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Global Discourse: An Interdisciplinary
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International relations and identity: a
dialogical approach
Taku Tamaki
a
a
School of Business and Economics, Loughborough Universit y,
Loughborough, UK
Published online: 16 Mar 2015.
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To cite this article: Taku Tamaki (2015): Int ernat ional relat ions and ident it y: a dialogical approach,
Global Discourse: An Int erdisciplinary Journal of Current Af f airs and Applied Cont emporary
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Global Discourse, 2015
BOOK REVIEW
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International relations and identity: a dialogical approach, by Xavier Guillaume,
London, Routledge, 2011, 192 pp., £26.99 (paperback), ISBN 978-1-138-81174-4
Ever since the flare-up of Sino-Japanese tensions in the summer of 2012, the political
debate in Japan has centred on how to maintain, if not enhance, the US–Japan security
treaty considered a linchpin of Japanese foreign policy. Another dimension to the
ongoing territorial dispute between Japan and China has been the reaffirmation of the
perception that Asia remains a dangerous neighbourhood for Japan (Tamaki 2015).
While the main concern for the ordinary Japanese remains the state of the economy,
the landslide victory by the Liberal Democratic Party in the December 2014 general
election emboldened Prime Minister Abe Shinzō to pursue his nationalist dream of
creating a ‘beautiful country’ (utsukushii kuni) imbued with cultural values reminiscent
of the late-nineteenth-century and early-twentieth-century Japan, not to mention an
increased role for military, as well as the potential recasting of the 1947 pacifist
constitution. In essence, the heightened tensions between Tokyo and Beijing had
precipitated a bout of national soul-searching propelling the debate on what and
how Japan ‘should look like’ in the twenty-first century.
Given this identity crisis in Japan, Xavier Guillaume’s International Relations and
Identity (2011) provides a welcome addition to the literature, both to the general theoretical discussions within International Relations (IR) and to the exploration of Japanese
identity. Moreover, the explicit linkage between identity theorising in IR, on the one hand;
and a tour de force on the historicity of Japanese identity narratives, on the other, provides
a valuable intervention into the persistent ‘gap’ between postpositivist IR theorising as
applied to the international politics of the Asia-Pacific.
In what follows, I will first engage with the theoretical discussions provided by
Guillaume. My intention here is not so much to provide a fully fledged metatheoretical
debate akin to the ontology versus epistemology debates, as these discussions seem to
digress significantly from empirical considerations that should lie at the heart of IR
theorising. Rather, my primary aim in the theoretical exercise is to try to tease out the
theoretical implications that should help us refocus our attention on the dialogical
processes experienced by ‘Japan’. This leads to my second discussion on the narratives
of ‘Japan’ as espoused by Guillaume. There are fruitful discussions on the Othering of the
West as an inherent part of the Japanese identity construction. Indeed, the multiple
constructions of the West as a product of Japan’s iterated socialisation with the Western
powers throughout the centuries are crucial ingredients in the ways that Japanese Self had
been narrated by generations of Japanese identity entrepreneurs. There is nothing particularly problematic with the focus on Western Otherness in Japanese identity construction. Yet, concentrating on the West necessarily denigrates another crucial dimension to
Japanese identity construction. And this is the focus of my third and final point. What
seems to be missing from Guillaume’s discussion is the Japanese gaze on Asia. It is only
by alter-casting the West and Asia that a myth of Japanese uniqueness has been sustained
through time, particularly in the calamitous decades of the early twentieth century with
2
Book review
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deadly consequences. I will aim to suggest that, without a profound reference to Asia as a
notional counterweight to the West, any discussion on Japanese identity remains necessarily incomplete.
Theorising identity
Guillaume locates himself at the heart of the identity debate in IR theorising, partaking in
the discussion on whether or not we can talk about international actors as entities with
clear ideas of their own, solidified, identities; or whether the idea of Self needs to be
considered as a metaphor (Neumann 2004) or as a product of a dialogical process which
involves focusing on ‘the characterization of the processes, the transformation, whatever
the normative characters these forms [of identity construction] take’ (Guillaume 2011, 40).
For Guillaume, identity is an event (2011, 31) encompassing multiple dimensions requiring addressing the questions of ‘where and when’, ‘how’, and ‘to whom’ (2011, 33). For
him, identity – or the process of identity construction – remains an ‘on-going struggle for
meaning’ (2011, 50), and even if an identity seems continuous, in truth, they are collapsed
into a series of succeeding practices, representations, and contexts – what he terms a
‘synchronous repertoire’ (2011, 55).
Central to this conceptualisation of identity is the notion of alterity – the need to
distinguish between the ‘inside’ and ‘outside’, the Self versus the Other dichotomy
inherent within the way agents recognise their relative positioning within a social environment (Guillaume 2011, 18). By focusing on the dichotomy of meanings in social
contexts, Guillaume seeks to explain ‘the origins of collective political self-understandings/representations in the transactions of alterity’ (2011, 21). Hence, any discussion
involving an actor’s corporate identity (Wendt 1994, 1999) necessarily essentialises
identity, and even if the concern centres on social identity, insofar as the debate stops
short of discussing the very processes involved in the construction of Self/Other dichotomy, then such considerations become vulnerable to charges of reification. As such, a
discussion on an actor’s military capability that might represent a facet of a state’s identity
in relation to its international status, or debating how a state’s preference might be affected
by its ideological or political structure ultimately reifies identity as a ‘thing’. For
Guillaume, it is precisely this
‘[R]eifying mode of expression’ which in turn leads us to naturalize and crystallize entities
that are processual and dynamic in ‘nature,’ to individuate entities that are relational in their
agency and structure, and, finally, to essentialize, to the point of anthropomorphism.
(2011, 14)
Therefore, any characterisation of identity that fails to acknowledge its inherent fluidity
potentially commits a sin of reification.
As I mentioned earlier, my intention is not to engage in a deep metatheoretical debate
on whether states are like persons (Jackson 2004; Wight 2004; Schiff 2008), or whether
epistemology should be prioritised over ontology, or vice versa (Chernoff 2009; Michel
2009; Franke and Roos 2010). Yet, if we are to explore the constructions of Japanese
identity through time and space – as Guillaume is seeking to do here – it seems pertinent
to ask what I think is an important question: ‘who’ experiences these encounters with the
Others? Admittedly, these discussions tend to degenerate into a caustic mutual namecalling, coupled with accusations and counter-accusations of reification (Kessler 2012;
Weber 2012; Wight 2012). Effectively, these discussions in IR theory are replicas of the
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Global Discourse
3
similar – if not original – debates within Social Theory. As postpositivist theories of IR
share common Social Theory pedigree, I believe it is sufficient to revisit some of the main
points as a way to transition into the empirical problem of ‘who’ it is that is narrating the
Japanese Self, as well as the important consideration of ‘who’ is experiencing the series of
dialogues without falling into the potential infinite regress of representations.
When we ask the question of ‘who’ is experiencing this transition from one dialogue
to another, the familiar riposte takes the very act of questioning as a tendency for one to
reify what is inherently a fluid set of languages that metamorphose as social contexts
change (Elder-Vass 2010, 2012). While the point about the dialogical nature of identity
formation is well-taken, there is also the sense that the very agents – or groups of identity
entrepreneurs who provide the dominant narratives of Self/Other dichotomy – must be
able to experience the actions, both verbal and non-verbal, of Others. Just as Guillaume
provides a series of case studies, there seem to be Japanese agents throughout time and
space who came into contact with the Western Others, reacted in their particular ways to
these external stimuli, reflected on their particular circumstances, and decided or felt that
a particular illocution was appropriate. Just as Dave Elder-Vass (2012, 100) notes,
language is socially influenced, not socially determined. Needless to say, Guillaume
(2011, 39) makes a similar point, indicating that the dialogical process ‘enables us to
consider identity as a superordinate, continuous and multiplanar process by switching
the emphasis from the identity of a social entity to an identity as a social continuant’
(italics in original). Yet, it is also the case that identity is treated as an ‘on-going struggle
for meaning’ (Guillaume 2011, 50), and continuity is effectively collapsed into a
succession of practices, representations, and contexts without a trace of the very agent
who might be exposed to such encounters with the purportedly threatening Western
Other (Guillaume 2011, 55).
This leads to an interesting theoretical conclusion. While Guillaume (2011, 12–13) is
correct in pointing out the risk of reification in Constructivism, he himself is not free from
it. An aversion to any semblance of Self that can be construed as Cartesian runs the risk of
reifying language and performance (Elder-Vass 2012, 144) with agents being ‘reduced to
nodal points through which messages pass, and the self becomes dissolved into discursive
structures’ (Archer 2000, 3). If we are to take Japan’s encounters with the Others
seriously, then we need an account of the Japanese Self that is engaged in a dialogical
process. If that resembles reification, then perhaps it is. However, as Rogers Brubaker and
Frederick Cooper (2000, 5) point out, ‘reification is a social process, not only an
intellectual practice’. In an effort at appreciating the various constructions of Japanese
identity, we might need to destigmatise reification.
Narrating Japan
Guillaume (2011, 5) concentrates his attention on Japan’s encounters with the West
through the centuries, starting ‘from the mid-sixteenth century to the first half of the
twentieth’. On the one hand, tracing Japanese identity construction, vis-à-vis, the West is
a justifiable move, as the Western Otherness has always featured in Japanese narratives
of Self. On the other hand, though, it seems rather ambitious in seeking to distil
Japanese identity construction spanning several centuries into a couple of chapters.
Guillaume’s (2011, 63) identification of shinkoku and kokutai as signifiers for
Japanese identity are also well-taken, but more contextualisation might have been
beneficial to the reader: justification for the choice of these would have been beneficial.
While the pre-Meiji iterations of identity narratives are beyond my expertise, there is a
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4
Book review
sense that an etymology of keywords such as kokutai might have also helped put
Guillaume’s arguments into more perspective. For instance, Guillaume (2011, 66)
discusses the political dynamic behind the adaptation of the term ‘Japan’, but given
the historical scope of the discussion, an etymological discussion on how ‘Japan’ – or
how Nippon/Nihon superseded Yamato/Hinomoto – emerged as the designated name of
the polity would have revealed that Asia has always been within Japanese elites’ gaze
along with the Western Otherness. Put differently, there was a political intention behind
adopting ‘Japan’ by the elites of the time, and without any further discussion on the
domestic dynamics, Japan ceases to become a collective agent, and instead being
construed as a mere receptacle for anti-Western narratives to be deposited.
Likewise, Guillaume (2011, 83) provides a discussion on how the term kokutai is
associated with kokka – the Japanese word for ‘nation’ or ‘state’. While this, too, is welltaken, there remains an unease in the invocation of kokka, given the difficulty of
translating concepts such as the ‘state’, the ‘nation’ and the ‘people’ into Japanese.
Yeun Keun-cha (1997, 20–27) agrees with Guillaume that kokutai was established as an
iteration of national identity by the 1850s. Yet, it is also the case that Yeun (1997, chapter
7) points out the pitfalls (otoshi-ana) of translating these concepts into Japanese, often
precipitating an identity conundrum. Furthermore, without reference to the theory that
emerged in the 1910s (to be outlawed by the military in the 1930s) that the emperor was a
mere organ of the state (tenno kikan-setsu), Guillaume’s (2011, 87) discussion of the link
between the emperor and the community suffers from a lack of full potential. Put
differently, there are numerous internal discussions and conflicts that have taken place
as Japanese elites encountered Western Otherness. In the process of constructing a
coherent Japanese identity narrative of kokutai, one can infer from Guillaume’s arguments
that there were internal conflicts. Yet, unless that can be exposed further, ‘Japan’ ceases to
be the main agent in the construction of Japanese identity, confined to being a mere
receptacle for Western Otherness to prompt a discursive response. In short, the agency of
Japanese elites in responding to their encounters with the West remains rather silent. This
is particularly the case, given Guillaume’s focus on various policy/identity entrepreneurs
through the ages. Perhaps they are ‘nodes’ in the process of narrating Japanese identity,
but it also seems to infer some form of an agent fully cognisant of the Self in opposition to
the Other. It seems that the self-awareness needs to precede a realisation of Others for the
dialogical process to take place.
The missing gaze on Asia
However, there is an even more conspicuous silence in Guillaume’s discussions. Any
exploration into Japanese identity construction needs to bear in mind the trichotomy
inherent in its narrative structure, rather than the dichotomy between the Japanese Self
in counter-distinction to the Western Other. What needs highlighting is the tripod of
identity construction involving the Western and Asian Others, along with virulent claims
to Japanese uniqueness. This has been the case, particularly since the Meiji Restoration
when Japan was thrust into the midst of Realpolitik between and among the Western
colonial powers jockeying for influence in East Asia. Even before the Restoration, the
bakufu was aware of what was happening on the continent, and there was a palpable sense
of vulnerability shared among the Meiji oligarchs that a purportedly ‘weak’ Asia, namely
China and Korea, posed an existential risk for Japan, while simultaneously sensing that a
technologically advanced Japan was well-placed to ‘liberate’ the rest of Asia from
Western chokehold. As Yamamuro Shinichi (2001, Intro.) lucidly illustrates, the arrogant
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Global Discourse
5
Pan-Asianism of pre-war Japanese intellectuals and policy elites needs to be understood in
response to the dual threat of Western colonialism, on the one hand, and the perceived
weakness of Asia, on the other. It entails a dialogical process, but it is a dialogical process
involving elites anxious about Japan’s future. And the idea of ‘West’ and ‘Asia’ necessitated a process of rationalisation whereby the founders of modern Japan wondered aloud
about what they should have done to rise up to the challenges posed by what they
understood to be a hostile international environment. As such, the sense of Japanese
Self in counter-distinction to the West and Asia seems to have reified Japan that was
neither Western nor Asian. Yet, it was precisely this reified Self/Other dichotomy that was
the crucial ingredient in appreciating the horrors that befell East Asia until Japan’s defeat
in August 1945.
Guillaume’s relative silence on Japanese ideologues such as Miyazaki Tōten, Kita
Ikki, Ishiwara Kanji, and Ōkawa Shūmei seem rather problematic. Miyazaki’s assertion
that Western powers posed barriers to a free and equal society (Ishida 1998, 84), and that
it was necessary for Japan to bring Asian peoples together (Ishida 1998, 82) suggested
that both the West and Asia were seen as crucial ingredients in the construction of a
Japanese identity narrative. On the other hand, the focus of Kita’s main thesis was how to
redefine kokutai into a socialist programme to forge a resilient Japanese society. While,
correctly, Kita is normally seen as a right-wing ideologue, the roots of his thoughts could
be traced to his exasperation with the rapid Westernisation of Japan – which is in line with
Guillaume’s focus on the Western Otherness. Yet, Kita was also concerned with liberation
movements in China, meaning that his programme necessitated the West and Asia to be
addressed simultaneously (Kuno and Tsurumi 1956, chapter 4). As the mastermind behind
the Manchurian Incident of September 1931, Ishiwara was a realist who called for Japan
to prepare itself for an Armageddon between the West and Asia (Iriye 1966, 111–13).
According to Iriye (1966, 112–13), Ishiwara felt that, in order for Japan to protect itself
against Western imperialists, Japan needed to become an Asian superpower which
ultimately entailed subjugating Asia for the benefit of Japan and Asia as a whole.
Similarly, Ōkawa felt that it was imperative for Japan to help realise Asia for the
Asians by overcoming the indignity imposed by the West (Ōtsuka 1998, 208).
Hence, the intellectuals in Japan since the 1920s were preoccupied not just with the
Western Other, but with Asia as well. Japan’s geographical location in East Asia signified
Japan as a non-Western entity, while its technological advance and the hubris following
the victory over Russia, in what was understood to be the ‘first victory of a yellow race
over a white Western empire’ in 1905 (Buhk 2010, 14) meant that Japan was distinct from
what was understood to be a ‘backward’ Asia. Hence, when the focus of Japanese identity
narratives centred on the West, Asian Otherness was reified into a signifier denoting
backwardness typical of Asia from which only Japan managed to extricate itself. Just as
the participants at the infamous ‘Overcoming Modernity’ (Kindai no chōkoku) roundtable
discussion in the summer of 1942 sought solace at the arrival of the war to end all wars
between the Yellow and White races, Takeuchi Yoshimi’s (Kawakami and Takeuchi 1979,
307) critique that the participants failed to comprehend the ‘double-meaning’ (nijū-kozō)
of the War needs re-emphasising: that it was both a war of liberation from the West and a
war of imperialism against Asia. The striking thing about this double meaning was the
clear sense of Japanese Self as a unique entity which was established by the 1930s. It was
this reified sense of Self, Western and Asian Otherness, and the perception that the
international environment was a relentless struggle for survival that provided the backdrop
to the deadly events of the 1930s and 1940s.
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Book review
While Guillaume’s focus on the Western Otherness is not wrong, his silence on the
ideologues of early Showa period as well as the sharp criticism by the likes of Takeuchi
remain a disappointment. Having exposed the nijū-kōzō of War, Takeuchi (1993, 109–10)
argues that Japan had failed to comprehend Asia by subscribing to the Western notion of
Asian Otherness as signifying backwardness, not realising that its pre-war understanding
of Asia had been misplaced until after the devastating defeat in August 1945 (Takeuchi
1993, 95). It is this necessity for the alter-casting of Asia along with the West that needs
more serious consideration, if one were to fully appreciate Japanese identity construction.
The shared sense of Japan among the pre-war policy elites that Japan was unique and
existentially vulnerable from the West but distinct from Asia holds the key to appreciating
the reified sense of Japanese Self. This reified Japanese identity enabled a generation of
policy elites to experience the insecurity of Meiji Restoration, the exasperation of failed
attempt at ‘modernising’ Asia, and the resignation that an Armageddon with the West was
inevitable. While dialogical in nature, we also need an account that enabled Japanese Self
to engage in such a process. And the reified Japanese identity that locates itself in between
the West and Asia holds the key. It is only by reflecting on the narratives of Japanese
identity in the 1920s and 1930s that we can gain a fuller sense of Japanese identity
construction.
Conclusion
Guillaume’s contribution has a definite potential to enhance the scope of postpositivist
analysis into Japanese experience – a welcome addition to the literature on the IR of
the Asia-Pacific region in general. Given the proliferation of rational-choice
approaches into the study of Japanese foreign policy, Guillaume introduces a breath
of fresh air. While the study of Japanese culture and history as informed through
Social Theory has been rife within Asian Studies as well as Cultural Studies, IR has
been rather late in adopting a similar approach, especially with respect to the IR of
East Asia. It is for this reason that Guillaume’s efforts can be commended for shining
a new light into an area that has become rather stale with the familiar treatment of
international actors as being automatons waiting for exogenously given preference and
interests to befall them. Guillaume (2011, 137) is correct in pointing out that, until
about 25 years ago, IR has not been interested in unravelling the ‘formation, performance, or transformation’ of collective identity. To be sure, while this approach still
remains a niche product in the IR of East Asia, it is to be hoped that Guillaume’s
contribution will encourage similar literature to emerge.
With respect to Japanese foreign policy, this is particularly the case. Prime Minister
Abe’s push for a ‘beautiful Japan’ (utusukushii kuni) seeks to redefine Japanese collective
identity. Tokyo’s alliance with Washington remains the linchpin of Japan’s foreign policy,
and whenever policy elites in Japan feel compelled to reappraise the state’s security
posture, the role of the United States in Japan’s security looms large. Indeed, the centrality
of security alliance has been reaffirmed following the flare-up of Japan’s territorial
disputes with China. This confirms Guillaume’s thesis that West (read the US) remains
a significant Other in the narrativisation of Japanese Self. As Michael Yahuda (2014, 4–6)
notes, much of Japanese foreign policy thinking revolves around Japan’s love–hate
relationship with the US.
Yet, as the Senkaku/Diaoyu dispute since the summer of 2012 shows, the resurgence
of Japanese nationalism also implies that Asia (read China) also remains a significant
Global Discourse
7
Other that cannot be ignored. Hence, Abe’s assertion that ‘Japan is back’ also implies
potentials for enhanced rivalry with Asia (Shad 2014), as Asian Otherness is elaborated
into a reified reality against which Japanese policymakers feel the need to formulate
policies. This reminds us again that any discussion of Japan’s collective sense of Self
undoubtedly entails a dialogue with the Western and Asian Otherness simultaneously.
While unravelling the constructions of Western Otherness is a necessary start, the narratives of Asian Otherness are an essential component that warrants close attention. Had
Guillaume done that, his study would have been even more powerful.
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Taku Tamaki
School of Business and Economics, Loughborough University, Loughborough, UK
[email protected]
© 2015, Taku Tamaki
http://dx.doi.org/10.1080/23269995.2015.1023584