Politics and International Studies

This article offers a case study of a transracial adoption involving a mixed-heritage child and a legally Indian adoptive couple. The legal adoption of ''Frances T'' in 1937, considered to be ''in the best interests of the child'' by social welfare professionals, took on gendered and racialized meaning in the discourse of the Indian Affairs bureaucrats who subsequently attempted to overturn it. The article uses the case to examine Canadian settler-colonial beliefs about blood and belonging. It also explores the complications that emerged as legally defined Indian people came into contact with provincial child welfare legislation. With the goal of eliminating Indigenous legal and kinship forms, the Indian Act colonized adoption so it could be used as a method of assimilation rather than as a traditional form of Indigenous alliance creation and childcare. The case highlights the themes of Indigenous kinship and sovereignty, legislated Indian identity, and the growing involvement of social workers in the lives of Aboriginal people in the mid-to late-twentieth century. Résumé analytique : Nous vous présentons ici une e ´tude de cas portant sur une adoption trans-raciale d'une enfant d'héritage mixte par un couple adoptif d'Indiens légaux. L'adoption de « Frances T » en 1937, jugée e ˆtre « dans le meilleur intérêt de l'enfant » par les professionnels des services sociaux, pris une significa-tion sexuée et raciste dans le discours des bureaucrates des affaires indiennes qui, par la suite, tentèrent d'annuler cette décision. Dans cet article, nous utilisons ce cas pour examiner les croyances des colonisateurs au sujet des liens du sang et d'appartenance. Nous explorons e ´galement les complications qui apparurent alors que les personnes ayant e ´té reconnues par la loi comme e ´tant Indiens entrèrent en rapport avec la législation provinciale sur la protection de l'enfance. Ayant pour but d'e ´liminer les formes de liens de parenté et de légalité indigène la Loi sur les Indiens « colonisa » l'adoption pour en faire un moyen d'assimilation plutô t qu'en faire une formule traditionnelle indigène pour forger des alliances et protéger les enfants. Ce cas met l'accent sur les thèmes de souveraineté et parenté indigènes et sur le rô le grandissant des travailleurs sociaux dans la vie des peuples indigènes durant la dernière moitié du vingtième siècle.

Throughout the history of the North West, Metis i people frequently used their knowledge of European, Indian, and Metis culture to mediate Aboriginal and non-Aboriginal social, diplomatic, and economic encounters . Though acknowledged in Metis historiography, this aspect of Metis identity has not been the focus of scholarly analysis, which has primarily centred on Louis Riel, Metis resistance, and ethnogenesis . By closely examining the primary documents, it is evident that the Metis interpreters present at Treaties 1 through 7 were more than merely translators . Prior to negotiations these Metis had interacted with First Nations in a variety of ways, whether in the fur trade or in missionary endeavours . Metis people were well versed in Aboriginal language and cultural traditions, skills they had employed successfully in Rupert's Land prior to 1870 . n drawing upon this amicable relationship between Metis and First Nations, Canadian officials n the North West recognized the positive effect of personal diplomacy on securing First Nations signatures to the treaty documents . In this thesis many examples will demonstrate that the actions of Metis people were critical in preventing violence between groups, thereby enabling the treaty process to begin . These Metis individuals moved within a middle ground of context that developed in the era ' In this paper the term Metis includes both English-and French-speaking mixed-bloods . I have chosen this term to represent the cultural, not political, similarity of the mixed-blood people .

History was front and centre of Canada’s Truth and Reconciliation Commission. Five years following the release of the six-volume final report and ninety-four Calls to Action, Crystal Gail Fraser and Allyson Stevenson evaluate the foundations of professional historical writing in Canada, consider institutional efforts put forward to address the report and its Calls to Action, and point to some potential avenues for future engagements for historians and history departments in Canada.

In this article we propose a new typology for insurgent groups to explain why in such remarkably similar conflicts—Sri Lanka and Aceh—the impact of the 2004 Indian Ocean Tsunami was so different. We argue that two principal factors shape all rebel
groups by defining their incentive structures: the efficiency of the return on investment of the primary source(s) of support and the group’s territorial objectives. The former factor is especially strong in explaining the different choices made by the LTTE and
GAM. In Sri Lanka, the availability of lucrative resources outside the country has made the LTTE leadership inimical to compromise, threatened by relief aid, and less reliant
on the local population. Lacking access to such high-return funding sources, GAM on the other hand was more closely linked to the needs of the local population and found
greater value in both outside aid and a comprehensive settlement.

New research on armed groups in Libya shows that the revolutionary brigades formed to topple Gaddafi are still a cohesive military force. The study highlights the emergence of the National Shield, which it calls an ‘army-in-waiting’, and suggests there is a power struggle over the rebuilding of the Libyan National Army as revolutionary commanders still distrust much of the leadership of the Libyan National Army and the Ministry of Defence who ran the war against them.

Armed Groups in Libya: Typology and Roles, a new Small Arms Survey Research Note, is based on seven months of field studies in Misrata, Benghazi, Sirte and Tripoli by Brian McQuinn from Oxford University.

The research suggests that Libya’s revolutionary forces still command 75 to 85 per cent of the seasoned fighters, and hold a similar proportion of weapon stockpiles not controlled by the government. In Misrata, 236 distinct armed groups registered with the Misratan Union of Revolutionaries, accounting for almost 40,000 brigade members. McQuinn’s study links the demilitarisation of revolutionary brigades to the creation of a legitimate national army. Despite calls by commentators for revolutionary brigades to join the national army, the study shows that there is a power struggle over how it is rebuilt.

The study distinguishes between four types of armed groups operating in Libya: revolutionary brigades, unregulated brigades, post-revolutionary brigades and militias. It details their different histories and objectives, highlighting that it is critical to distinguish between them for effective international policy. It notes that most of the available analysis to date has tended to label them all as ‘militias’.

While some armed groups continue to present a threat to stability, others are playing an active role in securing the country’s future.

Local military commanders and civilian leaders have expressed concerns about a lack of secure storage for weapon stockpiles and the number of assault weapons still in civilian hands.

‘Successful national elections in July will be critical for establishing a government that is seen as legitimate,’ said McQuinn.

‘The current delay in demobilisation programmes for brigade members is breeding disappointment among fighters. This situation has led to them being less willing to listen to local civilian and military leaders and it is weakening their commitment to participate in the transition to a new Libya,’ he said

The Roots of Restraint in War is an update of the 2004 Roots of Behaviour in War. Based on two years of research collaboration between the ICRC and six distinguished scholars, the report identifies sources of influence on various types of armed forces and armed groups, ranging from those with a highly decentralized structure to those embedded within their communities.

Drawing on eight case studies across five countries, The Roots of Restraint in War investigates how formal and informal norms condition the behaviour of soldiers and fighters depending on the kind of armed organization to which they belong. Ultimately it provides a framework of analysis for humanitarian actors to help them identify the approach best suited to a group’s particular structure and socialization mechanisms, with the aim of promoting restraint during armed conflict.

This paper argues that demobilization, disarmament and reintegration (DDR) trajectories of non-state armed groups are shaped by a group’s internal organization. Extensive research by political scientists has demonstrated a correlation between internal features of armed groups and their behaviour (e.g. extent of violence used against local communities). I extend this analysis to DDR outcomes by illustrating the theory, four case studies from Colombia, Nepal and Libya are reviewed. The article concludes with the limitations and opportunities of this approach, including
the potential of predicting DDR challenges.

More non-state armed groups have emerged in the last eight years than in the previous eight decades.1 During this period the Islamic State, also known as ISIS or ISIL, has attracted inordinate global concern, diverting attention from a trend that will define conflict in the coming decade: the proliferation of armed groups. These groups are built around highly adaptive alliances of smaller-scale units with diffuse leadership and authority.

More non-state armed groups have emerged in the last eight years than in the previous eight decades. During this period the Islamic State, also known as ISIS or ISIL, has a racted inordinate global concern, diverting a ention from a trend that will define conflict in the coming decade: the proliferation of armed groups.

The objectives of the Small Arms Survey are: to be the principal source of public information on all aspects of small arms and armed violence; to serve as a resource centre for governments, policy-makers, researchers, and activists; to monitor national and international initiatives (governmental and nongovernmental) on small arms; to support efforts to address the effects of small arms proliferation and misuse; and to act as a clearinghouse for the sharing of information and the dissemination of best practices. The Survey also sponsors field research and information-gathering efforts, especially in affected states and regions. The project has an international staff with expertise in security studies, political science, law, economics, development studies, sociology, and criminology, and collaborates with a network of researchers, partner institutions, non-governmental organizations, and governments in more than 50 countries.