Fat Worlds and Carnivals Webinar Series 2023-2024

2008

'determinant' of this value is the position of the ethnic groups to the widely-construed division of labour (see Mintz, 1987; Williams, 1960). This process of ethnic identity construction involves 'sensing likeness' in a population historically characterized by a plurality of differences, and attachg meaning (and thus value) to those identities. Part of this perception is also based on a comparison of self to the 'Other'. In the case of Afio-Trinidadians, historically, the 'Other' has largely been the white Europeans who have dominated them, and the Indians, whom at some points in history they have dominated. Therefore, in a similar way that conceptualizations of being 'white', have traditionally been formulated against the black 'Other', Afio-Trinidadian-ness is constructed against, and in relation to (among others) the East Indian 'Other' to whom they have at some points in history felt a sense of superiority, and at other points have perceived as a threat.

Caribbean Quilt

This paper focuses on the history of Carnival in Trinidad and Tobago and how the country molded the event to become a staple of nationalism following independence in the 20th century. It explores the historical beginnings of Carnival, from slavery to indentured servitude to modern-day Trinidad. It looks at how becoming a mascot of Trinidadian culture was achieved in two ways—the representation and rhetoric of the event and how it became a commodity that politicians could use to prove a robust national culture to the world. It takes on central themes of unification, regardless of race, class, or culture, and how the event tells the history of this island, even with the costumes and enthralling music. It touches on how Carnival reflects cultural and political movements throughout the country's history, how it became significant for social changes after independence, and how it could withstand the infiltration of global capitalism and still present a story about Trinidad's cult...

Carnival is a rich resource for cultural resistance as well as pleasure A s a huge, Caribbean-led, culturally hybridised, inter-ethnic festival of popular artistic creativity and social critique, the Caribbean carnival deserves much more serious attention than it has so far received. The media tends to reduce carnival to glamorous female bodies, jerk chicken, soca music and outlandish costumes. We aim to demonstrate here that there are elements of Caribbean carnival that carry a radical message, support the display of bodies of every type, and present costumes that carry important social messages, often explaining historical events and commenting on injustice. The interpretation of carnival as performative and playful is incontestable, we suggest, but what is less commonly analysed is the play of power, and resistance to power, within the various performances that constitute carnival. The glittering carnival enthusiastically represented by photographers, advertisers, cultural boosters and tourist agencies is the result of a complex interweaving of power among the organisers; between organisers and funders (public and private); between organisers, participants and the regulatory bodies (particularly the police); between and inside the mas camps (the sites in which carnival masquerades are built); between men and women, young and old; and sometimes, muted but

2017

This article examines the tensions between power, performance and play within the Caribbean carnival in Trinidad, whose carnival traditions have spread across the African diaspora, and Leeds in Northern England, home to the longest-running Caribbean carnival in Europe. One of the main criticisms aimed at contemporary Caribbean carnivals is that they no longer seek to challenge the power of the establishment but have become a spectacle of the body and a celebration of capitalist consumerism. This article asks if contemporary Caribbean carnival in Trinidad and Leeds are indeed all about sequins and bikinis, a vanity show that satisfies the tourist and male gaze, or if at the heart of carnival we still find a uniquely subversive performance aimed at overturning unjust, hierarchical systems of power.

The relationship between Trinidadian mas bandleaders and the State suggests more than simply resistance or co-optation, it points to a negotiation of spheres of authority. Here, I examine the ways that formal and informal spheres blend and shift in relation to each other and notions of legitimacy and leadership. Ethnographic data on the meetings between the San Fernando Carnival Committee and the Lionel Jagessar and Associates mas camp show a struggle over informal legitimacy and the authority it creates. This authority has significance for notions of 'national' culture and nationalism, and for State participation in commoditising culture via Carnival.

International Journal of Carnival Arts, 2021

Trinidad and Tobago has one of the oldest Carnivals in the Americas. The practice, introduced during Spanish rule, survived the changeover to British rule in 1791 and the attempts to suppress the festival by the Newspapers (starting in the 1840s) and by Captain Arthur Baker (Captain of the Police) in 1880-81. Carnival survived cancellation during World War II from 1939-1945, and postponement in 1972 because of a Polio outbreak (Doyle, 2021). From Boxing, Trinidad is alive with celebration. New music is released on radio and social media. Masquerade bands advertise their creations to potential players. Feting season officially launches in the first week of January with Soka In Moka and other large-scale events. Calypso Tents open. Steelpan yards start ringing out. Trinidad and Tobago prepares for the two official day of Carnival—the Monday and Tuesday before lent. For 2020, Carnival was held on February 24 and 25. One month later, on March 22 Trinidad and Tobago closed its borders due to COVID-19 and enforced stay at home measures on March 29. As the Pandemic unfurled, and restrictions remained in place, many questioned whether Carnival could take place at all. For months, no definitive answer was forthcoming. The official government response was that we needed to wait and see. However, after months of speculation, the Government announced in September 2020 that Carnival 2021 was cancelled—COVID protocols prohibited all public mass gatherings. In the background, carnival enthusiasts, practitioners, and business entities began pitching the idea of a virtual festival, Carnival on the internet. But, as Carnival is a communal experience, a chance to reconnect and reinvigorate with humanity through camaraderie, can the festival go virtual? This review looks closely at the Trinidad and Tobago Carnival events of 2021 in an attempt to assess strategies employed to adapt Carnival to survive (and grow) despite cancellation.

2015

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Caribbean quarterly, 2019

IN THIS SPECIAL ISSUE OF Caribbean Quarterly we focus on Caribbean Carnival cultures. The term “Caribbean Carnival cultures” encompasses an analysis of the cultures of Carnival in the Caribbean and its diaspora, but the scholars and practitioners published here also view Carnival as a unique cultural phenomenon rather than merely a group of Caribbean and diaspora-based events. Caribbean Carnival has not received the scholarly attention it deserves in the UK and, after spending several years researching Carnival, Professor Max Farrar and I created a Caribbean Carnival Cultures (CCC) research network,1 supported by the Centre for Culture and the Arts at Leeds Beckett University. The CCC research network is a unique platform bringing Carnival practitioners and academics together in an aim to kickstart Carnival research in the UK and to support and promote Carnival research across the Caribbean and its diaspora. Central to our approach is the belief that Carnival needs to be taken serio...

Prospect.1, PICTUREBOX, 2008