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2016, The Australasian review of African studies
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6 pages
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In this issue of ARAS we deal with the important issues of education, emigration, ethnicity, the perception and representations of, and the challenges and opportunities experienced by African-Australians. In a global collaboration of scholars, the first article explores the involvement of parents in the education of their children in Northern Uganda. Betty Akullu Ezati, Cornelius Ssempala and Peter Ssenkusu from Makerere University, Jody McBrien from the University of South Florida, and Jan Stewart from the University of Winnipeg have all presented their research conducted between 2007 and 2015 in Northern Uganda in their article entitled Parents, Pay Attention! Factors Related to Parental Involvement with Education in Northern Uganda. What is striking about their original research is that the findings have lessons for all involved in the education of children. The fact that Uganda's civil wars, and in particular the impact of the Lord's Resistance Army in Northern Uganda, and subsequent insecurity has 'disrupted' many aspects of people's daily lives, is investigated by these authors in terms of the resilience of communities in educating their next generations. Although, they found that parents have reduced their involvement in children's education, the reasons for this are complex, but are integrally linked to the consequences of war, and also post-conflict government policies. Ezati et al use an 'ecological approach' to ask in what ways academic achievement might be enhanced overall, and provide some useful recommendations on how to improve parental involvement in their children's education. Lessons for us all!
Australasian Review of African Studies, 2016
Prior to the colonial period (1896-1962), education of children in Uganda was a family responsibility. The introduction of formal Britishstyled schooling disrupted traditional learning by changing the nature of lessons into formal, Western style classrooms and lectures and by placing educational responsibility into the hands of missionaries, teachers, and the government. Since Uganda gained political independence in 1962, education and parental participation in their children's education have been further disrupted by numerous civil wars and resulting displacement, poverty, trauma, and government policies. The purpose of this article is to explore the relationship between historical effects and parental responses to education in northern Uganda. The authors used findings in the literature along with results from three research periods between 2007-2015 during which parents, teachers, and community leaders were interviewed in focus groups or individually, to understand ways in which parents were involved in or withdrawn from their children's education, and reasons for their involvement or inactivity. The authors draw from Epstein and Saunders' (2006) framework for involvement and Bronfenbrenner's (1979, 1999) ecological systems theory to frame the research. Our research indicates that a complexity of factors has contributed to reduced parental involvement, including poverty, dislocation, fear, alcohol consumption, and misunderstanding of policy. We conclude with some suggestions for improvement. Theoretical Contexts Epstein and Saunders (2006) outlined six types of parental-school involvement opportunities that have been shown to promote productive engagement. These include: Parenting-parents' expectations and attitudes regarding education. Communicating-communication between home and school regarding school program and student progress. Volunteering-parental help during school events or activities (e.g. field trips, concerts, sports teams). Learning at home-monitoring and assisting with school-related tasks (e.g. homework); registration in extracurricular academic or arts programs. Decision-making-involvement in a parent-teacher organisation or higher-level educational committee. School and parent collaborations with the community.
2000
The author has granted a non-L'auteur a accordé une licence non exclusive licence allowing the exclusive permettant à la National Library of Canada to Bibliothèque nationale du Canada de reproduce, loan, distribute or seil reproduire, prêter, distribuer ou copies of this thesis in microform, vendre des copies de cette thèse sous paper or electronic formats. la forme de microfiche/fïlm, de reproduction sur papier ou sur format électronique. The author retains ownership of the L'auteur conserve la propriété du copyright in this thesis. Neither the droit d'auteur qui protège cette thèse. thesis nor substantial extracts fiom it Ni la thèse ni des extraits substantiels may be printed or otherwise de celle-ci ne doivent être imprimés reproduced without the author's ou autrement reproduits sans son p e~s s i o n. autorisation. Many institutions and individuals, both in Canada and Uganda, have contributed in numerous waysfinancial, professional, and persona1towards my cornpletion of this work. First, 1 am most grateful for the financial support 1 received 60m the Department of Political Science, University of Toronto. 1 would also like to thank the administrative staff, in particular, Margaret Mackone, Shell y MacLarty and Joan Kallis-whose help has been invaluable to me. Prokssionaily, I wish to hank Professors Jonathan Barker, Richard Stren, and David Wilson-al1 members of my doctoral committee-for their enthusiasm, readiness to discuss ideas, and insightful cornments. S~eciaI thanks go to my supervisor, Professor Jonathan Barker, for his continued confidence in my work despite my own occasional discouragement. Furthemore, his long journey to visit me in Uganda during my field work not only allowed me to share my remarkable experience with him, but gave me the opportunity to cl&@ my ideas through our discussions. 1 also want to thank Professor Richard Stren for having made it possible for me to become part of the stimulating yet informal culture that characterizes the Centre of Urban and Comrnunity Studies. The Centre has been my locus of learning, an important venue for social interaction and developrnent and, importantly, has also provided me with emptoyment. I benefited immensely fiom Professor David Wilson's experience with issues in African education. His comments, on several cirafts of this thesis, asked tough questions, suggested usefil readings, and provided me with an extremely usehl overall guide on the politics of education in Afnca. 1 wish also to thank Professor Apolo Nsibambi, former Director of Makerere Institute of Social Research (1996-97), Minister of Education (1997-98), Prime Minister o f Uganda (1 999), as the unofficial fourth member of my degree cornmittee, both for his knowledgeable comments and valuable documentation. Next, 1 would like to thank the Rockefeller Foundation for the Ahcan Dissertation Intemship Award for my research in Uganda. 1 am especially grateful to Makerere Institute of Social Research for having taken me on as a research associate for the duration of my research. I also convey my special thanks to my research assistants, Rebecca Mukyala, Erasmus Kimbowa, and James Serunjoji. They not only were highly knowledgeable, but a great pleasure to work with. My thanks go out as well to our excellent guide during our many journeys-Mayanja-as well as to Kigozi for library assistance. 1 am indebted as well both to President's Office and to the Ministry of Education for financial support towards the completion of my work A special th& to Elizabeth Kanyogonya and Arnelia Kyambadde-President's Oficefor their kind help, and to Gertrude Kizito, Department of Poli tical Science, Makerere University, for keeping the channels of communication open between Toronto and Makerere. 1 am especially gratehl to al1 the people whom 1 met in the schools that 1 studied. The willingness of the head teachers, teachers, parents and pupils to meet with me and speak frankly about their experiences, expectations, and concerns in education was essential in making this smdy what it is. I am dso indebtcd : O go~emment officiais both at the dishct level and in th2 Ministry of Education for having provided me with access to interviews, as well as to many usefil documents. 1 would also like to thank various friends and members of my extended family in Canada and Uganda. 1 extend a heartfelt thanks to Nancy Barker, who not only opened up her home to me when 1 first arrived in Toronto but became a wonderfbl sounding board both on academic and social matten. 1 am deeply grateful to Sara and Ensa Mugabi, Grace Kiyaga-Nsubuga and their families,
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Articles 28 and 29 of the Convention on the Rights of the Child seek to guarantee the right to education for all children and adolescents. Further, when children af- fected by armed con!ict are asked to prioritize their own needs, education is at the top of the list. Young people equate education with a hopeful future and are eager to attend school. However, all too often, soon after they receive a school placement, those same young people discover that they "nd learning dif"cult and begin to fall away. Part of the dif"culty may lie in the ways in which violence affects cognitive capacity. From intrusive thoughts, to hyper-vigilance, to chronic pre-occupied sadness, young people who have been exposed to violence have dif"culty keeping their minds on their studies. This contributes to school failure, early school leaving, and a pervasive sense of hopelessness that can contribute to a cycle of violence. Serious international attention has been paid to insuring the right of education to children and adolescents affected by on-going con!ict through the creation of schools and non-formal educational opportunities in con!ict zones. However, little has been written until now on how to insure that when these children attend school they are able to overcome the speci"c obstacles to learning that exposure to violence creates. The Ministry of Education and Sports of the Government of Uganda has undertaken a program that attempts to do just that. This article will describe the use of theoretical literature that addresses the learning problems that war affected children face in dynamic interaction with indigenous practices and support for resilience to create an effective program to help these children succeed.
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Pupils’ Academic Performance is a challenge in public primary schools in Ndorwa County-Kabale District in Uganda. The research sought for views of different stakeholders in primary education parental roles in pupils’ learning. Specifically, how parents’ support to pupils may be a solution to poor performance of pupils from selected primary schools in Ndorwa County-Kabale District in Uganda. The study used cross-sectional survey design as the basis for collecting and analyzing both qualitative and quantitative data. A sample size of 322 respondents was derived from a population of 2000 using purposive and simple random sampling. The research data got analyzed in form of frequencies, percentages, means, and standard deviations. Qualitative data was analyzed using content analysis, quotations, and thematic analysis. The results revealed that students from highly involved family members significantly outperformed those with family members who were not involved according to scores of PLE...
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A growing body of literature on wartime social change reveals how disruptions in social institutions can have post‐war effects, but there is limited knowledge of how such changes shape the lives of rural young people. The Acholi region of northern Uganda experienced two decades of armed conflict and forced displacement (1986–2006). This paper draws on qualitative field research to analyse the influence of family dynamics on the educational and livelihood trajectories of Acholi youth in rural areas, during and after the war. It demonstrates how young people's opportunities during the war were directly affected by insecurity, and indirectly through the disruption of family life. By 2020, young people are still ‘struggling': they work hard to respond to family obligations, which ultimately undermines their chances to progress. The social embeddedness of young people in family relations mediates the ability of young men and women to harness opportunities in a context of underdev...
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Liberation theology, theological reflection on revolutionary social processes in alliance with oppressed peoples, offers spiritual grounds for a shift in pedagogy that directly involves students in the creation of a relevant and freeing educational program. This chapter describes four classroom practices inspired by Latin American liberation theology that turn students into the protagonists of their intellectual formation and invite them into projects that model and inspire broader social transformation, including material projects of decolonization. The author, a member of the Catholic religious group the Society of Jesus and a humanities instructor at Xavier University, situates these practices in personal experiences of pedagogical transformation from a dominant teaching philosophy to a subversive one. The liberative practices include: (1) empowering students to become owners of the means of their academic production via the common selection of course materials; (2) constructing group projects to encourage the prioritization of the common good; (3) developing an assessment model in conjunction with student input; and (4) crafting experiences of solidarity with the oppressed as loci of learning. A theology that envisions salvation not as the positive outcome of a spiritual test but as a historical process in which God and humanity co-create a new society of love provides a theoretical framework for these practices. The praxis described here is a helpful contribution not only to those affiliated with Christian, Catholic, or Jesuit institutions and/or religious traditions but also to every educator seeking to democratize and revolutionize their learning environments.
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