Books by Emanuele Massetti
Articles by Emanuele Massetti
The article shows how the main regionalist parties in Scotland and Wales— the Scottish National P... more The article shows how the main regionalist parties in Scotland and Wales— the Scottish National Party and Plaid Cymru—have engaged with a popu-list discourse in the wake of the Great Recession. Based on a qualitative analysis of party manifestos and party-elite interviews, the article shows that the two parties have adopted a left-wing populist discourse, based on a critique of austerity policies. In this way, albeit from distinctively regionalist perspective, they performed roles very similar to that of other contemporary left-wing populist parties, particularly in Southern Europe. The Scottish National Party and Plaid Cymru were able to frame their anti-austerity stances within a populist discourse because all three traditional British parties shared a preference for pro-austerity economic policies. Therefore, in Laclau's terms, the two 'Celtic' parties' attack on austerity constituted an open challenge to the hegemonic discourse of the British 'power bloc'. Analogous to the expansion of a right-wing anti-establishment protest in British politics (monopolized by the UKIP), the two parties (particularly the Scottish one) capitalized on the expansion of a left-wing populist area. This strategy has lately become less viable because Jeremy Corbyn's Labour party broke with the pro-austerity consensus among British elites.
The relationship between populism and ethno-territorial politics has emerged repeatedly in empiri... more The relationship between populism and ethno-territorial politics has emerged repeatedly in empirical studies outside Western Europe. This article presents the main aim of the special issue, which is the systematic and empirically based investigation of the linkages between populism and ethno-territorial ideologies in Western European states. By introducing a conceptual map, in which the defining characteristics of populism, regionalism, statenationalism, and Euroscepticism are identified and conceptualized, the article proceeds with the possible linkage points between both concepts. It also proposes a smallest common denominator relationship between populism and ethno-territorial ideologies in that the notion of 'homogeneous people' becomes inexorably connected to the concept of 'nation' or 'region' pitted against political, economic, and cultural elites operating at various levels of government.
This article provides a preliminary assessment of the impact of the Brexit process – from the Jun... more This article provides a preliminary assessment of the impact of the Brexit process – from the June 2016 referendum to June 2018 – on the British political system. Drawing on the classic work of Lijphart and the ensuing scholarship applying the Westminster model to Britain, it seeks to understand whether and to what extent Brexit has impacted on the majoritarian features of the system. Adapting Lijphart's criteria, it places its focus on the electoral-party dimension, the executive-legislative relations and the territorial power-sharing arrangements. It argues that Brexit has brought to light several intertwined tensions that had been brewing inside British politics over the course of the previous years, and which are likely to continue unfolding for several years. Even if emerging trends tend to be fragile, complex, even contradictory, and the current uncertainty makes any long(er)-term assessment futile, recent developments appear to signal a possible strengthening of the executive over the legislature and of the central over the devolved administrations, thus consolidating the majoritarian traits of the British political system.
The primary dimension of political contestation for regionalist parties is the centre-periphery d... more The primary dimension of political contestation for regionalist parties is the centre-periphery dimension but they are pressured to adopt positions on the left-right dimension by competition with statewide parties. We argue that the relative economic position of a region is a key variable for explaining how regionalist parties adopt left-right positions and link them to the centre-periphery dimension. Based on a quantitative analysis on 74 regionalist parties-distributed in 49 regions and 11 countries-along four decades we find strong evidence that regionalist parties acting in relatively rich regions tend to adopt a rightist ideology, while regionalist parties acting in relatively poor regions tend to adopt a leftist ideology. A qualitative illustration of two paradigmatic cases, the Lega Nord (LN) and the Scottish National Party (SNP), appears to support our interpretation that left-right orientations are subsumed into centre-periphery politics through the adoption of two ideal types of regionalist discourse: one labelled as 'Bourgeois regionalism' (Harvie, 1994) and one labelled as 'internal colonialism' (Hechter, 1975).
Regional & Federal Studies, 2009
This contribution proposes an analytical framework for explaining regionalist parties' ideologica... more This contribution proposes an analytical framework for explaining regionalist parties' ideological positioning in the multi-dimensional political space. It focuses on three ideological dimensions: centre–periphery, left–right and European integration. Positioning along the first two dimensions is explained in terms of socio-structural characteristics of the regions and the incentives posed by institutional/political environments. Then mutual influences between positioning on the three different ideological dimensions are discussed. The structural characteristics of the regions are particularly useful in locating the main regionalist party in each region to the left or right of centre and, to some extent, in explaining centre–periphery radicalism. Voting systems and the dynamics of (multi-level) party systems help us to explain political fragmentation of the regionalist movement, changes of positions through time and the adoption of moderate or radical positions in both centre–periphery and left–right dimensions. Finally, the analysis of cross-dimension positioning suggests that moderate centre–periphery stances (i.e. non-secessionist) tend to match with liberal or (especially Christian-democratic) moderate and conservative positions. It also suggests that anti-European integration positions match with left–right radicalism and, increasingly so, with centre–periphery radicalism.
Modern Italy, 2009
The results of the 2008 Italian general election were welcomed by many as the 'sunrise of the Thi... more The results of the 2008 Italian general election were welcomed by many as the 'sunrise of the Third Republic', heralding a new political system which would emerge from a comprehensive constitutional reform agreed between the main parties of government and opposition. The party system now looks significantly different from that (or those) of the 'Second Republic'. In particular, the disappearance of the radical left from Parliament and a clear reduction in the number of parties are the main factors underpinning optimistic predictions about a possible compromise on constitutional reform. Drawing on Sartori's classic work as well as on more recent conceptualisations of party systems, this article analyses the evolution of the Italian party system over the medium and long term. It is cautious, if not pessimistic, about the prospects for reform. High levels of polarisation, stemming from different conceptions of democracy maintained by the two main parties, can be expected to hinder bipartisan reform. In particular, the figure of Berlusconi appears to represent both the cornerstone of the 'reconstructed' party system and the main obstacle to a widely agreed re-drafting of the Constitution.
Regional & Federal Studies, 2012
In their book Challenges to Consensual Politics: Democracy, Identity, and Populist Protest in the... more In their book Challenges to Consensual Politics: Democracy, Identity, and Populist Protest in the Alpine Region, Daniele Caramani and Yves Mény argue that the Alpine region displays a political culture characterized, among other things, by marked conservatism, nativism and Euroscepticism. Such transnational political culture manifests itself throughout the Alpine arch by the presence of successful ethno-regionalist, right-wing populist and Eurosceptic parties. In the same book, however, Michael Keating proposes a more nuanced thesis. While the above-mentioned characteristics are, indeed, predominant in the Germanic-speaking area of the Alps (with some spill-over effects in the Italian-speaking area), the French-speaking area boasts a more progressive political culture. The paper aims to explore this alternative thesis by analysing the ideological identities of two ethno-regionalist parties operating in the Francophone Alpine area—the Union Valdôtaine in Italy and the Ligue Savoisienne in France. The analysis substantiates Caramani and Meny's thesis, revealing how most ideological aspects present in other Alpine areas, such as localism, traditionalist conservatism, work ethics and reluctance to share wealth with others, are very strong in Savoy and Aosta valley too. However, the lack or weakness of crucial populist radical-right ideological elements, such as open xenophobia, racism and Euroscepticism, appears to support Keating's alternative thesis.
Journal of Modern Italian Studies, 2011
The results of the 2008 Italian general election aroused expectations for the undertaking of a mu... more The results of the 2008 Italian general election aroused expectations for the undertaking of a much awaited reform of the political system. This article discusses the prospects for constitutional reforms in Italy after the 2009 and 2010 ‘mid-term’ elections in order to provide informed speculation of the foreseeable outcomes. It analyses the interplay between the preferences of parties and the change of power relations amongst and within them in the context of the extant institutional veto points. The article concludes that: (1) a consensual ‘grand reform’ negotiated between government and opposition is the least likely outcome; (2) a partisan reform carried out by the governmental forces is also unlikely because of deep divisions within the governmental majority; (3) the most likely outcome is no, or very limited, reform. From a normative (liberal-democratic) perspective, given the populist constitutional preferences of the most prominent political actor (Silvio Berlusconi), it also concludes that ‘no reform’ is not the worst outcome.
European Journal of Political Research, 2013
ABSTRACT This article addresses the effects of decentralisation reforms on regionalist parties&am... more ABSTRACT This article addresses the effects of decentralisation reforms on regionalist parties' electoral strength. It takes up the debate between ‘accommodatists’ (i.e., electoral loss due to policy accommodation) and ‘institutionalists’ (i.e., electoral gain due to institutional empowerment). These effects depend on the electoral venue considered – regional or national – and on the ideological radicalism of a given regionalist party – secessionist or autonomist. This study finds that increases in the level of decentralisation are positively associated with higher scores for autonomist parties in regional elections, while they are not statistically significantly correlated with secessionist parties' electoral performances. In contrast, in national elections, decentralisation reforms seem to penalise autonomist parties more than secessionist ones. These findings are based on the analysis of a novel dataset which includes regional and national vote shares for 77 regionalist parties in 11 Western democracies from 1950 until 2010.
West European Politics, 2013
ABSTRACT Territorial reforms have been on the political agenda in Italy for the last two decades,... more ABSTRACT Territorial reforms have been on the political agenda in Italy for the last two decades, becoming a stable issue of party competition. The breakthrough of Lega Nord (LN) in the party system has represented the main driver for federal reforms. The article argues that the bipolar and majoritarian institutional environment of the Second Republic has compelled the main state-wide parties to adopt an electoral logic that led them to accommodate the LN’s claims. However, the ideological orientations and the territorial interests of centre-left coalition proved more compatible with this accommodative strategy than those of the centre-right coalition. The majoritarian and adversarial style of government–opposition relations has made compromise on territorial reforms difficult, contributing to their rising salience in party competition.
In their book Challenges to Consensual Politics: Democracy, Identity, and Populist Protest in the... more In their book Challenges to Consensual Politics: Democracy, Identity, and Populist Protest in the Alpine Region, Daniele Caramani and Yves Mény argue that the Alpine region displays a political culture characterized, among other things, by marked conservatism, nativism and Euroscepticism. Such transnational political culture manifests itself throughout the Alpine arch by the presence of successful ethno-regionalist, right-wing populist and Eurosceptic parties. In the same book, however, Michael Keating proposes a more nuanced thesis. While the above-mentioned characteristics are, indeed, predominant in the Germanic-speaking area of the Alps (with some spill-over effects in the Italian-speaking area), the French-speaking area boasts a more progressive political culture. The paper aims to explore this alternative thesis by analysing the ideological identities of two ethno-regionalist parties operating in the Francophone Alpine area—the Union Valdôtaine in Italy and the Ligue Savoisienne in France. The analysis substantiates Caramani and Meny's thesis, revealing how most ideological aspects present in other Alpine areas, such as localism, traditionalist conservatism, work ethics and reluctance to share wealth with others, are very strong in Savoy and Aosta valley too. However, the lack or weakness of crucial populist radical-right ideological elements, such as open xenophobia, racism and Euroscepticism, appears to support Keating's alternative thesis.
Regional & Federal Studies, 2012
In their book Challenges to Consensual Politics: Democracy, Identity, and Populist Protest in the... more In their book Challenges to Consensual Politics: Democracy, Identity, and Populist Protest in the Alpine Region, Daniele Caramani and Yves Mény argue that the Alpine region displays a political culture characterized, among other things, by marked conservatism, nativism and Euroscepticism. Such transnational political culture manifests itself throughout the Alpine arch by the presence of successful ethno-regionalist, right-wing populist and Eurosceptic parties. In the same book, however, Michael Keating proposes a more nuanced thesis. While the above-mentioned characteristics are, indeed, predominant in the Germanic-speaking area of the Alps (with some spill-over effects in the Italian-speaking area), the French-speaking area boasts a more progressive political culture. The paper aims to explore this alternative thesis by analysing the ideological identities of two ethno-regionalist parties operating in the Francophone Alpine area—the Union Valdôtaine in Italy and the Ligue Savoisienne in France. The analysis substantiates Caramani and Meny's thesis, revealing how most ideological aspects present in other Alpine areas, such as localism, traditionalist conservatism, work ethics and reluctance to share wealth with others, are very strong in Savoy and Aosta valley too. However, the lack or weakness of crucial populist radical-right ideological elements, such as open xenophobia, racism and Euroscepticism, appears to support Keating's alternative thesis.
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Books by Emanuele Massetti
Articles by Emanuele Massetti
Book Chapters by Emanuele Massetti