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World War 1 is an archetypal case of multilevel failures in the realm of international relations. The individual level of analysis rested upon the familial connections between the descendants of the House of Habsburg, who ended up intertwined in the monarchies making up the sides of the Great War. The leaders, most of whom were connected through intermarriage or bloodline, could have resolved many of the causes prior to the outbreak of hostilities though obviously that did not happen. At the national level, international relations theory holds that realist ideology 1 foresaw an imbalance of power resulting from the assassination of Archduke Ferdinand in Europe.
Realism in politics is a philosophy, which tries to observe, shape and predict political relations. It is based upon the assumption that power should be the primary goal of any political act, both in international or the domestic sphere. As far as domestic affairs are concerned, this theory states that political figures must direct all efforts to maximising their power. In the international sphere the nation should aim to maximize its power over other states. Interests should be satisfied by means of a power exercise, and the world is defined by competing powers This theory can be regarded as a prescription to be followed by politicians and states or as a description of current affairs of the state or politician pursuing self-interest. Realism in politics is often defined as a principle of power supremacy, and it has a long history since the dating back to ancient times. It was reflected in Peloponnesian War by Thucydides; by Machiavelli in his writing The Prince; as well as by other outstanding philosophers like Spinoza, Hobbes and Rousseau. Political realism is explained in the following way: “Prior to the French Revolution in which nationalism as a political doctrine truly entered the world's stage, political realism involved the political jurisdictions of ruling dynasties, whilst in the nineteenth century, nationalist sentiments focused realists' attentions on the development of the nation-state, a policy that was later extended to include imperialist ambitions on the part of the major Western powers-Britain and France, and even Belgium, Germany and the United States were influenced by imperialism (Viotti, Kauppi) .” In the second half of the nineteenth century it was found in social Darwinism who argued that social or political growth is determined by a struggle, in which the strongest parties survive (Ahrensdorf ). The underlying difference between social Darwinism and other branches political realism is the adherent of the former state believe nations are destined to rule over other nations, while others believe the that the nation, culture or politician secures their own needs before needs or interests of others. Political realism in international affairs Political realism suggests that international commonwealth is distinguished by anarchy, since there is no absolute world government that could rule with an all-purpose policy code. Since the anarchy does not need a chaotic nature, it allows member nations to enter into trading treaties. Theorists mostly agree with the Hobb’s theory: "Where there is no common Power, there is no Law: where no Law, no Injustice. If there be no Power erected, or not great enough for our security; every man will and may lawfully rely on his own strength and art, for caution against all other men (Hobbes, Leviathan, Part I, Ch.13 'Of Man', and Part II, Ch.17, 'Of Commonwealth, cited in Griffiths, O’Callaghan)." Respectively, without any supreme international force, nations treat each other with hostility or fear, and it damages the system. There are definite contradictions that can be found in the concept of political realism: descriptive realism may be regarded as a true theory or false concept. Even if it is regarded as a true concept, it does not necessarily mean that morality should be excluded from the principles that rule international policy. One of the strong forms if descriptive type of political realism states that states should be self-seeking, that they should build their policy basing upon desired gains of the nation and should not ignore their interests and demands. Simultaneously, “if descriptive realism is held, it is as a closed theory, which can refute all counter-factual evidence on its own terms (for example, evidence of a nation offering support to a neighbor as an ostensible act of altruism, is refuted by pointing to some self-serving motive the giving nation presumably has--it would increase trade, it would gain an important ally, it would feel guilty if it didn't, and so on), then any attempt to introduce morality into international affairs would prove futile (Stern).” The expressive political realism power depends upon the understanding of political reasons, between state diplomats and representatives. The pattern of officers’ relations, their motives and actions is complex. Waltz (date) says that the closed nature of expressive realism includes an oppose scheme that nations do not serve any needs at all, or can serve the needs of others only. The logical value of the three theories resulting from this concept offers that preferring one condition to another is an optional decision, if an assumption is accepted, or not. (Waltz, The present international sphere of nations’ interaction is defined by the lack of supreme power. In the past, wars were a strong argument in support of political realism – there have been more than 200 wars since the middle of the 17th century. This condition seems to have a chaotic nature, and some thinkers are likely to compare it to domestic anarchy, when state government is not able to rule the state: ‘Without a world power, war, conflict, tension, and insecurity have been the regular state of affairs; just as a domestic government removes internal strife and punishes local crime, so too ought a world government control the activities of individual states-overseeing the legality of their affairs and punishing those nations that break the laws, and thereby calming the insecure atmosphere nations find themselves in (Kegley, Wittkopf) ”. At the same time, such comparison leads to a conclusion that the relations between the state and the individuals are alike. This includes the personification of the states and collectivisation of individuals. Some theorists state that the relations between states and the citizens cannot be compared to the relations between the states and the relations of the individuals, and therefore should be differently judged. In addition to the propositions of descriptive realism, there are notions offered by prescriptive political realism, that a nation should follow its own interests and needs independently of the relevant state of international relations. This theory can be divided into various aspects, depending upon the proclaimed interest of the nation and the availability of the resources that would be used to reach desired goals. As far as the national interest is concerned, believers agree that the state should be self-efficient in economical and political sphere, cutting dependency on other nations (The Globalization of World Politics: an Introduction to International Relations, Year). This economic theory has been used for supporting political realism, especially in the 18th century the theorists of political sphere stated that the political power of the nation is reached and supported in the terms of reduced import and increased export only.
2000
Realism and International Relations provides students with a critical yet sympathetic survey of political realism in international theory. Using six paradigmatic theories - Hans Morgenthau, Kenneth Waltz, the Prisoners' Dilemma, Thucydides, Machiavelli, and Hobbes - the book examines realist accounts of human nature and state motivation, international anarchy, system structure and the balance of power, international institutions, and morality in foreign policy. Donnelly argues that common realist propositions not only fail to stand up to scrutiny but are rejected by many leading realists as well. He argues that rather than a general theory of international relations, realism is best seen as a philosophical orientation or research program that emphasizes - in an insightful yet one-sided way - the constraints imposed by individual and national egoism and international anarchy. Containing chapter-by-chapter guides to further reading and discussion questions for students, this book ...
Research Column (Multi-Disciplinary), 2021
International journal of innovative research and development, 2020
The application of theories in the study of International Relations is the surest epistemic strategy one could deploy to master the flexibilities and complexities of international system, structures and interactions-from intercitizenry level to that of national governments. This is more so because as much as the indispensability of empirical knowledge in theorisation thrives, the empirical knowledge could not be epistemologically comprehended, unless when premised on propositions, hypothesis and theories on the already known or established pattern of human conditions (Yandaki, 2015: 11-12). Indeed, the fluidity and flexibility of knowledge as it endlessly flows from the fountain of human intellect makes schools of thoughts and streams of interpretations to be numerous. This is not unconnected to the fact that people are usually the conscious or unconscious spokespersons of their society, as it profoundly influenced them (Carr, 1984; 55). As such, it is understandable why scholars belonging to different schools of thought, often write on the same phenomenon, differently. Impliedly, therefore, theories, regardless of the academic usefulness of their abstractness must possess empirical roots and correspondence (Yandaki, 2015: 14); so too, the theories in International Relations, the dominant among which are Realism, Liberalism and Marxism. These are considered to be the dominant because 'whatever comes later is simply built on them' (Arabu, 2016: 43). These schools of thought or theories are a construct of an array of scholarly dispositions by different thinkers, both classical and contemporary, on the nature and essence of human behaviour and interactions as they affect International Relations. The prime goal has been to have a cognitive mastery over the patterns of human relations in order to explain the laws of international interactions or recurrent national behaviour and orchestrate a safer and more prosperous world. Thus, being a plethora of enormous and complex events, issues and relationships, International Relations could be best understood and analysed through the instrumentality of theories, which help......observer to think critically, logically, and coherently by sorting these phenomena (i.e. the complex events, issues and relationships) into manageable categories so that the appropriate units and level of analysis can be chosen and, where possible, significant connections and patterns of behaviour identified (Burchill and Linklater, 2005: 16). Trying to assemble, narrow and explain the complexities of the nature of human beings as they interrelate, representing their respective groups at an international level, for instance, the liberalists stressed on the use of liberal approaches in international interactions. Furnished with a firm optimism on human nature, they believe that international law and morality, rather than power (à la the realists), are the key influences on International Relations; and with the presence of International Organisations such as United Nations (UN), cooperation, peace and prosperity could be achieved to form a comity of nations. The Marxists on the other side solely view International Relations from the perspective of economy, class struggle and the control of productive forces. They conclude that the hierarchical nature of the international system, which favours some nations at the expense of others, was a result of imperialism (Mingst, 1999: 66-70 & 79-83).
European Scientific Journal, ESJ
In the international relations (IR)’ theoretical and empirical studies, international regime studies emerged as a reaction to inadequacies of the concepts of authority, international order and organization. Over more than half a century, realism has been skeptical of international law. In both classical and neorealist approaches, states are depicted as seeking to maximize power and producing a balance of power. This study examines two paradigms, realism and liberalism, in an attempt to take a closer look at what each of these schools has to offer to the international relations. To be able to carry out such an evaluation each of these paradigms will be analyzed with respect to their positions on the following principles: unit of analysis, key concepts, behavioral dynamics, interstate system, peace and war, and last but not least explanatory power. Discussing the strengths and weaknesses of each of these paradigms will help in determining which of these approaches is the most persuasive.
Realism as international relation theory.
Universities and professional associations usually are organized in ways that tend to separate scholars in adjoining disciplines and perhaps even to promote stereotypes of each other and their scholarly endeavors. The seemingly natural areas of scholarly convergence between diplomatic historians and political scientists who focus on international relations have been underexploited, but there are also some signs that this may be changing. These include recent essays suggesting ways in which the two disciplines can contribute to each other; a number of prizewinning dissertations, later turned into books, by political scientists that effectively combine political science theories and historical materials; collaborative efforts among scholars in the two disciplines; interdisciplinary journals such as International Security that provide an outlet for historians and political scientists with common interests; and creation of a new section, "International , and also from reading 2 K. J. Holsti, The Dividing Discipline: Hegemony and Diversity in International Theory (London, 1985).
2021
As the range of potential uses for Artificial Intelligence (AI), in particular machine learning (ML), has increased, so has awareness of the associated ethical issues. This increased awareness has led to the realisation that existing legislation and regulation provides insufficient protection to individuals, groups, society, and the environment from AI harms. In response to this realisation, there has been a proliferation of principle-based ethics codes, guidelines and frameworks. However, it has become increasingly clear that a significant gap exists between the theory of AI ethics principles and the practical design of AI systems. In previous work , we analysed whether it is possible to close this gap between the 'what' and the 'how' of AI ethics through the use of tools and methods designed to help AI developers, engineers, and designers translate principles into practice. We concluded that this method of closure is currently ineffective as almost all existing translational tools and methods are either too flexible (and thus vulnerable to ethics washing) or too strict (unresponsive to context). This raised the question: if, even with technical guidance, AI ethics is challenging to embed in the process of algorithmic design, is the entire pro-ethical design endeavour rendered futile? And, if no, then how can AI ethics be made useful for AI practitioners? This is the question we seek to address here by exploring why principles and technical translational tools are still needed even if they are limited, and how these limitations can be potentially overcome by providing theoretical grounding of a concept that has been termed 'Ethics as a Service'
Routledge, 2024
REVISTA GENERAL DE DERECHO CANÓNICO Y ECLESIÁSTICO DEL ESTADO, 2024
Dimensioni istituzionali del Commonwealth veneziano (secoli XIV-XVII), edited by Ermanno Orlando and Gherardo Ortalli (Venice: Istituto Veneto di Scienze, Lettere ed Arti, 2024), pp. 231-262
KERTHA WICAKSANA, 2018
Symbiotic Posthumanist Ecologies in Western Literature, Philosophy and Art Towards Theory and Practice, 2023
Actas de las IX Jornadas de Jóvenes en Investigación Arqueológica. Santander 8-11 junio 2016, 2018
Bipolar Disorders, 2005
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Microchemical Journal, 2017
Pacific Journal of Mathematics, 2015
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Waisya : Jurnal Ekonomi Hindu
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