Books by Kevin W . Fogg
Spirit Islam pada Masa Revolusi Indonesia, 2020
Terjemahan ke dalam bahasa Indonesia dari buku _Indonesia's Islamic Revolution_. https://mizansto... more Terjemahan ke dalam bahasa Indonesia dari buku _Indonesia's Islamic Revolution_. https://mizanstore.com/spirit_islam_pada_masa_70139
Sejarah Revolusi Indonesia dipenuhi penggambaran perang revolusi sebagai perang nasionalistis atau berbasis kelas. Dalam kajian baru ini, Kevin W. Fogg meninjau ulang Revolusi Indonesia (1945-1949) sebagai perjuangan umat Islam. Dalam spirit keagamaan inilah, kaum Muslim taat--yang jumlahnya hampir separuh populasi--berperang. Mereka teryakinkan dengan seruan jihad dari ulama dan kiai bahwa mereka sedang menjalankan perang sabil melawan kaum kafir penjajah.
Namun di kancah politik, para pemimpin nasional mengesampingkan unsur Islam ketika mereka merumuskan dokumen-dokumen pendirian Indonesia. Dengan cara itu, mereka menciptakan presenden revolusi yang terus berdampak pada negara sampai saat ini. Studi tentang perang anti-penjajah negeri berpenduduk Muslim terbanyak di dunia ini menunjukkan bagaimana Islam berfungsi sebagai ideologi revolusi pada era modern.
Indonesia's Islamic Revolution, 2019
This flyer is for my book, Indonesia's Islamic Revolution, published in 2019 with Cambridge Unive... more This flyer is for my book, Indonesia's Islamic Revolution, published in 2019 with Cambridge University Press. The code on the flyer will provide a 20% discount when purchased directly through CUP's website.
Articles by Kevin W . Fogg
Indonesia and the Malay World, 2019
Indonesia’s category of ‘national hero’ or pahlawan nasional has evolved since it first emerged ... more Indonesia’s category of ‘national hero’ or pahlawan nasional has evolved since it first emerged with Indonesian independence. This title went from a popular term for veterans, to a designated national category, to a centrepiece of New Order civil religion. This article chronicles further changes in the post-Suharto era both by a quantitative analysis of the entire pantheon of 179 pahlawan and by the case study of the first national hero for West Nusa Tenggara Province: TGKH M. Zainuddin Abdul Madjid, also known as Tuan Guru Pancor, from the island of Lombok. The category of pahlawan nasional has become both more diverse and more political in the last two decades.
Leidschrift: Historisch Tijdschrift, 2016
Lay-out en kaftontwerp: Redactie Secretariaat: Doelensteeg 16 2311 VL Leiden 071-5277205 redactie... more Lay-out en kaftontwerp: Redactie Secretariaat: Doelensteeg 16 2311 VL Leiden 071-5277205 [email protected] www.leidschrift.nl Zet-en drukwerk: Ridderprint B.V. Ridderkerk
Many studies of Islam in Indonesia have focused on the mass Islamic organisations that form the b... more Many studies of Islam in Indonesia have focused on the mass Islamic organisations that form the backbone of civil society and Indonesian religious life. However, studies of these organisations have not appreciated the central place of charisma amid their bureaucratic features. This article looks at the case of Alkhairaat, a mass Islamic organisation headquartered in Central Sulawesi but spread throughout eastern Indonesia, as a bureaucracy built to reinforce and perpetuate the charisma of its founder, Sayyid Idrus bin Salim al-Jufri. The case of Alkhairaat demonstrates how mass Islamic organisations in Indonesia bureaucratise Islam but also, in doing this, defy the broader trend of legalisation. Instead, the on-going veneration of the founder’s charisma helps to make sense of the continuing attention to supernatural occurrences among traditionalist Indonesian Muslims and the power of organisational leaders over their followers.
This paper examines the following questions: Had the peasants understood the vision of the leader... more This paper examines the following questions: Had the peasants understood the vision of the leadership, would they still have participated in the revolt? Was the swift reluctance towards active military participation the result of a better understanding of the rebellion's aims as espoused by the core leadership? Are the Minangkabau peasantry prone to future profanations of great tradition narratives? By way of using various sources, the writer tries to trace the PRRI Rebellion in the light of grass-root perspective as it is reflected in the eye of interviewee given Om Fahmi's description, that believed that the Minang will continue to protest against the imperialism of Jakarta until this state of affairs appeared. / Artikel ini berupaya untuk menjawab pertanyaan berikut: apakah para petani paham dengan pandangan para pemimpin mereka?, apakah mereka masih akan tetap ikut terlibat dalam pemberontakan? Apakah sikap lekas curiga terhadap keterlibatan militer aktif merupakan bentuk pengertian yang lebih baik tentang tujuan pemberontakan seperti yang dipahami dan didukung oleh kepemimpinan inti mereka? Apakah petani Minangkabau cenderung menolak borok masa depan dalam narasi tradisi besar. Dengan menggunakan pelbagai sumber penulis coba melacak pemberontakan PRRI dari sudut pandang akar-rumput (petani) sebagaimana tercermin di mata orang yang diwawancarai seperti dikemukakan lewat deskripsi Om Fahmi yang percaya bahwa orang Minang akan tetap melakukan protes melawan imperialism Jakarta selama keadaan yang ditentang di masa pemberontakan itu masih tetap ada.
Although most policy studies argue there has been no influence of Islam on Indonesia's foreign po... more Although most policy studies argue there has been no influence of Islam on Indonesia's foreign policy, the foreign relations of the Republic of Indonesia during the revolution for independence provide a counterexample. Because of the greater role for society in conducting, rather than just influencing, foreign relations, Islam was used as a key element in Indonesia's diplomatic efforts in the Arab world between 1945 and 1949. This led to several key, early successes for Indonesia on the world stage, but changing circumstances meant that relations with the Arab world and thus the place of Islam in foreign policy were no longer prominent from 1948. [Meskipun sebagian besar studi mengenai kebijakan luar negeri Indonesia menyatakan tidak adanya pengaruh Islam dalam hal tersebut, kebijakan pada zaman revolusi kemerdekaan memperlihatkan adanya pengaruh itu. Karena adanya peran yang lebih besar bagi masyarakat dalam membentuk dan menjalankan kebijakan pada saat itu, Islam digunakan sebagai sebuah elemen pokok dalam menjalankan hubungan diplomatik Indonesia dengan dunia Arab dari tahun 1945 hingga 1949. Hal ini mengarah ke beberapa keberhasilan awal yang menonjol bagi Indonesia di pentas internasional. Namun, sesuai dengan perubahan keadaan dunia sesudah tahun 1948, hubungan dengan dunia Arab menjadi tidak sepenting sebelumnya serta peranan Islam semakin memudar dan tidak lagi menjadi elemen kebijakan luar negeri.]
In the 1940s and 1950s, several organs of the newly independent Indonesian state oversaw the stan... more In the 1940s and 1950s, several organs of the newly independent Indonesian state oversaw the standardisation of the Indonesian national language. In this process, Western-oriented bureaucrats pushed the language towards European normativity, significantly decreasing the influence of Arabic. While this reform carried symbolic meaning, the practical ramifications on Indonesian orthography, spelling, and word selection also carried real, non-symbolic effects on the accessibility of this language to Indonesian Islamic leaders. Standardising orthography to use the Roman alphabet rendered many Muslims illiterate in a language they had been using for decades. Choices in word selection and spelling limited the Islamic meanings that the new language could carry, thus impacting how Muslims could use the national language for religious and other purposes. Indonesian linguistic reform carried serious social and political consequences in addition to the symbolic meanings often studied.
was at his core an Arabist, rather than a scholar of Southeast Asia or even Islam in the Dutch Ea... more was at his core an Arabist, rather than a scholar of Southeast Asia or even Islam in the Dutch East Indies. An Arab lens is evident in his early work on the Hijaz and in his later scholarship for the Dutch colonial government. Snouck Hurgronje's work The Acehnese, in particular, evidenced a thoroughly comparative approach, verging at times on a focus outside of Southeast Asia, and throughout a preference for Arab orthodoxy. He found Indonesians to be inferior Muslims, and he saw their indigenous cultural practices as non-Islamic. It is important to remember Snouck Hurgronje's Arab lens when considering his work and his legacy.
Studia Islamika, 2013
This article provides a contextual biography of K.H. Ahmad Azhary, who was appointed as the Minis... more This article provides a contextual biography of K.H. Ahmad Azhary, who was appointed as the Minister of Religion in the first Amir Sjarifuddin cabinet of the Republic of Indonesia in 1947. The life of this man provides insight into Islamic activity in South Sumatra and its connections with the Middle East, as well as with the rest of Indonesia. Most importantly, the examination of Azhary’s appointment to the Indonesian cabinet — to a position that he was never able to hold — shines light onto the circumstances of the exit of Partai Sarekat Islam Indonesia (PSII, Indonesian Islamic Union Party) from Masjumi. Contradictory evidence about the reasons for the exit as presented in PSII and Masjumi sources are evaluated in light of Azhary’s appointment and inability to join the cabinet. The article finds that PSII’s rhetoric about initiative from the provinces to split from Masjumi was probably based on truth.
Inside Indonesia, Mar 2011
Doctoral Dissertation by Kevin W . Fogg
My doctoral dissertation at Yale University, 2012.
This dissertation traces the fate of groups i... more My doctoral dissertation at Yale University, 2012.
This dissertation traces the fate of groups in Indonesia who sought to make their country an Islamic state by transforming politics and society. Although these groups played a critical role in winning Indonesia's independence during the Indonesian Revolution (1945-1949), divisions between political leaders, theological leaders, and the grassroots split the movement, and by 1960 these divisions caused the failure of Islam as a political movement for an Islamic state.
During revolution, Dutch-educated political leaders took the leadership of the Islamic movement through appointments in the Socialist-led cabinets. These political leaders brought their Western norms to the struggle to establish an Islamic state. Theological leaders, prominent for their roles in Islamic education and mass organizations, also sought to establish an Islamic state, but they were less involved in Indonesia's modern governance. Across Indonesia, pious Muslims disconnected from the national leadership of the Islamic movement also contributed to the revolution. At this grassroots level, the Indonesian Revolution was experienced as an Islamic fight for independence. The diversity of Muslim experiences in the revolution, including many heterodox practices, demonstrated the distance between the syncretic Islamic grassroots and the new leadership of the Islamic movement nationally.
After Indonesia's independence was recognized in late 1949, Islamic political parties and mass organizations sought to shape the state and nation to make them more Islamic. They were hindered in this by tensions between the political and theological leaders in the Islamic bloc, tensions that climaxed in the 1952 departure of Nandlatul Ulama from the major Islamic party Masjumi. The Islamic movement experienced many successes after independence, such as the expansion of Islamic organizations and education, but national trends such as the standardization of language limited the influence of Islamic ideas and activists.
Things came to a head in the national elections of 1955, when the political leaders, theological leaders, and Islamic grassroots not only battled political parties opposed to Islam but also battled each other. Facing the elections, political interests proved to be paramount over existing social and cultural interests in the Indonesian Islamic movement. Although they expected an unambiguous victory, Islamic parties won only 45% of the seats in the resulting parliament and Constituent Assembly, severely restricting their ability to implement their vision of an Islamic state.
After this defeat, the strain between the Islamic political elite and the Islamic grassroots and theological leaders became too great. Islamic political leaders were pushed into increasing irrelevance, failing to pass legislation, failing in the constitutional assembly, and committing half-heartedly to the PRRI rebellion of 1958-61. As a result, the debilitated Masjumi party was dissolved. Islamic mass organizations freed themselves from political parties and embraced the Sukarno regime. The Islamic movement as a bloc struggling for Indonesia to become an Islamic state fell apart.
Book Reviews by Kevin W . Fogg
Bijdragen tot de Taal-, Land-, en Volkenkunde, 2017
A review of the 2015 English translation of this book, as it appeared in BKI
This joint review recounts and reviews two memoirs of the Indonesian Revolution, 1945-49.
This edited volume in English is the product of collaboration between researchers in Southeast As... more This edited volume in English is the product of collaboration between researchers in Southeast Asia and those connected to the Japan International Cooperation Agency Research Institute. Its ten studies, framed by an introduction and conclusion, look at specific cases from across both majority- and minority-Muslim countries in Southeast Asia, ranging from broad comparative studies to very specific cases.
Journal of Islamic Studies, 2014
Contemporary Islam, May 2014
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Books by Kevin W . Fogg
Sejarah Revolusi Indonesia dipenuhi penggambaran perang revolusi sebagai perang nasionalistis atau berbasis kelas. Dalam kajian baru ini, Kevin W. Fogg meninjau ulang Revolusi Indonesia (1945-1949) sebagai perjuangan umat Islam. Dalam spirit keagamaan inilah, kaum Muslim taat--yang jumlahnya hampir separuh populasi--berperang. Mereka teryakinkan dengan seruan jihad dari ulama dan kiai bahwa mereka sedang menjalankan perang sabil melawan kaum kafir penjajah.
Namun di kancah politik, para pemimpin nasional mengesampingkan unsur Islam ketika mereka merumuskan dokumen-dokumen pendirian Indonesia. Dengan cara itu, mereka menciptakan presenden revolusi yang terus berdampak pada negara sampai saat ini. Studi tentang perang anti-penjajah negeri berpenduduk Muslim terbanyak di dunia ini menunjukkan bagaimana Islam berfungsi sebagai ideologi revolusi pada era modern.
Articles by Kevin W . Fogg
Doctoral Dissertation by Kevin W . Fogg
This dissertation traces the fate of groups in Indonesia who sought to make their country an Islamic state by transforming politics and society. Although these groups played a critical role in winning Indonesia's independence during the Indonesian Revolution (1945-1949), divisions between political leaders, theological leaders, and the grassroots split the movement, and by 1960 these divisions caused the failure of Islam as a political movement for an Islamic state.
During revolution, Dutch-educated political leaders took the leadership of the Islamic movement through appointments in the Socialist-led cabinets. These political leaders brought their Western norms to the struggle to establish an Islamic state. Theological leaders, prominent for their roles in Islamic education and mass organizations, also sought to establish an Islamic state, but they were less involved in Indonesia's modern governance. Across Indonesia, pious Muslims disconnected from the national leadership of the Islamic movement also contributed to the revolution. At this grassroots level, the Indonesian Revolution was experienced as an Islamic fight for independence. The diversity of Muslim experiences in the revolution, including many heterodox practices, demonstrated the distance between the syncretic Islamic grassroots and the new leadership of the Islamic movement nationally.
After Indonesia's independence was recognized in late 1949, Islamic political parties and mass organizations sought to shape the state and nation to make them more Islamic. They were hindered in this by tensions between the political and theological leaders in the Islamic bloc, tensions that climaxed in the 1952 departure of Nandlatul Ulama from the major Islamic party Masjumi. The Islamic movement experienced many successes after independence, such as the expansion of Islamic organizations and education, but national trends such as the standardization of language limited the influence of Islamic ideas and activists.
Things came to a head in the national elections of 1955, when the political leaders, theological leaders, and Islamic grassroots not only battled political parties opposed to Islam but also battled each other. Facing the elections, political interests proved to be paramount over existing social and cultural interests in the Indonesian Islamic movement. Although they expected an unambiguous victory, Islamic parties won only 45% of the seats in the resulting parliament and Constituent Assembly, severely restricting their ability to implement their vision of an Islamic state.
After this defeat, the strain between the Islamic political elite and the Islamic grassroots and theological leaders became too great. Islamic political leaders were pushed into increasing irrelevance, failing to pass legislation, failing in the constitutional assembly, and committing half-heartedly to the PRRI rebellion of 1958-61. As a result, the debilitated Masjumi party was dissolved. Islamic mass organizations freed themselves from political parties and embraced the Sukarno regime. The Islamic movement as a bloc struggling for Indonesia to become an Islamic state fell apart.
Book Reviews by Kevin W . Fogg
Sejarah Revolusi Indonesia dipenuhi penggambaran perang revolusi sebagai perang nasionalistis atau berbasis kelas. Dalam kajian baru ini, Kevin W. Fogg meninjau ulang Revolusi Indonesia (1945-1949) sebagai perjuangan umat Islam. Dalam spirit keagamaan inilah, kaum Muslim taat--yang jumlahnya hampir separuh populasi--berperang. Mereka teryakinkan dengan seruan jihad dari ulama dan kiai bahwa mereka sedang menjalankan perang sabil melawan kaum kafir penjajah.
Namun di kancah politik, para pemimpin nasional mengesampingkan unsur Islam ketika mereka merumuskan dokumen-dokumen pendirian Indonesia. Dengan cara itu, mereka menciptakan presenden revolusi yang terus berdampak pada negara sampai saat ini. Studi tentang perang anti-penjajah negeri berpenduduk Muslim terbanyak di dunia ini menunjukkan bagaimana Islam berfungsi sebagai ideologi revolusi pada era modern.
This dissertation traces the fate of groups in Indonesia who sought to make their country an Islamic state by transforming politics and society. Although these groups played a critical role in winning Indonesia's independence during the Indonesian Revolution (1945-1949), divisions between political leaders, theological leaders, and the grassroots split the movement, and by 1960 these divisions caused the failure of Islam as a political movement for an Islamic state.
During revolution, Dutch-educated political leaders took the leadership of the Islamic movement through appointments in the Socialist-led cabinets. These political leaders brought their Western norms to the struggle to establish an Islamic state. Theological leaders, prominent for their roles in Islamic education and mass organizations, also sought to establish an Islamic state, but they were less involved in Indonesia's modern governance. Across Indonesia, pious Muslims disconnected from the national leadership of the Islamic movement also contributed to the revolution. At this grassroots level, the Indonesian Revolution was experienced as an Islamic fight for independence. The diversity of Muslim experiences in the revolution, including many heterodox practices, demonstrated the distance between the syncretic Islamic grassroots and the new leadership of the Islamic movement nationally.
After Indonesia's independence was recognized in late 1949, Islamic political parties and mass organizations sought to shape the state and nation to make them more Islamic. They were hindered in this by tensions between the political and theological leaders in the Islamic bloc, tensions that climaxed in the 1952 departure of Nandlatul Ulama from the major Islamic party Masjumi. The Islamic movement experienced many successes after independence, such as the expansion of Islamic organizations and education, but national trends such as the standardization of language limited the influence of Islamic ideas and activists.
Things came to a head in the national elections of 1955, when the political leaders, theological leaders, and Islamic grassroots not only battled political parties opposed to Islam but also battled each other. Facing the elections, political interests proved to be paramount over existing social and cultural interests in the Indonesian Islamic movement. Although they expected an unambiguous victory, Islamic parties won only 45% of the seats in the resulting parliament and Constituent Assembly, severely restricting their ability to implement their vision of an Islamic state.
After this defeat, the strain between the Islamic political elite and the Islamic grassroots and theological leaders became too great. Islamic political leaders were pushed into increasing irrelevance, failing to pass legislation, failing in the constitutional assembly, and committing half-heartedly to the PRRI rebellion of 1958-61. As a result, the debilitated Masjumi party was dissolved. Islamic mass organizations freed themselves from political parties and embraced the Sukarno regime. The Islamic movement as a bloc struggling for Indonesia to become an Islamic state fell apart.