Imagineering Chinese mega-cities in the age of globalization

鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅‰鐅鐗鐕鐖鐙鐓鐅鐪鑉鑜鑆鑗鑉鐅鐪鑑鑌鑆鑗鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗 鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓 6. Imagineering Chinese mega-cities in the age of globalization Emma Björner In this chapter, I elaborate on city branding strategies and practices in four Chinese mega-cities, namely Beijing, Shanghai, Chengdu and Chongqing. I also discuss some overall patterns related to the branding of Chinese mega-cities in the age of globalization. The observations made and presented in this chapter are based on data gathered from fieldwork, literature and secondary sources, and are an integrated part of a larger research project on international positioning of Chinese mega-cities. GLOBAL CITIES AND CHINA’S INTERNATIONALIZATION Today, cities all over the world want to become international, world class and global cities (Paul, 2004). Also for the majority of cities in the developing and transitional parts of the world, being a global city has turned into a primary goal (Wei, Leung and Luo, 2006). Attracting global capital investment such as corporate headquarters, production facilities and downtown skyscrapers, as well as circulating capital (for example culture, events and tourism) with the help of an international city identity has almost become a universal development strategy. The very concept ‘global’ has moreover become an iconic spatial metaphor with substantial political power (Yeoh, 2005). In China, the concept of globalization entered political, ideological and scholarly discourse in the mid-1990s. Since the early 21st century, leaders and theorists of the Chinese Communist Party have been increasingly aware of the opportunities that globalization offers China (Knight, 2008). In addition, China’s entry into the World Trade Organization, and the expansion of the market economy, have pushed China and Chinese cities into the age of globalization (Wu and Ma, 2006). In a report from the Chinese government, released in 2003, the strategy proposed was to open up further by integrating ‘bringing in’ and ‘going global’ tactics (Knight, 106 鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐖鐖鐔鐗鐖鐔鐗鐕鐖鐚鐅鐖鐕鐟鐕鐚鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐸鐹鐴鐨鐰鐭鐴鐱鐲鐅鐺鐳鐮鐻 鐦鐳鐟鐅鐜鐛鐗鐚鐕鐖鐅鐠鐅鐧鑏鑔鑗鑓鑊鑗鐑鐅鐪鑒鑒鑆鐑鐅鐧鑊鑗鑌鐑鐅鐵鑊鑗鐒鐴鑑鑔鑋鐓鐠鐅鐧鑗鑆鑓鑉鑎鑓鑌鐅鐨鑍鑎鑓鑊鑘鑊鐅鐲鑊鑌鑆鐒鑈鑎鑙鑎鑊鑘鐅鐟鐅鐵鑔鑑鑎鑈鑎鑊鑘鐑鐅鐵鑗鑆鑈鑙鑎鑈鑊鑘鐅鑆鑓鑉 鐵鑔鑘鑎鑙鑎鑔鑓鑎鑓鑌 鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐘鐞鐖鐗鐛鐞鐝 鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅‰鐅鐗鐕鐖鐙鐓鐅鐪鑉鑜鑆鑗鑉鐅鐪鑑鑌鑆鑗鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗 鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓 Imagineering Chinese mega-cities in the age of globalization 107 2008). Furthermore, the Chinese government is creating an economy shaped by a desire to participate in the global economy (Guthrie, 2009). China is also today taking an increasingly powerful position in the world, and is progressively integrating with the world economy (Wang and Zheng, 2010). During the past two decades, along with China’s rapid economic development, many Chinese cities have increasingly tried to change their relationship to the global economy, and set their sights on becoming international cities (Yulong and Hamnett, 2002). It has been stated that cities like Shanghai, Beijing and Guangzhou have taken the lead in terms of integration with the global economy, encouraged by China’s economic reforms and open-door policy (Wei and Yu, 2006). Shanghai and Beijing are moreover regarded as emerging global cities (Wei et al., 2006). In an Economist Intelligence Unit Report (2012), a large number of Chinese cities ranked at the very top in terms of economic strength. Among the top 14 cities ranking highest in economic strength, 11 were Chinese: (1) Tianjin, (2) Shenzhen, (3) Dalian, (4) New York, (5) Doha, (6) Guangzhou, (7) Shanghai, (8) Tokyo, (9) Chongqing, (10) Beijing, (11) Qingdao, (12) Chengdu, (13) Suzhou, and (14) Hangzhou. In the 2012 Global Cities Index (a joint study by A.T. Kearney and the Chicago Council on Global Affairs), New York, London, Paris and Tokyo ranked among today’s top cities. Beijing and Shanghai are however estimated to become significant rivals in the next 10 to 20 years. Guangzhou, Shenzhen and Chongqing are also mentioned in the Cities Index. China’s thriving economy, its growing middle class, and its investments in infrastructure are components pushing the nation and its cities towards greater global presence (2012 Global Cities Index). Many Chinese cities are encouraged by the central government to internationalize. In the 1990s, the ‘global city’ concept was promoted in plans for cities like Beijing and Shanghai. In China’s 11th Five-Year Plan (2006–10), building world city regions was established as a national strategy (Yang and Liang, 2012). Large cities are often regarded as possessing strong competitive advantage over smaller cities due to for example their superior information infrastructure (Zhao et al., 2003). Yang and Liang (2012) have proposed that the first aim is to create modern, international cities; the second stage is that the cities establish positions as modern international cities with distinct features; and the third phase includes entering the global cities index. 鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐖鐖鐔鐗鐖鐔鐗鐕鐖鐚鐅鐖鐕鐟鐕鐚鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐸鐹鐴鐨鐰鐭鐴鐱鐲鐅鐺鐳鐮鐻 鐦鐳鐟鐅鐜鐛鐗鐚鐕鐖鐅鐠鐅鐧鑏鑔鑗鑓鑊鑗鐑鐅鐪鑒鑒鑆鐑鐅鐧鑊鑗鑌鐑鐅鐵鑊鑗鐒鐴鑑鑔鑋鐓鐠鐅鐧鑗鑆鑓鑉鑎鑓鑌鐅鐨鑍鑎鑓鑊鑘鑊鐅鐲鑊鑌鑆鐒鑈鑎鑙鑎鑊鑘鐅鐟鐅鐵鑔鑑鑎鑈鑎鑊鑘鐑鐅鐵鑗鑆鑈鑙鑎鑈鑊鑘鐅鑆鑓鑉 鐵鑔鑘鑎鑙鑎鑔鑓鑎鑓鑌 鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐘鐞鐖鐗鐛鐞鐝 鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅‰鐅鐗鐕鐖鐙鐓鐅鐪鑉鑜鑆鑗鑉鐅鐪鑑鑌鑆鑗鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗 鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓 108 Branding Chinese mega-cities THE BRANDING OF FOUR CHINESE MEGA-CITIES The cities in focus in this chapter are Beijing, Shanghai, Chengdu and Chongqing. These cities were selected due to their size, potential to qualify as world-, global-, and/or mega-cities, as well as their involvement in city branding. Other reasons for the choice of the selected cities were that Beijing and Shanghai are relatively well-known around the world, whereas Chongqing and Chengdu are less known outside China. On this basis, one can assume that these cities have different strategies when it comes to city branding targeting international audiences. The cities discussed in this chapter are also geographically located in different parts of China, have varying historical pasts, have different competitive edges, and appear to be branded dissimilarly. The information presented in this chapter is based on data from fieldwork in Beijing, Shanghai, Chengdu and Chongqing, carried out from 2011 until 2013. The data collected includes 40 semi-structured interviews, documentation (printed materials, pictures, etc.) and observations made in the cities. The findings presented in this chapter are also based on literature and secondary sources (online materials, policies and plans, etc.). Interviewees were people working with (and/or with knowledge of) city branding in Chinese mega-cities, such as government officials, representatives from tourism and investment organizations, city branding consultants, representatives of news agencies and media companies, researchers, and so forth. The questions asked were related to city branding in the age of globalization, focusing on city branding strategies and practices in the four cities. Beijing The 1992 Asian Games in Beijing is put forth as the starting point for Beijing and the Chinese government to have gained first insights into city branding and nation branding. The Beijing Olympic Games in 2008 implied increased understanding for branding strategies and practices, not least in relation to international audiences. The motto for the 2008 Olympics and the theme ‘One World, One Dream’ was in line with China’s ‘bringing in’ and ‘going global’ tactics, as well as the nation’s eagerness ‘to move to the centre from a marginal position, and equally participate in building a new global order’ (Knight, 2008, p. 171). Internationally, the Olympic Games was also a sign of China’s rising international status and economic achievements (Gries and Rosen, 2010). As the capital, Beijing has an image closely intertwined with it being the political and cultural centre of China. Beijing is aiming to move away from 鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐖鐖鐔鐗鐖鐔鐗鐕鐖鐚鐅鐖鐕鐟鐕鐚鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐸鐹鐴鐨鐰鐭鐴鐱鐲鐅鐺鐳鐮鐻 鐦鐳鐟鐅鐜鐛鐗鐚鐕鐖鐅鐠鐅鐧鑏鑔鑗鑓鑊鑗鐑鐅鐪鑒鑒鑆鐑鐅鐧鑊鑗鑌鐑鐅鐵鑊鑗鐒鐴鑑鑔鑋鐓鐠鐅鐧鑗鑆鑓鑉鑎鑓鑌鐅鐨鑍鑎鑓鑊鑘鑊鐅鐲鑊鑌鑆鐒鑈鑎鑙鑎鑊鑘鐅鐟鐅鐵鑔鑑鑎鑈鑎鑊鑘鐑鐅鐵鑗鑆鑈鑙鑎鑈鑊鑘鐅鑆鑓鑉 鐵鑔鑘鑎鑙鑎鑔鑓鑎鑓鑌 鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐘鐞鐖鐗鐛鐞鐝 鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅‰鐅鐗鐕鐖鐙鐓鐅鐪鑉鑜鑆鑗鑉鐅鐪鑑鑌鑆鑗鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗 鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓 Imagineering Chinese mega-cities in the age of globalization 109 being too much connected to politics, and instead focus on becoming a centre for education, health, culture and technology. Recently, Beijing has been positioned as a ‘world city’ (Yao and Shi, 2012), signalling an aim to reach international audiences, and create a city with the same standards as established ‘world’ and ‘global’ cities. In addition to being regarded as a world city, the overall strategic goal set for Beijing by the central Chinese government is that by 2050 Beijing will be a sustainable city with economic, social and ecological coordination (Yao and Shi, 2012). Beijing also aims to be a liveable city, as well as a global innovation centre. The internationalization process in China and Beijing has contributed to the availability of sophisticated technology, first-class infrastructure, and human capital (He, Li and Wu, 2006). All over China, innovative areas and creative zones have been and are being established. Zhongguancun (Beijing High-Technology Industry Development Experimental Zone) in northwest Beijing is one such example, often referred to as China’s Silicon Valley. In 2010, Zhongguancun proposed and implemented a ‘1+6’ policy, where 1 stands for establishing a platform for innovation resources, and 6 stands for six policy issues to support the implementation of pilot reforms in the zone (Yang and Liang, 2012). In Beijing, creative zones like the ‘798 Art Zone’, located in the northeast of central Beijing have also been created. In 2002, artists and cultural organizations started re-making the factory spaces of previous factory buildings, (including Factory 798, which originally produced electronics), developing them into arts centres, galleries, artists’ studios, design companies, etc. Shanghai In the early 20th century, Shanghai was an international harbour with plenty of foreign investment. The vast majority of foreigners in China resided there. In 1949, when China closed its doors to the world, almost all foreigners and international companies left Shanghai, and did not return in the following 30 years. Today, Shanghai is again China’s most international city, and a major financial centre with influence in commerce, culture, finance, media, fashion, technology and transport. Since 2010, Shanghai has been the busiest container port in the world, taking the lead from Singapore. Shanghai’s port is regarded as China’s most important gateway for foreign trade, and a critically important transport hub for the Yangtze region. The port is situated in the middle of the 18,000 km long Chinese coast where the Yangtze River flows into the sea (SIPG, 2011). A key target set for Shanghai is to be a centre of international excellence and a world-leading centre in finance, economy, trade, shipping, 鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐖鐖鐔鐗鐖鐔鐗鐕鐖鐚鐅鐖鐕鐟鐕鐚鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐸鐹鐴鐨鐰鐭鐴鐱鐲鐅鐺鐳鐮鐻 鐦鐳鐟鐅鐜鐛鐗鐚鐕鐖鐅鐠鐅鐧鑏鑔鑗鑓鑊鑗鐑鐅鐪鑒鑒鑆鐑鐅鐧鑊鑗鑌鐑鐅鐵鑊鑗鐒鐴鑑鑔鑋鐓鐠鐅鐧鑗鑆鑓鑉鑎鑓鑌鐅鐨鑍鑎鑓鑊鑘鑊鐅鐲鑊鑌鑆鐒鑈鑎鑙鑎鑊鑘鐅鐟鐅鐵鑔鑑鑎鑈鑎鑊鑘鐑鐅鐵鑗鑆鑈鑙鑎鑈鑊鑘鐅鑆鑓鑉 鐵鑔鑘鑎鑙鑎鑔鑓鑎鑓鑌 鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐘鐞鐖鐗鐛鐞鐝 鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅‰鐅鐗鐕鐖鐙鐓鐅鐪鑉鑜鑆鑗鑉鐅鐪鑑鑌鑆鑗鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗 鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓 110 Branding Chinese mega-cities sustainability and creativity. The goal for Shanghai is also to be a world city, make a mark on the world map, and challenge the status of cities like New York, London and Hong Kong. Shanghai has been compared with cities like Tokyo, Seoul, Beijing and Hong Kong (Hui and Yue, 2006). It has been claimed that Shanghai is being restructured as a critical space for re-integrating China into the world economy (Wu, 2003), and that Shanghai is not only seen as a gateway to one of the fastest growing economies in the world, but also regarded as a potential global city in the future (Wai, 2006). Skyscrapers have come to characterize Shanghai, and the 460-meter high TV tower (the Oriental Pearl) along the Huangpu River is one of the buildings that presents the image of a booming city (Wu, 2003). Many of the eye-catching buildings in Shanghai – such as the Hyatt and Shanghai World Financial Centre – are also designed by foreign architects. The planning of new buildings has largely been based on international competition, and the aim has been that the buildings are unique. An interviewee stated: ‘It’s like a zoo. The market created the diversity’. The city authorities have however also decided to conserve some old parts of Shanghai, such as the Yu Gardens and the neighbouring ‘Chinatown’, as well as the neo-classical colonialist buildings on the Bund (Ooi, 2010), resulting in a modern yet also very Chinese city (Wu, 2000). City development in Shanghai has included the planning, design and construction of new streets, parks, concert halls, theatres, museums, shopping malls, etc. (Wu, 2003). In order to create and establish a prodevelopment atmosphere in Shanghai, various flagship developments and urban restructuring have taken place with great speed (Wai, 2006). The opening and development of Pudong is one symbol of the new phase of development of Shanghai (Wu, 2000). The aim has also been to create the impression of an ecological and sustainable city, and large green spaces have consequently been planned and constructed in Shanghai (Wu, 2003). In various promotional films of Shanghai, the city is often presented as modern, active, sporty, creative, metropolitan, beautiful, foreignerfriendly and interesting. Shanghai is also associated with luxury, and when Shanghai is used as a city or place of origin, it often symbolizes high-end. Shanghai has been called ‘Paris of the East’ and ‘Paris of the Orient’, stemming from the 1920s and ’30s and the many Western concessions in Shanghai. This past and image have been used in order to boost the new urban image of Shanghai (Wu, 2000). As a step towards the Shanghai World Expo 2010, a new logo and slogan (‘Shanghai China More Discovery More Experience’) was launched. The aim was to brand Shanghai with ‘a fresh look and feel’. Both traditional Chinese and modern values were mixed in the logo. The logo includes a 鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐖鐖鐔鐗鐖鐔鐗鐕鐖鐚鐅鐖鐕鐟鐕鐚鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐸鐹鐴鐨鐰鐭鐴鐱鐲鐅鐺鐳鐮鐻 鐦鐳鐟鐅鐜鐛鐗鐚鐕鐖鐅鐠鐅鐧鑏鑔鑗鑓鑊鑗鐑鐅鐪鑒鑒鑆鐑鐅鐧鑊鑗鑌鐑鐅鐵鑊鑗鐒鐴鑑鑔鑋鐓鐠鐅鐧鑗鑆鑓鑉鑎鑓鑌鐅鐨鑍鑎鑓鑊鑘鑊鐅鐲鑊鑌鑆鐒鑈鑎鑙鑎鑊鑘鐅鐟鐅鐵鑔鑑鑎鑈鑎鑊鑘鐑鐅鐵鑗鑆鑈鑙鑎鑈鑊鑘鐅鑆鑓鑉 鐵鑔鑘鑎鑙鑎鑔鑓鑎鑓鑌 鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐘鐞鐖鐗鐛鐞鐝 鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅‰鐅鐗鐕鐖鐙鐓鐅鐪鑉鑜鑆鑗鑉鐅鐪鑑鑌鑆鑗鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗 鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓 Imagineering Chinese mega-cities in the age of globalization 111 ‘sea wave’ pattern in blue of a traditional Chinese style, along with black Chinese characters ‘Shang’ (Ϟ) and ‘Hai’ (⍋) written in the cursive style of calligraphy. The text ‘Shanghai 2010’ was instead written in Latin characters and Arabic numerals, intending to symbolize the international spirit of Shanghai (BrandSource, 2011). With this logo and slogan, Shanghai aimed to position itself for the World Expo 2010, but also beyond. Perlman (1990) has claimed that mega-cities often provide a good location for research and innovation as well as creating, testing and disseminating new technologies. In Shanghai the focus on research, innovation and development is taking various forms. At the beginning of 2013, China’s Premier Li Keqiang pointed out that China wants to develop Shanghai with a certain focus on innovation and development. Shanghai’s Vice Mayor, Weng Tiehui, recently described Shanghai as ‘a city of opportunity’, and emphasized the need for the city to focus on scientific development (Weng, 2013). Wu Fulong (2013), a renowned professor in planning and urban development, has furthermore claimed that Shanghai is becoming one of the 20 largest biopharma complexes in the world, emphasizing Zhangjiang National Demonstration Zone of Indigenous Innovation in Shanghai as one interesting example. There are various creative hubs in Shanghai – such as ‘2577 Creative Garden’, ‘Red Town’ and ‘1933 Creative Hub’ (a former slaughterhouse) – boosting an innovative and creative atmosphere in the city. Shanghai Municipal Tourism Administration is moreover promoting creative and innovative areas in the city, under the name and campaign: ‘Shanghai – A City of Innovation’. Furthermore, Shanghai’s prestigious universities (such as Fudan University, Jiaoting University and Tongji University) attract some of the best students and scholars to Shanghai and assist in profiling Shanghai as a research and a talent hub. Chongqing If the city of Shenzhen symbolised China in the 1980s and Pudong (the new part of Shanghai) symbolised it in the 1990s, many people now see Chongqing [. . .] as the embodiment of China in the first decade of the twenty-first century (Cui, 2012, p. 27) Chongqing is located in the central part of China, in Sichuan province, in the conjunction between the more developed eastern parts of China, and the less developed western parts. In 1997, Chongqing became a municipality, and the fourth city directly controlled by the Chinese government. Since the late 1990s, one of Chongqing’s missions has been to assist in the development of the western parts of China, in line with China’s policy for the west of the country. Another challenge and mission has been to come 鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐖鐖鐔鐗鐖鐔鐗鐕鐖鐚鐅鐖鐕鐟鐕鐚鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐸鐹鐴鐨鐰鐭鐴鐱鐲鐅鐺鐳鐮鐻 鐦鐳鐟鐅鐜鐛鐗鐚鐕鐖鐅鐠鐅鐧鑏鑔鑗鑓鑊鑗鐑鐅鐪鑒鑒鑆鐑鐅鐧鑊鑗鑌鐑鐅鐵鑊鑗鐒鐴鑑鑔鑋鐓鐠鐅鐧鑗鑆鑓鑉鑎鑓鑌鐅鐨鑍鑎鑓鑊鑘鑊鐅鐲鑊鑌鑆鐒鑈鑎鑙鑎鑊鑘鐅鐟鐅鐵鑔鑑鑎鑈鑎鑊鑘鐑鐅鐵鑗鑆鑈鑙鑎鑈鑊鑘鐅鑆鑓鑉 鐵鑔鑘鑎鑙鑎鑔鑓鑎鑓鑌 鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐘鐞鐖鐗鐛鐞鐝 鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅‰鐅鐗鐕鐖鐙鐓鐅鐪鑉鑜鑆鑗鑉鐅鐪鑑鑌鑆鑗鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗 鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓 112 Branding Chinese mega-cities to terms with imbalance and inequality in Chongqing, which exist in part because Chongqing includes both city and rural areas. As a response to these challenges and missions, Chongqing has taken various measures, and engaged in city development and city branding projects. In the past 30 years, Chongqing has been branded in various ways, with different aims and target groups. In 1997, the concept ‘Dream City’ was created and promoted, with the intention to attract people to Chongqing who ‘wanted to make their dreams come true’. Following that, Chongqing was promoted as the ‘City of Magic’ – as a response to the very rapid development (seen as magic) of the city. During my fieldwork in Chongqing in 2011, two related city development/city branding projects were taking place in the city – namely the ‘Mutual wealthy’ and the ‘Five Chongqing’ – related to the mission to solve imbalance and inequality in the city. The ‘Five Chongqing’ included five keywords, namely Liveable, Smooth, Healthy, Safe and Green/Forest. ‘Liveable Chongqing’ includes, for example, public rental housing to disadvantaged and low-income families, as well as recent graduates looking for a job or about to start their own business. ‘Smooth Chongqing’ refers to traffic, and both improving the traffic in the central parts of the city as well as making it easier and faster to travel to various parts of the more distant areas of Chongqing. ‘Healthy Chongqing’ involves for example projects aimed at school children, including building playgrounds in schools to encourage exercise. The aim of ‘Safe Chongqing’ is to make Chongqing a safer place to live in and visit. An interviewee explained that, ‘one initiative is small police stations that have been built on the streets around the city, enabling police to act faster when a crime is committed’. ‘Green (or Forest) Chongqing’ means making the city greener and a better place to live by for example planting more trees. At the time of my fieldwork in Chongqing large posters and billboards could be spotted all over the city – exhibiting pictures and words resembling the ‘Five Chongqing’. Also the city logo ‘Renren’ could be seen in various parts of the city. Renren (ҎҎ) means two people in Chinese. As explained to me by some interviewees, the ‘two people’ when put one before the other, also resembles the qing character (ᑚ) in Chongqing (䞡ᑚ). Furthermore, the logo is in red and yellow colours, selected for a variety of reasons: because they are regarded as happy colours in China; because red indicates the government whereas yellow signifies the residents; and because red is meant to symbolise local enterprises, and yellow foreign enterprises. The logo, and the ‘two people’ in it, was furthermore created to represent a desire that people in Chongqing do things together, and work together – I was told. The government in Chongqing is focusing on cultural exchange and collaboration with foreign media, with the aim of gaining attention for the 鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐖鐖鐔鐗鐖鐔鐗鐕鐖鐚鐅鐖鐕鐟鐕鐚鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐸鐹鐴鐨鐰鐭鐴鐱鐲鐅鐺鐳鐮鐻 鐦鐳鐟鐅鐜鐛鐗鐚鐕鐖鐅鐠鐅鐧鑏鑔鑗鑓鑊鑗鐑鐅鐪鑒鑒鑆鐑鐅鐧鑊鑗鑌鐑鐅鐵鑊鑗鐒鐴鑑鑔鑋鐓鐠鐅鐧鑗鑆鑓鑉鑎鑓鑌鐅鐨鑍鑎鑓鑊鑘鑊鐅鐲鑊鑌鑆鐒鑈鑎鑙鑎鑊鑘鐅鐟鐅鐵鑔鑑鑎鑈鑎鑊鑘鐑鐅鐵鑗鑆鑈鑙鑎鑈鑊鑘鐅鑆鑓鑉 鐵鑔鑘鑎鑙鑎鑔鑓鑎鑓鑌 鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐘鐞鐖鐗鐛鐞鐝 鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅‰鐅鐗鐕鐖鐙鐓鐅鐪鑉鑜鑆鑗鑉鐅鐪鑑鑌鑆鑗鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗 鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓 Imagineering Chinese mega-cities in the age of globalization 113 city among international audiences. At the time of the present study, the city development and city branding efforts in Chongqing were however primarily focused on people in the city, and thus ‘internal audiences’. In the extension though, interviewees working with development and branding of Chongqing expressed an eagerness to communicate what they called Chongqing’s ‘success story’. One of the interviewees in Chongqing for example maintained that imbalance and inequality are problems facing countries all over the world, even developed nations like the United States: ‘The government of Chongqing wants to show a good example of how this problem can be solved, to China and the world’. A poster in Chongqing also hinted at an eagerness to communicate to international audiences about Chongqing’s achievements, with the words: ‘Let Chongqing march to the world and let the world learn about Chongqing’. Chengdu Chengdu, like Chongqing, is located in Sichuan province. The target set for Chengdu is to be among the third tier cities in the world, benchmarking against cities like Melbourne, Amsterdam, Frankfurt and Seattle. The objective is also to brand Chengdu targeting Japan, Korea, North America and Europe. In terms of Chengdu’s international positioning efforts, the goal is to increase awareness of Chengdu among international audiences. International positioning is also related to the overall internationalization strategy of the city. In terms of tourism, an interviewee pointed out that the ‘objective of Chengdu is to build a truly international tourism destination’. The stated objectives overall for the city additionally include creating economic development and a good image, to facilitate and boost the services industry, and to improve the city infrastructure. In the last 10 years, Chengdu has been promoted globally more and more. Between 2003 and 2008, Chengdu was mainly involved in domestic city branding. In 2008, when Sichuan province and Chengdu suffered from an earthquake taking the lives of approximately 70,000 people, about 3,000 journalists came to Chengdu. As expressed by one of the interviewees: ‘This became a trigger and a starting point to rebuild the image of Chengdu’. In 2008, at the time of the Wenchuan earthquake, an international consulting company began to work with Chengdu’s government, and started conducting research internationally about the perception of Chengdu. The research was intended to improve the image of Chengdu, and to understand the desires of international audiences, mainly focusing on markets and audiences in the USA, in Europe and in Asian countries. City branding efforts following the 2008 earthquake focused on communicating that Chengdu was still a safe place to visit and live in. Positioning 鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐖鐖鐔鐗鐖鐔鐗鐕鐖鐚鐅鐖鐕鐟鐕鐚鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐸鐹鐴鐨鐰鐭鐴鐱鐲鐅鐺鐳鐮鐻 鐦鐳鐟鐅鐜鐛鐗鐚鐕鐖鐅鐠鐅鐧鑏鑔鑗鑓鑊鑗鐑鐅鐪鑒鑒鑆鐑鐅鐧鑊鑗鑌鐑鐅鐵鑊鑗鐒鐴鑑鑔鑋鐓鐠鐅鐧鑗鑆鑓鑉鑎鑓鑌鐅鐨鑍鑎鑓鑊鑘鑊鐅鐲鑊鑌鑆鐒鑈鑎鑙鑎鑊鑘鐅鐟鐅鐵鑔鑑鑎鑈鑎鑊鑘鐑鐅鐵鑗鑆鑈鑙鑎鑈鑊鑘鐅鑆鑓鑉 鐵鑔鑘鑎鑙鑎鑔鑓鑎鑓鑌 鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐘鐞鐖鐗鐛鐞鐝 鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅‰鐅鐗鐕鐖鐙鐓鐅鐪鑉鑜鑆鑗鑉鐅鐪鑑鑌鑆鑗鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗 鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓 114 Branding Chinese mega-cities efforts also focused on foreign investment and the rapid growth of Chengdu, targeting investors. After the Wenchuan earthquake, and especially since 2010, the Chengdu government has focused on positioning Chengdu internationally as the ‘Real China’, emphasizing that Chengdu has retained the Chinese culture and some traditional characteristics of the city, but at the same time has modernized and developed economically like the rest of China. Since 2010, the focus in international promotion has also been on the ‘Home of the Panda’, and the image of pandas has been frequently used in international city branding practice. The logo of Chengdu was created in 2011 and resembles four birds in a golden circle, a symbol that goes back 3,000 years in history. Chengdu is regarded as a proactive city at the forefront of city branding strategies and practices in China today. Chengdu is using online branding and social media in its city branding efforts, not least towards international audiences. For the London Olympic Games 2012, 50 taxis used around the Olympic venues were covered with pictures of pandas and information about Chengdu. Inside the taxis, brochures about Chengdu could be found, as well as QR-codes that could be scanned with smartphones – which in turn connected the users to the website ‘GoChengdu’, a site in English which was launched just before the Olympics. PATTERNS OF CHINESE CITY BRANDING IN THE AGE OF GLOBALIZATION After these illustrations of city branding in Beijing, Shanghai, Chongqing and Chengdu, I will next discuss some patterns related to the branding of Chinese mega-cities that have become prominent during my research, under the topics ‘Governance and soft power’, ‘Local, national and global values’, and ‘City imagineering’. Governance and Soft Power Previous literature as well as observations from the field has shown that city branding is more controlled in a Chinese versus a Western context. Wei and Yu (2006) have analysed the features of emerging global cities in China, highlighting the role of the state in globalizing Chinese cities and in directing city branding. It has been claimed that the Chinese nation state encourages Chinese cities to build leading positions and create competitiveness internationally (Xu and Yeh, 2005). The state also influences the development paths of Chinese cities (Wei and Yu, 2006), and the role Chinese cities should play in the world economy (Vogel et al., 2010). At 鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐖鐖鐔鐗鐖鐔鐗鐕鐖鐚鐅鐖鐕鐟鐕鐚鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐸鐹鐴鐨鐰鐭鐴鐱鐲鐅鐺鐳鐮鐻 鐦鐳鐟鐅鐜鐛鐗鐚鐕鐖鐅鐠鐅鐧鑏鑔鑗鑓鑊鑗鐑鐅鐪鑒鑒鑆鐑鐅鐧鑊鑗鑌鐑鐅鐵鑊鑗鐒鐴鑑鑔鑋鐓鐠鐅鐧鑗鑆鑓鑉鑎鑓鑌鐅鐨鑍鑎鑓鑊鑘鑊鐅鐲鑊鑌鑆鐒鑈鑎鑙鑎鑊鑘鐅鐟鐅鐵鑔鑑鑎鑈鑎鑊鑘鐑鐅鐵鑗鑆鑈鑙鑎鑈鑊鑘鐅鑆鑓鑉 鐵鑔鑘鑎鑙鑎鑔鑓鑎鑓鑌 鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐘鐞鐖鐗鐛鐞鐝 鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅‰鐅鐗鐕鐖鐙鐓鐅鐪鑉鑜鑆鑗鑉鐅鐪鑑鑌鑆鑗鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗 鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓 Imagineering Chinese mega-cities in the age of globalization 115 the same time, city branding is often carried out at the local, city level (Wu, 2000). The branding of Chinese mega-cities is closely related to the branding of China as a nation, and China’s expressed desire to participate in the global economy (Guthrie, 2009), as well as the nation’s proposed strategies to open up further. China’s president Xi Jinping has for example said: ‘Friends from the press, China needs to learn more about the world, and the world also needs to learn more about China. I hope you will continue to make more efforts and contributions to deepening the mutual understanding between China and the countries of the world’ (BBC, 2012). China’s national image management has been regarded as a strategy with ‘Chinese characteristics’. It has also been said that China engages in diplomatic practice and official rhetoric to promote China as a new kind of rising power, and a nation that lacks aggressive intent (Ding, 2011). In one of the interviews conducted within my research project, an interviewee said that Chinese mega-cities are tools in China’s nation branding, and important elements in China’s efforts when it comes to building a good image internationally. Creating international, global cities is also seen as important in furthering China’s international status and influence, and it has been said that global cities can assist China economically, culturally and politically: economically in transforming from low to high efficiency of production and influence; culturally by contributing to promoting the nation and transforming it from being a remote player of world culture into a creator of symbols of global consumption culture; and politically by helping the nation to move from world periphery to the world core (Yang and Liang, 2012). Local, National and Global Values In the Chinese context, one can elicit local, national and global values that impact city branding strategies and practices. Local values are found in the sense that the history, traditions, culture and ideals present in the city have an impact on its identity, image and branding. Local values are also important in that actors and stakeholders in the city (including local government officials) have great influence over city branding strategies and practices. National values can be seen as impacting city branding in the sense that the central government sets overall goals for the cities, and influences the cities through national policies such as the Five-Year Plans. National values also impact city branding since national Chinese culture, history, traditions, ideals, etc. have an influence on city branding strategies and practices. The urban growth that China has experienced over the past decades is also seen as a direct outcome of national political strategizing, state 鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐖鐖鐔鐗鐖鐔鐗鐕鐖鐚鐅鐖鐕鐟鐕鐚鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐸鐹鐴鐨鐰鐭鐴鐱鐲鐅鐺鐳鐮鐻 鐦鐳鐟鐅鐜鐛鐗鐚鐕鐖鐅鐠鐅鐧鑏鑔鑗鑓鑊鑗鐑鐅鐪鑒鑒鑆鐑鐅鐧鑊鑗鑌鐑鐅鐵鑊鑗鐒鐴鑑鑔鑋鐓鐠鐅鐧鑗鑆鑓鑉鑎鑓鑌鐅鐨鑍鑎鑓鑊鑘鑊鐅鐲鑊鑌鑆鐒鑈鑎鑙鑎鑊鑘鐅鐟鐅鐵鑔鑑鑎鑈鑎鑊鑘鐑鐅鐵鑗鑆鑈鑙鑎鑈鑊鑘鐅鑆鑓鑉 鐵鑔鑘鑎鑙鑎鑔鑓鑎鑓鑌 鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐘鐞鐖鐗鐛鐞鐝 鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅‰鐅鐗鐕鐖鐙鐓鐅鐪鑉鑜鑆鑗鑉鐅鐪鑑鑌鑆鑗鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗 鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓 116 Branding Chinese mega-cities articulation and reconfiguration (Lin, 2002; Zhao et al., 2003), which can be interpreted as ideological influence from the national, state level. Ideology (ideas, meaning, beliefs, etc.), communicated through the language of Chinese elite leaders, through concepts and terms, in policies and plans (Brown, 2012) also impact city branding in China. Following this line of reasoning, city branding in Chinese mega-cities can be regarded as being of an ideological nature, and influenced by a set of ideas and values from the national and local levels. The development and branding of Chinese mega-cities is moreover influenced by the global landscape and its values. In China, there appears to be an eagerness to adapt city landscapes (architecture, buildings, road signs, etc.), identity, and image – to fit international and global standards, and to benchmark against established and upcoming world and global cities. He et al. (2006) have claimed that Western architecture and Chinese feng shui principles are combined in Chinese cities, forming a unique civilization mix. The same authors have maintained that globalization is built from the local, and that urbanization is a material form of globalization as well as a diversified process stemming from different local processes. One can assume that, as China’s position in the world strengthens, local and national values that are prominent in China – including values relating to city landscape, city identity, city image – will increasingly come to influence global values, globalization and the world. City Imagineering The positioning of a city in the global competition has become a part of an urban strategy, and an increasingly necessary part of a city’s agenda of ambition (Kong, 2012). We see today that cities all over the world engage in constructing images and representations of their locations in order to compete and collaborate with other cities on a global market (Jensen, 2007; Sassen, 2006). What I propose in this chapter is that the values, images and representations of Chinese cities can be described as a negotiation process between local, national, and global values – and related to concepts like ‘city imaginaries’ and ‘city imagineering’. In a rather decentralised system like China, Chinese cities enjoy relative freedom to engage in city development and city branding according to their own desires. From the national, state level what seems to be taking place though is an ideological steering of the cities, and thus their city branding. In addition, global influences are impacting Chinese cities and their city branding, as Chinese cities are increasingly connected with the world, adapt to the global context, and target international audiences. 鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐖鐖鐔鐗鐖鐔鐗鐕鐖鐚鐅鐖鐕鐟鐕鐚鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐸鐹鐴鐨鐰鐭鐴鐱鐲鐅鐺鐳鐮鐻 鐦鐳鐟鐅鐜鐛鐗鐚鐕鐖鐅鐠鐅鐧鑏鑔鑗鑓鑊鑗鐑鐅鐪鑒鑒鑆鐑鐅鐧鑊鑗鑌鐑鐅鐵鑊鑗鐒鐴鑑鑔鑋鐓鐠鐅鐧鑗鑆鑓鑉鑎鑓鑌鐅鐨鑍鑎鑓鑊鑘鑊鐅鐲鑊鑌鑆鐒鑈鑎鑙鑎鑊鑘鐅鐟鐅鐵鑔鑑鑎鑈鑎鑊鑘鐑鐅鐵鑗鑆鑈鑙鑎鑈鑊鑘鐅鑆鑓鑉 鐵鑔鑘鑎鑙鑎鑔鑓鑎鑓鑌 鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐘鐞鐖鐗鐛鐞鐝 鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅‰鐅鐗鐕鐖鐙鐓鐅鐪鑉鑜鑆鑗鑉鐅鐪鑑鑌鑆鑗鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗 鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓 Imagineering Chinese mega-cities in the age of globalization 117 In this negotiation process, city imaginaries (visions, images, stories, etc. about the city) are being created. The creation of city imaginaries can be referred to as ‘city imagineering’, and explained as the creation of strategies for the city’s positioning efforts, and agreeing on values, visions, images and stories related to the city. City imagineering can moreover be explained as the purposive creation of a portfolio of related images based on the city’s overall strategy, and used in the city’s identity enhancing and positioning efforts. While imagining implies to dream up and form stories about the city, engineering refers to the construction of structures, strategies and long-term goals, the execution of strategies, concrete action and city branding practices. The mix of these two perspectives is relevant when describing the overall strategy of city branding as a mix of the very imaginative, and the rational and instrumental. On the local, city level, city imagineering can to a large degree be seen as a negotiation among all people living in and with a connection to the city, i.e. a negotiation about the city imaginary among government officials, permanent residents, migrants, new residents, company representatives, visitors, etc. – about what the city is and should be. Increasing use of the Internet and social media in the society and in city branding can have influence on involvement of people in the city, and include them in the city imagineering process, and thus the branding of Chinese mega-cities. Social media and online forums can be used to communicate citizens’ views and preferences. It has been maintained that online forums can create dialogic citizenship (Paganoni, 2012) and generate direct and strong user participation (Florek, 2011). In an online environment, a top-down approach, or ‘command and control branding’, does not work. Instead, accepting input from audiences to drive strategies and to facilitate conversation is key (Christodoulides, 2009; Yan, 2011). The stance taken in this chapter is that city branding – and city imagineering – can be seen as an important element and also driver of political-economic, social and governance transformation. Other scholars (for example Sevin, 2011) have maintained that city branding can be seen as reproducing social norms and values, can change the normative and physical landscape – and thus can change the social context. The claim made in this chapter is that – in the Chinese context – city imagineering (and thus negotiating and agreeing on visions, goals, strategy, stories, etc. for the city) can contribute to creating change in the city and in the society. 鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐖鐖鐔鐗鐖鐔鐗鐕鐖鐚鐅鐖鐕鐟鐕鐚鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐸鐹鐴鐨鐰鐭鐴鐱鐲鐅鐺鐳鐮鐻 鐦鐳鐟鐅鐜鐛鐗鐚鐕鐖鐅鐠鐅鐧鑏鑔鑗鑓鑊鑗鐑鐅鐪鑒鑒鑆鐑鐅鐧鑊鑗鑌鐑鐅鐵鑊鑗鐒鐴鑑鑔鑋鐓鐠鐅鐧鑗鑆鑓鑉鑎鑓鑌鐅鐨鑍鑎鑓鑊鑘鑊鐅鐲鑊鑌鑆鐒鑈鑎鑙鑎鑊鑘鐅鐟鐅鐵鑔鑑鑎鑈鑎鑊鑘鐑鐅鐵鑗鑆鑈鑙鑎鑈鑊鑘鐅鑆鑓鑉 鐵鑔鑘鑎鑙鑎鑔鑓鑎鑓鑌 鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐘鐞鐖鐗鐛鐞鐝 鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅‰鐅鐗鐕鐖鐙鐓鐅鐪鑉鑜鑆鑗鑉鐅鐪鑑鑌鑆鑗鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗 鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓 118 Branding Chinese mega-cities REFERENCES 2012 Global Cities Index (GCI), A joint study performed by A.T. Kearney and The Chicago Council on Global Affairs, available at: http://www.atkearney. com/documents/10192/dfedfc4c-8a62-4162-90e5-2a3f14f0da3a (accessed 2 May 2013). BBC (2012), ‘China’s new party chief Xi Jinping’s speech’, 15 November 2012, available at: http://www.bbc.co.uk/news/world-asia-china-20338586 (accessed 2 May 2013). BrandSource (2011), Labbrand, Brand Innovations, China based consultancy, available at: http://www.labbrand.com/brand-source/2010-new-brand-shanghai (accessed 2 March 2011). Brown, K. (2012), ‘The Communist Party of China and ideology’, China: An International Journal, 10(2), 52–68. Christodoulides, G. (2009), ‘Branding in the post-internet era’, Marketing Theory, 9(1), 141–144. Cui, Z. (2012), ‘The Chongqing experiment: the way forward for China?’, in Mark Leonard (ed.), China 3.0, London, UK: European Council on Foreign Relations. Ding, S. (2011), ‘Branding a rising China: an analysis of Beijing’s national image management in the age of China’s rise’, Journal of Asian and African Studies, 46(3), 293–306. Economist Intelligence Unit Report (2012), ‘Hot spots: benchmarking global city competitiveness’, Economist report commissioned by Citi, available at: http://www.citigroup.com/citi/citiforcities/pdfs/eiu_hotspots_2012.pdf (accessed 2 June 2013). Florek, M. (2011), ‘Online city branding’, in K. Dinnie, City Branding: Theory and Cases, New York, NY: Palgrave Macmillan, pp. 82–90. Gries, P. and Rosen, S. (2010), Chinese Politics: State, Society and the Market, Oxon: Routledge. Guthrie, D. (2009), China and Globalization: The Social, Economic and Political Transformation of Chinese Society, New York, NY: Routledge. He, S., Li, Z. and Wu, F. (2006), ‘Transformation of the Chinese City, 1995–2005: geographical perspectives and geographers’ contributions’, China Information, 20(3), 429–456. Hui, E.C. and Yue, S. (2006), ‘Housing price bubbles in Hong Kong, Beijing and Shanghai: a comparative study’, The Journal of Real Estate Finance and Economics, 33(4), 299–327. Jensen, Ole B. (2007), ‘Culture stories: understanding cultural urban branding’, Planning Theory, 6, 211–236. Knight, N. (2008), Imagining Globalization in China: Debates on Ideology, Politics and Culture, Cheltenham, UK and Northampton, MA, USA: Edward Elgar. Kong, Lily (2012), in Helmut K. Anheier and Yudhishthi Raj Isar (eds), Cities, Cultural Policy and Governance, London, UK: SAGE. Lin, G.C.S. (2002), ‘The growth and structural change of Chinese cities: a contextual and geographic analysis’, Cities, 19(5), 299–316. Ooi, C.-S. (2010), ‘Branding cities, changing societies, creative encounters’, Working Paper, 45, available at: http://openarchive.cbs.dk/bitstream/handle/ 鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐖鐖鐔鐗鐖鐔鐗鐕鐖鐚鐅鐖鐕鐟鐕鐚鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐸鐹鐴鐨鐰鐭鐴鐱鐲鐅鐺鐳鐮鐻 鐦鐳鐟鐅鐜鐛鐗鐚鐕鐖鐅鐠鐅鐧鑏鑔鑗鑓鑊鑗鐑鐅鐪鑒鑒鑆鐑鐅鐧鑊鑗鑌鐑鐅鐵鑊鑗鐒鐴鑑鑔鑋鐓鐠鐅鐧鑗鑆鑓鑉鑎鑓鑌鐅鐨鑍鑎鑓鑊鑘鑊鐅鐲鑊鑌鑆鐒鑈鑎鑙鑎鑊鑘鐅鐟鐅鐵鑔鑑鑎鑈鑎鑊鑘鐑鐅鐵鑗鑆鑈鑙鑎鑈鑊鑘鐅鑆鑓鑉 鐵鑔鑘鑎鑙鑎鑔鑓鑎鑓鑌 鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐘鐞鐖鐗鐛鐞鐝 鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅‰鐅鐗鐕鐖鐙鐓鐅鐪鑉鑜鑆鑗鑉鐅鐪鑑鑌鑆鑗鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗 鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓 Imagineering Chinese mega-cities in the age of globalization 119 10398/8014/45_CSO_Branding_Cities,_Changing_Societies_Final.pdf ?sequence =1 (accessed 15 May 2013). Paganoni, M.C. (2012), ‘City branding and social inclusion in the glocal city’, Mobilities, 7(1), 13–31. Paul, D. (2004), ‘World cities as hegemonic projects: the politics of global imagineering in Montreal’, Political Geography, 23, 571–596. Perlman, J. (1990), ‘A dual strategy for deliberate social change in cities’, Cities, 7(1), 3–15. Sassen, S. (2006), World Cities in a World Economy, Third edition, California, USA: Pine Forge Press, SAGE. Sevin, E. (2011), ‘Thinking about place branding: ethics of concept’, Place Branding and Public Diplomacy, 7(3), 155–164. SIPG (2011), ‘Shanghai International Port Group Co., Ltd.’, available at: http:// www.portshanghai.com.cn/en/channel1/channel11.html (accessed 21 January 2011). Vogel, R., Savitch, H.V, Xu, J., Yeh, A., Wu, W., Sancton, A., Kantor, P. and Newman, P. (2010), ‘Governing global city regions in China and the West’, Progress in Planning, (73), 1–75. Wai, A. (2006), ‘Place promotion and iconography in Shanghai’s Xintiandi’, Habitat International, 30, 245–260. Wang, L. and Zheng, J. (2010), ‘China and the changing landscape of the world economy’, Journal of Chinese Economic and Business Studies, 8(3), 203–214. Wei, D. and Yu, D. (2006), ‘State policy and the globalization of Beijing: emerging themes’, Habitat International, 30, 377–395. Wei, Y., Leung, C.K. and Luo, J. (2006), ‘Globalizing Shanghai: foreign investment and urban restructuring’, Habitat International, 30, 231–244. Weng Tiehui (2013), Opening speech at the Shanghai Forum 2013, Vice Mayor of Shanghai, 25 May 2013. Wu, F. (2000), ‘Place promotion in Shanghai, PRC’, Cities, 17(5), 349–361. Wu, F. (2003), ‘Globalization, place promotion and urban development in Shanghai’, Journal of Urban Affairs, 25(1), 55–78. Wu, F. (2013), ‘The institutional dynamics of China’s urban-based innovation system: a case study of high tech parks’, Presentation at the Shanghai Forum 2013, in the sub-forum: Innovation Driven Urban Development in Asia, 25 May 2013. Wu, F. and Ma, L. (2006), ‘Transforming China’s globalizing cities’, Habitat International, 30, 191–198. Xu, J. and Yeh, A. (2005), ‘City repositioning and competitiveness building in regional development: new development strategies in Guangzhou’, International Journal of Urban and Regional Research, 29, 283–308. Yan, J. (2011), ‘Social media in branding: fulfilling a need’, Journal of Brand Management, 18, 688–696. Yang, K. and Liang, H. (2012), ‘Theory and practice on building global city with Chinese characteristics: Beijing as a case’, available at: http://www-sre.wu.ac.at/ ersa/ersaconfs/ersa12/e120821aFinal00396.pdf (accessed 2 May 2013). Yao, Y. and Shi, L. (2012), ‘World city growth model and empirical application of Beijing’, Chinese Management Studies, 6(1), 204–215. Yeoh, B. (2005), ‘The global cultural city? Spatial imagineering and politics in the (multi)cultural marketplaces of South-east Asia’, Urban Studies, 42(5/6), 945–958. 鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐖鐖鐔鐗鐖鐔鐗鐕鐖鐚鐅鐖鐕鐟鐕鐚鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐸鐹鐴鐨鐰鐭鐴鐱鐲鐅鐺鐳鐮鐻 鐦鐳鐟鐅鐜鐛鐗鐚鐕鐖鐅鐠鐅鐧鑏鑔鑗鑓鑊鑗鐑鐅鐪鑒鑒鑆鐑鐅鐧鑊鑗鑌鐑鐅鐵鑊鑗鐒鐴鑑鑔鑋鐓鐠鐅鐧鑗鑆鑓鑉鑎鑓鑌鐅鐨鑍鑎鑓鑊鑘鑊鐅鐲鑊鑌鑆鐒鑈鑎鑙鑎鑊鑘鐅鐟鐅鐵鑔鑑鑎鑈鑎鑊鑘鐑鐅鐵鑗鑆鑈鑙鑎鑈鑊鑘鐅鑆鑓鑉 鐵鑔鑘鑎鑙鑎鑔鑓鑎鑓鑌 鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐘鐞鐖鐗鐛鐞鐝 鐨鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅‰鐅鐗鐕鐖鐙鐓鐅鐪鑉鑜鑆鑗鑉鐅鐪鑑鑌鑆鑗鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐓鐅鐦鑑鑑鐅鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鑘鐅鑗鑊鑘鑊鑗鑛鑊鑉鐓鐅鐲鑆鑞鐅鑓鑔鑙鐅鑇鑊鐅鑗鑊鑕鑗鑔鑉鑚鑈鑊鑉鐅鑎鑓鐅鑆鑓鑞鐅鑋鑔鑗鑒鐅鑜鑎鑙鑍鑔鑚鑙鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑘鑘鑎鑔鑓鐅鑋鑗鑔鑒鐅鑙鑍鑊鐅鑕鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑊鑗鐑鐅鑊鑝鑈鑊鑕鑙鐅鑋鑆鑎鑗鐅鑚鑘鑊鑘鐅鑕鑊鑗鑒鑎鑙鑙鑊鑉鐅鑚鑓鑉鑊鑗 鐺鐓鐸鐓鐅鑔鑗鐅鑆鑕鑕鑑鑎鑈鑆鑇鑑鑊鐅鑈鑔鑕鑞鑗鑎鑌鑍鑙鐅鑑鑆鑜鐓 120 Branding Chinese mega-cities Yulong, S. and Hamnett, C. (2002), ‘The potential and prospect for global cities in China: in the context of the world system’, Geoforum, 33, 121–135. Zhao, S.X., Chan, R.C. and Sit, K.T. (2003), ‘Globalization and the dominance of large cities in contemporary China’, Cities, 20(4), 265–278. 鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鐅鐵鑚鑇鑑鑎鑘鑍鑎鑓鑌鐅鐟鐅鑊鐧鑔鑔鑐鐅鐨鑔鑑鑑鑊鑈鑙鑎鑔鑓鐅鐍鐪鐧鐸鐨鐴鑍鑔鑘鑙鐎鐅鐒鐅鑕鑗鑎鑓鑙鑊鑉鐅鑔鑓鐅鐖鐖鐔鐗鐖鐔鐗鐕鐖鐚鐅鐖鐕鐟鐕鐚鐅鐦鐲鐅鑛鑎鑆鐅鐸鐹鐴鐨鐰鐭鐴鐱鐲鐅鐺鐳鐮鐻 鐦鐳鐟鐅鐜鐛鐗鐚鐕鐖鐅鐠鐅鐧鑏鑔鑗鑓鑊鑗鐑鐅鐪鑒鑒鑆鐑鐅鐧鑊鑗鑌鐑鐅鐵鑊鑗鐒鐴鑑鑔鑋鐓鐠鐅鐧鑗鑆鑓鑉鑎鑓鑌鐅鐨鑍鑎鑓鑊鑘鑊鐅鐲鑊鑌鑆鐒鑈鑎鑙鑎鑊鑘鐅鐟鐅鐵鑔鑑鑎鑈鑎鑊鑘鐑鐅鐵鑗鑆鑈鑙鑎鑈鑊鑘鐅鑆鑓鑉 鐵鑔鑘鑎鑙鑎鑔鑓鑎鑓鑌 鐦鑈鑈鑔鑚鑓鑙鐟鐅鑘鐘鐞鐖鐗鐛鐞鐝