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2012, Http Dx Doi Org 10 1080 21550085 2012 685596
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The paper critically examines the implications of human enhancement as proposed by Liao et al. (2012), particularly focusing on the balance between societal benefit and individual autonomy. It addresses the ethical concerns related to coercion in behavioral modification strategies aimed at promoting social cooperation, as influenced by neurochemical interventions like oxytocin. The analysis questions whether the enhancement of citizens to act in accordance with societal interests undermines the foundational values of freedom and moral responsibility, ultimately challenging the moral landscape of a modified society.
Most philosophers and psychologists who have explored the psychology of climate change have focused only on motivational issues—getting people to act on what morality requires of them. This is misleading, however, because there are other psychological processes directed not at motivation but rather our ability to grasp the implications of climate change in a general way—what Stephen Gardiner has called the ‘grasping problem’. Taking the grasping problem as my departure point, I draw two conclusions from the relevant psychological literature: 1) ethicists and policy makers should focus less on changing individuals’ behaviors and more on changing policy; and 2) even though solutions to climate change must come at the level of policy, progress on this front will be limited by incompatible moral norms.
We do not necessarily need new technologies to avert the climate crisis. Instead, historical and contemporary examples suggest that changes to individual behavior can do much to lower greenhouse gas emissions and respond to climate change. On September 16, 1991, a small group of scientists sealed themselves inside Biosphere II, a glittering 3.2 acre glass and metal dome in Oracle, Arizona, built by some of the world's finest engineers. Two years later, when this radical attempt to replicate Earth's ecosystems through technology ended, the engineered environment was dying and Biosphere II failed to generate breathable air, drinkable water, and adequate food for just eight people.[1] The lessons from this experience are numerous and possibly prophetic. Biosphere II underscores that even our best technology cannot yet provide many of the ecosystem services which human beings need to survive. It suggests that we do not understand the natural systems that we depend upon well enough to replicate them. And it implies that trying to provide things like a stable climate or clean water with technology is expensive: the eight researchers inside Biosphere needed $200 million worth of high-tech equipment to produce only air, water, and food. Put in the context of the climate crisis, the warning is dire: we may not be able to design our way out of the problem. A far simpler and certain option would be to substantially reduce the activities that emit greenhouse gases and damage the planet. To advance this argument, this essay begins by drawing from three historical examples to show how optimism in technology and human ingenuity can be misplaced. It then explains how a pernicious web of social, cultural, political, and economic barriers prevent us from using greenhouse gas-reducing technologies that would often benefit us. Lastly, it focuses on what individuals can do, merely by changing their behavior and using existing technology, to significantly reduce their carbon footprints.
Ramon Llull Journal of Applied Ethics, 2020
Tackling climate change is one of the most demanding challenges of humanity in the 21 st century. Still, the efforts to mitigate the current environmental crisis do not seem enough to deal with the increased existential risks for the human being and other species. Persson and Savulescu have proposed that our evolutionarily forged moral psychology is one of the impediments to facing as enormous a problem as global warming. They suggested that if we want to address properly some of the most pressing problems that cause catastrophic harm to our existence, we should enhance our moral behavior by biomedical means. The objective of this paper is, precisely, to reflect on whether a Moral Bio-Enhancement (henceforth MBE) program would be a viable option to confront the climate emergency. To meet this goal, I will propose the Ultimate Mostropic (hereafter UM) thought experiment, a hypothetical situation where we have already discovered the UM, an available, safe (without any deleterious secondary effects), extremely cheap and effective pill to enhance our cognitive, affective and motivational abilities related to morality. After briefly presenting the main argument of Persson and Savulescu regarding MBE and climate change, I will point out some of the difficulties that make MBE a daunting but exciting philosophical and scientific debate. In order to overcome these complications, I will describe the UM thought experiment, which involves two scenarios of the MBE program: (a) the state-driven, compulsory and universal enterprise, and (b) the initiative of voluntary individuals. I will show that the shortcomings of MBE programs through the UM in both scenarios make Persson and Savulescu's proposal a not appealing pathway to mitigate climate change. In the final section, I will suggest that an inaccurate attribution of responsibilities underlies their proposal and that the collective inaction problem should be redirected primarily through a reinforcement of the political nature of the solutions.
Individual behaviour is an important aspect of climate mitigation. After an initial focus on large industrial sources, developments in the social and behavioural sciences and legal theory in the 1990s and early 2000s have supported the development of new initiatives targeted at individuals and households. The initiatives have included local, state and national government use of traditional regulatory measures, market mechanisms and behavioural interventions. In recent years, gridlock in the US and other countries over climate policy also has led to increasing use of private and public-private hybrid initiatives in climate change mitigation. The complex influences on individual behaviour and the challenges of designing and implementing large-scale, effective interventions have resulted in large gaps in existing knowledge and many opportunities for research in law, policy and social science.
Environmental Values, 2011
Can unilateral action be an effective response to global climate change? baylor Johnson worries that a focus on unilateral action by individuals will detract from efforts to secure collective agreements to address the problem. Although Johnson and I agree that individuals have some obligation to reduce their personal emissions, we differ in the degree to which we see personal reductions as effective in spurring broader change. I argue that 'unilateral reductions' can have communicative value and that they can change the structure of collective action problems, making such problems easier to solve. since collective action problems are much less tractable where individuals abide by the tenets of traditional game theory and much more tractable where individuals are oriented to cooperate and to trust that others will reciprocate, we need moral norms that promote individual restraint in exploitation of the commons, and we ought ourselves to abide by those norms.
2015
forthcoming), so perhaps an answer to this question is forthcoming. The second point worth making about Varner's discussion of human population policy in Chapter 9 is that Hare's theory clearly has many further applications that extend beyond the two-volume scope of Varner's project and its focus on selecting intuitive-level rules governing our treatment of animals. Should these applications be pursued in future scholarly work, we should hope that those issues receive treatment that is at least as careful, cautious, and empirically-informed as the work that Varner presents here.
The dragons of inaction are psychological barriers to pro-environmental behavior change related to anthropogenic climate change (Gifford, 2011). I introduce the concept of an axis of attitude which ranges from dogmatism to persuasibility. I then present a model of environmental volition, examine the research on both dogmatism and persuasibility, discuss the basic design of attitudinal change experiments, and then propose nine types of indicators that can be used to measure it. Each functional layer in the model of environmental volition is then explained and the dragons most closely associated with each layer are listed and described along with at least one method for countering each one.
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