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Terrorist killings at Iranian parliament and mausoleum of Ayatollah Khomeini bring into focus something Riyadh and Tehran have in common – the stoking of ethnic tensions and proxy wars they use to destabilise each other
2020
By the start of governing Saudi Arabia in 2015, Salman bin Abdulaziz Al Saud (Salman of Saudi Arabia) shows that he is keen on leadership in the Middle East. Also, his thirty-year-old prince, Mohammad bin Salman Al Saud, considers gaining the power behind the throne as a major goal in the country’s future. Saudi Arabia assigns the Islamic Republic of Iran as the biggest obstacle in achieving these goals. After the “Mina catastrophe”, the execution of Nimr al-Nimr (Sheikh Nimr) who was a prominent Shia cleric, and the attack on the Saudi Arabia embassy in Tehran, the relations between these two countries was damaged and eventually suspended. The quality of relations between these two countries determines the region’s level of security. So, investigating the foreign policy of Saudi Arabia after Salman’s inauguration can bring a clearer perspective on the future of these two countries’ relations. There is a question here that is what are the motivations and reasons for creating tension...
New York Times, 2017
Alma- Research and Education Center, 2022
Saudi Arabia and Lebanon have been in a complex relationship for many years. Since Lebanon's civil war in 1975, Saudi Arabia intervened as a mediator. Saudi Arabia was the sponsor of the Taif Agreement in 1989, which regulated the fabric of the power relations between the different ethnic groups, granted Syria status in Lebanon, and left Hezbollah's weapons in its hands. Saudi Arabia also helped in the reconstruction of Lebanon through huge financial investments. The rise of the Islamic Republic of Iran in 1979 led Saudi Arabia to strongly support the Sunnis in Lebanon to prevent Iranian influence. Hezbollah's growth under Iranian auspices and its dominance in the Lebanese political system have increased tensions with the Sunni parties. The assassination of Rafik al-Hariri, prime minister of Lebanon, in February 2005 led to a significant change. Saudi Arabia blamed the murder of its protégé on Syria and Hezbollah. A situation was created in which Lebanon began to serve as the basis for the struggle for hegemony in the Islamic world: between Sunni Saudi Arabia and Shiite Iran. This struggle expanded crossing borders, such as Syria, Yemen, Iraq, and Bahrain.
Saudi Arabia’s latest moves that precipitated the recent escalation in Sunni-Shiite sectarian tension in the Middle East are indicative of its sense of vulnerability about its mounting challenges as Iran normalises relations with the international community.
Gazi Akademik Bakış, 2022
Iran's confrontation with the USA and its allies within the framework of its revolutionary Islamic identity has led many Arab countries, especially Saudi Arabia, to be vigilant. After the 1979 Iranian Revolution, the relations between Iran and Saudi Arabia deteriorated fundamentally, and the ideological and geopolitical struggle between the two countries deepened. This situation not only affected the two countries, but also drew many countries in the region to the firing line. While regional instability has increased in the Middle East, sectarian rivalry and ideological struggle have also escalated. The Arab Spring process, on the other hand, made the Hobbesian anarchic structure among the Middle Eastern states even more evident. In this respect, after the Arab Spring, an axis of tension has emerged between Iran and Saudi Arabia, covering countries such as Yemen, Syria, Lebanon, Iraq and Bahrain. The hottest point of this tension axis has been Yemen. As a matter of fact, the progress of the Zaydi Houthis, known as Shiite, in Yemen was supported by Iran, but was found unacceptable by Saudi Arabia and its allies. Ultimately, Saudi Arabia and its allies started a struggle against the Houthis, which they saw as part of Shiite expansionism. On the other hand, with the aggressive policy of Saudi Arabia towards them, the Houthis have further developed their relations with Iran for pragmatic and ideological reasons. In essence, the Houthis, which emerged as a result of Yemen's local and social problems, gradually became another denominator in the equation of the Iran-Saudi Arabia rivalry.
The Middle East region is once again a tinderbox as tensions are rising between Saudi Arabia and Iran to new heights. Although hostility between the two States has been simmering for decades, two new factors have served to cause their mutual enmity to heat up further. The first is the presidency of Donald J. Trump in the United States. The second is the rise of Mohammad bin Salman (MBS in the vernacular) as heir-apparent to the Saudi kingship. Both of these leaders are hostile to Iran, and highly friendly to each other. This heightened alliance has created a new dynamic relationship in the Middle East. MBS is young, ambitious and seeking a new and heightened role for Saudi Arabia in the Middle East and the world. Trump is anxious to flex American muscle wherever he is able. For both, Iran is a highly suitable target.
2016
Relations between Sunni-dominated Saudi Arabia and Shiite Iran have long been strained, but the two countries broke off diplomatic ties after Saudi Arabia executed a Shiite cleric in the New Year. Ali Fathollah-Nejad and Sebastian Sons, associate fellows at the German Council on Foreign Relations, a Berlin-based think tank, answer five key questions on what this latest conflict between two of the key powers in the Middle East, means.
The Ukrainian Numismatic Annual. , 2022
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