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9
UNIVERSITY AND WORK
CURRICULUM INQUIRY FROM AN
ACTIVITY THEORY PERSPECTIVE
James Garraway
INTRODUCTION
Activity theory is fundamentally a theory of transforming and improving practice, whether
in work organisation or in education (Roth 2004:7). Activity theory, particularly that
based on Vygotsky’s concept of mediated learning, has had an enormous influence on
teaching and learning in general.
In activity theory terms, all human endeavour is goal-oriented; however, such
endeavours are always beset with contradictions and difficulties, which often reside
in complex systems of economic and power relations (Kaptelin & Miettinen 2005:2).
The strength of the theory lies in recognising that contradictions are not givens but
have historical and cultural roots and as such can be worked with, often providing the
engine for change in organisations (Engestrom 1987). Activity theory approaches to
analysing work and the curriculum are therefore particularly appropriate, as there is
an intersection of two different sets of social practices.
The acquisition of knowledge at university, because of its more conceptual and
general nature, can be of the form of learning central propositional knowledge – often
in codified form. This may then be used to accrete or make coherent elements of
knowledge drawn from the academic discipline or environment. On the other hand,
much learning in practice involves learning about what works in a particular situation,
which may not lend itself to codification. In addition, much learning is cultural and
situated, occurring through participation in communities of practice (Eraut 2004,
2010). These differences between university and work knowledge and practice are
likely to create tensions and contradictions in, for example, the design of career-
focused curricula.
In terms of curriculum, activity theory has been used extensively in the literature to
analyse the effects of information communications technology (ICT) interventions
in the classroom (see, for example, Murphy & Rodriguez-Manzanares 2008 for an
international perspective and Woods & Marsh 2007 and Hardman 2005 for a South
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African perspective). Though research has been conducted on the use of activity theory
to analyse the relationship between university and work in the curriculum (see, for
example, Konkola, Tuomi-Gröhn, Lambert & Ludvigsend 2007; Pare & Le Maistre
2006; Virkunnen, Makinen & Lintula 2010), its use is not extensive and it remains a
somewhat novel approach to curriculum and work here and abroad.
Activity theory approaches to learning can be divided into three phases, beginning
with Vygotsky and mediated learning as a largely individual process. This first phase
is known as ‘first-generation activity theory’ (Engestrom 2001). The second phase,
‘second-generation activity theory’, expands Vygotsky’s concept of mediated learning
to include the social relations and structures within which learning occurs into what is
known as an activity system (Engestrom 1999). In the third phase, ‘third-generation
activity theory’, the unit of study involves more than one activity system and the
interactions between them (Engestrom 2001).
First-generation activity theory is related to the well-known curriculum design concept
of constructive alignment (Biggs 2003) and explores how this concept itself can be
related to work and the curriculum. Drawing on second-generation activity theory,
suggestions are made in this chapter on how the system may be used as an analytic
and developmental framework for work-integrated curriculum design. The last section
reports on empirical research on curriculum and internships conducted from a third-
generation activity theory perspective.
FIRST-GENERATION ACTIVITY THEORY IN WORK AND THE CURRICULUM
Vygotsky’s theory of learning describes learning as a movement from an initial less
systematic, more localised understanding of a topic to one that is more systematic and
abstract (Hedegaard 1998:119). In Vygotsky’s terminology, the student gains a more
scientific understanding of the world, and this is the importance and focus of school
learning. Furthermore, learning is not just an isolated individual act, but is mediated
through cultural tools that could be symbolic (like language) and material (books
and classrooms) and in general involves the actions of a more knowledgeable other
(Hardman 2008:2). The difference between what students already know and can do
unaided and what they can potentially know and do through tutelage and the use of
mediating objects is known as the zone of proximal development (ZPD) (Hedegaard
1998:119).
The theory of learning can be represented by a triangle (see Figure 9.1) with mediating
tools at the apex of the triangle and the ZPD lying between the subject/student and the
object, the more scientific knowing to be worked on/understood.
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Tools
ZPD
Subject Object
FIGURE 9.1 Vygotsky’s theory of learning (first-generation activity theory)
The implications of this theory of learning are that tools will be used differently in
different circumstances, and that the way students work on the object will itself result
in somewhat different knowledge constructs and outcomes. The Vygotskian framework
provided the basis for what later was referred to as ‘situated learning’ (Pare & Le
Maistre 2006) and ‘social constructivist theories of learning’, in which students actively
construct meaning within a teacher-mediated framework towards more complex ways
of knowing (Moll 2002:17). The currently widely used curriculum theory in higher
education of constructive alignment is derived from social constructivist theories of
learning (Biggs 2003).
Constructive alignment in curriculum was developed by Biggs as an antidote to
emerging outcomes-based approaches to curriculum in Britain in the early 1980s
(Biggs 2003). In these approaches, the important issue was that teaching, assessment
and outcomes in the curriculum should be aligned such that it was very clear what
students were supposed to know and how they were supposed to know it. For Biggs,
the problem with this model was two-fold. Firstly, the type of outcomes being aimed
for mattered, in particular in higher education. These, he reasoned, would need to
be conceptual and systematically structured understandings of topics, as described
in his well-known structure of observed learning outcomes. Secondly, reaching these
outcomes would involve students in deep engagement with the topic and thus the
construction of meaning. The role of the lecturer/tutor was then to move students from a
relatively unstructured initial understanding towards a more conceptual understanding
within a ZPD. Neither of these issues was overtly factored into an outcomes-based
approach (Biggs 2003; Moll 2011). The similarities of Biggs’ theorisations with
Vygotsky’s learning theory, in terms of scientific understanding and meditation through
a more knowledgeable other, can be clearly seen.
Biggs was not just concerned with students knowing concepts, but also with their
ability to use knowledge, which may also involve integration across different subjects
(Biggs 2003). In addition, Biggs refers to problem-based learning (PBL) as an ideal
illustration of a constructively aligned curriculum in that it involves deep understanding
and application of knowledge to context through mediated learning. PBL can itself
be a form of integrating work-like practices with the more theoretical curriculum
(Charlin & Mann 1998). Though constructive alignment is focused on the in-house
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university curriculum, it has also been suggested as a useful tool in the design of work-
based learning curricula in internships, in which the issue of functioning knowledge is
paramount (Walsh 2007).
Constructive alignment is still a dominant framework for curriculum design in
higher education today, but has attracted some criticism. The first criticism concerns
Biggs’s (2003) focus on outcomes and his rather unfortunate statement that students
will be trapped in a beneficial and challenging triad of teaching, assessment and
outcomes. For some critics (for example, Jervis & Jervis 2005) this points to a strongly
behaviourist pedagogic orientation that is at odds with constructivist ways of thinking
in which students essentially make their own meaning, albeit within some form of set
parameters. A second criticism more closely related to developments in activity theory
is that constructive alignment is too limited in its focus on learning within a university
course and does not take into account broader societal issues that may impact on the
curriculum (see, for example, Boud 2007).
SECOND-GENERATION ACTIVITY THEORY IN WORK AND THE CURRICULUM
The simple triangle illustrating Vygotsky’s theory of learning can be described as
the first generation of activity theory, as it forms the basis for later developments
(Engestrom 2001). The first development from Vygotsky’s initial theory of culturally
mediated, goal-oriented actions was to encompass different levels of complexity of
action, broadly defined as individual and group goal-directed actions and larger-
scale, more collective object-directed activities (Engestrom 2001:134). The difference
between action and activity is that in the latter there is a division of labour with different
groupings performing actions that together contribute to the overall activity (Engestrom
2008:203). The metaphor of the tribal hunt was used by Leontiev (1974) to illustrate
the division of labour in activity versus action. The hunt is usually divided into two
actions; those who beat the bush to chase the game away in a particular direction and
those who wait to kill the fleeing animals. There is thus a division of labour that, when
combined, constitutes the whole activity of hunting.
Further developments towards the development of second-generation activity theory
involved an even greater integration of individual actions within a larger, more collective
framework. In second-generation activity theory the focus is on the whole activity
system or organisation. The individual subject still acts on the object and potentially
changes it through the use of tools, but context is now writ large. Context in the form
of a broader community with its rules and rituals and division of labour also serves
to mediate and thus affect how the subject works on the object (Engestrom 1999).
This second generation of activity theory (Engestrom 2001) can be conceptualised as
shown in the expanded triangle in Figure 9.2.
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Tools: what the subject
uses to act on the object
Object: focus
Subject: who is of the Outcome:
carrying activity; raw result of work
out the activity material on the object
Rules: overt Community: Division of
and tacit all groups labour: who
norms in the interested in does what with
system the object what influence
FIGURE 9.2 Activity system triangle (second-generation activity theory, based on
Engestrom 1987)
The activity system as a whole is the object-oriented, collective and mediated activity.
Though it may appear to be a static system, it is dynamic in that all elements of the
system can interact with one another (Roth 2004), as is indicated by the lines between
the elements of the system, but certain interactions may be prioritised. The object
refers to what is of interest, what is being worked on or what provides the focal point
for the whole activity system. The object is a particularly tricky concept to work with,
firstly because it does not refer to object as in ‘objective’, but to the material object or
‘problem space’ that occupies the attention of the subject and community. Secondly,
the object may be difficult to pin down; for example, what exactly do we mean by
‘health care’ in medical facilities (Engestrom 2008) or indeed ‘curriculum’? The objects
themselves may require definition and different actors may define them differently.
In being worked on by the subject in interaction with other elements of the system,
the object may be transformed into an outcome. The subject denotes who is primarily
responsible for carrying out the activity and from whose perspective the system and the
object of the system are being analysed (Murphy & Rodriguez-Manzanares 2008:44;
Roth 2004:2).
The community refers to actors other than those in the subject who have an interest
in working on the object to produce some form of desirable outcome (Mwanza &
Engestrom 2003). The community typically interacts with and has influence (constraining
or supporting) over the subject through rules. These can encompass overt and codified
rules concerning knowledge and behaviours within a system or organisation, as well as
more tacit habitual practices. Rules mediate the interaction of the community with the
subject(s). The division of labour, who does what in the system/organisation and what
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particular influences they exert on one another, typically mediate between the community
and the object (Engestrom 1999:31; Murphy & Rodriguez-Manzanares 2008:443).
Activity theory, as an approach to researching complex systems, can be used at different
levels of analysis. The first level is one of analysing the system as a whole and thus
gaining a sense of the nature of the different elements that make up the system. So, for
example, one could do a detailed analysis of the rules operating within a system. On
its own, this is a useful analytical exercise to carry out in any system. Other levels of
analysis are concerned with where the contradictions in the activity system are sought
and examined. Primary-level contradictions refer to contradictions within one element
of the six elements of the activity system. Secondary-level contradictions occur between
different elements of the activity system, for example between tools and division of
labour. Tertiary- and quaternary-level contradictions refer to contradictions between
the objects of current and more advanced or improved systems and between all the
elements of two such systems (Engestrom 1987:34; Roth 2004:6).
ANALYSING VOCATIONAL CURRICULA USING SECOND-GENERATION
ACTIVITY THEORY
At my university, lecturers are currently investigating the use of activity theory to better
understand factors that impact on the design and implementation of the work-oriented
or career-focused curriculum. We have started using the basic Engestrom-inspired
second-generation activity theory and associated system. At present, the theory is
being used as an analytical tool to describe the content of all the components and
is still in its early stages of development. More empirical data need to be gathered
using, for example, the questionnaire/checklist in Table 9.1 with a group of teaching
and research staff. Even with the early manifestation of the system shown below, some
primary and secondary contradictions are evident, and are briefly discussed in the
following section on ‘contradictions’. These and other contradictions have to be further
explored once more empirical data have been gathered.
It must thus be pointed out that the contents of some elements of the activity system
described here are peculiar to the career-focused curriculum project, and may not be
found in Engestrom’s original activity theory description.
Object: The career-focused curriculum is the problem space we are working with.
This can be seen as consisting of subject knowledge integrated with elements of work
knowledge, the various teaching and assessment methods related to these types of
knowledge, as well as the outcomes we are attempting to achieve. In a typology of
the career-focused curriculum, Engel-Hills, Garraway, Jacobs, Volbrecht and Winberg
(2009) described different levels of curriculum, including courses and practical work
oriented to career needs, problem- and project-based methods, and teaching and
learning occurring during work placements. However, just what object we are dealing
may differ in different universities.
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Subjects: These include those lecturers tasked with the design and implementation of
the curriculum. The experiences, skills and dispositions of the lecturers and their under-
standing of what is entailed in career-focused education are important factors here.
Tools or mediating artefacts: The tools lecturers could use to work on and develop
the curriculum include more symbolic aspects such as theories of work and university
integration, for example theories of transfer from university to work (Tuomi-Gröhn,
Engestrom & Young 2003) or theories of different knowledge types in workplaces
and in university courses (Bernstein 2000) and how the two may be integrated or
recontextualised (Barnett 2006). More material aspects could include knowledge
bases of courses and curriculum-mapping tools, as well as more general issues such
as the availability of classroom and laboratory space.
Outcome: The outcome refers to the transformation of the object (courses and work
knowledge and practices) through the actions of the subjects, using tools and the
influences of the whole community. There would usually be a desirable outcome, for
example a graduate with scientific knowledge related to work or one who is able to do
work (Konkola et al 2007).
Community: The community of actors who also have an interest in developing the
object of the career-focused curriculum include internal partners such as quality
and planning practitioners, senior management and students, who are the eventual
recipients of the curriculum. Included here would be academic developers, though
these actors could also be seen as mediating artefacts in relating the subjects to the
object. External partners with a common interest in the object include work advisory
committees and individual work training professionals (for example work supervisors
and clinical educators), professional bodies and national bodies such as the Council
on Higher Education and the Department of Higher Education and Training.
The relationship of the community to the rest of the activity system is realised or
mediated via rules and division of labour. In organisations, rules traditionally refer to
overt rules and regulations and more tacit cultural norms, while division of labour refer
to an often overt distribution as to who does what in a workplace, and what the power
relations are between these different functions. Daniels (2005) draws on Bernstein’s
(2000) distinction between a structural and interactional focus in the curriculum. In
general, the structural focus refers to the strength of boundaries and hence clear
delineation, specialisation and ‘classification’ of one type of knowledge from another
(Daniels 2005). The interactional focus, on the other hand, centres on the relative
positions of control over the sequencing of the curriculum and who can say what in
the pedagogical relationship between teachers and students (an aspect of framing,
discussed further over the page under ‘rules’).
Division of labour: In division of labour, different courses can be separated from
one another with different degrees of strength of boundary. This often relates to the
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different degree of role specialisation of different lecturers. These parallel divisions
would be likely to affect how well courses can be integrated in, for example, PBL tasks.
The separation of different courses may also have a vertical dimension in that some
courses may be given a greater weighting in the development of the career-focused
curriculum than others.
There may be divisions between lecturers as to who teaches and who does research and
what sort of research is done (hard science versus curriculum research, for instance).
In the career-focused curriculum there is also likely to be a division between practical
laboratory courses, learning sessions in workplaces and the more procedural and
conceptual knowledge taught in the classroom. Clearly, the relationships of parallelism
and verticality and between practice and conceptual/procedural elements of courses
will influence how the curriculum is to be structured.
Divisions may also refer to the relative influences that different members of the
community have over the curriculum, as well as to power differences and different
roles adopted between students who learn and lecturers who teach. However, in
keeping with Daniels’s (2005) approach, these are represented in the rules element of
the activity system.
Rules: In pedagogy, rules can include those concerned with how the curriculum is
structured and what counts as evidence of learning. There is also, as Daniels (2005)
elucidates, the extent to which students can influence what can be said in the subjects
and curriculum which, following Daniels’s (2005) interpretation of Bernstein in activity
theory, can be referred to as ‘framing’.
The rules relevant to curriculum, however, go beyond what occurs in the classroom and
must include other rules imposed on the work-integrated curriculum by the community.
These would include rules of combination and credit rating, rules of assessment
according to policies and rules related to the strategic objectives of the university.
Professional bodies would also exert specific rules as to weightings of different forms
of subject knowledge; for example the Engineering Council of South Africa requires a
professional degree to have a minimum engineering science weighting of approximately
30% and an engineering design and synthesis weighting of 12% (ECSA 2009).
Curriculum researchers Mwanza and Engestrom (2003) have adapted the activity
system components into a research interview questionnaire. In their research they were
interested in harnessing advanced ITC (e.g. virtual reality, mobile technologies) as a
source of innovative pedagogic practices in the college engineering curriculum. In
order to do this it was first necessary to understand the nature of the whole teaching
and learning activity, and how the different parts related to one another. They utilised a
data-capture methodology in empirical research on different engineering classrooms
called the ‘eight-step model’ to better understand the activity. Likewise, Hardman
(2008) developed a checklist for the activity theory curriculum researcher to ensure
that all elements of the activity system are noted (Hardman 2008). A similar process
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can be used for inquiring into the curriculum and work, by combining elements of the
eight-step model and the Hardman checklist into an adapted form of questionnaire/
checklist, as outlined below in Table 9.1.
TABLE 9.1 Questionnaire/checklist for activity theory curriculum inquiry
Component of Research questions to pose
the activity system in analysing the curriculum and work
Object What is understood by the career-focused curriculum as opposed to a
more traditional curriculum?
Subject What are the experiences and dispositions of lecturers towards the
career-focused curriculum?
Outcome What would be a desirable outcome for a career-focused curriculum?
Tools What types of symbolic and material tools do the lecturers have at their
disposal to work on the curriculum?
Community Who are the internal actors and groups who share an interest in
developing the career-focused curriculum?
Who are the external professional bodies and other committees and
individuals who share a common interest in developing this object?
Rules What rules are imposed by internal and external groups on how the
curriculum should be structured and enacted?
What counts as evidence of learning?
What level of interpretation by the students is permitted?
Division of labour What is the nature of horizontal and vertical subject distinctions and
the relative weighting given to theory and practice?
The questionnaire/checklist has only recently been used within the context of investigating
the elements of the vocational or career-focused curriculum, and has not as yet been
properly trialled and reported on.
CONTRADICTIONS AND DEVELOPMENTAL LEARNING IN SECOND-GENERATION
ACTIVITY THEORY
The use of the activity theory as an analytic tool to describe a system (in this case
that of the career-focused curriculum) can be further developed to pinpoint areas for
further research. A common thrust in activity theory analyses is that there are always
contradictions and difficulties that have arisen over time; there are always many different
voices that have become embedded in the rules, division of labour, object and tools
(Engestrom 2008:27; Engestrom & Miettinen 1999). These inherent contradictions
provide the starting point for developmental learning in the system. In Engestrom’s
analysis of activity systems and learning, predominately in workplaces, all these
historically developed contradictions have their origins in and are influenced by the
fundamental contradiction of use and exchange value in capitalist activity (Engestrom
2008:205). However, as Blackler (1993) argues, writing from the work organisation
perspective, the use of activity theory to analyse and identify inherent contradictions in
activity systems can be performed without recourse to Marxist economic theory.
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In the tools element of the activity system for the career-focused curriculum, designers
may come from different theoretical perspectives that may be somewhat contradictory
(primary-level contradictions). For example, a situated cognition approach to bringing
the curriculum closer to work (Lave & Wenger 1991) may be viewed as ignoring a more
social realist view of university and work knowledge as being substantially different and
differently acquired (Guile & Young 2003:66). The surfacing of these differences may
in turn lead to productive developments; the Daniels (2005) integration of Bernsteinian
concepts of classification and framing with the more contextual approaches taken in
activity theory, discussed earlier, is exactly such an example of productive development.
In the career-focused curriculum, a common contradiction may arise concerning
objects and tools (secondary-level contradiction). For some lecturers the object of
the curriculum may be primarily the knowledge and methods of the courses taught.
For others, often also including work representatives, the object is functioning in
workplaces and courses are tools to achieve this; there is an object-tool reversal in the
activity system (Virkunnen et al 2010).
Or, within the rules and within the division of labour, students may be understood differently
as passive recipients or as active learners (Murphy & Rodriguez-Manzanares 2008).
Contradictions between elements can be clearly seen in, for example, Hardman’s
(2005) analysis of the introduction of ICTs into the university classroom. Here, the tool
of the ICT was at odds with the more didactic role of the lecturer, as students could to
some extent work independently and pace their own work. There was tension between
the tools and role (division of labour) of the lecturer and to some extent between the
rules and the tools, as using ICTs may open space for increased student voice, perhaps
in contradiction to that of the lecturer. Subsequent surfacing and examination of this
tension introduced a process of change in the teaching and learning activity (Hardman
2005:390).
Contradictions between elements can also be traced to the activity system for the
career-focused curriculum described earlier. For example, where the dominant culture
of teaching (rules) is that students learn in a structured way through attending lectures,
then implementing more student-controlled and student-centred learning (for example
PBL) may be resisted by staff. PBL and project-based learning as examples of the
object in a career-focused curriculum activity system are also likely to be hampered
where the horizontal division of labour is one of strong classification between subjects.
Through focusing on these tensions, much as was done by Hardman (2005), shifts and
developments in the object and the activity system as a whole may occur.
Working through these sorts of contradictions and reorganising the activity system
is a potentially long process involving interaction and reflection among participants.
A method to work through contradictions is that of the ‘change laboratory’ described
by Engestrom (2007). Here the activity theory analysis and the contradictions exposed
through using it form a primary stimulus for change in the activity, which is worked
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through using the experiences of practitioners and materials drawn from members of
the community. Furthermore, sessions are filmed and elements of the films from one
session are used as a stimulus for discussion in the next.
As more and more contradictions and difficulties emerge with current practice,
participants, often with the further stimulus of the facilitator, may be able to break
out of their ‘iron cage’ mentality (Engestrom 2007:382) and develop new objects
for the activity. The new object is likely to be contradictory to the dominant practices
embedded in the organisation (a tertiary- or even quaternary-level contradiction).
The method has been used in the development of a new Physiotherapy curriculum in
Finland (Virkunnen et al 2010). Data were gathered from students and from practicing
physiotherapists. The main contradictory issue that arose was that students were
encouraged in the curriculum to focus on knowledge and techniques, but were not
seeing categories of whole patients and the sorts of adaptations needed to treat such
categories; for example, the category of older patients with all their associated health
and lifestyle problems.
The research of Virkunnen et al (2010) in fact moved from the analysis of a single activity
system to that of different, interacting systems. This is both another level of analysis,
as contradictions between activity systems are examined, and another development in
activity theory, referred to as ‘third-generation activity theory’ (Engestrom 2001).
THIRD-GENERATION ACTIVITY THEORY IN WORK AND THE CURRICULUM
Previously, in second-generation activity theory, work and learning were combined
with the common object of the career-focused curriculum. Another way to analyse
work and learning in the career-focused curriculum is to pull the system apart into two
interacting systems that represent different voices, different perspectives from actors as
well as different contexts; contradictions now arise between any or all elements of the
two different systems.
Analyses involving such different activity systems fall under the concept of third-
generation activity theory (Engestrom 2001:135). Work and the curriculum have been
analysed in this way by McMillan (2009) in the context of the mainstream medical
curriculum and service work in the community in South Africa, and by Konkola et al
(2007) in the context of Physiotherapy internships in Finland and in Education and
Social Work in Canada (Le Maistre & Pare 2004).
At the first level of analysis, the two activity systems can be shown to have quite different
tools, objects, communities, division of labour and rules (Le Maistre & Pare 2004).
However, the student as the subject in both systems, albeit with different roles, provides
connectivity and the possibility for interaction between the two different activity systems.
Figure 9.3 below is a schema of two interacting activity systems of the university and
work. When students are at work during their internships, they are required to deal with
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work problems that are fundamentally different to the kinds of problems experienced
in the university curriculum (Pare & Le Maistre 2006). The students have to refocus
knowledge and methods learnt at the university, the object of university study, to the
work problem, which constitutes the object of the work activity. In so doing, they
transform both the object of study and the work problem into a mutually developed
object (Konkola et al 2007).
University Work
Tools Tools
Mutually
Subject Object developed Object Subject
object
Rules Division of Division of Rules
Community labour labour Community
FIGURE 9.3 Engestrom’s (2001) depiction of third-generation activity theory
Because we are dealing with different systems and often different objects, additional
concepts such as boundary crossing and brokers from situated learning theory (Wenger
1998) and boundary objects from actor-network theory (Star & Griesemer 1989) need
to be introduced (Engestrom 2001:135).
Our own curriculum research focused on industrial internships for final-year Chemistry
students (Garraway, Volbrecht, Wicht & Ximba 2011). Altogether 18 students doing
their internships in nine different chemical industrial sites, ranging from industrial
chemical to health product manufacturing and water purification, formed the focus
of the study.
Our investigation involved the introduction of a task at work that would serve to
connect the taught and practical curriculum at the university with work knowledge
and practices. But more than this, the task needed to be of interest to and useful for
both the workplace and the student. In this way the task could act as a boundary
object (Star & Griesemer 1989), connecting work and university but also acting as a
developmental node (Engestrom 2001; Konkola et al 2007).
The research thus involved using activity theory as an intervention in order to improve
practice (Roth 2004:7), as was described in the introduction. But it also provided a
framework with which the researchers could analyse the curriculum as it is enacted
in internships, in particular the relationship between university knowledge and work
knowledge and practice.
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Although we were all curriculum researchers, half our number was also Chemistry
lecturers with responsibility for monitoring the students during their internships.
Students are required by the university to do an investigation of an issue at work and
to submit the investigation as evidence of having ‘applied’ their university knowledge.
Through interviews with work supervisors, the researchers were able to ensure that the
investigation was something that really mattered at work and was substantial enough
to stimulate the students to transfer knowledge from the university to the work context.
In interviews with the students, their Chemistry lecturers encouraged them to think back
to their university curriculum and select elements that were relevant to the industrial
task. The university staff were thus acting as knowledge brokers (Wenger 1998)
within the triangular relationship of work supervisors, the students and themselves as
representatives of university knowledge (Konkola et al 2007).
In reporting on the investigation, the students were requested to reflect on what
knowledge they had selected and transferred, what the gaps were between university
and work knowledge and how they managed to bridge these gaps. This was submitted
to the researchers in the form of a written, reflective report. The reflective report
provided the main source of data for the researchers. In addition, the students were
interviewed at work before they wrote the report and were asked to reflect on how the
investigative project at work related to their learning at university; these were recorded
and transcribed and provided additional data on how the students connected university
and work knowledge and learning.
In writing about bridging the gap, the students were asked to reflect not only on what new
knowledge was learnt, but also on how this knowledge was acquired in the workplace.
Here, the researchers were attempting to tap into the context in which learning
occurred at work, and the extent to which the students were becoming conscious of
their engagement in a new and different community of practice (Wenger 1998).
In terms of gaps and knowledge development, as evidenced in the interviews and the
written reflective reports, we found that the students’ abilities differed. Some students
could recognise the gap, but not how they might integrate and develop what they had
learnt at university in terms of the new situation. For others there was not much of a gap
at all, whereas for some students’ extensive knowledge development was recorded.
The following example of reflection on connecting learning and knowledge between
university and work is taken from a written reflective report submitted by an internship
student working at a waste-water treatment plant. The context of the investigation
was that the treatment plant staff had acquired a new mercury analysis instrument,
but had experienced problems setting it up that remained unresolved. The task set
for the student was to solve this problem and set up the instrument. The student was
familiar with the general practice and procedures of chemical analysis of water, but not
that involving mercury. In his reflective report he described how he had mobilised his
knowledge of the chemistry of mercury learnt at university, combining it with general
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practice, in order to solve the work problem and set up the instrument, thus developing
his own knowledge and skills and contributing a new practice to the workplace.
In activity theory terms the mutually developed task acted as a boundary object
(Engestrom 2001:136; Konkola et al 2007) because it was able to articulate the two
worlds of the university and work. In so doing, it satisfied both the work problem and
academic learning needs. Furthermore, through using the boundary object as a focus
for development, both the student and the activity system as a whole were developed.
Within the written reflective report on his investigation, the student was also able to
describe the approach he took to solving the problem. He described how he first
followed the general procedure that all company employees follow of constructing a
stage-by-stage flow chart of the process to help identify what the problem was and
where it occurred. This he derived from his supervisor. Then he discussed the chart with
other staff in the laboratory until the problem and possible solution became clearer.
There are clear parallels here with the Vygotskian notion of the ZPD, where students
are able to do more with the mediation of more experienced others than they can do
unaided on their own. This way of practicing is different from typical university work,
and involves both interaction and learning from supervisors and from other differently
skilled individuals – what Pare and Le Maistre (2006:373) refer to as “distributed
mentoring”. Developmental learning is thus not only about knowledge, but also
involves engagement with the ways of doing in the workplace.
The empirical study illustrates how third-generation activity theory can be used as both
a design tool for developmental learning and an analytical tool to understand learning
and curriculum during internships.
SUMMING UP ACTIVITY THEORY IN UNIVERSITY AND WORK CURRICULUM
RESEARCH
Table 9.2 sums up and illustrates the different ways in which activity theory has been
used in curriculum research in higher education, as described in this chapter. It reiterates
the different phases or generations of activity theory in research. Furthermore, it shows
how second-generation activity theory may be used descriptively or to expose different
levels of contradiction.
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TABLE 9.2 Activity theory and curriculum research
Curriculum research and Examples of
Generation
development focus curriculum research
First-generation Constructive alignment Higher education curriculum design
activity theory and analysis (Biggs 2003)
(Vygotsky)
Second- Analytical framework for identifying Analysis of the vocational curriculum
generation components of an activity and the and the role of ICT in engineering
activity theory relative influences of the components colleges
(Engestrom) on the activity as a whole (Mwanza & Engestrom 2003)
Identification and exploration of Analysing the components of the
contradictions within elements vocational curriculum in universities
of the curriculum (primary-level (this chapter)
contradictions)
Identification and exploration of Introducing information technology
contradictions between elements into the university classroom
of the curriculum (secondary-level (Hardman 2005)
contradictions)
Exploration of new ways of working In change laboratories
and the formation of new objects (Engestrom 2007)
and activity that may be contradictory
to previous objects (tertiary-level
contradictions)
Third-generation Comparing different activity systems In vocational university education
activity theory and exposing contradictions as and the workplace
(Engestrom) developmental nodes (Virkunnen et al 2010)
Analysis and development of mutually In Chemistry internships (in this
formed objects between different chapter) and in Physiotherapy
activity systems involving issues of internships where new practices
boundary and boundary crossing emerge (Konkola et al 2007)
CONCLUSIONS
In traditional university curriculum practices, knowledge is typically developed from
more simple to more complex forms and is organised conceptually via central guiding
theories; this is what Bernstein referred to as vertical discourse (Bernstein 2000). In
examining work and the curriculum, there will always be elements of vertical knowledge
development. But there also needs to be cognisance of horizontal developments that
involve movement between parallel activity contexts (work and university). These
parallel contexts, or activity systems, entail some complementary but also “conflicting
cognitive tools, rules and patterns of social action” (Tuomi-Gröhn et al 2003:3).
The limitations of first-generation activity and constructive alignment were that
insufficient attention was paid to context and the dynamic nature of curriculum.
Second- and third-generation theory with their focus on variation, multi-voicedness
and constant opportunities for change (Engestrom 1999:20) within and between
activity systems provide for a richer, less static framework for analysing work and
the curriculum.
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Activity theory with its focus on differences and contradictions within and between
elements of an activity system in second-generation activity theory and between
different activity systems in third-generation activity theory is thus an ideal tool for
examining work and the curriculum.
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