Papers by Petter Snekkestad
Collegium Medievale, 2021
The story of Bjǫrgólfr’s unlawful marriage with Hildiríðr in Egils saga is here interpreted as a ... more The story of Bjǫrgólfr’s unlawful marriage with Hildiríðr in Egils saga is here interpreted as a send-up of the hieros gamos motif prevalent in Old Norse literature. Given the geographical setting, where a suitor from the southern-most magnate seat in Hálogaland married the daughter of a rich farmer from the northern-most magnate seat in Namdalen, it is argued that a lost tradition concerning Mundill gamli served as a model for the story. This underlying tradition may or may not have included the hieros gamos motif.
Mundill features in a genealogical list dating from c. 1250 AD, which in turn presumably builds on the poem Háleygjatal from around c. 980–990 AD. Considering the rich tradition of erotic conquests of land in the form of female beings among the Háleygr jarls, it will be argued that Mundill in poetic terms conquered, or even ‘wed’, the island of Leka according to traditions possibly nurtured at the court of Lade in Trøndelag by the late 900s.
Kulisteinen - grensemerke i tid og rom, 2021
Old Edøy Church is placed on the farm and island with
the same name in Smøla municipality in Møre... more Old Edøy Church is placed on the farm and island with
the same name in Smøla municipality in Møre og Romsdal
county. This article aims to date the building and,
on the basis of Iron Age finds, place it in relation to
other medieval stone churches along the north-western
and northern coast of Norway. Also, the church site
is briefly discussed in relation to the Kuli stone, whose
powerful message has inspired some to guess that an
initial church was erected here, and not on the neighbouring
island of Edøya. Based on a radiocarbon-dated
human jaw fragment found in the mortar core of the
choir, this part of the church cannot have been erected
prior to AD 1210. Considering this find and the style of
openings and masonry technique, it is suggested that
Old Edøy Church was erected in the period between AD
1240–1260, yet with a possible wider timeframe set
to AD 1220–1300. Further, the article argues that the
lower section (sokkelmuren) of the choir was built as a
burial crypt for the proprietor’s kin – explaining why the
choir was placed on a slope (to avoid digging) and also
its narrow shape (a wider choir, of which two-storied
verticality was the main aim, would drive costs).
Archaeological remains around the church,
as is also discussed by Dahle and Ellingsen in this
volume,
suggest that the magnate seat at Edøya
overshadowed
the Kuli island in economic and social
terms in the late Iron Age (AD 600–1050). Thus,
there is little to suggest
that the Kuli stone should be
associated with an early church site. A meeting place
of sorts may only hypothetically explain the placing
of the stone. Kuli’s favourable harbour, Naustvika, and
placing along the sea way (Trondheimsleia) may have
spurred a site of assembly (þing), a rudimentary inn
(sálhús) or a tiny chapel (krosshús) prior to the
stone’s erection. Yet, until more research is carried
out, such can only be guesswork.
Museumsnytt, 2019
En politisert museologi har beredt grunnen for ICOMs uheldige forslag til ny museumsdefinisjon.
Myths and Magic in the Medieval Far North, 2020
Fortid, 2018
I discuss whether Francis Fukuyama's Origins of Political Order (2011) can contribute to the some... more I discuss whether Francis Fukuyama's Origins of Political Order (2011) can contribute to the sometimes confusing discourse concerning political evolution in Norway's Medieval Period (1050-1537). The discourse has revolved around the 'Weberian State' with little clarity as to how 'much' state we find at certain points in the period. I argue that Fukuyama's three institutions for creating a stable state are suited as a theoretical framework to the study state formation in Norway's Medieval Period.
---------------------------------
I dette stykket presenteres noen av Francis Fukuyamas tanker om statsutvikling i Origins of Political Order (2011). Jeg spør om hans begreper kan bidra til å se middelalderens politiske utvikling i et nytt lys, der staten forstås som én av flere institusjoner. Først vil hans tre bærende institusjoner sentralisert stat, rettsorden og etterrettelig styre drøftes, og jeg argumenterer for at de kan tjene som kategorier for å nyordne de statlige trekkene i middelalderen. Videre vil Fukuyamas darwinistiske tilnærming til statsutvikling drøftes opp mot Ornings (2014) kritikk av noen gjengse tolkninger av denne prosessen i middelalderforskningen.
Svært mye er skrevet om hvordan den norske staten ble dannet i middelalderen. Omdreiningspunktet i den nasjonale middelalderforskningen har i stor grad vært staten. Hva ledet opp til de hundre årene med storhet mellom 1250 og 1350, og hva førte til nedgang. I senere tid har Sverre Bagge oppsummert hans omfattende forskning på feltet i From Viking Stronghold to Christian Kingdom (2010) og i Statsutvikling i Skandinavia i middelalderen (2012:9-38). Med adresse til Bagge er det i følge Hans Jacob Orning likevel et behov for å problematisere «selve begrepet om og betydningen av statsutvikling på en mer grunnleggende måte». Orning spør om de rådende oppfatningene av statsdanning målbåret av Bagge er for preget av forrige generasjons historikere vektlegging av indre, dypereliggende sammenhenger som avgjørende i denne prosessen. Han ser heller til betydningen av ytre faktorer som dansk militært press og kirkelige reformer omkring midten av 1100-tallet.
Etter mitt syn er Francis Fukuyamas tanker om velfungerende stater relevante i denne samtalen. Ornings revurdering av borgerkrigstiden sammenfaller på noen punkter med Fukuyamas darwinistiske blikk på statsdanning. Kanskje mer avgjørende kan Fukuyamas tilnærming tilby et alternativ til staten som den begrepsmessige sentrale institusjonen politisk utvikling måles etter. Veien mot velfungerende stater går i følge Fukuyama ut på å balansere tre institusjoner, der den sentraliserte staten er en av dem. Artikkelen bør leses som en utprøving av noen tanker om et omfattende tema som det her kun pirkes i. For å begrense undersøkelsen holder jeg meg fremst til Bagges synteser om politisk utvikling, Fra knyttneve til scepter (2003) og nevnte From Viking Stronghold. Jeg drøfter verkene i et overordnet perspektiv som et bakteppe for Fukuyamas tankebygning.
Njotarøy, 2010
Lenge før Norge ble samlet anla nordmenn mindre festningsverk på åser, fjell og koller over sto... more Lenge før Norge ble samlet anla nordmenn mindre festningsverk på åser, fjell og koller over store deler av landet. Bygdeborgene er våre eldste byggverk i stein, og Nøtterøy har ikke mindre enn tre av dem. De ligger i et tenkt belte gjennom sentrale deler på øyas sørlige halvpart, noe som er egnet til å egge nysgjerrighe-ten. Inngår Høgås, Leirfjell og Vardås i en overordnet plan med et gjensidig vars-lingssystem, eller har de vært atskilte tilfluktsborger for lokale bønder? Og er Vardås i det hele tatt en bygdeborg?
Keyowrds: Hillforts, Iron Age, Southern Norway, Vestfold.
Journal of Sonic Studies, 2017
This article explores the acoustics of the Emanuel Vigeland Mausoleum through an associative hist... more This article explores the acoustics of the Emanuel Vigeland Mausoleum through an associative history of reverberation. In particular, the sensory combination of reverberation and the fresco Vita in the darkened mausoleum echoes that of sound experiences in painted prehistoric caves and medieval churches. I also touch upon the notion of demarcation as a third ritual effect in these spaces.
The interplay between wall art and darkened, reverberating rooms is one that humans have experienced and probably sustained for thousands of years. As we shall see, the Paleolithic painted caves of Central Europe as well as medieval churches in the Romanesque period bear witness to an appreciation for a sensory phenomenon that certainly support otherworldly experiences. Can the religiously themed Tomba Emmanuelle be understood as a continuation of artistic expressions created in the sphere of rituals and multi-sensory imagery, serving to heighten spiritual experience? Unlike the modern listener, who is surrounded by reverberation in public buildings or through aural media, the pre-modern listener would find reverberation curious and possibly mysterious. Perhaps the extreme acoustics found in Tomba Emmanuelle manages to wake up our reverb-saturated ears, allowing us, in a sense, to experience anew the captivating sensation of sound waves traveling to and fro in a Stone Age cave or a medieval church. In the christian context, I argue that the mausoleum acoustics is an auditory expression of transcendence - it simulates a divine sphere that is apart from us and beyond physical extent.
Avisa Nordland, 2018
The motif of an underwater elf-island emerging to help fishermen in need, is common in Northern N... more The motif of an underwater elf-island emerging to help fishermen in need, is common in Northern Norwegian storytelling. This island is usually called Utrøst, placed out from the Røst archipelago. One strand of these Utrøst stories is also found in Grímnismál, and is the most central motif in the poem; the corrupt authority failing to recognize a god or sorcerer in his hall. Oðin killed Geirrøðr for being a dire host. In later folklore this little-noticed motif is called Tenk i tóm (‘take your time’), which refers to the catch phrase of a blue-cloaked visitor, sometimes called ‘The Utrøst Man’, angry at a priest for not complying to his wishes. Typically, the priest asks for time to ponder the visitor’s request, thus contrasting a land-culture of farming and contemplation to a sea-culture of risky fishing and quick decision making. Out to sea, there was no time to wobble about when a sudden storm emerged or a shoal of fish passed by. These ‘take your time’ stories were only passed on in Hálogaland and coastal Trøndelag in Norway, corresponding with the cultural area of the seasonal cod (skreið) fisheries centered around Lofoten. In this popular piece, written as a commentary on newly introduced, bureaucratic sleep-regulations enforced on fishermen, I entertain the idea that Grímnismál had a social dimension. Fishermen identified with the Vanir gods (probably associated with Utrøst), and Oðin made sure that the young Agnarr did not forget to pay those 'outside forces' respect. (The ideas put forward here will be elaborated in a forthcoming scientific paper).
Collegium Medievale, 2017
The now ruined Church of St. Mary was once a royal chapel and collegiate church situated on the s... more The now ruined Church of St. Mary was once a royal chapel and collegiate church situated on the sandy tongue of land that made up the southern end of Oslo. Its building history, from a small wooden church to a Gothic structure with a monumental façade, reflects key architectural developments in the span of nor-way's Medieval Period (AD 1050–1537). Several excavations have shed light on this evolution, in which the question of form and dating has played a leading role. Central to the discussion are the excavations of nicolay nicolaysen (1868), Gerhard fischer (1935) and håkon Christie (1961–1963; 1969; 1971). This paper aims to examine the ruin and the many works dealing with St. Mary's in Oslo, in order to present an overview of the scholarly discussion. We also revise some issues concerning building history, dating and architectural forms of the building. We suggest a new basis for a hypothetical reconstruction of the church as it may have looked at the death of håkon V Magnusson in 1319.
Heimen, 2015
This piece contemplates the placing of Thing sites during the Late Iron Age (600–1050 AD) and Mid... more This piece contemplates the placing of Thing sites during the Late Iron Age (600–1050 AD) and Middle Ages (1050–1537 AD) in the humble municipality of Gildeskål in northern Norway. The three sites discussed include the vicarage Gildeskål (skoal of the guild), a place with the conspicuous name Tingvollen (the Thing-mound) close to a natural harbour, and a possible chieftain’s seat at Arnøyene in the outer reaches of the parish. With few archaeological and historical sources in the area, the Thing sites are discussed in light of place names and topography. It seems that quiet and sandy harbors in «neutral» areas stand out as a common feature for some Thing sites in Northern Norway.
A closer look is given to a secular, administrative border dating from at least 1521 up to 1816 between Gildeskål and Meløy municipalities in the regions Salten and Helgeland respectively. This article argues that the area between this border and the more recent parish border may have constituted an administrative unit called Brudanger in the Iron Age. The magnate farm of Øysund in Meløy was probably called Brudanger in the Iron Age, thus giving name to the unit. With this understanding, Tingvollen falls under this ‘new’ administrative area, forcing us to re-evaluate the possible Thing sites in what remains of Gildeskål.
Heimen, 2015
Norsk Maritimt Museum (NMM) har kvessa
seg på mange skjær i sin 100-årige historie. De
svært tu... more Norsk Maritimt Museum (NMM) har kvessa
seg på mange skjær i sin 100-årige historie. De
svært turbulente årene på 2000-tallet med hyppige
direktørskifter, økonomisk rot og sviktende
publikum er nå tilbakelagt. Jubileumsboka er
derfor et varselskudd til de som har trodd at
teglkolossen på Bygdøynes lå nede for telling.
Skrivegleden blant de ansatte og nære assosierte
bærer i seg selv bud om at museet er i form.
Beskjeden fra redaktørene kan vel i alle fall oppsummeres
slik: «Vi har bare så vidt begynt!».
Idet 100 år skal regnes opp er det mye NMM
kan være stolt av. Museet ble stiftet i 1914 etter
initiativ fra hovedstadens reder- og sjøfartskretser,
og var i den første tiden sterkt knyttet til Folkemuseet
på Bygdøy, senere Norsk Folkemuseum.
Man skjønte tidlig at innlandet ikke kunne
representere folkekulturen alene, selv om «Fjeldlandet
» var bedre konservert enn den pulserende
og inntrykksømme kystkulturen. Her hadde
nykomlingene i flere år kun en mindre utstilling,
men via Generalitetsgården (1929) kunne Norsk
Sjøfartsmuseum etter tomtekjøpet på Bygdøynes
i 1937 endelig åpne Båthallen i 1958. Krig og
dårlig økonomi hadde satt disse planene på vent.
Først i 1973 sto utstillingene i Hovedbygget
klare, og museet fikk den formen vi kjenner i dag.
Kvalø og Koren viser i sitt innledningskapittel
at aktiviteten var høy og variert lenge før
stasbyggene var på plass. Den faglige retningen
fulgte i stor grad direktørenes interesser i den
første tiden. Gunnar Isachsen brakte polarhistorien
inn i museet i 1923, og Kristian Kielland
dyrket frem tradisjonsbåtene fra sin inntreden i
1940. Det var først på midten av 1950-tallet at
NMM trakk ned i vannet, da vestlendingen
Svein Molaug etablerte maritime arkeologiske
undersøkelser som en del av virkefeltet. Nå lot
man fra tid til annen typologiske skjema og
målebånd ligge: livet på sjøen skulle også dokumenteres
for å komme menneskene nærmere.
Forfatterne påpeker at museet nok lenge sto på
sidelinjen hva gjelder etterprøvbar forskning.
Selv med Olav Kolltveits (direktør fra
1984–2001) mange og gode arbeider, hindret
mangelen på kildehenvisninger at historikere
kunne bygge videre på dem. Med en stor fagstab
er dette nå for lengst rettet opp, men de fastholder
fortjenstfullt at universitetets disiplininndelinger
passer NMM dårlig – museet hviler på de
tre grenseoverskridende pilarene sjøfartshistorie,
kystkultur og arkeologi. Interessant i den
sammenheng er at den finansielle koblingen til
redermiljøene (gjennom NMM Partners) i noen
grad styrer faglige prioriteringer. NMM Partners
vil la kronene skinne over sjøfartshistorien,
men har mindre lyst til å oppgradere eksempelvis
Båthallen, som siden 2009 har stått tom.
Mens arkeologien nærmest betaler seg selv, legges
det ikke skjul på at institusjonen er kronisk
underfinansiert over statsbudsjettet.
A book review of an anthology celebrating the Norwegian Maritime Museum. Keywords: Ships, Latour, ANT, boat preservation, ship preservation, export of ice, trade fleets, coastal culture, Bjørvika, Oslo, history of museums, Post-Reformation archaeology, shipwrecks.
What does the archaeological record tell us about the early history of Gildeskål parish? Unlike o... more What does the archaeological record tell us about the early history of Gildeskål parish? Unlike other farms in Northern Norway with stone churches erected on its grounds in the Middle Ages (1050-1537 AD), Gildeskål does not display rich
archaeological finds and was not a major economical player in the area. Prior to an establishment in the Late Iron Age (600-1050 AD), Gildeskål was probably part of the Inndyr estate. In the 11th century, when a hypothetical initial church in wood was erected at Gildeskål, Inndyr along with Arnøyene and Mårnes were the wealthiest farms in the area. It is likely that the proprietor of the wooden and especially the costly stone church belonged to one or several of the wealthier farms in the soon-to-be parish. The name Gildeskål refers to the building of a local guild once placed on the farm in the Middle Ages. These gildeskåler or gildestuer are found in the vicinity of medieval churches all over Norway. The Gildeskål farm might also have served as a site for communal religious feasting prior to the introduction of Christianity, but this is unlikely. Such activities usually took place on the wealthier farms, and Gildeskål did not belong to that group.
Riksantikvarens vitenarkiv, 2012
The ruin of St Mary’s church is located in the area of Sørenga in the Gamlebyen district of Oslo.... more The ruin of St Mary’s church is located in the area of Sørenga in the Gamlebyen district of Oslo. It is integrated in a park that counts five exposed ruins from the Medieval Period. An artificial pool recreates the shore-line of Oslo c. 1300 defining a tongue of land called Øren, on which St Mary’s was erected, a short distance from the King’s Manor. The Medieval town was moved to the area around Akershus fortress following a devastating fire in 1624. St Mary’s was ruined already in the middle of the sixteenth century, and then unearthed in what had become cropland in 1868.
The current appearance of the ruin is the result of conservation work that started in 1961. It is preserved in c. 0,5 to 2,0 m height, where additional courses are added to create a somewhat horizontal wall, or put up over a membrane in order to protect the underlying material. In general, the west front and twin towers have mostly original material under a membrane, while the brickwork in the Gothic chancel have very little. With some irregularities, the plinths are either visible or barely covered by grass or gravel. The general outline of the fourteenth century version of the church is protruding and readable. The plan of the Romanesque church, however, apart from the nave, is almost entirely reconstructed in ankle-height with new material. This includes the tower and the elongation of the chancel. The initial wooden church is marked with cut off poles where the posts stood. The most striking feature of the ruin is the three-part shift in building material and masonry style. The western part displays thick walls and massive plinths with rough and large stone masonry of varying kind in the Gothic style. The middle part consists of slightly slimmer, but heavy walls dominated by horizontal shifts of limestone typical of the Romanesque style. This is the nave that survived the Gothic rebuilding. Finally, the eastern part stands out with its elegant and straight-lined brickwork on top of a base of large and finely hewed ashlars.
This is a study of the ruin along with the diaries and photographic material of excavators Gerhard Fischer and Håkon Christie in order to distinguish between original and modern, added-on material in the ruin. Also, I argue that both Gothic towers had staircases and that a huge fitting-stone on the site could have belonged to a western portal in the Romanesque church.
Primitive tider, 2011
Can Darwinian concepts invigorate archaeology? This piece argues that biological analogies to h... more Can Darwinian concepts invigorate archaeology? This piece argues that biological analogies to human cultural change might serve our discipline well. Through numerous intertwined theoretical branches, like dual inheritance theory, niche construction theory and the application of phylogenetic methods, material culture is put in an explicitly historical relationship. In an evolutionary sense, this relationship is one that underline show artifacts, ideas, or any number of cultural phenomena go through a process of what Darwin described as descent and how these new traits were transmitted (descended)between generations. Hence, variation is not typological noise, but rather an avenue for further temporal and spatial “darwinistisk kulturevolusjon”, or just “DKE”), evolutionary psychology is here seen as a fruitful approach to answering why some widely observed cultural phenomena appear more easily transmitted than others. Evolutionary archaeology does not claim to offer an exclusive explanation to cultural change. On the contrary,other theoretical approaches – like agency theory or chaîne opératoire, to name a few – can complement or correct the analogy from biological evolution to human cultural change is just that; an analogy. It cannot adopt the straightforward causality of genetic inheritance and mutation. However, the framework still translates keenly to the study of cultural evolution.
The social sciences harbour a deep suspicion towards Darwinism. The many twisted misuses of evolutionary theoryin previous centuries have turned it into a dirty word. The article argues that the impact of post-processual thought on Scandinavian archaeology, which in part positioned itself through an ideological critique of Darwinism, still hinders the application of evolutionary ideas. In particular,the notion of reductionism has made archaeologists waryof studying human behaviour in light of naturalism or generality. Yet, cautiously applied reductionism is useful in explaining certain historical dynamics.
Nicolay, 2008
There is no rule of thumb as to how a ruin should be communicated.
Initially a house of religiou... more There is no rule of thumb as to how a ruin should be communicated.
Initially a house of religious contemplation, the St. Olaf’s Friary later
functioned as a school, a bishop’s resident and finally a storage hall for local
traders.
The case of St. Olaf’s Friary illustrates
some fundamental challenges which cultural
heritage managers face when dealing
with outdoor medieval ruins. Its rough
existence ever since Fischer and Enger’s
exposure, is evidence that good intentions
aren’t always enough; restoration strategies
may seriously harm the ruin and lack of
funding sometimes prevent basic, wellplanned
maintenance. Also, the very nature
of medieval masonry forces conservators
to apply new material as a means to
protect the fragile original parts. Because
these additions – sometimes rudimentarily
executed and based on misinterpretations
- have the tendency to spawn ever new
additions over time, the ruin may acquire
an unauthentic expression. These costly
measures are required to halt the inevitable
corrosion process, and within this
framework, heritage managers today do
their best in communicating the monastic,
post-Reformation and, even, restoration
period of the St. Olaf’s Friary. This inclusive
ideology can to some degree be ascribed
to post-modern leanings. Taken
to somewhat far, the conservation
work conducted by unemployed youth
(Ungdomshjelpen) in the 1930’s, can be
viewed as an intriguing material manifestation
of the economic depression of that
time. These layers of meaning do not
necessarily contradict with a monastic
expression, but in practice one should be
willing to treat the remnants which reflect
the ruin’s initial function, as more important
than the others.
Fischer’s still standing pergola serves as a
reminder of how the cultural heritage
management in Norway have changed
over the years. The legislative intent of
authenticity halts frisky initiatives – either in the
form of individual eccentricity or local
restoration proposals - that may give the
ruin a lively, but speculative expression.
After all, just keeping the ruin of St. Olaf’s
Friary in one piece has proved challenging
enough.
Book Reviews by Petter Snekkestad
Norsk museumsstidsskrift , 2021
Melding av bok om museumsformidling i Danmark.
Review of book on museum dissemination in Denmark
Uploads
Papers by Petter Snekkestad
Mundill features in a genealogical list dating from c. 1250 AD, which in turn presumably builds on the poem Háleygjatal from around c. 980–990 AD. Considering the rich tradition of erotic conquests of land in the form of female beings among the Háleygr jarls, it will be argued that Mundill in poetic terms conquered, or even ‘wed’, the island of Leka according to traditions possibly nurtured at the court of Lade in Trøndelag by the late 900s.
the same name in Smøla municipality in Møre og Romsdal
county. This article aims to date the building and,
on the basis of Iron Age finds, place it in relation to
other medieval stone churches along the north-western
and northern coast of Norway. Also, the church site
is briefly discussed in relation to the Kuli stone, whose
powerful message has inspired some to guess that an
initial church was erected here, and not on the neighbouring
island of Edøya. Based on a radiocarbon-dated
human jaw fragment found in the mortar core of the
choir, this part of the church cannot have been erected
prior to AD 1210. Considering this find and the style of
openings and masonry technique, it is suggested that
Old Edøy Church was erected in the period between AD
1240–1260, yet with a possible wider timeframe set
to AD 1220–1300. Further, the article argues that the
lower section (sokkelmuren) of the choir was built as a
burial crypt for the proprietor’s kin – explaining why the
choir was placed on a slope (to avoid digging) and also
its narrow shape (a wider choir, of which two-storied
verticality was the main aim, would drive costs).
Archaeological remains around the church,
as is also discussed by Dahle and Ellingsen in this
volume,
suggest that the magnate seat at Edøya
overshadowed
the Kuli island in economic and social
terms in the late Iron Age (AD 600–1050). Thus,
there is little to suggest
that the Kuli stone should be
associated with an early church site. A meeting place
of sorts may only hypothetically explain the placing
of the stone. Kuli’s favourable harbour, Naustvika, and
placing along the sea way (Trondheimsleia) may have
spurred a site of assembly (þing), a rudimentary inn
(sálhús) or a tiny chapel (krosshús) prior to the
stone’s erection. Yet, until more research is carried
out, such can only be guesswork.
---------------------------------
I dette stykket presenteres noen av Francis Fukuyamas tanker om statsutvikling i Origins of Political Order (2011). Jeg spør om hans begreper kan bidra til å se middelalderens politiske utvikling i et nytt lys, der staten forstås som én av flere institusjoner. Først vil hans tre bærende institusjoner sentralisert stat, rettsorden og etterrettelig styre drøftes, og jeg argumenterer for at de kan tjene som kategorier for å nyordne de statlige trekkene i middelalderen. Videre vil Fukuyamas darwinistiske tilnærming til statsutvikling drøftes opp mot Ornings (2014) kritikk av noen gjengse tolkninger av denne prosessen i middelalderforskningen.
Svært mye er skrevet om hvordan den norske staten ble dannet i middelalderen. Omdreiningspunktet i den nasjonale middelalderforskningen har i stor grad vært staten. Hva ledet opp til de hundre årene med storhet mellom 1250 og 1350, og hva førte til nedgang. I senere tid har Sverre Bagge oppsummert hans omfattende forskning på feltet i From Viking Stronghold to Christian Kingdom (2010) og i Statsutvikling i Skandinavia i middelalderen (2012:9-38). Med adresse til Bagge er det i følge Hans Jacob Orning likevel et behov for å problematisere «selve begrepet om og betydningen av statsutvikling på en mer grunnleggende måte». Orning spør om de rådende oppfatningene av statsdanning målbåret av Bagge er for preget av forrige generasjons historikere vektlegging av indre, dypereliggende sammenhenger som avgjørende i denne prosessen. Han ser heller til betydningen av ytre faktorer som dansk militært press og kirkelige reformer omkring midten av 1100-tallet.
Etter mitt syn er Francis Fukuyamas tanker om velfungerende stater relevante i denne samtalen. Ornings revurdering av borgerkrigstiden sammenfaller på noen punkter med Fukuyamas darwinistiske blikk på statsdanning. Kanskje mer avgjørende kan Fukuyamas tilnærming tilby et alternativ til staten som den begrepsmessige sentrale institusjonen politisk utvikling måles etter. Veien mot velfungerende stater går i følge Fukuyama ut på å balansere tre institusjoner, der den sentraliserte staten er en av dem. Artikkelen bør leses som en utprøving av noen tanker om et omfattende tema som det her kun pirkes i. For å begrense undersøkelsen holder jeg meg fremst til Bagges synteser om politisk utvikling, Fra knyttneve til scepter (2003) og nevnte From Viking Stronghold. Jeg drøfter verkene i et overordnet perspektiv som et bakteppe for Fukuyamas tankebygning.
Keyowrds: Hillforts, Iron Age, Southern Norway, Vestfold.
The interplay between wall art and darkened, reverberating rooms is one that humans have experienced and probably sustained for thousands of years. As we shall see, the Paleolithic painted caves of Central Europe as well as medieval churches in the Romanesque period bear witness to an appreciation for a sensory phenomenon that certainly support otherworldly experiences. Can the religiously themed Tomba Emmanuelle be understood as a continuation of artistic expressions created in the sphere of rituals and multi-sensory imagery, serving to heighten spiritual experience? Unlike the modern listener, who is surrounded by reverberation in public buildings or through aural media, the pre-modern listener would find reverberation curious and possibly mysterious. Perhaps the extreme acoustics found in Tomba Emmanuelle manages to wake up our reverb-saturated ears, allowing us, in a sense, to experience anew the captivating sensation of sound waves traveling to and fro in a Stone Age cave or a medieval church. In the christian context, I argue that the mausoleum acoustics is an auditory expression of transcendence - it simulates a divine sphere that is apart from us and beyond physical extent.
A closer look is given to a secular, administrative border dating from at least 1521 up to 1816 between Gildeskål and Meløy municipalities in the regions Salten and Helgeland respectively. This article argues that the area between this border and the more recent parish border may have constituted an administrative unit called Brudanger in the Iron Age. The magnate farm of Øysund in Meløy was probably called Brudanger in the Iron Age, thus giving name to the unit. With this understanding, Tingvollen falls under this ‘new’ administrative area, forcing us to re-evaluate the possible Thing sites in what remains of Gildeskål.
seg på mange skjær i sin 100-årige historie. De
svært turbulente årene på 2000-tallet med hyppige
direktørskifter, økonomisk rot og sviktende
publikum er nå tilbakelagt. Jubileumsboka er
derfor et varselskudd til de som har trodd at
teglkolossen på Bygdøynes lå nede for telling.
Skrivegleden blant de ansatte og nære assosierte
bærer i seg selv bud om at museet er i form.
Beskjeden fra redaktørene kan vel i alle fall oppsummeres
slik: «Vi har bare så vidt begynt!».
Idet 100 år skal regnes opp er det mye NMM
kan være stolt av. Museet ble stiftet i 1914 etter
initiativ fra hovedstadens reder- og sjøfartskretser,
og var i den første tiden sterkt knyttet til Folkemuseet
på Bygdøy, senere Norsk Folkemuseum.
Man skjønte tidlig at innlandet ikke kunne
representere folkekulturen alene, selv om «Fjeldlandet
» var bedre konservert enn den pulserende
og inntrykksømme kystkulturen. Her hadde
nykomlingene i flere år kun en mindre utstilling,
men via Generalitetsgården (1929) kunne Norsk
Sjøfartsmuseum etter tomtekjøpet på Bygdøynes
i 1937 endelig åpne Båthallen i 1958. Krig og
dårlig økonomi hadde satt disse planene på vent.
Først i 1973 sto utstillingene i Hovedbygget
klare, og museet fikk den formen vi kjenner i dag.
Kvalø og Koren viser i sitt innledningskapittel
at aktiviteten var høy og variert lenge før
stasbyggene var på plass. Den faglige retningen
fulgte i stor grad direktørenes interesser i den
første tiden. Gunnar Isachsen brakte polarhistorien
inn i museet i 1923, og Kristian Kielland
dyrket frem tradisjonsbåtene fra sin inntreden i
1940. Det var først på midten av 1950-tallet at
NMM trakk ned i vannet, da vestlendingen
Svein Molaug etablerte maritime arkeologiske
undersøkelser som en del av virkefeltet. Nå lot
man fra tid til annen typologiske skjema og
målebånd ligge: livet på sjøen skulle også dokumenteres
for å komme menneskene nærmere.
Forfatterne påpeker at museet nok lenge sto på
sidelinjen hva gjelder etterprøvbar forskning.
Selv med Olav Kolltveits (direktør fra
1984–2001) mange og gode arbeider, hindret
mangelen på kildehenvisninger at historikere
kunne bygge videre på dem. Med en stor fagstab
er dette nå for lengst rettet opp, men de fastholder
fortjenstfullt at universitetets disiplininndelinger
passer NMM dårlig – museet hviler på de
tre grenseoverskridende pilarene sjøfartshistorie,
kystkultur og arkeologi. Interessant i den
sammenheng er at den finansielle koblingen til
redermiljøene (gjennom NMM Partners) i noen
grad styrer faglige prioriteringer. NMM Partners
vil la kronene skinne over sjøfartshistorien,
men har mindre lyst til å oppgradere eksempelvis
Båthallen, som siden 2009 har stått tom.
Mens arkeologien nærmest betaler seg selv, legges
det ikke skjul på at institusjonen er kronisk
underfinansiert over statsbudsjettet.
A book review of an anthology celebrating the Norwegian Maritime Museum. Keywords: Ships, Latour, ANT, boat preservation, ship preservation, export of ice, trade fleets, coastal culture, Bjørvika, Oslo, history of museums, Post-Reformation archaeology, shipwrecks.
archaeological finds and was not a major economical player in the area. Prior to an establishment in the Late Iron Age (600-1050 AD), Gildeskål was probably part of the Inndyr estate. In the 11th century, when a hypothetical initial church in wood was erected at Gildeskål, Inndyr along with Arnøyene and Mårnes were the wealthiest farms in the area. It is likely that the proprietor of the wooden and especially the costly stone church belonged to one or several of the wealthier farms in the soon-to-be parish. The name Gildeskål refers to the building of a local guild once placed on the farm in the Middle Ages. These gildeskåler or gildestuer are found in the vicinity of medieval churches all over Norway. The Gildeskål farm might also have served as a site for communal religious feasting prior to the introduction of Christianity, but this is unlikely. Such activities usually took place on the wealthier farms, and Gildeskål did not belong to that group.
The current appearance of the ruin is the result of conservation work that started in 1961. It is preserved in c. 0,5 to 2,0 m height, where additional courses are added to create a somewhat horizontal wall, or put up over a membrane in order to protect the underlying material. In general, the west front and twin towers have mostly original material under a membrane, while the brickwork in the Gothic chancel have very little. With some irregularities, the plinths are either visible or barely covered by grass or gravel. The general outline of the fourteenth century version of the church is protruding and readable. The plan of the Romanesque church, however, apart from the nave, is almost entirely reconstructed in ankle-height with new material. This includes the tower and the elongation of the chancel. The initial wooden church is marked with cut off poles where the posts stood. The most striking feature of the ruin is the three-part shift in building material and masonry style. The western part displays thick walls and massive plinths with rough and large stone masonry of varying kind in the Gothic style. The middle part consists of slightly slimmer, but heavy walls dominated by horizontal shifts of limestone typical of the Romanesque style. This is the nave that survived the Gothic rebuilding. Finally, the eastern part stands out with its elegant and straight-lined brickwork on top of a base of large and finely hewed ashlars.
This is a study of the ruin along with the diaries and photographic material of excavators Gerhard Fischer and Håkon Christie in order to distinguish between original and modern, added-on material in the ruin. Also, I argue that both Gothic towers had staircases and that a huge fitting-stone on the site could have belonged to a western portal in the Romanesque church.
The social sciences harbour a deep suspicion towards Darwinism. The many twisted misuses of evolutionary theoryin previous centuries have turned it into a dirty word. The article argues that the impact of post-processual thought on Scandinavian archaeology, which in part positioned itself through an ideological critique of Darwinism, still hinders the application of evolutionary ideas. In particular,the notion of reductionism has made archaeologists waryof studying human behaviour in light of naturalism or generality. Yet, cautiously applied reductionism is useful in explaining certain historical dynamics.
Initially a house of religious contemplation, the St. Olaf’s Friary later
functioned as a school, a bishop’s resident and finally a storage hall for local
traders.
The case of St. Olaf’s Friary illustrates
some fundamental challenges which cultural
heritage managers face when dealing
with outdoor medieval ruins. Its rough
existence ever since Fischer and Enger’s
exposure, is evidence that good intentions
aren’t always enough; restoration strategies
may seriously harm the ruin and lack of
funding sometimes prevent basic, wellplanned
maintenance. Also, the very nature
of medieval masonry forces conservators
to apply new material as a means to
protect the fragile original parts. Because
these additions – sometimes rudimentarily
executed and based on misinterpretations
- have the tendency to spawn ever new
additions over time, the ruin may acquire
an unauthentic expression. These costly
measures are required to halt the inevitable
corrosion process, and within this
framework, heritage managers today do
their best in communicating the monastic,
post-Reformation and, even, restoration
period of the St. Olaf’s Friary. This inclusive
ideology can to some degree be ascribed
to post-modern leanings. Taken
to somewhat far, the conservation
work conducted by unemployed youth
(Ungdomshjelpen) in the 1930’s, can be
viewed as an intriguing material manifestation
of the economic depression of that
time. These layers of meaning do not
necessarily contradict with a monastic
expression, but in practice one should be
willing to treat the remnants which reflect
the ruin’s initial function, as more important
than the others.
Fischer’s still standing pergola serves as a
reminder of how the cultural heritage
management in Norway have changed
over the years. The legislative intent of
authenticity halts frisky initiatives – either in the
form of individual eccentricity or local
restoration proposals - that may give the
ruin a lively, but speculative expression.
After all, just keeping the ruin of St. Olaf’s
Friary in one piece has proved challenging
enough.
Book Reviews by Petter Snekkestad
Mundill features in a genealogical list dating from c. 1250 AD, which in turn presumably builds on the poem Háleygjatal from around c. 980–990 AD. Considering the rich tradition of erotic conquests of land in the form of female beings among the Háleygr jarls, it will be argued that Mundill in poetic terms conquered, or even ‘wed’, the island of Leka according to traditions possibly nurtured at the court of Lade in Trøndelag by the late 900s.
the same name in Smøla municipality in Møre og Romsdal
county. This article aims to date the building and,
on the basis of Iron Age finds, place it in relation to
other medieval stone churches along the north-western
and northern coast of Norway. Also, the church site
is briefly discussed in relation to the Kuli stone, whose
powerful message has inspired some to guess that an
initial church was erected here, and not on the neighbouring
island of Edøya. Based on a radiocarbon-dated
human jaw fragment found in the mortar core of the
choir, this part of the church cannot have been erected
prior to AD 1210. Considering this find and the style of
openings and masonry technique, it is suggested that
Old Edøy Church was erected in the period between AD
1240–1260, yet with a possible wider timeframe set
to AD 1220–1300. Further, the article argues that the
lower section (sokkelmuren) of the choir was built as a
burial crypt for the proprietor’s kin – explaining why the
choir was placed on a slope (to avoid digging) and also
its narrow shape (a wider choir, of which two-storied
verticality was the main aim, would drive costs).
Archaeological remains around the church,
as is also discussed by Dahle and Ellingsen in this
volume,
suggest that the magnate seat at Edøya
overshadowed
the Kuli island in economic and social
terms in the late Iron Age (AD 600–1050). Thus,
there is little to suggest
that the Kuli stone should be
associated with an early church site. A meeting place
of sorts may only hypothetically explain the placing
of the stone. Kuli’s favourable harbour, Naustvika, and
placing along the sea way (Trondheimsleia) may have
spurred a site of assembly (þing), a rudimentary inn
(sálhús) or a tiny chapel (krosshús) prior to the
stone’s erection. Yet, until more research is carried
out, such can only be guesswork.
---------------------------------
I dette stykket presenteres noen av Francis Fukuyamas tanker om statsutvikling i Origins of Political Order (2011). Jeg spør om hans begreper kan bidra til å se middelalderens politiske utvikling i et nytt lys, der staten forstås som én av flere institusjoner. Først vil hans tre bærende institusjoner sentralisert stat, rettsorden og etterrettelig styre drøftes, og jeg argumenterer for at de kan tjene som kategorier for å nyordne de statlige trekkene i middelalderen. Videre vil Fukuyamas darwinistiske tilnærming til statsutvikling drøftes opp mot Ornings (2014) kritikk av noen gjengse tolkninger av denne prosessen i middelalderforskningen.
Svært mye er skrevet om hvordan den norske staten ble dannet i middelalderen. Omdreiningspunktet i den nasjonale middelalderforskningen har i stor grad vært staten. Hva ledet opp til de hundre årene med storhet mellom 1250 og 1350, og hva førte til nedgang. I senere tid har Sverre Bagge oppsummert hans omfattende forskning på feltet i From Viking Stronghold to Christian Kingdom (2010) og i Statsutvikling i Skandinavia i middelalderen (2012:9-38). Med adresse til Bagge er det i følge Hans Jacob Orning likevel et behov for å problematisere «selve begrepet om og betydningen av statsutvikling på en mer grunnleggende måte». Orning spør om de rådende oppfatningene av statsdanning målbåret av Bagge er for preget av forrige generasjons historikere vektlegging av indre, dypereliggende sammenhenger som avgjørende i denne prosessen. Han ser heller til betydningen av ytre faktorer som dansk militært press og kirkelige reformer omkring midten av 1100-tallet.
Etter mitt syn er Francis Fukuyamas tanker om velfungerende stater relevante i denne samtalen. Ornings revurdering av borgerkrigstiden sammenfaller på noen punkter med Fukuyamas darwinistiske blikk på statsdanning. Kanskje mer avgjørende kan Fukuyamas tilnærming tilby et alternativ til staten som den begrepsmessige sentrale institusjonen politisk utvikling måles etter. Veien mot velfungerende stater går i følge Fukuyama ut på å balansere tre institusjoner, der den sentraliserte staten er en av dem. Artikkelen bør leses som en utprøving av noen tanker om et omfattende tema som det her kun pirkes i. For å begrense undersøkelsen holder jeg meg fremst til Bagges synteser om politisk utvikling, Fra knyttneve til scepter (2003) og nevnte From Viking Stronghold. Jeg drøfter verkene i et overordnet perspektiv som et bakteppe for Fukuyamas tankebygning.
Keyowrds: Hillforts, Iron Age, Southern Norway, Vestfold.
The interplay between wall art and darkened, reverberating rooms is one that humans have experienced and probably sustained for thousands of years. As we shall see, the Paleolithic painted caves of Central Europe as well as medieval churches in the Romanesque period bear witness to an appreciation for a sensory phenomenon that certainly support otherworldly experiences. Can the religiously themed Tomba Emmanuelle be understood as a continuation of artistic expressions created in the sphere of rituals and multi-sensory imagery, serving to heighten spiritual experience? Unlike the modern listener, who is surrounded by reverberation in public buildings or through aural media, the pre-modern listener would find reverberation curious and possibly mysterious. Perhaps the extreme acoustics found in Tomba Emmanuelle manages to wake up our reverb-saturated ears, allowing us, in a sense, to experience anew the captivating sensation of sound waves traveling to and fro in a Stone Age cave or a medieval church. In the christian context, I argue that the mausoleum acoustics is an auditory expression of transcendence - it simulates a divine sphere that is apart from us and beyond physical extent.
A closer look is given to a secular, administrative border dating from at least 1521 up to 1816 between Gildeskål and Meløy municipalities in the regions Salten and Helgeland respectively. This article argues that the area between this border and the more recent parish border may have constituted an administrative unit called Brudanger in the Iron Age. The magnate farm of Øysund in Meløy was probably called Brudanger in the Iron Age, thus giving name to the unit. With this understanding, Tingvollen falls under this ‘new’ administrative area, forcing us to re-evaluate the possible Thing sites in what remains of Gildeskål.
seg på mange skjær i sin 100-årige historie. De
svært turbulente årene på 2000-tallet med hyppige
direktørskifter, økonomisk rot og sviktende
publikum er nå tilbakelagt. Jubileumsboka er
derfor et varselskudd til de som har trodd at
teglkolossen på Bygdøynes lå nede for telling.
Skrivegleden blant de ansatte og nære assosierte
bærer i seg selv bud om at museet er i form.
Beskjeden fra redaktørene kan vel i alle fall oppsummeres
slik: «Vi har bare så vidt begynt!».
Idet 100 år skal regnes opp er det mye NMM
kan være stolt av. Museet ble stiftet i 1914 etter
initiativ fra hovedstadens reder- og sjøfartskretser,
og var i den første tiden sterkt knyttet til Folkemuseet
på Bygdøy, senere Norsk Folkemuseum.
Man skjønte tidlig at innlandet ikke kunne
representere folkekulturen alene, selv om «Fjeldlandet
» var bedre konservert enn den pulserende
og inntrykksømme kystkulturen. Her hadde
nykomlingene i flere år kun en mindre utstilling,
men via Generalitetsgården (1929) kunne Norsk
Sjøfartsmuseum etter tomtekjøpet på Bygdøynes
i 1937 endelig åpne Båthallen i 1958. Krig og
dårlig økonomi hadde satt disse planene på vent.
Først i 1973 sto utstillingene i Hovedbygget
klare, og museet fikk den formen vi kjenner i dag.
Kvalø og Koren viser i sitt innledningskapittel
at aktiviteten var høy og variert lenge før
stasbyggene var på plass. Den faglige retningen
fulgte i stor grad direktørenes interesser i den
første tiden. Gunnar Isachsen brakte polarhistorien
inn i museet i 1923, og Kristian Kielland
dyrket frem tradisjonsbåtene fra sin inntreden i
1940. Det var først på midten av 1950-tallet at
NMM trakk ned i vannet, da vestlendingen
Svein Molaug etablerte maritime arkeologiske
undersøkelser som en del av virkefeltet. Nå lot
man fra tid til annen typologiske skjema og
målebånd ligge: livet på sjøen skulle også dokumenteres
for å komme menneskene nærmere.
Forfatterne påpeker at museet nok lenge sto på
sidelinjen hva gjelder etterprøvbar forskning.
Selv med Olav Kolltveits (direktør fra
1984–2001) mange og gode arbeider, hindret
mangelen på kildehenvisninger at historikere
kunne bygge videre på dem. Med en stor fagstab
er dette nå for lengst rettet opp, men de fastholder
fortjenstfullt at universitetets disiplininndelinger
passer NMM dårlig – museet hviler på de
tre grenseoverskridende pilarene sjøfartshistorie,
kystkultur og arkeologi. Interessant i den
sammenheng er at den finansielle koblingen til
redermiljøene (gjennom NMM Partners) i noen
grad styrer faglige prioriteringer. NMM Partners
vil la kronene skinne over sjøfartshistorien,
men har mindre lyst til å oppgradere eksempelvis
Båthallen, som siden 2009 har stått tom.
Mens arkeologien nærmest betaler seg selv, legges
det ikke skjul på at institusjonen er kronisk
underfinansiert over statsbudsjettet.
A book review of an anthology celebrating the Norwegian Maritime Museum. Keywords: Ships, Latour, ANT, boat preservation, ship preservation, export of ice, trade fleets, coastal culture, Bjørvika, Oslo, history of museums, Post-Reformation archaeology, shipwrecks.
archaeological finds and was not a major economical player in the area. Prior to an establishment in the Late Iron Age (600-1050 AD), Gildeskål was probably part of the Inndyr estate. In the 11th century, when a hypothetical initial church in wood was erected at Gildeskål, Inndyr along with Arnøyene and Mårnes were the wealthiest farms in the area. It is likely that the proprietor of the wooden and especially the costly stone church belonged to one or several of the wealthier farms in the soon-to-be parish. The name Gildeskål refers to the building of a local guild once placed on the farm in the Middle Ages. These gildeskåler or gildestuer are found in the vicinity of medieval churches all over Norway. The Gildeskål farm might also have served as a site for communal religious feasting prior to the introduction of Christianity, but this is unlikely. Such activities usually took place on the wealthier farms, and Gildeskål did not belong to that group.
The current appearance of the ruin is the result of conservation work that started in 1961. It is preserved in c. 0,5 to 2,0 m height, where additional courses are added to create a somewhat horizontal wall, or put up over a membrane in order to protect the underlying material. In general, the west front and twin towers have mostly original material under a membrane, while the brickwork in the Gothic chancel have very little. With some irregularities, the plinths are either visible or barely covered by grass or gravel. The general outline of the fourteenth century version of the church is protruding and readable. The plan of the Romanesque church, however, apart from the nave, is almost entirely reconstructed in ankle-height with new material. This includes the tower and the elongation of the chancel. The initial wooden church is marked with cut off poles where the posts stood. The most striking feature of the ruin is the three-part shift in building material and masonry style. The western part displays thick walls and massive plinths with rough and large stone masonry of varying kind in the Gothic style. The middle part consists of slightly slimmer, but heavy walls dominated by horizontal shifts of limestone typical of the Romanesque style. This is the nave that survived the Gothic rebuilding. Finally, the eastern part stands out with its elegant and straight-lined brickwork on top of a base of large and finely hewed ashlars.
This is a study of the ruin along with the diaries and photographic material of excavators Gerhard Fischer and Håkon Christie in order to distinguish between original and modern, added-on material in the ruin. Also, I argue that both Gothic towers had staircases and that a huge fitting-stone on the site could have belonged to a western portal in the Romanesque church.
The social sciences harbour a deep suspicion towards Darwinism. The many twisted misuses of evolutionary theoryin previous centuries have turned it into a dirty word. The article argues that the impact of post-processual thought on Scandinavian archaeology, which in part positioned itself through an ideological critique of Darwinism, still hinders the application of evolutionary ideas. In particular,the notion of reductionism has made archaeologists waryof studying human behaviour in light of naturalism or generality. Yet, cautiously applied reductionism is useful in explaining certain historical dynamics.
Initially a house of religious contemplation, the St. Olaf’s Friary later
functioned as a school, a bishop’s resident and finally a storage hall for local
traders.
The case of St. Olaf’s Friary illustrates
some fundamental challenges which cultural
heritage managers face when dealing
with outdoor medieval ruins. Its rough
existence ever since Fischer and Enger’s
exposure, is evidence that good intentions
aren’t always enough; restoration strategies
may seriously harm the ruin and lack of
funding sometimes prevent basic, wellplanned
maintenance. Also, the very nature
of medieval masonry forces conservators
to apply new material as a means to
protect the fragile original parts. Because
these additions – sometimes rudimentarily
executed and based on misinterpretations
- have the tendency to spawn ever new
additions over time, the ruin may acquire
an unauthentic expression. These costly
measures are required to halt the inevitable
corrosion process, and within this
framework, heritage managers today do
their best in communicating the monastic,
post-Reformation and, even, restoration
period of the St. Olaf’s Friary. This inclusive
ideology can to some degree be ascribed
to post-modern leanings. Taken
to somewhat far, the conservation
work conducted by unemployed youth
(Ungdomshjelpen) in the 1930’s, can be
viewed as an intriguing material manifestation
of the economic depression of that
time. These layers of meaning do not
necessarily contradict with a monastic
expression, but in practice one should be
willing to treat the remnants which reflect
the ruin’s initial function, as more important
than the others.
Fischer’s still standing pergola serves as a
reminder of how the cultural heritage
management in Norway have changed
over the years. The legislative intent of
authenticity halts frisky initiatives – either in the
form of individual eccentricity or local
restoration proposals - that may give the
ruin a lively, but speculative expression.
After all, just keeping the ruin of St. Olaf’s
Friary in one piece has proved challenging
enough.