Solidarity: The Journal of
Catholic Social Thought and
Secular Ethics
Volume 1 | Issue 1
Article 2
3-21-2011
Connecting Economics to Theology
Garrick Small
[email protected]
ISSN: 1839-0366
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Connecting Economics to Theology
Abstract
Economics claims to be an independent empirical social science but empirical evidence of the last century
challenges this claim. By contrast Caritas in Veritate contains a set of linkages that demonstrate that
economics is related to morals, anthropology and theology. Economics is practiced in a cultural setting with a
moral dimension related to the human person, which is ultimately grounded in the nature of God. Pope
Benedict has focused on love and gift as human qualities reflecting the Divine nature. The anthropology that
proceeds from this is a development of Pope John Paul II’s emphasis on human dignity and freedom. It
suggests moral principles that can guide culture, social institutions and hence economic action. Pope
Benedict uses his reflections on the social order to comment on the problems of development for less
developed peoples, but his analysis also completes one theme of the social encyclicals. Whereas Pope Leo
XIII concentrated on economic and political fundamentals such as property and political organization,
subsequent contributions turned attention more towards the human actor in relationship to God. Pope John
Paul II made this explicit by turning attention to anthropology. Pope Benedict has connected these and
completed the vision initiated by his immediate predecessor. He has described more completely the
grounding of anthropology on the family, culture and ultimately the Most Blessed Trinity. The encyclical can
be read as an invitation to a broader methodology for economics, one that is better conformed to actual
market actors and that has the capacity to overcome some of the contentious aspects of the current discipline.
The groundwork has been established by thinkers including Aristotle and St. Thomas Aquinas and some of its
elements are evident in the economic organisation of many non-modern cultures.
This article is available in Solidarity: The Journal of Catholic Social Thought and Secular Ethics: http://researchonline.nd.edu.au/
solidarity/vol1/iss1/2
Small: Connecting Economics to Theology
The Theological and Social Grounding of Economics: the centrality of an adequate
understanding of the human person in the social theory of Caritas in Veritate
Garrick Small
Introduction
The problem of development is a pressing issue that tests the applicability of
economics to circumstances where difference in economic power cannot be ignored. The
world of economic theory is one where all players are on an equal footing and the disjunction
between this and the real world, though tacitly acknowledged, tends to be ignored on the
assumption that the development of efficient markets will dissolve temporary inequalities.
Pope Benedict’s encyclical Caritas in Veritate (CV) is focused on development, but its thrust
concerns the very structure of economic thought. The pope argues a connection to ethics,
anthropology and theology that economists would prefer to ignore, but this raises the question
of the connection between economics and the other sciences. One position is that economics
is an entirely free standing discipline while the other sees it as a practical science linked to
other practical sciences, morals, philosophy and theology.
This paper will review the arguments and evidence on the possible linkages between
economics and other sciences. It will then interpret Caritas in Veritate as a theory of
humanity and moral action that makes valid connections from theology to the economics of
development. In this way it will demonstrate that Catholic social thought is a consistent
theory of action that has the capacity to correct some of the more problematic deficiencies in
contemporary market economics.
Contemporary market economics is not a monolithic body of theory but a pantheon of
competing schools of thought that includes the Chicago School, Austrian School, Public
Choice Theorists, Institutional Economists, Monetarists, Keynesians, Georgists, Douglas
Social Creditors, Distributists and Socialists, amongst many others. Some are dominant,
while others are largely marginalised despite maintaining some following. A student of
economics is likely to be introduced to an eclectic body of knowledge loosely termed neoclassical theory that claims to be the refinement of earlier classical economics usually
associated with Adam Smith, David Ricardo and others before the twentieth century. All of
this is distinctly modern in flavour, having no link to the more philosophical economics
found in St. Thomas Aquinas and Aristotle.1
Neo-classical economics shares a common view on free market trade and pricing as
being sufficient institutional arrangements to ensure an effective economy, though most
schools of theory differ on practical policy for particular circumstances. It also shares a
common view of economics as a positive science based purely on empirical observation,
similar to other contemporary social sciences and modelled on the natural sciences. As such it
is assumed to exist independent to moral thought despite relating to human action.
1
S Meikle, Aristotle's Economic Thought, (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1995)
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Richard Crespo attempted to argue that economics was a moral science,2 but only
attracted controversy and rebuttal in the Acton Institute sponsored Journal of Markets and
Morality.3 Given the thrust of the journal and its substantial Catholic readership, his foray
into connecting economics with ethics does not appear popular to at least one prominent
sector of the economics establishment and its Catholic audience. Crespo’s argument was
based on the commonly understood purpose of economics and not on the definition of the
discipline adopted by economists themselves. Boettke reminded readers of the formal
definition of the discipline and its methodology, neither of which admits a moral dimension.
The Century Long Experiment
Caritas in Veritate clearly considers that the question of development is largely an
economic issue and its solution lies in part with the resolution of moral issues. Pope Benedict
adopts Crespo’s position in opposition to most contemporary economists. In taking this
position the Pope is merely continuing the Church’s position in its social thought that has
never accepted the proposition that economic action is aloof from moral content. In this
regard the Church has been more consistent than the economics discipline itself.
At the time the first social encyclical, Rerum Novarum, was written by Pope Leo XIII
in 1891, economics was studied as a sub-discipline of moral philosophy known as Political
Economy. By the end of the nineteenth century many economists were growing
uncomfortable with the moral parameters of Political Economy and were pushing for the
adoption of a purely empirical science stripped of moral content. Alfred Marshall argued for
a purely positive, or empirical, discipline and was one of the first to advocate the new name
for the discipline that is used today, economics.4 He acknowledged that the ultimate moral
goal of economics included realising the common good, but he argued that the best way to
realise it was to avoid direct moral enquiry regarding economic action. Instead he advocated
using a natural science approach to analyse quantitative economic data mathematically. This
method parallels that used in physics and chemistry and has also found application in some
modern social sciences, especially psychology. Marshall believed that once the mathematical
relationships of economic behaviour were mastered economic policy could be directed in a
‘scientific’ manner to achieve social goals.
The debate between Political Economy and Economics was largely settled by the
beginning of the twentieth century and economics developed from that point primarily as the
study of market behaviour. Today economists cannot understand economic argument that
includes moral or metaphysical elements and they believe it is an alien distraction to their
discipline. Scott Meikle found this when he tried to relate Aristotle’s economic thought to the
modern discipline.5 Aristotle was writing on an aspect of morals using philosophical
arguments. Meikle could find no point of connection between this and modern economics.
The adoption of Caritas in Veritate will depend in some measure on the willingness of
economists to recognise that economic questions do have moral dimensions. Leadership in
this endeavour must come from economists who have a capacity to use an expanded
methodological approach.
2
R. F. Crespo, 'Is Economics a Moral Science?', Markets and Morality, Vol. 1 No.2, 1998, pp.201-211.
P. J. Boettke, 'Is Economics a Moral Science? A Response to Ricardo F. Crespo' Markets and Morality, Vol. 1
No.2,, 1998, pp.212-219
4
A. Marshall, Principles of Economics, (London: Macmillan, 1890)
5
Meikle, op. cit.
3
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Small: Connecting Economics to Theology
As an empirical science, the discipline has well recognised methodological
shortcomings.6 Economists can seldom run genuine experiments because of the social
disruption they would cause. Positive data tends to gleaned from real-world observations that
are compromised by masses of uncontrollable variables. In many cases the accepted theories
have no robust supporting empirical data, but have been created instead from conceptual
reflections built from the anticipated behaviour of conceptualised economic actors. The
marginalist theory of the firm is a prominent example of this flawed methodology.7
Regardless of these methodological shortcomings, the discipline has been used to propose an
influential body of theory that has been used to argue the applicability of various economic
institutions, including the free market, absolute private property, the monetary, taxation and
financial systems.
Pope Benedict has responded by noting that “too much confidence was placed in
those institutions, as if they were able to deliver the desired objective automatically”.8
Thomas Rourke had previously come to the same conclusion regarding the institution of the
free market in opposition to Michael Novak’s claim that the free market automatically
provides a moral outcome.9 Rourke was arguing from philosophy and employing the
economic thought of the Thomist scholar, Yves Simon. In addition, the pope’s position is
supported by numerous practical examples that leave professional economists as some of the
few that do believe that economic institutions can automatically deliver moral outcomes
independent of the moral orientation of their participants. Other economists such as John
O’Neill and Daniel R. Finn have dealt with the same proposition from different perspectives
and have concluded in agreement with Tom Rourke.10 The pope is apparently on solid ground
in his criticism of the effectiveness of economic institutions as automated moral agencies.
The thrust of the encyclical is directed towards describing the conditions actually
necessary for moral outcomes. Central in this consideration is the importance of human
willed action towards solidarity and justice as the necessary adjunct to the success of any
economic system and in so doing, the encyclical reiterates the Church’s position that “the
Church does not have technical solutions to offer”.11 ‘Technical solutions’ here refers to
economic systems and institutions, rather than informed moral action by economic actors.
What Pope Benedict has offered instead is a more complete outline of the linkages that
connect the reality of God to the solution of the economic problem of development. His
insights apply to many of the world’s other economic problems as well.
Much therefore rests on whether economics is best understood as independent of
morals or not. Marshall correctly recognized that the scientific method was inappropriate for
moral enquiry, but his confidence that it could be used effectively to reveal economic laws
6
See, for example: M. Altman, 'The Methodology of Economics and the Survival Principle Revisited: Some
Welfare and Public Policy Implications of Modelling the Economic Agent', Review of Social Economics Vol. 57
No.4, 1999, pp.427-449
7
See: R. Jones, Supply in a Market Economy, (London: Allen and Unwin. 1976)
8
Caritas in Veritate, n.11
9
T. R. Rourke, A Conscience as Large as the World: Yves R. Simon versus the Catholic Neoconservatives,
(Maryland: Rowman & Littlefield, 1997)
10
See: J. O'Neill (ed.), The Market: Ethics, Knowledge and Politics, (London: Routledge, 1998) and D. R. Finn,
'The Moral Ecology of Markets: On the Failure of the Amoral Defense of Markets', Review of Social Economy,
Vol. 61 No.2, 2003, pp.135-63
11
CIV, n.9
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from data on economic action may have been misplaced. Much of the methodological debate
within economics has centred on this question. Many economists, such as Crespo’s
interlocutors in the pages of Markets and Morality believe economic laws have been
identified that are effective for policy direction. There is a raft of others who have found the
results less than convincing.
Taken as a whole, the last century can be considered as a long experiment
investigating whether positive economics can work as a science. Early on it was recognized
that observing even simple market relationships was impossible given the complexity of
actual markets.12 More recently the positive mechanics of price have been found to violate
the prescriptions of the science.13 The theory of the market, upon which much of economics
rests, is weakened by these failures, but more damning are the empirical deficiencies in the
marginalist theory of the firm that is the key theoretical foundation of free market theory.
Richard Jones is only one of many authors who have shown conclusively that the theory of
the firm is neither based on positive science or reflective of the real world, but he has the
distinction of nevertheless being a strong advocate of the liberal free market.14 This leaves
him as a promoter of an economic position that he himself has shown rests on sand. Many
other critics of contemporary economic theory also share with Jones a general support of the
market system, but are cognizant of its theoretical deficiencies.
Empirical evidence on policy effectiveness is little more encouraging. While
Langholm and Jones both note the widely recognized fact that actual firms do not set prices
the way economists say they do, William Grieder (1987) in his account of the operation of
the US Federal Reserve Bank (Fed) in its fight against inflation up to 1986 chronicled the role
of economic theory in the operation of the Fed. Not only was there no convincing economic
modelling driving the decisions of the Fed, but its halls were wracked by controversy
between two opposing economic theories. Although the monetarists did eventually out
manoeuvre the Keynesians, the policy result was still not driven by any calibrated
quantitative algorithm, but only on a vague belief that the problem would be overcome once
interest rates went high enough. Greider noted the extensive collateral damage of the strategy
that included high levels of business failure, unemployment and human misery.
A similar strategy was applied to Australia in 1989, but Small (2009) has shown that
it was likely that the real underlying driver for inflation had been exhausted by the late 1980s
and the inflation problem would have most likely abated without monetarist intervention,
albeit more gradually. Other business cycles have also shown a similar tendency to proceed
independent of, or contrary to, economic theory. Prior to the sub-prime crisis in the USA, the
economic consensus both in that country and Australia was that the economy was strong and
robust. Despite the fact that most economists now claim that they actually did see it coming,
their published positions at the time suggest that if they really did it was not on the basis of
their discipline or reflected in their public utterances immediately before the event.
12
See, for example: J. H. Clapham, 'Of Empty Economic Boxes', The Economic Journal, Vol. 32, 1922, pp.305314 or E. J. Working, 'What do Statistical "Demand Curves" Show?', The Quarterly Journal of Economics, Vol.
41, 1927, pp.212-235.
13
This can be seen in sources such as: O. Langholm, Full Cost and Optimal Cost, (Bergen: Universitetsforlaget,
1969) and R. M. Skitmore, G. Runeson, 'Construction Price Formation: Full-cost Pricing or Neoclassical
Microeconomic Theory?', Construction Management and Economics, Vol. 24 No. 7, 2006, pp.773-783
14
See: R. Jones, Supply in a Market Economy, (London: Allen and Unwin. 1976)
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Lawrence Boland has provided the most complete critique of economics based purely
on its internal inconsistencies, contradictions and positive failures.15 Usually a critique of
market economics is pigeon holed as socialist, but Boland, and other authors listed above
have revealed themselves as anything but socialists. They are merely scholars who have
examined the data and their implications for that body of theory that comprises contemporary
economics. Overall they provide a corpus of evidence and argument that demonstrates that
economics as a value free empirical science has not met expectations.
In terms of the century long experiment to see if economics can exist as an
independent empirical science, there is too much evidence to the contrary for Marshall’s
claim to be upheld. Boland argued that the discipline lacks an adequate metaphysics.16 This
hints at the potential usefulness of the method that St. Thomas Aquinas used in treating
economic issues, though Boland does not make the connection. The social encyclicals have
been supplying exactly this need to a generally unwilling audience over the same period.
Pope Benedict explicitly connected “the rejection of metaphysics by the human sciences”17 to
failures in overcoming the problem of development, recognising the very point that Boland
came to purely by examining the internal methodological shortcomings of the discipline.
Apart from the validity of the Pope’s observations on economics that this infers, it also
suggests the importance of the social encyclicals as a consistent body of thought capable of
leading economics towards the resolution of its own internal inconsistencies. Moreover, the
Pope has placed this observation in the context of the connections between the sciences,
suggesting that the resolution involves a better integration of economic thought within the
broad spectrum of sciences.
Economics Within the Sciences.
Marshall’s claim that economics could exist apart from morals has always been
flawed, regardless of its acceptance by most economists. Economics assumes an economic
actor who is a rational utility-maximising self-interested individual, sometimes called homo
economicus. This is a combined anthropological theory and moral theory. Despite its highly
dubious applicability to actual humanity, homo economicus is fundamentally necessary for
the operation of the mechanics of current economics. The assumption that he is a utilitymaximiser infers that he follows the moral system known as Utilitarianism, first proposed by
Jeremy Bentham and developed by John Stuart Mill. Utilitarianism claims that moral
acceptability is that course of action that returns the greatest good for the greatest number.18
Bentham claimed that utilitarianism was empirically verifiable therefore comparable
to the natural sciences. Scott Meikle noted that utilitarianism was necessary as a foundation
of modern economics, but that modern economics was the only positive validation of
utilitarianism. This makes the two a self-referencing pair—each is the validation of the other.
Bernard Williams noted this earlier and further concluded that apart from utilitarianism’s
15
See: L. A. Boland, The Foundations of Economic Method, (London: Allen & Unwin, 1982), The Methodology
of Economic Model Building: Methodology After Samuelson, (London, New York: Routledge, 1988), The
Principles of Economics: Some Lies My Teachers Told Me, (London: Routledge, 1992), and Critical Economic
Methodology: A Personal Odyssey, (London: Routledge, 1997)
16
Boland, The Principles of Economics, pp. 14-19
17
CIV, n.31
18
J. Bentham, and L. J. Lafleur, An Introduction to the Principles of Morals and Legislation, (New York:
Hafner Pub. Co., 1781)
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claimed success in economics, it achieved little else of what a moral system is expected to
do.19
If current economics relies on the moral system of utilitarianism, and the
anthropology of homo economicus, both of which can be shown to be deficient, its seems
reasonable to propose other economic systems based on other anthropologies and moral
systems. This is precisely what the social encyclicals, and most particularly the work of the
last two popes, are proposing.
Fr. Robert Sirico has argued that the free market, populated with moral actors, is the
ideal economic system,20 however he and his colleagues have been coy in exploring exactly
what a moral economic actor looks like. His suggestion can be shown to be quite sound, but it
does require confidence in the existence of a knowable set of moral principles applicable to
economic life.21 While Sirico has a profile as an apologist for the position that economics
itself is aloof from morals, his deference to moral market actors recognises that an economy
is a human system and its success is dependent upon the moral standards of its members.
Pope Benedict supports this view recognising that the market “must draw its moral
energies from other subjects that are capable of generating them”.22 In this he continues the
teaching of the Church supporting freedom in the marketplace, while simultaneously
reiterating the consistent position of the Church through its social encyclicals and earlier
thought regarding serious concern for the ideology previously referred to as Liberalism,23
now more commonly known as Capitalism.24 Pope Benedict has gone further by placing
considerable emphasis on the importance of culture in the problem of development. One
dimension of a culture is its set of moral standards, and these usually include morals
specifically related to commercial relationships.
There are many historical examples of different cultures that have enjoyed
considerable economic success under very different economic systems. The Ancient Hebrews
as a culture had strict rules relating to property,25 a general aversion to usury, especially when
practiced on fellow Hebrews, and a notion of justice in exchange, especially with respect to
labour. Christian Europe had a well developed understanding of just price and a property
institution that stressed obligation as much as ownership, and it outlawed usury for over a
millennium until it was subverted by the Reformation.26 It also enjoyed strong economic and
technological growth, especially 800-1400AD.27 St. Thomas Aquinas provided careful
philosophical and theological defences for economic principles of his time such as private
property, just price and usury.28 The Islamic world has a long tradition of moral guidelines
19
Bernard Williams, Morality: an introduction to ethics, (New York: Harper & Row, 1972), pp.96-112
R. A. Sirico, Toward a Free and Virtuous Society, (Michigan: Acton Institute, 1997)
21
G. Small, 'Property, Commerce and Living God's Will', Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies, Vol. 16 No. 1/2,
2004, pp.157-72.
22
CIV, n.32
23
E. Cahill, The Framework of a Christian State, (Dublin: Gill & Son, 1932)
24
Pope John Paul II, Centesimus Annus, (Vatican: St.Paul, 1991)
25
See: Leviticus: 25
26
O. Langholm, Aristotlean Analysis of Usury, (Bergen: Universitetsforlaget As., 1984)
27
See: J. Burnette, J. Makyr, (1995). 'The Standard of Living Through the Ages' in Simon, J. (ed.), The State of
Humanity, (Cambridge, Mass: Blackwell, 1995) and G. W. Grantham, 'Agriculture Before the Green
Revolution' in Simon., J. (ed.), The State of Humanity, (Cambridge, Mass.: Blackwell, 1995)
28
T. Aquinas, Summa Theologica, (Westminster, Maryland: Christian Classics, 1981), II-II, Q.66, 77 & 78
20
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Small: Connecting Economics to Theology
for commerce very similar to St Thomas Aquinas.29 Indigenous peoples around the world
display curious similarities regarding their views on property.30 Karl Zimmerman showed
exhaustively how the ancient Greek, Roman and other civilisations flourished under property
institutions very different to our own and tended to cultural atrophy as cultural changes
caused private property to change into something resembling contemporary absolute private
property.31 All these represent different cultures that contain substantial systems of economic
moral guidance informing their institutions. They also include many cases of substantial
economic success. By contrast, the modern west is peculiar in its lack of moral guidance in
the marketplace. Pope Benedict has merely recommended that we respect different cultures in
the effort towards development. That infers recognising that in many cases non-modern
cultures do supply moral guidance towards what Fr. Sirico understands to be a necessary part
of making the market economy work.
A curiosity of the non-modern cultures mentioned above is that despite their
geographical and temporal isolation, the economic guidelines enshrined within their cultures
exhibit surprising similarities. This is especially evident with respect to the institution of
property,32 but it is also evident with respect to notions of just dealings in trade and the use of
money. Pope Benedict has drawn attention to the matter of commutative justice and
distributive justice.33 These principles relate to the just pricing of goods and labour in the
exchanges that constitute most economic action. Pope Leo XIII drew attention to the matters
of property, just wages and usury in the first of the social encyclicals and these themes have
been consistently developed through the social encyclicals.34 The pope’s call to acknowledge
and incorporate cultural difference can also be seen as building on his appraisal of the state of
modern western culture made before he was made pope.35 Taken as a whole, the pope is
recognising that the dominant global culture is currently in poor shape, whereas the cultures
of many developing countries contain desirable elements for the realisation of robust and
satisfying development outcomes.
Separate to his call for a respect of culture, Pope Benedict has provided an
explanation for the key moral elements based on the nature of the person developed from the
relationship of the person to God.36 Pope Benedict has implicitly proposed a set of
relationships in the sciences that runs from theology to economics. The pope has suggested
that the economic problem of development has a cultural/moral foundation and needs to be
addressed by something wider than the currently dominant modern cultural perspective.
While he has made a call for the recognition of cultural variety in the treatment of the
problem of development, he has also made a very clear point that culture includes a moral
dimension.
29
F. Nomani, A. Rahnema, Islamic Economic Systems, (London: Zed, 1994)
As has been shown by: F. D. Coulanges, The Origin of Property in Land, (London: George Allen, 1890) and
I. C. Ezigbalike, 'Cadastral "Reform" - At What Cultural Costs to Developing Countries', The Australian
Surveyor, Vol. 39 No.3, 1994, pp.177-186
31
C. C. Zimmerman, Family and Civilization, (New York: Harper, 1947)
32
See, for example: G. Small, 'A Cross Cultural Economic Analysis of Customary and Western Land Tenure',
The Valuer, Vol. 34 No.7, 1997, pp.617-625.
33
CIV, n.35
34
On this development, see: R. J. Ederer, Economics As If God Mattered: A Century of Papal Teaching,
(Indiana: Fidelity Press, 1995)
35
J. Ratzinger, Christianity and the Crisis of Cultures, (San Francisco: Ignatius, 2005)
36
CIV, n.34
30
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The quality of a culture is partly dependent upon the quality of its moral system,
making morals the test of culture. To understand morals it is necessary to understand the
nature of the human person, that is, to have an adequate anthropology. An adequate
anthropology is one that is a true understanding of what it is to be human. A false
anthropology will result in a false ethic, hence a sound anthropology is necessary for sound
moral thought. Our understanding of what it is to be human is related to our understanding of
the origin of humanity, its cause. This is part of our cosmology. Cosmology concerns our
understanding of the origin of creation, and for most people this is ultimately theological,
relating to the accepted genesis belief that motivates a culture. This hierarchy of the sciences
is shown in the figure below.37
Economics
Private Property
Law & Government
Culture/Ethics
Anthropology
Theology/Metaphysics/Genesis
Pope Benedict has considered the various legal and economic institutions that impact
on economics and development and has pointed out that they are culturally dependent with
moral implications. He has linked the moral aspects to the nature of the human person and he
has further expanded his exposition of the human person begun in Deus caritas est. The
human person is fundamentally ordered towards dignity, freedom and love and the Pope
shows how this understanding of the person can find expression in the economics of
development.
In particular, the Pope’s interest in gift is significant, reminding his readers that gift
describes the relationship of God to humanity and that the “human being is made for gift,
which expresses and makes present his transcendent dimension”.38 Pope Benedict has
summarised here the circular movement of creation, coming from God and finding its
fulfilment in return to God, that was developed by St. Bonaventure.39 Likewise, the
importance of gift can be traced to the nature of the Most Holy Trinity as understood
especially in the Franciscan tradition, also following St. Bonaventure.40 St. Bonaventure
explored the implications of God the Father as a loving God to conclude that He is infinitely
giving. The Son as receptive love is infinitely receptive and the reciprocity of their love
relationship is fecund in the procession of the Holy Ghost. Significant here is the centrality of
gift and its relationship to love as the defining character of the Godhead.
37
Adapted from: G. Small, 'Human action and Property', Pacific Rim Property Research Journal, Vol. 9 No.4,
2003, pp.348-60.
38
CIV, n.34
39
See: I. Delio, Simply Bonaventure, (New York: New City Press, 2001)
40
For an explanation of this notion, see: S. Bonaventure, Disputed Questions on the Mystery of the Trinity,
(New York: The Franciscan Institute, St. Bonaventure University, 1979)
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Pope Benedict is especially familiar with the thought of St. Bonaventure, having
earlier studied him in connection with his work on the theology of history.41 The influence of
St. Bonaventure is evident in the exposition of gift in Caritas in Veritate. The pope is
recognising the fulfilment of humanity as acting freely as an image of the Most Holy Trinity
and is recommending application of that reality to the world in the economic resolution of the
development problem. The pope is connecting the Most Holy Trinity to economic action via
the intermediaries of anthropology, morality, and culture.
Property and Price for the Christian
The puzzle of economic relationships is resolved once the acting person becomes
aware that fulfilment comes not from wealth or poverty, but from freely giving from the
excess bounty that has been received, ultimately as gift from God. Max Weber described the
way the capitalist believes that wealth is a sign of the favour of God consistent with
Protestant thought,42 while the socialist, following Marx, sees social fulfilment in the atheistic
revolt of the poor and views property as theft. However, the Christian acknowledges that
while wealth and poverty are realities of our fallen condition, happiness comes from
indifference to wealth, exercised as charity and justice, not Puritanism. The Christian sees the
blessing of wealth as the material requirement for the exercise of the virtue of liberality, of
free giving, especially to those in great need. Gift therefore becomes the key to development,
as well as to most other economic questions.
Differential power relations are the reality of the market, which means that in every
transaction one party has some capacity to exploit the other. The market economy tends to
ignore the reality of power differentials in practical market encounters, and this becomes a
central weakness in economic theory. To compensate, economic theory posits a perfect
market, where the prevailing conditions supposedly dissolve power differentials and force
participants to act appropriately. Market forces are believed to remove the freedom that
powerful economic actors would otherwise have to exploit and in so doing market apologists
assert that the market institution ensures a moral outcome. If markets were perfect then the
price outcomes would automatically be just, but ironically that very automation would
eliminate any possible moral merit accruing to persons engaged in trade. Although this
constitutes a powerful reason to argue that economics does not need morals, the facts that
perfect markets are never found in practice, and that they reduce economic actors to
something less than human, negate its persuasiveness.
It is only when the person holding superior power freely chooses not to use that power
to exploit the other that moral economic action will result. This is the challenge of the free
market as it is encountered in practice. It can be shown that a free marketplace is necessary
and appropriate for moral action, but that it also requires participants who are aware of the
objective moral dimensions of their commercial actions and motivated towards solidarity.43
This requires a disposition towards one’s trading partner capable of motivating just action. St.
Bonaventure observed that "If one does not love one's neighbour, it is not easy to do him
41
In: J. Ratzinger, The Theology of History in St. Bonaventure, (Chicago: Franciscan Herald Press, 1971)
M. Weber, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism, (Kentucky: Routledge, 2001)
43
G. Small, 'Property, Commerce and Living God's Will', Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies, Vol. 16 No. 1/2,
2004, pp.157-72.
42
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Solidarity: The Journal of Catholic Social Thought and Secular Ethics, Vol. 1 [2011], Iss. 1, Art. 2
justice"44 suggesting that economic justice is more likely in an environment of love. Pope
Benedict agrees and uses an emphasis on gift as the manifestation of love.
Pope Benedict’s focus on gift can be broken into three levels, gifts of justice, gifts
from excess and sacrificial gifts. He does not specify which is intended, but it could be
argued that it is the tardy supply of all three that has stunted development in the world.
Economic theory can be shown to be responsible for a lack of gifts of economic justice, but
critics of the pope’s focus on gift will likely focus only on the unreasonableness of gifts of
sacrifice.
In an environment where one party has the capacity to exploit the other without fear
of reprisal, the choice not to exploit is a form of gift to the weaker party. Justice in this case is
a gift—unexpected, the result of free choice and the surrender of something of value that the
donor is not forced to give. Justice is gratuitous in an environment where law and custom side
step its precepts, leaving the conscience unformed regarding its application. Modern neoclassical economics fosters such an environment. It is only in extreme cases that legal means
exist to control exploitation in the market, such as through restrictive trade practices
legislation. However, any case of an imperfect market is an opportunity for some level of
exploitation, i.e. injustice. This lacuna provides ample shelter for an array of predatory
practices that may be legal and even esteemed in the culture.
In the case of development initiatives between rich and poor societies, justice could
exist as the choice not to exploit the less developed party despite having the power to do so.
Examples of exploitation include: poor prices paid for local wages, cheap rents or royalties
paid for the extraction of resources and agricultural products, or other dissolution of effective
property rights; and extortionate loan structures designed more for the benefit of the lender
than the borrower. These three general cases relate closely to the principles for economic
action suggested by St. Thomas, just price, correct understanding of property, and usury.
Gifts from excess wealth are gifts that have negligible real impact on the donor’s
standard of living. They are most likely the type of gifts that Pope Benedict was considering.
Jesus identified these gifts in His comments regarding the widow’s mite.45 Most of the temple
gifts were given out of the donors’ excess and Jesus pointed out that they really did not
constitute any real sacrifice. John Medaille outlined the impact that micro banking can have
on the world’s poorest families.46 A loan of less than the cost of movie tickets for two in a
developed country can permanently free a poor Indian family from the cycle of debt and
poverty. Insignificant gifts can have massive impacts. For many wealthy families in the world
significant portions of their incomes do not support their standards of living but are directed
towards investment. That is, towards a strategy for to produce more future income. While
provision for risks, retirement and support of dependents are reasonable and prudent, in many
cases there is still a considerable excess. Christ said “And so I tell you this: use your money,
tainted as it is, to win you friends and thus make sure that when it fails you, they will
welcome you into the tents of eternity”.47 Pope Benedict is putting this Gospel admonition
into a contemporary context. St. Thomas also dealt with the matter of gift, especially under
44
O. Langholm, Economics in the Medieval Schools: Wealth, Exchange, Value, Money and Usury According to
the Paris Theological Tradition, (New York: Brill, 1992), p.155
45
In: Mark 12:41-44
46
J. Medaille, The Vocation of Business, (New York: Continuum, 2007)
47
Luke 16:9
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Small: Connecting Economics to Theology
the headings of liberality, magnanimity and magnificence.48 When liberality is added to the
more evident economic virtues, they convey a complete set of fundamental moral guidelines
for economic action.
In his focus on gift, Pope Benedict is not advocating socialism, as that would entail
the forceful removal of private wealth. He is instead equipping the wealthy of the world with
an invitation to freely act in a Godly way, in harmony with the Gospel, and in a manner that
is known to foster peace and happiness, for both the donor and recipient. As a call to the
individual, the pope is expressing confidence in subsidiarity and social action motivated by
awareness of human solidarity.
The third class of gift is the widow’s mite. This is heroic sacrificial gift. Nowhere
does the Pope insist on this level of giving, but it is likely that it will be the type of gift that
will attract most attention. It is the gift of St. Francis of Assisi and Blessed Mother Teresa of
Calcutta—exemplars of leadership for the world. This is the call to the sacrificial leadership
that is the tradition of Christianity.
It is also the impossible gift that Pope Benedict’s critics will object to as an
unreasonable imposition. It is unreasonable to a culture that is grounded in self indulgence by
the machinery of marketing, the media, and sexual indulgence. It is unreasonable because
economic theory teaches that economic actors have infinite desires, so any gift will
necessarily compromise some desire, making any talk of gift unreasonable.
Gift at this sacrificial level is the watershed between Christianity and the world. It is
the duel between the saints and homo economicus for the heart of mankind. It is the light of
Christ illuminating the darkness of selfishness and pride. The Godless person will be like the
man whose good harvest swelled his barns to the point he believed he could live in selfindulgence only to be levelled by death.49 Such a person will always be insecure because he
himself is his only security. His barns will never be full enough. He will leave others to care
for themselves.
Lester K. Little identified these two economic approaches as the gift economy versus
the contract economy and used history to illustrate the way that the gift economy which
dominated.50 Christendom was gradually replaced by the contract economy that now
dominates western thought. Glimpses of the gift economy can be seen in the social practices
of certain eastern people where reciprocal gift is key to social and even business relations. It
can be seen as resonant with the Tönnies’ Gemeinschaft,51 or community approach to society.
The contract economy favours an individualistic, or association approach, to society and uses
a focus on money value and exchange rights to provide the security that a functioning
community provides through solidarity and gift. The general focus on rights in political
discussion is a reflection this underlying economic metaphor for social relations. Aristotle
noted that money was the one thing people desired that was not capable of sating any desire
and was therefore desired without natural limit.
48
Aquinas, op. cit., II-II, Qs 117 129 & 134
Luke 12:15-21
50
L. K. Little, Religious Poverty and the Profit Economy in Medieval Europe, (New York: Cornell University
Press, 1978)
51
F. Tönnies, Community and Society, (Michigan: Michigan State University, 1957)
49
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The Christian recognises that unlimited desire for money is a disordered parody of the
infinite desire man has for God.52 Christianity rejects preoccupation with money and places
all hope in God. This gives the Christian the freedom to recognize his excess and to share it
with his fellows without diluting the importance of effective economic action through labour
and enterprise. It places the Christian beyond the narrow individualism of the contract
economy and makes gift the identifying characteristic of Christianity.53 The result is
solidarity and the practical security it tends to produce. It is broad based and therefore more
robust. Chesterton would probably say it is also more jolly. Indirectly it provides the mental
space to consider economic justice.
The concept of justice in economic relationships has been rendered almost
meaningless by the movement of economic thought over the last century. Discussion of
economic justice usually reduces to Pareto optimality, which rests on the assumption the free
market will result in the optimum distribution of utilities.54 If the free market price is believed
to be automatically just, then there can be no injustice in its operation and no need for moral
oversight. It leaves Fr. Sirico’s plea empty, as moral actors have nothing to contribute to the
operation of the economy. By contrast, if there are objective knowable parameters for setting
price, or dealing with property, or using money, then these may inform the economic actor’s
conscience. This was the task of St. Thomas, and widely understood in his world. Although
not stated, Caritas in Veritate points back to the need for a re-examination of the validity of
these critical moral principles as outlined by the Angelic Doctor.
In this way Pope Benedict XVI has pointed out the necessary direction for resolution
of the contemporary rift between what is currently termed social justice and economic justice.
Appeals for social justice currently rely heavily upon assumptions related to human dignity
and appear to violate the legal logic of property rights and contract that underpin economic
justice. John Perkins is illustrative of an economic agent who was involved in development
activities that conformed to contemporary economic justice but violated social justice.55 His
eventual repudiation of contemporary predatory commercial activity demonstrates that even
without grounding in Christian social thought the human person is aware of the injustice that
is currently possible within legitimate economic activity where there are significant
disparities between the players.
The future direction of economics
The major and necessary change for economics, if it is to become an adequate science
of human economic action, will be the recognition that Marshall’s experiment has been a
failure. Many of the claimed achievements of economics can be shown to be the result of
other causes while many of the world’s economic problems can be shown to be the result of
the operation of the institutions that economic theory recommends.56 More fundamentally,
52
See for example Matt (6, 24-33), Luke (12: 33-34), Luke (16, 9-13),
The property owner in Matt (20: 1-16) effectively made gifts of excess wages to the late arrival labourers
comparable to the steward in Luke (16: 1-8) making Christ’s teaching regarding gifts from excess unintelligible
to the Pharisees who loved money and strengthened their rejection of the Messiah on the basis of his economic
admonitions (Luke 16: 14-15). The behaviour of the early Christians is intelligible in terms of gift economy
(Acts 2:45 & 4:32).
54
See: M. G. Velasquez, Business Ethics, (Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall, 1988)
55
H. Perkins, Confession of an Economic Hit Man, (San Francisco: Berret-Koehler, 2004)
53
56
For an explanation of this, see: A. K. Sen, Poverty and Famines: An Essay on Entitlement and Deprivation,
Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1981)
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Small: Connecting Economics to Theology
economics as a discipline does need a moral compass and it needs one that is better
conformed to the real economic actor, not homo economicus.
The Catholic Church is not the sole custodian of the moral economic principles, other
cultures have possessed them, at least in part as Schumacher illustrated in his treatment of
Buddhist economics and Mehmet’s appeal for recognition of the economic sensitivities of
indigenous peoples. The pope has recognized this in his call to respect culture.57 The Church
does have one of the best developed systematic understandings of these moral principles,
having practiced them and reflected on them over millennia.
The rejection of the Christian position, first begun by the Protestant revision of
culture, and consolidated through the development of modern philosophy, has caused the
active promotion and development in understanding of these sensitive issues to be stunted.
When Pope Leo XIII outlined the reasoning behind the Church’s position regarding property
he was only paraphrasing and applying a doctrine that was perfected almost eight hundred
years earlier by the Angelic Doctor.
Caritas in Veritate is similar in this respect. It has recognised the dependence of
economic moral principles on the nature of the human person and it has shown how this is
best understood using the light of theology. These are also ancient notions in the Church.
Pope Benedict has focused on gift and love as the driving forces behind just and truly human
economic action and in so doing has directed attention to the thought of the Seraphic Doctor,
St. Bonaventure. Modernity may be distinguished by its attempt to rely on reason to the point
that love has all but disappeared from the social sciences. Love finds no place in the theories
of modern sociology, negligible significance in modern psychology and is absolutely
excluded from modern economics. The Seraphic Doctor’s philosophy was grounded on love.
It is an idea that is overdue in the current world.
The ancient principles enunciated by St. Thomas and St. Bonaventure deserve reexamination and development, especially in the light of recent experience and economic
understanding. The scholarship that has attempted to unseat them needs critical review. The
notion that there is such a thing as a just price is not news to the average taxi driver, but it is
anathema to the professional economist. The demise in the Church’s position on usury has a
complex history that owes more to politics than economic theory, at least economic theory
based on defensible metaphysics. The modern defences of usury can be shown to be flawed,
but its cultural acceptance continues almost unshakably.58 Private property in the west has
been accepted as "... that sole and despotic dominion which one man claims and exercises
over the things of the world, in total exclusion of the right of any individual in the
universe."59 Somehow we have accepted despotism as desirable over solidarity. Richard
Weaver agreed when he concluded that “Europe, after the agony of the First World War,
turned (from the moral gentleman) to the opposite type for leadership, to gangsters, who,
though they are often good entrepreneurs, are without codes and without inhibitions”.60 Being
57
See: E. F. Schumacher, Small is Beautiful, (London: Abacus, 1974) and O. Mehmet, Westernizing the Third
World, (London: Routledge, 1995)
58
As has been explained by: G. Small, 'Rapacious Usury: Fact or Fiction?' Campion Institute Annual Meeting,
(Toongabbie, Australia: Campion Fellowship, 2002)
59
W. Blackstone, Commentaries on the Laws of England: A facsimile of the First Edition of 1765-69, (Chicago:
Chicago University Press, 1769), p.2
60
R. M. Weaver, Ideas Have Consequences, (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1948), p.55-6
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one of the better known US conservatives, Weaver was no socialist, making his observation
especially poignant. Pope Benedict is perhaps making a similar observation, though far more
gently. His call for justice and gift seems reminiscent of Weaver’s gentleman and would
certainly reverse the trend that Weaver lamented.
The way forward is clear. Pope Benedict has set out an intellectual framework for
economics that will reunite it with the other sciences and foster continuity with the
intellectual tradition initiated by St. Thomas Aquinas and developed by writers such as
Fanfani.61 Like David Schindler, Pope Benedict recognizes that the solution to the problem of
development is related in no small measure to the incarnation and the example of gift that it
conveys.62 The pope is inviting Christian leadership of development and economics and is
pointing out the way it requires a more complete understanding of the human person. Despite
the pre-eminence given to Christian theology, Pope Benedict is nevertheless advocating
respect for various cultures, thereby respecting human dignity and freedom.
61
See: A. Fanfani, Catholicism Protestantism and Capitalism, (London: Sheed and Ward, 1939)
For a clear example of Schindler’s work, see: D. Schindler, Heart of the World, Centre of the Church:
Communio Ecclesiology, Liberalism, and Liberation, (Edinborough: T & T Clark, 1996)
62
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