɲi Catuu ɲi Ziro caane. ‘Tage and Catuñ both went up to Ziro.’ reference). ɲácú [ɲácú] n. lip; lips, whether upper or lower. ɲábè [ɲábè] v. frown; scowl. ɲáñ- ɲàñ ɲíbù ́ [ɲãmpí] clfr. Classifier for years. ɲíbó [ɲã]̀ pcl. actually; Counterexpectational [ɲíbó] n. guest. ɲìbyáa [ɲìbyáa (kè)] adj. fast; quick. particle, marking information as contrary to a standing assumption. moo American ɲã.̀ ‘(No,) he’s actually American (he’s not Australian as you supposed).’ môo ɲímá ɲã.̀ ‘He’s actually not here (correcting your mistaken assumption that he was).’ ɲàñ- [ɲíbù] n. shaman; priest; ritual specialist. ɲìmáʔ [ɲìmáʔ (kê)] n. 1 • war. 2 • enemy. ɲìmúñ [ɲìmṹ (kê)] n. young woman. ɲímé [ɲímé] n. Tibetan. ɲímé yárù [ɲándò] v. move the head; move with the [ɲímé yárù] n. rainbow. ɲím� ̀ [ɲím� ̀] n. woman. head leading, without regard to overall body motion (which may or may not be present). ɲìñpə́r Var: ɲìñpə́ (r-variation) [ɲ�mpə́ ̃̀ r (kè)] n. ɲàñpóo tàsíñ n. var. of fish. nipple. ɲíʔmó [ɲíʔmó] n. face. ɲàʔɲóʔ [ɲàʔɲóʔ (kè)] adj. slow. ɲìʔxáñ [ɲìʔxã́ (kè)] num. twenty. ɲáʔtù [ɲáʔtù] n. knife. ɲùʔ- ɲí cop. Existential copula ‘there is/have’. Marked [ɲúʔdò] v. wipe, as with a cloth or with the hands. distribution, occurring in declarative sentences in negative polarity (at a minimum). Must be followed by negator -ma, possibly preceded by additional modifying material. ŋɨkɨ póosá ɲímá. ‘I don’t have any money.’ ɲéñ- [ɲéndó] v. chew. t tà- [tádò] v. 1 • listen. 2 • obey. táaxè [táaxè] v. lie on one’s back. -tà pder. about to; of an action, be incipient. tàíñ ínci ̥ tályì ‘about to reach’. [tà� ̃́ (kè)] n. mushroom. tàíʔ s� ̀tíñ [tàíʔ (kê) s� ̀t� ̃́ (kè)] n. convulsions; táa- [táadó] v. 1 • paw; move the hands in a rapid epilepsy. pawing motion, as when digging away soil. tàkáa [tàkáa (kè)] v. ask a question. 2 • dig by pawing or shovelling away ground using the hands. 3 • swim. tákí tàapíʔ ŋ� ̀láa [tàapíʔ (kê) ŋ� ̀láa (kè)] n. owl. [tákí] n. ginger. tàkúñ [tàkṹ (kê)] n. peach. tàaróo [tàaróo (kê)] n. var. of fig tree. tàkúʔ [tàkúʔ (kè)] n. cucumber. 57 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) tàkóo láñró [tàkóo láró] n. hard stone, solid throughout and difficult to break or reduce (marble or similar). tàpéʔ [tàpéʔ (kê)] Var: t�p̀ éʔ (Michi-Bamin) n. leech. tàpóʔ [tàpóʔ (kè)] n. variety of tall grass, useful tàkóʔ [tàkóʔ (kè)] n. filth; body dirt. in many ways; traditionally used as roofing thatch on Apatani houses, also found in Assam. tàkə́r [tàkə́r (kê)] n. star. tápyó [tápyó] n. herbal salt; variety of very salty, pungent preparation of many herbs, formed into a blackish paste, packed in a wheel-like wrapper. tàkə́r [tàkə́r (kè)] Var: tàkə́ (r-variation) cùkə́(r) (Michi-Bamin). n. spit. tàgíñ [tàg� ̃́ (kê)] n. Tagin people. tábú tàgyáa [tàgyáa (kè)] n. var. of bee, larger than tábú ŋ� ́í [tábú ŋ� ́í] n. eel. táyú. táŋú táŋú ˀàláa táŋ� ́ tàbúñ [tàbṹ (kè)] n. smallpox. [táŋú] n. var. of honey-making bee. táŋú ˀàrúʔ támì n. honeycomb. tàyáñ [tàyáñ (kê)] n. wasp. adj. drunk. tàcáñ [tàcã́ (kê)] n. var. of wood-boring insect, attacking hardwood logs rather than bamboo. tàcáñ pìin� ́ñ n. tooth decay. [tácì] n. crab, in general. tàcíʔ [tàcíʔ (kê)] n. var. of small wood-boring táyú [táyú] n. var. of honeybee. tár- [tárdó] v. put something under tension as to break it; properly refers to the action only (not the breaking result), but may prototypically indicate an instance of breaking and may be colloquially used to imply the result. tàrtúu ‘break in two’. insect attacking bamboo. tárì tàǰúu rìiyáñ n. var. of plant. [tárì] n. hail; hailstones. tàríñ [tàr� ̃́ (kè)] n. woven cane ring, such as used tàɲíʔ [tàɲíʔ (kè)] n. corn. táɲè [támì] n. weed. tàmíʔ [tàmíʔ (kè)] n. fly. n. honey. tácì [tábú] n. snake. for a kneelet, or the cane mesh binding a quiver to a carrying strap. [táɲè] n. pus, as from an infected wound. tàríʔ [tàríʔ (kê)] n. body odor; armpit smell. visible accumulation of pus under the skin. tàríʔ [tàríʔ (kè)] n. fern, in general. tàt� ́ʔ tàrúu [tàrúu (kê)] n. mosquito. táɲè pə́rə́ [táɲè pə́rə́] n. blister or boil; [tàt� ́ʔ (kê)] n. frog. tàdə́r [tàdə́r (kè)] n. parasitic worm. tàrúʔ [tàrúʔ (kè)] n. ant, in general. tàníñ [tàn� ̃́ (kê)] Var: t�ǹ íñ (Michi-Baamin) n. tárè var. of plant. tárə́ [tər] Var: tər (optionally reduced form following 1st and 2nd person singular pronouns). n:qual. also. nunu tarə ‘you guys also’. ŋootər ‘I also’. tánò [tánò] n. thread. tánò gógò [tánò gógò] n. snail. tànóʔ [tànóʔ (kè)] n. snot. tàn� ́ɨ tàr� ́ɨ [tàn� ́ɨ (kê)] name. Apatani. [tàr� ́ɨ (kè)] n. shirt; top. tárkò [tárkò] n. var. of plant, used as an tàpáa [tàpáa] v. hear. antiseptic after cutting a newborn baby’s umbilical cord. tàpáñ [tàpã́ (kê)] n. algae; moss. tárpì [tárpì] n. var. of cane. tàpíñ [tàp� ̃́ (kè)] n. ice. tálò tàpúñ [tàpṹ (kê)] n. bat (flying fox). tápé [tárè] n. thorn; splinter (under the skin). [tálò] n. var. of brass heirloom plate. tàsáñ [tàsã́ (kê)] n. bead(s), in general. [tápé] n. pumpkin. Use: Bulla. 58 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone tásì house). [tásì] Var: társì (r-variation). n. wall (of a tú[túdó] v. kick, whether outward as when kicking a football, or downward as when stomping. tàsíñ [tàs� ̃́ (kê)] n. larval dragonfly. tásù tásè [tásu̥ tásè] adj. noisy. tásé [tásé] n. sago palm. tù- [túpì] clfr. Classifier for scoops, as of rice. tù- [túdò] v. flood, of water. -tuu pder. derivation indicating that the tàsə́r [tàsə́r (kê)] Var: t�s̀ ə́r (Michi-Bamin). n. predicated action results in an experiencer being split in two. tàrtúu ‘break something in two’. tàs� ́ʔ túu- var. of cane. [túupí] clfr. Classifier for forearm spans, being the distance from the tip of the hand to the elbow. túé, túuɲì... ‘one, two (forearm spans)’. [tàs� ́ʔ (kè)] n. wart. tàxúñ [tàxúñ (kè)] n. countercurrent fish trap, made of a conical bamboo frame with rearwardfacing barbs, placed against the current of a river; fish can easily enter, but cannot escape. táxé louse. táx� ́ tùŋíñ [tùŋ� ̃́ (kê)] n. stump of a felled tree. túmú [túmú] n. female pubic hair. [táxé] Var: t�́xé (Michi-Bamin). n. body [táx� ́] n. squirrel. [támpí] clfr. group of individuals, as people; flock of birds. téeró [téeró] n. chili pepper, as a fruit. tèeháʔ [tèáʔ (kê)] n. var. of millet, not classed together with millet by Apatani as such, but cultivated. [táʔpí] clfr. Classifier for sheets, or similarly flat, sheet-like things. táʔpí ‘four sheets’. [táʔdò] v. chop as to split something, such téñ- táʔcé [táʔcé] n. crack in a surface. téñ- v. split by cracking.. finger. [táʔtì] n. cockroach. [téʔdó] v. fall over, of something fixed in a vertical position at the base; prototypically, probably refers to a falling tree. táʔmó [táʔmó] adj. strong, of a person. -tiñ pder. of an action, result in a stoppage or -téʔ pder. over; overturn; of an action, result in an object being turned over. dàntéʔ ‘knock something over with a stick’. blockage. gàʔtíñ ‘stem the flow of something by grabbing’. dàʔtíñ ‘stand and block the way of something’. lùtíñ ‘convince someone not to do something’. -té(ʔ) pinfl. Anterior perfective, marking an event whose complete iteration took place at an earlier time than that of the time of speaking. ŋo Ziro cáatè. ‘I went to Ziro (and returned).’ tíñpì [t�mpì] ̃́ n. dried field; field with no water standing in it. adj. dry, of a field. tíʔ [téndó] v. touch something, as with the téʔ- tàʔmúu [tàʔmúu (kè)] n. betel; areca nut. [tíidó] v. pour. ́ [tẽmpí] clfr. Classifier for fingerspans, being the length of one outstretched index finger. témpé ‘four (finger spans)’. as a log lengthwise into firewood. tíi- pder. of an action, perform outside or go out to perform. sóotè ‘stroll around; go outside to play’. táñ- táʔtì [túrpì] clfr. Classifier for cups. -tè [tándó] v. imbibe; drink; smoke. tánâŋ dò ‘want to drink’. tàʔ- tùrglass. tàháñ sìʔ [tàã́ sìʔ] n. mongoose. táʔ- [túrdó] v. be alive; live (not be dead). tùrláʔ [tùrláʔ (kè)] Var: tùláʔ (r-variation). n. cup; tàx� ́ʔ [tàx� ́ʔ (kè)] n. 1 • flea. 2 • head louse. táñ- túr- [tíʔ] adj. sweet; salty (in a good sense); well-seasoned, of food or drink. -to pinfl. Imperative. tóʔ- [tóʔdó] v. descend. -t� ̀ pder. big or inflated. hént� ̀ s� ̀n� ́̃ ‘boast about oneself. 28/02/2013 42 59 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) t� ̀ɨr� ́ɨ [t� ̀ɨr� ́ɨ (kê)] n. forehead. t� ́kà pcl. Hortative advisative suffixal or t� ́kò [t� ́kò] n. rupee, construed as a unit for -tɨʔ pinfl. Perfective inflection. tànt� ́ʔ ‘drank’ moo pabitɨʔ. ‘He has chopped (the wood) for us.’ t� ́ʔ[t� ́ʔdó] v. pound; strike something with a downward blow using a voluminous tool, such as a stone or the base of a fist (not a stick or hammer). particle complex. íŋé t� ́kà. ‘You should go.’ counting. t� ́ʔ- [t� ́ʔdó] v. jerk; pull suddenly. d dáa- [dáadó] v. step; take a step. dìñtáʔ [dìntáʔ (kê)] n. top of the head. clfr. Classifier for paces. díñn� ̀ [dín� ̀] n. muntjac doe; barking deer doe. dàacáñ [dàacáñ (kê)] n. iron. díñpò [d�mpò] ̃́ n. male muntjac; male barking dàaréʔ réʔkè [dàaréʔ (kè) réʔkè (kè)] n. lower deer. fireplace shelf. dáɲí [dáɲí] n. sun. dárú [dárú] n. summer. díñmú [dímú] n. head hair; hair on the head. dìñxúʔ [d�xúʔ ̃̀ (kê)] n. skull. [dúpí] clfr. Classifier for bamboo containers, perhaps prototypically referencing a full section of bamboo. dú- dàlíñ [dàlíñ (kê)] n. path made by a hunter. [dándò] v. whack something or someone using a rigid stick; beat or hit with a stick. dàñ-daʔ -dú pder. upward; of an action, be directed vertically upward; especially, of vision. kádú ‘look upward’. pder. of an action, result in hitting a target. -daʔ pinfl. ‘Current state’ inflection, marking an action as one which is brought about as a feature of some current state-of-affairs, implicitly contrasting with an earlier state-of-affairs in which this was not the case. moo Ziro k� ̀rã́ caadaʔ. ‘He often goes up to Ziro (these days).’ dù- [dúdò] v. dig downward, to make a hole. dù- [dúdò] v. drip, of water; of water, come out in droplets. dùu [dùu] cop. Existential copula ‘be there/have’ for use in positive polarity declarative sentences. Selects for animate focii. mookɨ myɨɨ du. ‘He has a wife.’ (lit., ‘His wife is there’). cop. Positional copula for entities with legs or in a standing position. dàʔ [dáʔdò] v. 1 • stand. 2 • be there, in a standing position; be there or exist, of an entity with legs and in a standing position. nə̂kà páró soʔ dàʔ kèe. ‘Your chicken is (standing) here.’ pcl. Assertive particle ‘really, I meant it; this is absolutely the case’. moo ɲima kea du! ‘He’s not here, for heaven’s sake!’ -dàʔ pder. positional (?) derivation apparently associated with an experiencer receiving support from another entity. tèʔdáʔ ‘lean (on a pillar)’. dù. ‘Yangki is here.’ dàʔ- dùu- [dúudò] v. 1 • sit. 2 • stay; be staying or living in a place, of an animate entity. yaŋki soo -dùu dìitíñ [dìit� ̃́ (kè)] n. ravine; ditch; depression in a pinfl. Imperfective suffix entailing an assertion of habitual activity. Carries an implication that the speaker has intimate knowledge of the subject’s habitual activities. Accordingly, mainly used in “conjunct” contexts (statements with first person subject and questions with second person subjects), although can be used with other persons when the speaker wishes to assert privileged knowledge of a subject’s habits. hillside prone to water channelling and where landslides are common. dìtíñ yáì [dìt� ̃́ yáì] n. landslide. dìtíñ yáì ídò. ‘There’s a landslide.’ díñ- [díndó] v. hammer; pile-drive; pound something into the ground. ́ (kè)] n. fencepost. dìñgyáñ [d�ŋgyã ̃̀ 28/02/2013 43 60 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone dúr- dòor� ́ɨ [dòor� ́ɨ (kè)] n. winter; cold season. [dúrdó] Var: dór- (Michi-Bamin). v. dig dóolí [dóolí] adj. feverish; be having a fever. using the snout, as a pig. dèekíñ [dèek� ̃́ (kè)] n. clay. dòolyáʔ [dòolyáʔ (kè)] n. lightning. démá ˀúì [démá ˀúì] n. evil spirit. dór- ́ déñkí ˀúì [dẽŋkí ˀúì] n. good spirit; benevolent spirit. déʔ- dórgí [dórgí] n. earthworm. [déʔdó] v. by plaiting or weaving, shape or d� ́- reinforce the shape of an object, such as the mouth of a basket, or plantation fencing. [d� ́dó] v. eat. d� ̀ [d� ̀] pcl (?). I guess; I suppose; Modifier to a negated copula (at least), indicating a speaker’s inference that something is not the case. moo ɲidᶤ ma. ‘I guess ~ I suppose he’s not there (the phone is ringing, but he’s not picking up).’ dèʔlóo [dèʔlóo (kê)] n. woven cane frame of a basket. dó [dó] cop. Existential copula ‘be there/have’, used in declarative sentences in positive polarity. Selects for inanimate focii. ŋɨkɨ póosá dó. ‘I have money.’ -dó [dórpí] clfr. Classifier for high animals. sɨɨ dórɲì ‘two cows’. d� ̀pyóo ˀáí n. canine tooth or teeth. d� ́ráadà n. next year; the coming year. pinfl. Factual imperfective suffix. Reports an event as a general fact; not often used in First person declarative sentences. d� ́ʔ[d� ́ʔdó] v. be irritated or have an adverse or allergic reaction to something ingested. dóodù [dóodù] n. droplet; drop of water; -d� ́ʔ raindrop. harmful irritation, as poison. pder. of an action, result in a sense of n nàa pcl. content question marker. sii n� ́ɨ nâ? ‘What is this?’ [néedó] v. thresh or knead something underfoot, as grains, without one’s feet leaving the surface. née- nàarúñ [nàarúñ (kè)] n. fencing around a [nèekã́ (kè)] n. latrine; pigsty plantation. nèekáñ -nán� ̀ pder:nzr. Instrumental nominalizer. hóʔbé adjoined to a house, also functioning as a latrine. nán� ̀ ‘trigger’. nèesúu -nañ pder. want to; Desiderative derivation. néehé [née] Var: née (running speech). pro.int. nàñ- ́ [nãmpì] clfr. Classifier for hand breadths, how much; how many. myuu nee ˀaane? ‘How many people came?’ being the distance between the thumb and pinky finger of a flattened hand. nàñ- [nándò] v. push, using the palms of the hand. nàŋkóʔ ‘push open (a door)’. núu- [nèesúu (kè)] n. granary. [núudó] v. 1 • knead something, as dough. néñ- [néndó] v. sniff; smell something. néñ- [néndó] v. push using the body. néʔ- [néʔdó] v. gnaw, as a rodent through a wooden barrier. nóo 2 • wash clothing. [nóo] Var: nóo (isolation); n�́- (form combining with case and dual suffixes); nú- (form combining with plural suffix). pro. you; Second person singular pronoun. núnú [núnú] pro. you (plural); Second person plural pronoun. -né pinfl. Inflection possibly denoting a type of perfect, indicating that an event which began in the past has resulted in a state which remains on-going. moo Ziro cáanè. ‘He’s gone up to Ziro.’ nòo [nòo] pro.int. where. Tage nôo na? ‘Where is Tage?’ -n� ̀ pder:nzr. Subject nominalizer, ‘the one who X-es’. 61 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) n� ́ɨ [n� ́ɨ] pro.int. what. Interrogative pronoun n� ́pà n� ́ɨ- [n� ́ɨdó] v. instigate; talk ill of someone in n� ̀máñ [n� ̀mã́ (kè)] n. underbrush; leaves and [n� ́pà] pro. for you; Second person singular dative pronoun. of contents síi n� ́nâ? ‘What is this?’ twigs; small, useless plants or parts of plants. an effort to inflame enmity against them in others; induce enmity in someone in an effort to provoke them to act against someone else. n� ́mì [n� ́mì] pro. you (acc.); Second person singular accusative pronoun. n� ́ɨ dóo [n� ́ɨ dôo] pro.int. when. Interrogative n� ̀síñ n� ̀máñ [n� ̀s� ̃́ (kê) n� ̀mã́ (kè)] n. plants, in pronoun of time. moo nɨɨ do ine? ‘When did he go?’ n� ́kà general. -n� ́ñ pder:nzr. Action nominalizer, with a realis value ‘something done, either in general or as a specific iteration’. [n� ́kà] pro. your; Second person singular genitive pronoun. n� ́ǰí n� ́ñpà [n�mpà] ̃́ Var: nɨtepa (Hong); nɨmop (Hija). [n� ́ǰí] n. var. of plant traditionally used to yield a maroon dye. adj. maroon. pro.int. why (for what purpose). Interrogative pronoun of purpose. n� ́mpà gyóʔdó? ‘Why (for what purpose) are you calling me?’ n� ́ɲì [n� ́ɲì] pro. you two; the two of you; Second person dual pronoun. n� ́ʔ- ̂ n� ́táñpà [n� ́tãmpà] pro.int. how; in what way or [n� ́ʔdó] v. stab, outward or underhand (not downward). manner. Complex interrogative pronoun of manner. môo n� ́tâmpà s� ́nè? ‘How did he die?’ p pá- [pádó] v. strike; cut by striking. páì pà pos. for (someone); Dative postposition. pàkáñ [pàkã́ (kê)] n. goose. Tage sɨka book mi ŋɨpa bitɨʔ. ‘Tage gave this pàkáʔ [pàkáʔ (kê)] n. trough; depression, in a book to me.’ -pà landscape. pder. for the purpose of; in order to. pákú [pákú] adj. crooked; bent; twisted, as of a tree which is growing at an unnatural angle. Purposive subordinating derivation. d� ́pà ‘In order to eat, ...’. -paa pákù [pákù] n. dove or pigeon, in general. pder. attainment result derivation. lupaa pàcúu [pàcúu (kè)] n. chick; baby chicken. ‘mention’. pàa- [páadò] v. stack stones or wood in a particular way, so as to fit properly together, as when arranging firewood for storage, or when forming a river diversion channel with stones. pàa- pàcóʔ [pàcóʔ (kê)] n. head of a stream. pàǰéʔ [pàǰéʔ (kè)] n. duck. pàtə́r [pàtə́r kê] n. cage. [páadò] v. find; get or acquire by chance or [pápì] n. wood chips resulting from the action of chopping. pápì fortuitously. pàakúʔ [pàakúʔ (kè)] n. plate. pápù [pápù] n. egg. páat� ̀ [páat� ̀] n. tiger. páahá [páahá] [páì] n. var. of bird, poss. drongo. pàbúu [pàbúu (kê)] n. valley; gully; stream flowing through a deep depression at the joining point of two mountains; mountain pass. unfortunately; Particle marking a declarative statement as something unfortunate from the addressee’s perspective, apparently with an implication of sympathy from the speaker’s perspective. moo Ziro caane páahá. ‘Oh, sorry, but he’s gone up to Ziro.’ pcl. pàmíñ [pàm� ̃́ (kè)] n. victor; winner of a fight or war. pámú [pámú] n. raptor; eagle or hawk. 62 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone párí pìi- [párí] n. sparrow. pìitáñ [pìitã]́ adj. dry. pàróʔ [pàróʔ (kê)] n. chicken; fowl. pàróʔ pápù [píidò] v. bark, of a dog. pìiréʔ [pìiréʔ (kè)] v. sharpen a blade on a n. chicken egg. pàr� ́ɨ [pàr� ́ɨ (kê)] v. turn or twist something, as a rope; twirl, rotate or spin something (around), as to change its orientation; turn or rotate a steering wheel. sharpening stone. pàr� ́ʔ [pàr� ́ʔ (kê)] n. small var. of jungle fowl. píʔɲì [píʔɲì] num. eight. pìláñ [pìlã́ (kê)] adj. yellow. pìláñ-pìsáñ ́ [pìlãm-pìsã ]́ adj. light yellow. pàrsíñ [pàrs� ́̃ (kè)] Var: pàsíñ (r-variation). n. red pù- jungle fowl. pùáa [pùáa (kè)] v. sink in water. pàl� ́ʔ [pàl� ́ʔ (kê)] n. de-weeding tool, a bow of [púdò] v. hatch, of an egg. pùáʔ [pùáʔ (kè)] n. crow, the bird. pályá [pályá] adj. leaning or craning, as when púí [púí] n. booger; solidified snot. extending one’s body at an angle for the purpose of looking around an obstacle while remaining fixed in one’s place. púu- [púudó] v. bind. pùu- [púupì] clfr. Classifier for eggs or other iron with a slightly sharpened crux. pásù similarly-shaped items. pùkṹ ‘one egg’. púupì ‘four eggs’. [pásù] n. needle. páxú [páxú] n. 1 • eggshell. 2 • scale of a fish. pùucáa [pùucáa (kè)] v. float up to the surface, of an object which had been submerged (as a dead fish). pàxóo [pàxóo (kê)] n. notch, as in an arrow; drainage channel in a paddy field, consisting of a notch carved down the middle along its length. pùutúu [pùutúu (kê)] n. mountain. pàxóo-pàǰóo v. trailblaze; move in the jungle pùulúu [pùulúu (kê)] adj. white. by cutting a path ahead of oneself. pùulyáñ [pùulyã́ (kê)] n. peak; summit. pàhíñ [pà� ̃́ (kê)] n. liver. páñ- púulyé [púulyé] n. clothes; clothing. [pándó] v. steam in bamboo; cook by steaming in a bamboo tube placed in a fire. púɲú [púɲú] n. 1 • stick used for stirring food -paʔ while cooking. 2 • spoon. pder. off or away; of an action, be directed péeŋù [péeŋù] n. var. of bird. away from a deictic centre, especially in an act of disposal; off, of an action in a sense of rejection or dismissal. lùpáʔ ‘criticize; speak ill of someone to their face’. páʔ- pèecáa [pèecáa (kè)] n. var. of fruit or fruiting plant, fruits round and peach-like. pèepúʔ [pèepúʔ (kê)] n. 1 • mat, for sitting on a [páʔdó] v. suspend; hang something vertically using rope, as a fireplace shelving complex. floor. 2 • var. of tall reed from which floor mats are made. pí- numr. four. búupí ‘four stalks’. pèepúʔ tábú n. bedbug. pì- [pídò] v. divine an omen by examining the pèerúñ [pèerṹ (kê)] n. bean, in general. pèesúʔ [pèesúʔ (kè)] n. hornbill. egg of a chicken. pì- [pídò] v. swat; move the hand in a swiping pèexóo [pèexóo (kè)] n. var. of pigeon or dove. motion, as to slap someone or kill an insect. -pì pètíʔ [pètíʔ (kê)] n. belt. pder. of an action, result in an undergoer [péndò] v. construct something, such as a granary or house; build and set a trap. clfr. Classifier for houses. pèñ- becoming dry. múʔpì ‘blow-dry’. píi[píidó] v. slice; saw; cut by moving a knife against a surface in a slicing motion, without striking and without the knife leaving the surface. 63 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) p� ̀náñ [p� ̀nã́ (kè)] n. rice husk. ́ péñbè [pẽmbè] Var: píñbè (Michi-Bamin; Hija). p� ̀by� ́ɨ [p� ̀by� ́ɨ (kê)] adj. cunning; clever. n. snow. -peʔ pder. through; past; of an action, be p� ̀mə́r [p� ̀mə́r (kê)] n. dust. direction through a space, as a window, or past an object. p� ̀ríi pápù pò [pò] pcl. it seems; it appears; Inferential (?) p� ̀r� ́ɨ evidential particle. moo dúupò ‘It seems he’s here (I didn’t have any expectation he would be here, but I can see evidence of his presence, such as his bags).’ pòo- p� ̀r� ́ɨ n. bubble. [p� ̀r� ́ɨ (kè)] n. fireplace border. [p� ̀r� ́ɨ (kê)] n. stinging nettle. p� ̀léʔ [p� ̀léʔ (kê)] n. 1 • feather of a bird. 2 • fin of a fish. [póodò] v. embrace; hug (a person). p� ́lò pòopə́r [pòopə́r (kê)] Var: pə̀əpə́r (Michi-Bamin). [p� ́lò] n. 1 • moon. 2 • month; moon cycle. p� ̀lyíi [p� ̀lyíi (kê)] num. four. n. butterfly. p� ̀lyíʔ [p� ̀lyíʔ (kê)] n. hut; small resting house, as pòob� ́ɨ [pòob� ́ɨ (kè)] v. carry something in one’s in a field. arms. póorè [póorè] n. var. of liquor. p� ̀sáa [p� ̀sáa (kê)] n. pine tree, in general. póosá [póosá] n. money. From: Assamese. p� ̀xóo [p� ̀xóo (kê)] n. cob; corncob. pòtéʔ [pòtéʔ (kê)] adj. full, as a cup. pyà- [pyádò] v. braid something, such as rope or hair (as into a topknot). [pórdó] v. cut by pushing a blade downward with both hands holding either end. pórcé ‘split something (such as bamboo) by pushing a blade downward with both hands holding either end’. pór- póʔ- pyàr- [pyárpì] clfr. Classifier for grains. pyáñ- [pyándó] v. swell, of a wound. pyàʔ- [pyáʔdò] v. untie, as a shoelace. [póʔdó] v. 1 • hop 2 • have an accident pyàʔmíñ while in motion. [pyàʔm� ̃́ (kê)] adj. colour term referring roughly to the range of dark yellow, tan, and orange. p� ̀cáa [p� ̀cáa (kê)] adj. foolish; stupid; naïve; dumb. pyùʔ- [pyúʔdò] v. sell. p� ̀cáñ [p� ̀cã́ (kê)] n. pot. -pyoo pder. of an action, be brought about as an p� ́ǰò instance of theft. d� ̀pyóo ‘steal’. [p� ́ǰò] adv. a moment ago; a short while pyòo- [pyóodò] v. pinch using pincers. back. p� ̀ǰóo p� ̀ǰóo [p� ̀ǰôo p� ́ǰòo] adv. a long time -pyòo pder. of an action, be brought about as the back; quite some time ago. first in a sequence. d� ̀pyóo ‘eat first (before others)’. p� ̀ǰóo hò [p� ̀ǰôo hò] adv. quite some time ago; a pyòokóʔ [pyòokóʔ (kè)] v. open the eyes. long while back. p� ̀táa [p� ̀táa (kê)] n. bird. p� ̀díʔ [p� ̀díʔ (kê)] v. fart. b bà- [bádò] v. vomit. bár- bàbóo [bàbóo (kè)] n. ceremonial pole. a ɲíbù. 64 [bárdó] v. chant a variety of chant, esp. of Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone bàr- bùŋáa [bùŋáa (kê)] v. gather, as a group of people forming a crowd. [bárpì] clfr. Classifier for units of money, construed in the abstract (not as coin). tɨko bare ‘one rupee’. bùlúm b� ́lè bàríʔ [bàríʔ (kê)] v. get up. unappetizing. bàróo [bàróo (kè)] n. brother, in general. búʔ- [búʔdó] v. multiply, of a population; spread, as moss. bárm� ̀ [bárm� ̀] n. 1 • younger sister. 2 • sister, in general. báʔ- [bùlúm (kê) b� ́lè] adj. sickly; [báʔdó] v. piggyback; carry something on búʔ- [búʔdó] v. explode; burst. bée- [béedó] v. chant a variety of chant, esp. of a ɲíbù. the back, as a child or basket of rice. bí- [bídó] v. give. bèbúʔ [bèbúʔ (kê)] n. gun. -bí pder. for; Benefactive derivation. moo béʔ- pabitɨʔ. ‘He has chopped (the wood) for (us; no béʔ- [béʔdó] v. 1 • spring, of something under tension, such as a spring-action trap. 2 • hop; jump, of a frog or insect. need for us to do it).’ bíi- bìi- [béʔdó] v. scratch, as a chicken looking for food. [bíidó] v. flow, of water. [bíidò] v. sway; hang swaying. -bó pcl. Suffix or particle marking a nominalized predicate, with a value apparently drawing attention to the contrastiveness or specificity of the referent. Narrows an Irrealis nominalization to a Subject reading, so may have a Subject- or Agent-associated value. May replace subject nominalizer -n�̀ in some functions. dɨsɨnɨbo ‘one who is going to eat’. bìid� ́ɨ [bìid� ́ɨ (kê)] n. macaque. bíin� ̀ [bíin� ̀] n. female monkey. bíipó [bíipó] n. male monkey. bìisə́r [bìisə́r (kè)] n. langur (long-tailed monkey). [bóì] n. tracks made by large game. bíǰé [bíǰé] n. bamboo, in general. bóì bítì [bítì] n. craftwork (?) -bóo pder. across or over; of an action, be directed across a space (such as a rice field) or over an obstacle (such as a log). lyòobóo ‘leap over (a log)’. bítì pàakáʔ n. heirloom brass platter. bíñn� ̀ [bín� ̀] n. female goat; nanny goat. bòo- [bóodò] v. cross; move across anything, including a bridge, a field or a mountain. bíñpò [b�mpò] ̃́ n. male goat; billy goat. bù- [búdò] v. uproot a plant. búu- [búupí] clfr. Classifier for poles, including bòolyóo [bòolyóo (kè)] adj. thin, of a book. bóʔgó [bóʔgó] n. dam, used for irrigation rather than fishing purpose. poles of bamboo and trunks of trees. bùukṹ ‘one pole’. búu- -bɨ pder. accomplishment derivation (?) beʔbɨ [búudó] v. 1 • carry something in one’s ‘spring, of an animal trap’. inci bɨdo ‘reach a goal’. puaa bɨdo ‘sink in water; drown’. hɨki bɨtɨʔ ‘be stillborn’. puubɨ ‘float’. hand. 2 • bear a child búun� ̀ [búun� ̀] n. female rodent; female rat or mouse. b� ́ɨ- bùupíñ s� ́n� ̀ n. twins; babies born together or [b� ́ɨdó] v. carry; bring. b� ̀ɲáñ [b� ̀ɲã́ (kè)] n. last year. simultaneously. b� ̀dáñ [b� ̀dã́ (kè)] n. 1 • precipice; ledge of a steep cliff. 2 • steep, as of a cliff. búupò [búupò] n. male rodent; male rat or mouse. bùulyáñ [bùulyã́ (kê)] n. name of the Apatani b� ̀líñ [b� ̀l� ̃́ (kê)] nce. testicles. b� ̀líñ kórmò n. 1 • var. of fruiting plant. Supreme Council. bùulyúu [bùulyúu (kê)] n. tadpole. 2 • testicles. 65 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) b� ̀léʔ [b� ̀léʔ (kè)] adj. slippery. byár- [byárpí] clfr. Classifier for articles of b� ̀lyéʔ [b� ̀lyéʔ (kè)] adj. soft, as to the touch. clothing. byárpí ‘four items of clothing’. ́ byàñ- [byãmpì] clfr. Classifier for florescences, b� ́lyó [b� ́lyó] n. yesterday. b� ́só including flowers, tassled bamboo, and fruiting clusters on rice plants. [b� ́só] adj. afraid; scared. byáa- [byáadó] v. roast, as meat on a stick. ̀ r (kè)] adj. thick, primarily as a byàñkə́r [byãŋkə́ byàa- [byáadò] v. disintegrate; fall apart, as of a book, or secondarily as a liquid. ̀ (kê)] Var: byèñyúñ (Michibyàñyúñ [byãyṹ Bamin). n. name for a conceptual grouping of plants, including members of the nightshade family such as potato and tomato, as well as sweet potato. house; break with one’s roots, as when leaving a village due to misfortune and being unable to return. byáakó [byáakó] n. eggplant berry (var. of small Solanum). byòopáa [byòopáa (kè)] n. hat; helmet. byáagò sìmbyáa n. area to one side of an byòʔ- [byóʔdò] v. shine, of the sun. Apatani house balcony. byàpúʔ [byàpúʔ (kê)] n. bamboo shoot. m -má -miñ pder. win something by means of the action indicated by a verb. pinfl. not. Negative predicate suffix. màa- [máapì] clfr. Classifier for stacks of míʔ- [míʔdó] v. be or become extinguished; go out, of a candle or light. firewood. màrpúu [màrpúu (kê)] Var: màpúu (r-variation). n. cornsilk. -míʔ máʔbó [máʔbó] n. son-in-law (term of becoming extinguished. mùʔmíʔ ‘blow out (a candle)’. gàʔmíʔ ‘snuff out (a candle) using the fingers’. reference). mì [mì] pos. Accusative case marker. s� ́kà míʔtí [míʔtí] v. close the eyes. sinema s� ́mì róoɲè kaató. ‘I’ve seen this film mìʔláa [mìʔláa (kê)] n. tear. twice.’ míiŋó [míiŋó] adj. rich; wealthy. mìʔlyóʔ [mìʔlyóʔ (kê)] n. eyelid. míirí [míirí] n. Mising. múkù [múkù] n. 1 • smoke. 2 • tobacco. mìǰíi [mìǰíi (kè)] n. orphan; person without parents, whether child or adult. mìǰíʔ láñcù múbú [múbú] n. ash. adj. ashen; ash-coloured. mùbúʔ [mùbúʔ (kê)] n. gun. Use: Michi-Bamin. n. Adam’s apple. múrù [múrù] n. torch, of a traditional variety mìtúʔ [mìtúʔ (kê)] n. tip of an object, such as a comprising a bundle of sticks. tower or tail. mùrúñ [mùrṹ (kè)] n. Murung, name of an míyù [míyù] n. person; human. mílò pder. of an action, result in a light or fire important Apatani festival celebrated in the month of January. [mílò] n. husband. mùrtúu [mùrtúu (kê)] Var: mùtúu (kê) (rvariation); m�t̀ úu (Michi-Bamin). n. burnt firewood; wood of any size which is burning or has been partially burnt. mílóbó [mílóbó] n. male; man. mìsáñ [mìsã́ (kê)] n. hill tribal (other than Apatani). 66 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone mùrtóo [mùrtóo (kè)] Var: mùtóo (r-variation); móoré [móoré] n. jungle; forest. móoré pákù [móoré pákù] n. wild/jungle mòrtóo (Michi-Bamin). n. metal arrowhead. mùñpáa [mũ̀mpáa (kê)] n. Monpa. pigeon. múʔ- [múʔdó] v. blow; blow on. móolù [móolù] pro. they; Third person plural múʔgò [múʔgò] n. outlet in a paddy field, pronoun. mó� ́ through which water can drain from one field to the next. méen� ̀ [méen� ̀] n. 1 • sow; female pig. móñ- [móndó] v. 1 • chase. 2 • group-hunt; hunt in a coordinated fashion, using multiple people, as well as potentially dogs. 2 • female bear. méepò [méepò] n. male pig. m� ̀- méñ- [méndó] v. kill something or someone, m� ̀ɨ- without specifying the manner of death. -mò m� ́cí pder. of an action, to constitute rest or an [m� ́dò] v. do. [m� ́ɨdò] v. heal, of a wound. [m� ́cí] n. var. of hawk. m� ̀dóo [m� ̀dóo (kê)] n. rain. act of taking a break. dáʔmò ‘stand resting’. dúumò ‘sit resting’. mòo [mó� ́] v. turn the head, as though to look at something. m� ̀yáñ [m� ̀yã́ (kê)] n. crest on the head of a cock. [mòo] pro. she; he, Third person singular m� ̀ráa [m� ̀ráa (kè)] n. slave; captive. pronoun. m� ́rí mòo ˀáɲì [môo ˀáɲì] pro. they two; the two of [m� ́rí] n. coals, live or not. m� ́lyó [m� ́lyó] n. flame. them; Third person dual referential complex. móokà [móokà] pro. his; her; Third person myàamyáa genitive pronoun. [myàamyáa (kê)] n. ringworm. myàíi [myàíi (kê)] n. sperm; semen. mòocúʔ [mòocúʔ] v. kiss someone. myámú [myámú] n. male pubic hair. móopà [móopà] pro. to him/her; Third person myóokó [myóokó] n. Myoko, name of an singular dative pronoun. móomì [móomì] pro. him/her; Third person important Apatani festival, celebrated in March. myòoxáa [myòoxáa (kè)] n. bamboo flooring. singular accusative pronoun. móorù [móorù] n. cheek. my� ́ɨ [my� ́ɨ] n. wife. y [yáadó] v. rot; be rotten. yáì yàcúu [yɛ̀cúu (kê)] n. small bamboo container used as a pouch for carrying small items such as tobacco or salt, which can be handily used to ward off leeches as well as consumed on the road. yáì [yáì] v. collapse, as of a decrepit house; slide, of a landslide. and leaves, designed to cover the head and the back. yáa- yàapáa [yàapáa (kê)] n. young man. [yáì] n. variety of very large, wild bamboo, poss. D. giganteus. yág� ̀ yàt� ́ʔ [yàt� ́ʔ (kè)] n. umbrella made of bamboo yàdíñ [yàd� ̃́ (kê)] n. basket used for storing large [yág� ̀] n. basket, in general; densely- items or large quantities of items, including clothing and rice paddy. woven basket. yáŋó [yáŋó] num. five. yàn� ́ɨ [yàn� ́ɨ (kè)] n. leaf. yàpíñ [yàp� ̃́ (kè)] n. nose. 67 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) yàpíñ ˀùubúu n. nostril. yàsóo [yàsóo (kè)] n. cane (plant), in general (or yàpúñ [yàpṹ (kê)] n. sky. most common var.) yàxóo [yàxóo (kè)] n. stick. yàpúñ [yàpṹ (kê)] n. fairie. yúu- [yúudó] v. extend the hand; move the hand away from a place of rest, as away from the body or outside of a pocket. yàpúñ gèn� ́ñ [yàpṹŋ gèn� ̃́ (kê)] n. thunder. yàpə́r [yàpə́r (kê)] Var: yàrpə́ə (r-variation). n. yúkè [yúkè] pcl. it is said; Reportative mortar. yàbíñ [yàb� ̃́ (kê)] n. variety of wild bamboo. evidential particle. moo Ziro cáané yúkè. ‘It’s said he went to Ziro.’ yámù [yámù] n. fire. yár- [yárpí] clfr. Classifier for distances measured in lengths of mature bamboo poles, as house plots or fences; also used to denote quantities of materials stored inside bamboo poles, such as rice stalk. l� ̀síʔ yárpì ‘four poles of rice stalk’. yòo [yòo] n. meat. [yôo ˀàyáʔ] n. meat; fleshy portions of an animal. yòo pàtə́r [yôo pàtə́r (kê)] n. basket used for storing dried meats. yàláñ [yàlã́ (kè)] n. stone, of any size or quality. yásì pinfl. Prohibitive suffix. íyó! ‘Don’t go!’ yòo ˀàyáʔ yàrúu [yàrúu (kè)] n. 1 • ear. 2 • gill, of a fish. yàsáñ -yó yòopóo [yàsã́ (kè)] n. firewood. [yòopóo (kè)] n. var. of small, densely-woven basket. yórb� ́ [yórb� ́] n. upward slope on a mountain. [yásì] n. water. yâsì dó. ‘Water is there; yòrm� ́ʔ there’s some water.’ yásì àan� ́ñ n. drowning; dying in water (euph.). [yòrm� ́ʔ (kè)] n. dry, ground chili pepper, used as a food seasoning. r ráñ- [rándó] v. tie an animal to restrain it. ríi [ríi] n. drool. réʔ- [réʔdó] v. cross a river, by any means, including swimming, walking or rowing a boat. réʔ- [réʔdó] v. shave something, as one’s face. compact overhand, such as a ball or a stone. -rèʔ Var: -roʔ (Michi-Bamin). pder. sharp ríi- [ríidó] v. sew. (result). pìiróʔ ‘sharpen’. [ríidò] v. hail; fall, of hailstones. réʔkè [réʔkè] n. ceiling. ríi- rìi- [ríidó] v. throw something more or less ríibù [ríibù] n. var. of fish. ròròo- [róodò] v. spy; sneak; peep; steal a glance at somebody while trying to conceal the fact. ríimì [ríimì] Var: ríñbì. n. spider, in general. rìiláʔ [rìiláʔ (kê)] n. tendril. -ròo ríʔdà [ríʔdà] n. the day after tomorrow. rú- pder. of an action, be brought about in a manner constituting spying. káaròo ‘peep’. [rúdó] v. sneak; be stealthy. róo bàríʔ rúucí [rúucí] n. left ear. ròoríñ támì rùutíñ [rùut� ̃́ (kê)] n. earring, in general. n. cyclone. [ròor� ̃́ (kê) támì (kè)] Var: ŋ�́i ròoríñ (Hari) n. Velvet plant, a variety of aquatic plant. rùubíʔ [rùubíʔ (kê)] n. right ear. rúñ- [rópì] clfr. Classifier for mornings. ròñ- [rúndó] Var: róñ- (Michi-Bamin). v. crazy; [rṍmpì] clfr. Classifier for iterations (times). róŋé ‘once’. mad; insane; nuts. nó róŋé! ‘You’re crazy!’ 68 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone róʔ- r� ́bôodà n. in three days; three days hence. [róʔdó] v. snatch. róʔn� ̀ [róʔn� ̀] n. hen; female domestic fowl. r� ́x� ̂dà n. four days hence; in four days. r� ́ʔ- róʔpò [róʔpò] n. cock; male domestic fowl. r� ́- item). [r� ́dó] v. buy. [r� ́ʔpí] clfr. Classifier for bundles (of any r� ̀gáñ [r� ̀gã́ (kè)] n. edge. l ́ ̀] num. six hundred. láñx� ̀ [lãx� pcl. Content question marker. n� ̂ɨlà lúdù? ‘What’s that called?’ la la làñhíñ [là�]̃́ num. three hundred. coord. and; plus. Use: binary coordinations làʔkúʔ kə́ərə́ [làʔkúʔ (kè) kə́ərə́ (kê)] n. mole. only (not for multiple conjunctions). ˀalyã laʔ kanu ‘seventeen’. Tage la Catu la Ziro caane. ‘Tage and Catu went up to Ziro.’ -laa láʔkè [láʔkè] v. cross arms; fold arms. làʔŋə́r [làʔŋə́r (kè)] Var: larŋə (r-variation) n. pder. can; able to, in the sense of wrist. capability. n� ̂m kànè ap� ́̃ d� ́lâa kèndò? ‘How much rice can you eat?’ làa- láʔcí laʔci ˀàláʔ [láadò] v. take. làʔcíʔ k� ̀cíʔ and crossed. làaŋúu n. neck. [làx� ́ʔ (kê)] adj. cold, of one’s feeling. làñ- [la] numr. hundred. n. left hand. làʔcíʔ [làʔcíʔ (kê)] n. finger. láakè [láakè] v. cross legs; sit with legs tucked in làx� ́ʔ [láʔcí] adj. left. làʔcíʔ l� ̀páa n. forefinger; pointing finger. n. middle finger. làʔcíʔ hàaɲáa n. pinky finger. láʔdú [láʔdú] nce. elbow (formative). [láŋè] num. one hundred Use: statement in response to a question, poss. morph. complex. láñè láʔdú mə̀ríñ [láʔdú mə̀r� ̃́ (kê)] n. elbow. ̂ láñkànù [lãŋkànù] num. seven hundred. làʔd� ́ɨ [làʔd� ́ɨ (kê)] n. distance between an outstretched thumb and forefinger. ̀ làñkúñ [lãŋkṹŋ (kè)] num. one hundred Use: láʔn� ̀ [láʔn� ̀] n. thumb finger. counting/enumerating. làʔpáñ [làʔpã́ (kè)] n. village platform, used in ̂ láñkòáa [lãŋkòàa] num. nine hundred. ceremonies and village meetings. láñŋò [láŋò] num. five hundred. làñcáñ làʔpíñ [làʔp� ̃́ (kè)] n. back of the hand; reverse of [làncã́ (kê)] adj. red. the palm. làʔpyóo [làʔpyóo (kê)] n. palm (of the hand). láñcù [láncù] n. goiter. làʔbíʔ [làʔbíʔ (kê)] adj. right. làñǰáñ [lànǰã́ (kè)] n. base of the head. làʔbíʔ ˀàláʔ láñɲì [láɲì] num. two hundred. n. right hand. láʔsò [láʔsò] n. distance between outstretched ́ láñpì [lãmpì] num. four hundred. thumb and middle finger. ̂ láñpíʔɲì [lãmpìʔɲì] num. eight hundred. làʔhíñ [là� ̃́ (kê)] n. fingernail. láñmù [lámù] n. variety of brittle, composite lìñ- stone, ash-coloured, can be pounded into dust. 28/02/2013 [líndò] v. exit; go out. 52 69 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) l� ́kè [l� ́kè] v. fold legs; sit with legs outstretched and folded or crossed. -lìñ pder. out; of an action or motion, directed out of an enclosed space. lùlù� ́ʔ [lúdò] v. speak. l� ̀gyúu [lù� ́ʔ (kè)] v. stutter. or canine; talon, of a raptor. l� ̀cíʔ lúlyè [lúlyè] v. slur one’s speech, as a drunken l� ̀táʔ person. lèekúu [lèekúu (kè)] v. hold one’s hands behind lèñdáa [lèndáa (kê)] n. road; path; way. ́ [lẽmbó] Var: líñbó (Michi-Bamin, Hija) n. l� ̀ríñ n. kneecap. [l� ̀r� ̃́ (kê)] n. kneelet; ornament worn by men below the knee. l� ̀síñ p� ́tù n. calf (muscle of the leg). l� ̀síʔ [l� ̀síʔ (kè)] n. harvested stalk of rice grains; upper portion of rice stalk including the fruits, being the portion which is lopped off when rice is harvested. lóîdà n. three years hence; in three years. -loo pder. downward; of an action, be directed downward; of an actor, move upward in order to perform an action. kàalóo ‘move downward in order to see something’. dàalóo ‘hit with a stick such that something falls off a surface’. l� ̀híñ l� ̀ʔ- -l� ̀ʔ [l� ̀� ̃́ (kê)] n. toenail. [l� ́ʔdò] v. put. pder. into. -lyaa pder. of an action, constitute an act of [lóopí] clfr. Classifier for days. waiting. dàʔlyáa ‘stand waiting’. lòocúñ [lòocṹ (kê)] n. marrow. lyáñ- numr. ten. xòlyã́ ‘ten sticks (of [lóoɲândà] n. two years hence; in something)’. two years. lyáʔ- lóox� ̀dà [lóox� ̂dà] n. four years hence; in four [lyáʔdó] v. lick. lyáʔpyò [lyáʔpyò] n. dry field, usually for millet years. cultivation. pder. of an action, result in an undergoer -lyí pinfl. Irrealis suffix with no apparent person-based constraints or implications of private/personal knowledge, indicating a simple statement of a non-realized event. becoming shocked or surprised. l� ̀áʔ [l� ̀áʔ (kè)] n. smallest var. of basket, trad. used to measure quantities of rice, or to store small household items, such as balls of thread. l� ́ɨ- [l� ̀p� ̃́ (kè)] n. top of the foot; opposite side l� ̀máa [l� ̀máa (kê)] n. root. cleanly in a single stroke, as when clearing underbrush, when cutting off the unwanted tip of a stick, or decapitating a person or animal. -loñ l� ̀píñ l� ̀béʔ [l� ̀béʔ] v. scratch using claws or hooves. [léʔdó] v. lop off; cut something off lóoɲàñdà [l� ́n� ̀] n. big toe; thumb toe. l� ̀báñ ˀàlóo -leʔ pder. result derivation indicating that an experiencer slips as a result of the motion indicated by the very. tùléʔ ‘slip while walking’. lóo- l� ́n� ̀ l� ̀báñ [l� ̀bã́ (kê)] n. knee. coord. and; plus. Additive conjunction, used in complex numeral formation. ˀalyañ leʔɲi ‘twelve’. léʔ- [l� ̀táʔ (kê)] n. cockspur. to the sole of the foot. road. leʔ [l� ̀cíʔ (kê)] n. toe, in general. l� ̀páa [l� ̀páa (kè)] n. middle; centre. one’s back. léñbó [l� ̀gyúu (kê)] n. claw, of a feline lyì- [l� ́ɨpí] clfr. Classifier for the length of a [lyídò] v. become; have come to fruition; be ready, as of fermenting liquor. pilã pa lyido. ‘It’s turning yellow.’ bamboo pole, as applied to the measurement of the depth of an Apatani house. Five such lengths is traditionally considered to be an especially long house, suited to a wealthy person. Houses of six such lengths are unusual. lyíi- [lyíidó] v. 1 • slither, as a snake. 2 • slide, as down a children’s playground slide. lyìróo [lyìróo (kê)] nce. uvula (formative). 70 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone lyòo- [lyóodò] v. leap; jump, of an animal such lyìróo tóokó n. uvula. as a dog or human. lyìlíñ [lyìl�]̃́ v. stick out, of the tongue; protrude, lyòʔgáñ of the tongue. ŋɨka alyo lyìl� ̃́ do. ‘My tongue is protruding (I am sticking it out).’ blade. lyòʔróʔ lyíʔpó [lyíʔpó] n. male pig. of a machete. lyíʔpó n. male pig. [lyòʔgã́ (kè)] n. blunt edge of a [lyòʔróʔ (kè)] n. blade; sharp edge lyóʔlì [lyóʔlì] n. machete handle. ́ lyéñ- [lyẽmpí] clfr. Classifier for armspans, being the distance between the tips of two outstretched arms. lyémpé ‘four (armspans)’. s sáa sáʔ- [sáa] n. tea. sáa- [sáadó] v. tense the abdominal muscles, as when having a bowel movement, or giving birth. p� ̀díʔ sáadò ‘farting’. sáatí sàʔnáa [sàʔnáa (kè)] adj. breathless; be out of breath, as after hard exercise. sàʔríñ [sàʔr� ̃́ (kê)] n. cough. [sáatí] n. sap of a pine tree; pine resin. sáadí [sáadí] n. plantation of useful trees, sàʔlíñ [sàʔl� ̃́ (kê)] v. exhale. generally nearby to a settlement. sàʔl� ́ʔ [sàʔl� ́ʔ (kè)] v. inhale. sáab� ́ [sáab� ́] n. officer; sahib. sàamáñ [sàamã́ (kè)] n. pine needle. [sìi] dem. this, closer to the speaker than to sìíʔ [sìíʔ dô] v. urinate. síɲì [síɲì] dem. these two, closer to the speaker than to the addressee. Var: sántú téeró (cond. unkn.) n. prickly ash; Sichuan peppercorn. sár- sìi the addressee. sàaxúu [sàaxúu (kê)] n. pine cone. sán� ̀ téeró [sáʔdó] v. 1 • breathe. 2 • cough. 3 • suck, as through a straw. sísì [sárdó] v. rip; tear. sàrpúʔ [sàrpúʔ (kè)] Var: sàpúʔ (r-variation) n. [sísì] adv. now. -siñ pder. dry result; perform an action with the result that something becomes dry. bladder. sàrpúʔ [sàrpúʔ (kè)] Var: sàpúʔ (r-variation) n. síñ- [síndó] v. feed liquid; give a drink. síʔ [síʔ] n. urine. sàrs� ́ʔ [sàrs� ́ʔ (kè)] Var: sàs�́ʔ (r-variation’)adj. -sú pder. Autonomous/Reflexive suffix. 2 • thin, of liquid; weak, of liquor. sùkúñ [sùkṹ (kè)] n. well (of water). foam. ̀̃ sìñbyáa [s�mbyáa (kè)] n. balcony. sársé [sársé] Var: sásé (r-variation) n. millet, in general. sùúu [sùúu (kê)] n. spring; water source. 1 • bland; insipid; not well-seasoned. sàlyíʔ [sàlyíʔ (kê)] adj. green. sùdúu [sùdúu (kè)] n. container made of a sáñn� ̀ [sán� ̀] n. tree. bamboo section with one knot at the base and the other knot removed. sàñróʔ [sàaróʔ (kè)] n. banyan tree. súbú [súbú] n. mithun. ̀ ́ (kè)] n. post at a field border sàñxáñ [sãxã súbú tàmíʔ identifying the area as owned by a particular person. fly. 28/02/2013 [súbú tàmíʔ (kè)] n. var. of biting 54 71 Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) súmù [súmù] n. sand. s� ̀ɲáñ s� ́ló sùlúu [sùlúu (kê)] n. garden fencing. s� ̀tíñ sùlúñ [sùlṹ (kê)] n. Sulung. -suʔ pder. of an action, result in the handle sèe- [súʔdò] v. sneeze. sèñs� ́ʔ [sẽs�̀ ́ʔ (kè)] adj. 1 • dry, of wood. [sò] dem.pos. here, nearest to the speaker. [sóndò] v. shimmy; move sideways. s� ́n� ̀ [s� ́n� ̀] n. mithun cow; female mithun. s� ̀píʔ [s� ̀píʔ (kê)] n. pangolin. s� ́bí [s� ́bí] n. monkey. s� ́bó [s� ́bó] n. mithun bull; male mithun. s� ̀bíñ [s� ̀b� ̃́ (kè)] n. goat. similarly long, thin and flexible things, such as fish and smakes. sòkṹ ‘one rope’. sóopí ‘four ropes’. s� ̀ríñ s� ́ré -sər(ə) pder. of an action, to constitute or result in an act of strangulation. gàʔsə́r ‘strangle with the hands/by grabbing and holding’. s� ́ɨ [s� ́ní] n. sugar. From: Assamese s� ̀pyáa [s� ̀pyáa (kê)] n. dhole; Asiatic wild dog. [sóodó] v. play, as children; frolic. sóotè só(o)- [sóopí] clfr. Classifier for ropes, or s� ́- s� ́ní n. pond. ‘go out to play’. sòñ- [s� ́t� ̀] n. elephant. s� ̀pə́r [s� ̀pə́r (kê)] Var: s�p̀ ə́ʰ ~ s�p̀ rə́ (r-variation) 2 • thin, of a person. sóo- s� ́t� ̀ -s� ́n� ̀ pder. Irrealis nominalizer, apparently a sequence of Irrealis nominalizer + Subject nominalizer, but cannot separate inasmuch as both Subject and Object readings are available. dɨsɨnɨ ‘person to be eating *or* thing to be eaten’. [séedò] v. pull (with the arms). sèñ- [séndò] v. withered; dried-out or wilted, as a plant which has been exposed to excessive sun and little moisture. sò [s� ̀t� ̃́ (kê)] n. bear. s� ̀d� ́ñ [s� ̀d� ̃́ (kè)] n. muntjac; barking deer. coming off an item (such as a dao). hùsúʔ ‘fall off, of a handle’. m� ̀súʔ ‘take a handle off; make a handle come off’. sùʔ- adv. recently; these days; nowadays. [s� ̀r� ̃́ (kê)] n. otter. [s� ́ré] n. boar; wild pig. s� ́ló [s� ́ló] n. today. s� ́sò [s� ́sò] n. wildcat. s� ̀lyóʔ [s� ̀lyóʔ (kê)] n. riverbank. [s� ́dó] v. die. [s� ́ɨ] n. cow; cattle. s� ́x� ́ s� ̀cúu [s� ̀cúu (kê)] n. stag deer (sambar?) [s� ́x� ́ʰ] n. gravel; pebble; sand. s� ́x� ̀ púxù [s� ́xɨ ̥ pùxu̥] n. porcupine. s� ̀ɲáñ [s� ̀ɲã́ (kè)] n. this year. X - x xà[xádò] v. peel, as the skin of a fruit, by removing with the hands. xàa- [xáadò] v. weed; clear an area of weeds. xàa- [xáadò] v. bark, of a barking deer. -xaʔ pder. of an action, miss its intended target. èʔxáʔ ‘miss (target) while shooting’. kàaxáʔ ‘mistake (something one is seeing) for something else’. tàxáʔ ‘mishear someone; dislike someone’s speech’. xàapóo [xàapóo (kê)] n. shelf of bamboo tubes suspended immediately below a traditional attic shelf (also of bamboo tubes), hanging above the suspended fireplace rack. xàŋáa [xàŋáa (kê)] v. kneel. xú- [xúdó] v. aim (a gun or arrow). xùíʔ [xùíʔ (kè)] adj. sour.. xée- [xéedó] v. parch; dry-fry; roast by frying in a pan without oil.. 72 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone xètáʔ [xètáʔ (kê)] n. book. From: Assamese. xèñǰíʔ [xènǰíʔ (kê)] n. temple (of the head); sideburn area. xéʔ- [xéʔdó] v. cry. xèʔ- [xéʔdò] v. suffice; be enough; be -x� ̀ pder. dead; of an action, result in the death x� ́ɨ [x� ́ɨ] num. six. x� ́ɨ- [xóodó] clfr. Classifier for sticks. [x� ́ɨdó] v. cook, especially by boiling in water. xóo- [xóodó] v. 1 • level by digging, as when removing portions of a hill in order to extend a plain area, as for cultivation purpose; scratch or scratch off, as when using one’s nail against a surface to remove paint. 2 • row a boat or raft, using an oar. 3 • probe in water with a stick, as to locate something as for the purpose of fishing it out. 4 • stir, using a stick or spoon. xóʔ- [-xɨ] [-x] numr. six (combining form). sɨɨ ́ ̀ ‘beat to death (using a of an undergoer. dãx� stick)’. sufficient. xóo- x� ́- dorxɨ ‘six cows’. x� ́ɨ- [x� ́ɨdó] v. tie up hair in the fashion of an Apatani woman. x� ̀ɨ[x� ́ɨdò] v. scoot; move from side to side without getting up. x� ́ɨn� ̀ [x� ́ɨn� ̀] n. umbilical cord; navel; belly button. [xóʔdó] v. crow, of a rooster. x� ́ɨrò [x� ́ɨrò] n. large intestine. x� ́ʔ- [x� ́ʔdó] v. plunge (out a pipe); pound (chili xóʔ- x� ̀ǰáñ [x� ̀ǰã́ (kê)] n. small intestine. x� ́- in a mortar). [xóʔdó] v. pry open something using the hands; pull something up to reveal what is underneath it, as a mat. [x� ́dó] v. count. H - h 73 ʔ � ̀ǰ [xóʔdó] � ́ʔ �́ [x� ̀ǰã́ (kê)] [x� ́ʔdó] [x� ́dó] Himalayan Linguistics, Vol 12(1) H - h hà hìipyáa [hìipyáa (kê)] n. front teeth. [hà ~ à] Var: =à (freq. clitic form with -h- hìibúu [hìibúu (kê)] n. beak. ellipsed) pcl. Polar question marker. nó ílyí hà. ‘Are you going to go?’ Pasigat iŋka to ha? ‘Have you been to Pasighat?’ háa- hìiráñ [hìirã́ (kê)] n. molar tooth; rear tooth. hìiríñ [hìir� ̃́ (kê)] n. strip of dried, fermented [háadó] v. smoke something over a fire, to bamboo. dry it; dry something over a fire, such as meat. háasín dó dry something by smoking it over a fire. hìilíñ [hìil� ̃́ (kè)] n. blood clot. hàagyáa [hàagyáa (kê)] n. 1 • gate, in a fence. 2 • entryway. Use: poss. restr. to Bulla? [híilú] n. gums (of the mouth). híñ [h�ŋ] ̃́ num. three. papu puh� ́̃ ‘three eggs’. hìixúʔ [hìixúʔ (kê)] n. wet fermented bamboo. hàaɲáa [hàaɲáa (kè)] nce. younger. làcíʔ hàaɲáa ‘pinkie finger’. hĩŋe. ‘It’s three.’ hàatíñ [hàat� ̃́ (kê)] n. bamboo knot. hìñxáñ [h�xã ̃̀ ́ (kê)] num. thirty. hàad� ́ɨ [hàad� ́ɨ dó] v. be angry. híʔ hàabúñ [hàabṹ (kê)] adj. cool; cold, in a pleasant [híʔ] n. dried, fermented bamboo dice or chips. way. híʔ- hàayáñ [hàayã́ (kè)] n. core; inner portion of an [híʔdó] v. whip; hit using a rope or flexible stick. object. híʔ- háarù [háarù] n. lung; lungs. [híʔdó] v. feel or feel around, using the hands. hàalyáñ [hàalyã́ (kê)] adj. flat, as of terrain, or [híʔdò] v. 1 • paint; apply paint to a surface. 2 • strip; remove a surface layer, as from bamboo. hìʔ- any surface. n. plains people. hàalyíñ pòopə́r n. var. of insect, flying around hìʔǰáñ [hìʔǰã́ (kê)] v. wring out clothing; twist June/July (mayfly?). hàóo [hàóo (kè)] n:rel. top. hág� ̀ híilú clothing to make it dry. hú- [hág� ̀] v. escape. [húdó] v. stab downward, with a knife; pound with a large stick, as when dibbling (making seed holes) or when pounding rice in a large mortar and pestle. hàǰə́r [hàǰə́r (kê)] n. thousand. hàmáñ [hàmã]́ n. 1 • vegetable, in general; edible hú- plant. 2 • side dish; cooked vegetable; curry and suchlike. [húdó] Var: húr- (r-variation). v. fall, of rain. hù- [húdò] v. fall from a height; fall vertically. hàr� ́ɨ [hàr� ́ɨ (kê)] v. be twisted, of a rope; twist húì [húì] v. fall, of an object. oneself; twist one’s body; spin, as a whirlpool or top. húu- [húudó] v. 1 • be awake. 2 • glow, of a hàr- hàñ [hárdò] v. run. light, or coals. ̀ pro.ind. anything. ŋo hâŋ dɨma. ‘I [hãŋ] hùu didn’t eat anything.’ [háʔdò] v. bite off or eat something using the mouth only, without using the hands to bring the food to the mouth, as when plucking berries from a bush using the mouth directly. hàʔ- hii- hùutóo [hùutóo (kê)] adj. light; not dark. hùulyíʔ [hùulyíʔ (kè)] n. fat; oil. adj. fatty; greasy; oily. hùɲíñ [hùɲ� ̃́ (kê)] n. pestle (large, for pounding v. feel around using the hand, when unable to see. híi- ɲíbù. [hùu] pro.int. who. síi hûu nâ? ‘Who is this?’ rice). [híidó] v. chant a variety of chant, esp. of a húbyú [húbyú] n. scum; film or scum on surface of a boiled liquid, such as milk, meat or beans. 57 74 Post and Tage: Apatani phonology and lexicon, with a special focus on tone 2 • knit clothing. húbyú [húbyú] v. boil, of water; be boiling. in a paddy field. hùrbúu [hùrbúu (kê)] n. drainage pipe (wood or hò bamboo) in a paddy field. 2 • on (a particular date). no Monday ho Pasighat into ha? ‘Did you go to Pasighat on Monday?’ bulbifera). [húlí] n. boil; pimple. húʔ- [húʔdó] v. 1 • shake; be shaking. 2 • shake [hò] Var: -o (freq. enclitic form) dem.pos. 1 • there, nearer to the addressee. hùláʔ [hùláʔ (kè)] n. aerial yam (Dioscorea húlí [hèʔtéʔ (kê)] n. drainage channel hèʔtéʔ hùbyúu [hùbyúu (kê)] n. sheath. hóo- [hóodó] v. feed food, as to animals. hòogyáa [hòogyáa (kê)] n. var. of wildcat; something. leopard. hùʔbíñ [hùʔb� ̃́ (kê)] n. sweat. v. sweat. he [he ~ e] Var: =e (more freq. enclitic form) art. hòr- [hórdò] v. glance; move the eyes quickly in a particular direction. the. Marker of old/established information. hóʔ- [hóʔdó] v. hook something; pull or scrape something by hooking using a finger, as when removing the root of a weed, or pulling the trigger of a gun. hèmpə́r Var: hèmprə́ (r-variation). [hèmpə́r (kè)] adv. very. moo hèmpə́r kae do. ‘He’s very big.’ hela [ela] Var: ela (freq. enclitic form) cnj. and. héñ- [héndó] v. 1 • think. 2 • like; love. h� ̀ɨ [h� ̀ɨ] dem. that, closer to the addressee than to the speaker. ɲíʔxã̂ ela ˀáɲì ‘twenty-two’. h� ́ɨn� ̀ [h� ́ɨn� ̀] n. cow; female cattle. h� ́ɨbó [h� ́ɨbó] n. cattle bull. héñt� ̀ [héñt� ̀] v. boast. h� ́kì héñmò [hémò] v. rest; take a rest; take a break [h� ́kì] n. stillbirth. h� ́kì b� ̀t� ́ʔ ‘stillborn’. h� ́ɲì [h� ́ɲì] dem. those two, closer to the addressee than to the speaker. (as from working). héʔ- [héʔdó] v. 1 • shovel; dig or dig out in a twisting, shovelling fashion, as though to extricate something, whether using a tool or one’s finger. 58 75