Professor of Regional Studies, University of Tehran, Writer of many books and articles about Russia, Central Asia, Caucasus, Iran, WomenSocial activist Address: iran
There is no doubt that during wars, women have not only been the victims, but they have also been... more There is no doubt that during wars, women have not only been the victims, but they have also been considered as influencers. Thus, in many international activities they are the aims of many conventions and resolutions based on planning for protecting them and keeping their human rights. Of course, in the domestic level, there are a process of law making and policy implementation to defend women in the time of armed conflicts and after that, especially in the process of peace keeping. The authors with a critical approach examine different policies and programs in this respect in Iran and the US and show disparity between men and women in this regard. This inequality is mainly the result of functions of social and cultural infrastructures of the societies. Although in Iran the procedures of law making has many difficulties in its nature. The main question of this paper is that: what is the impact of gender consideration in the implementation of protective rules for the people who have been engaged in different stages of the war? The authors focus on positive discrimination to reduce neglected condition of women in this respect in Iran.
Russia's military attack on Ukraine has had profound consequences not only for the Middle East, b... more Russia's military attack on Ukraine has had profound consequences not only for the Middle East, but also for the world. The political-security relations of the two countries, have been affected by this war. Since the beginning of Russia's military operation in Ukraine, Tehran has accepted Moscow's rationale for this attack and has shown its political support at the United Nations General Assembly, but Iran has been cautious in fully supporting this war. Iran's approach regarding the war in Ukraine is important in two ways. First, Iran's orientation towards this war affects Tehran's relations with Moscow. Second, this orientation affects Iran's interests in the international system.
For this reason, the main question of this article is "What was Iran's attitude towards the war in Ukraine and how did it affect the relations between Tehran and Moscow?" The hypothesis of the authors is that "Iran's approach towards the war in Ukraine has been cautious - it has neither officially condemned nor supported the Russian invasion of Ukraine - this policy is aimed at maintaining and continuing the relations between the two countries. The purpose of this article is to examine the orientations of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the war in Ukraine and its effect on the country's relations with Russia. The authors' method in this research is qualitative with a descriptive-analytical approach. Keywords
Iran Russia Ukraine USA Geopolitics International System
Journal of Central Asia and the Caucasus Studies, 2022
After the collapse of the Soviet Union and independence, the five countries of Central Asia have ... more After the collapse of the Soviet Union and independence, the five countries of Central Asia have been able to endure their independent sovereignty without crisis, conflict, war, and instability. The main question of the present research states: which factor leads us to political and sovereign stability? And what has been the extent of the Soviet Union’s role and influence in this stability? The hypothesis and answer to this question is based on this foundation that the continuity of the former party leaders’ governance, traditions of political patriarchy, and the effective heritage of the Soviet Union in establishing political, civil, and social institutions in these countries have been the most important factors of this stability. Each of the leaders of these republics has tried to establish the foundations of legitimacy and acceptability on the basis of traditions and continue their authoritarian ruling on this basis. The heritage of Lenin and Stalin’s nation-building and Soviet Union’s developmental policies, as well as forty years of governing experience by indigenous people in these countries and its combination with traditional authoritarianism has led to political and social stability in Central Asian Republics after independence. The main purpose of the present research is to understand the political complexities in Central Asia and find the historical roots of contemporary trends and the effect of nation-building process in these countries and a delicate comparison with their neighbor, Afghanistan, which is faced with instability due to the absence of nation-building and the non-effective heritage of Britain. In this research, in addition to benefitting from personal and field experiences, library resources has been used on the basis of content analysis of historical events and sociological perspective.
Keywords: authoritarianism, the Soviet Union, stability, Central Asia, continuity, Nationality
The occurrence of the Russian Revolution of 1917 influenced the growth of political groups with l... more The occurrence of the Russian Revolution of 1917 influenced the growth of political groups with leftist tendencies, and had an impact on a small segment of Iranian women in the society. In the framework of Marxist school, the inferior position of women in the contemporary societies is attributed to the unfair historical process of the formation of exploitation and exploitative relationships. Since Marx and Engels considered politics and political power to be dependent on the economic infrastructure, they naturally considered the reason for women's lack of political participation to be her economic dependency as well as her being oppressed and exploited in the family and society at large. Although they did not pay sufficient attention to the issue of women's political participation, other Marxist leading figures such as Rosa Luxemburg, Clara Zetkin, and Lenin defended the equal rights of men and women in a way which led to the formation of the schools of Marxist and socialist feminism. These thinkers believed that the most important step for women's liberation is the abolition of private property and the elimination of exploitative classes, because the way for their liberation would be paved by these actions first and foremost. Based on this belief, Marxism presented a materialistic analysis and a scientific perspective for women's freedom, which was considered to be the responsibility of governments and Marxist parties all over the world, including the Tudeh Party of Iran and its affiliated Women's Democratic Organization (WDO). Before the formation of Tudeh Party (the so-called the Party of the Iranian Masses), it was only the Communist Party of Iran that defended the political and social rights of women within the framework of its ideology. Accordingly, this party took measures to promote socialist tendency among women's rights activists and their organizations by presenting plans and programs to transform the living conditions of Iranian women, which were temporarily interrupted as a result of the establishment of Reza Shah's dictatorship. Despite some achievements in social and legal fields aimed at extending modern western-style social rights to women in Iran, Reza Shah’s regime created obstacles for their political rights and prevented them from engaging in non-governmental political activities. The changed Post-September 1941 political environment resulted from the vacuum created by the ending of the first Pahlavi Shah’s rule followed by the coming into power of his inexperience young heir as well as the continued intervention of the great powers in Iranian internal affairs facilitated the formation of new political organizations with different political, religious, ethnic outlook. Some groups and organization had communist and socialist inclinations and programs. Among these organizations was the Women's Democratic Organization — affiliated with the communist Tudeh party of Iran— and created at the same time as other similar organizations with the objective of defending women's rights. The Two questions posed in this study are as follows: 1. What were the main objectives of the Women's Democratic Organization (WDO) affiliated with the communist Tudeh Party of Iran? and 2. How successful was this organization in achieving its objectives? In the hypothesis, it is postulated that the formation of women's democratic organization was largely influenced by Tudeh party's attempt to penetrate the social structure of Iran and using the capacities of women's society in order to achieve its political goals. Therefore, by addressing political issues instead of general women's issues and problems, and especially neglecting and confronting the religious and customary traditions of the society, women's organization were prevented from achieving a sustainable success. Focusing on a descriptive-analytical approach, the authors analyze qualitative data on the characteristics and function of this organization collected from historical documents, memoirs, books, and articles written by the WDO’s founders, supporters, critics, and various experts. The findings of the research, while clarifying the political participation of a notable segment of the society of Iranian women in the given period of time, indicate that the ideological leftist line of the Tudeh party was adopted by the Women's Democratic Organization, and consequently provoked the opposition of the traditional and religious groups in the society. Moreover, the establishment of authoritarianism in the country lead to the failure of this organization to achieve its ultimate objectives. Keywords
Iran Left-wing Movement Pahlavi Dynasty Political Activities Tudeh Party Women
Abstract
Introduction: After the disintegration of the USSR, Central Asia as an
important part of... more Abstract Introduction: After the disintegration of the USSR, Central Asia as an important part of this political system was exposed to serious changes and developments. Bankrupt economies, the persistence of outdated patterns and traditions of political action, and fragmented identity foundations plagued the Central Asian republics in the early 1990s. Regarding the issue of identity, during the Soviet era, Moscow worked to suppress the emergence of any ethnic (Turkish, Persian) or religious (Islamic) identities that would pose a threat to the ideology of Communism. But with the collapse of this union, the Central Asian republics were in a position in which Iran and Turkey were trying to use identity-based foreign policies to invest in new geographies. In the meantime, the political elites of the Central Asian countries decided to accept the models presented by the international actors to get out of this impasse. The Islamic Republic of Iran and Turkey were two neighbors that were mentioned more than others in the minds of the leaders of these republics. Considering some common cultural-identity heritages of these two countries with these republics, both of these powers tried to penetrate this region by using cultural elements. But the cultural policies of Tehran and Ankara gradually faced serious obstacles. Research Question: What is the main challenge facing the cultural diplomacy of Iran and Turkey in Central Asia? Research Hypothesis: For Iran, the securitization of its cultural agendas and for Turkey, the whisper of Ottomanism and fear of Turkey's regional dominance the main challenge for their cultural diplomacy toward Central Asia. Methodology (and theoretical framework if there are): This research is applied based on purpose and descriptive based on data collection. Also, this research was done after the event. This means that the researcher studies the possible cause of the dependent variable and the independent and dependent variables that occurred in the past. In this article, Public and cultural diplomacy have been selected as the theoretical framework and will be explained subsequently. Results and Discussion: With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Central Asian republics underwent serious changes. The fundamental question is "Who am I?" Or, to be more precise, the identity crisis has been raised as an important challenge for these republics. Moscow could not give them a new identity, and therefore the identity crisis was formed in parallel with the political, economic, and security crises in the new republics. In this situation, these countries sought to create an identity from the very beginning of their independence, so that it would be a solid foundation for them to form a nation-state. The near horizon of these republics was Iran and Turkey, with whom they had identity and cultural affinity more than others. With the knowledge of the elites of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Turkey about this loss, the revival and consolidation of cultural relations along with political, economic and security relations were put on the agenda of Tehran and Ankara. Iran entered into cultural relations with these republics based on categories such as cultural, linguistic (in a more limited dimension), religious and historical commonalities. But the main issue for Iran was the security perspective. Turkey defined Central Asia as a land for its cultural influence due to some important factors such as extensive linguistic and religious commonalities and pursued diplomacy and cultural efforts towards this region in the 1990s. Turkey also faced challenges in the way of advancing its cultural policies. Turkish imperialism and the arrogance of Central Asian Turks is the key to understanding Turkey's cultural challenges in this region. Iran's cultural foreign policy officials should be aware of the sensitivities and security concerns of Central Asian leaders and remove the perception of "other" from Iran in all their cultural activities in these republics. To improve the status of Iran's cultural diplomacy in Central Asia, this article suggests that Iran should follow strategies at three national, regional, and global levels. Conclusion: With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the countries of Central Asia faced deep identity crises and were unable to establish their nation states. Also the Central Asian republics were exposed to serious changes and developments. The basic question "Who am I?" Or to put it more precisely, the identity crisis has emerged as an important challenge for these republics. With these developments, the arena was available for actors like Iran and Turkey more than others. Because both Iran and Turkey had characteristics that made it possible for them to be active in Central Asia. However, due to the lack of proper understanding of the Central Asian environment, Iran and Turkey made some strategic mistakes. Ultimately, they failed to capitalize on the Central Asian identity crisis. However, Turkey was a little more successful compared to Iran.
The creation of new republics in Central Asia after the Soviet government fall changed the geopol... more The creation of new republics in Central Asia after the Soviet government fall changed the geopolitics of northeast Iran. Thus, the borders of the region, formerly known as threatening borders, evolved as an opportunity to recreate Iran's role in an area outside of Iran's direct influence. The end of the eight-year war between Iran and Iraq and the independence of the Asian countries led Tehran to consider the republics of the region as a new and further opportunity. Throughout this period, with the rise of four constructive governments, reforms, principles, and the hope of relations with the Central Asian region in various political-security, economic and cultural areas. However, the achievements were not expected. Therefore, in this study, in a qualitative and descriptive-analytical approach, we seek to examine the desirable foreign policy pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Central Asian region, and we seek to answer the question that what the most appropriate approach to foreign policy to is secure the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Central Asia? In response to this question, the hypothesis has been examined that the cultural approach is more capable of developing Iranian-Asian relations through the use of semantic components in the form of a joint Islamic-Iranian heritage than other approaches.
قدرت نرم روسیه در سالهای اخیر توجه بسیاری از پژوهشگران حوزه اوراسیای مرکزی را به خود جلب کرده ا... more قدرت نرم روسیه در سالهای اخیر توجه بسیاری از پژوهشگران حوزه اوراسیای مرکزی را به خود جلب کرده است. اقدامهای انجام شده توسط روسیه برای توسعه روابط با کشورهای آسیای مرکزی بهطور معمول قدرت نرم خوانده -میشود. اینکه سیاست قدرت نرم روسیه در آسیای مرکزی چه کاربردی دارد از ابعاد مختلف قابل بررسی است. بنابراین، پرسش اصلی مقاله این است که بهرهگیری روسیه از ابزارهای قدرت نرم در آسیای مرکزی چگونه سیاست خارجی کشورهای منطقه را زیر تأثیر قرار دادهاست؟ فرضیۀ مقاله این است که بهره گیری روسیه از ابزارهای قدرت نرم به همسویی فکری رهبران آسیای مرکزی با روسیه و همراهی بیشتر آنها با اهداف سیاست خارجی این کشور انجامیدهاست. در این پژوهش با بهکارگیری نظریه واقعگرایی نوکلاسیک و روش پژوهش تبیینی_تحلیلی به تبیین منطق بهکارگیری قدرت نرم روسیه در آسیای مرکزی، کارآمدی راهبرد روسیه در منطقه آسیای مرکزی و نیز دلایل و عوامل تعیینکنندۀ قدرت نرم روسیه در منطقه پرداخته شدهاست. یافتههای این پژوهش نشان میدهد ارتباطهای شخصی فراملی به عنوان سازوکار اصلی مسکو در جهت تأثیر بر جهتگیری سیاست خارجی کشورهای آسیای مرکزی عمل میکند. کلیدواژهها آسیای مرکزی؛ روسیه؛ قدرت نرم؛ سیاست خارجی؛ واقعگرایی نوکلاسیک
Abstract :
The overall economic framework for building Greater Eurasia, including Russia, China,... more Abstract :
The overall economic framework for building Greater Eurasia, including Russia, China, and Central Asia, is more closely linked to the Chinese One Belt One Road Initiative and the Cooperation Agreement between the project and the Eurasian Economic Union. Along with traditional Russian influence, China's growing growth is strongly felt in Central Asia and is a major factor in shaping the new structure of the Greater Eurasian regions. The geopolitical situation in the convergence of Central Asian countries makes Russia and China the only options available to them. Political and military convergence with Russia in the Collective Security Treaty Organization, as well as economic convergence with Russia in the Eurasian Economic Union, are key elements. The present article uses a descriptive-analytical method and within the framework of the concept of multidimensional foreign policy with the aim of providing a systematic analysis of the interests of Central Asian countries involved in the current approach of Russia and China. How do Russia and China play a role? The research hypothesis is that the countries of Central Asia seek to balance the growing influence of Russia and China in the Greater Eurasia Plan by adopting a " Multi -vector foreign policy". The findings show that Central Asian countries are forced to converge with China and Russia due to geopolitical determinism, but on the other hand, in order to be dominated in this process, they have developed relations with the West and the Islamic world.
Since the beginning of the Arab Spring in the Middle East, the region has undergone major changes... more Since the beginning of the Arab Spring in the Middle East, the region has undergone major changes, with regional and transnational powers shifting their foreign policy orientations based on their national interests. Meanwhile, Iran and Russia, as two major players, have focused on these developments. Therefore, using this Kinderman's Neorealism theory, the authors of the article seek to answer the question of what was the role of Iran and Russia in the Middle East region. The main hypothesis is that given the geopolitical developments, the strategic importance of the region, the tensions between Iran and the US in the Strait of Hormuz, the recent withdrawal of US forces from Syria, Iran and Russia as Regional Powers in the Middle East have played a key role to integrate their interest and deter U.S, in the Middle East. Indeed, the results show that Iran and Russia disagree in some areas, but given recent crises in the region, Trump's withdrawal from a nuclear deal with Iran and the imposition of more sanctions, opposed to unilateralism lead these two countries to cooperate politically and militarily to prevent influence of U.S in the region. The research method in this research is descriptive-analytical.
Abstract
Introduction: Ever Since Putin rose to power in Russia, Belarus has
pursued more indepen... more Abstract Introduction: Ever Since Putin rose to power in Russia, Belarus has pursued more independent foreign policy toward Russia's regionalism. Based on the two countries that had signed the Union Treaty in 1999, Russia called for Belarus to be more cooperative and integrative in economic, political, security, and institutional dimensions. But Belarus not only has not implemented many of the provisions of the Union State and refused Russia's multifaceted demands on more convergent policies within Eurasian institutions and has strived to expand relations with members of the European Union and other trans-regional powers. This issue has caused tensions between Russia and Belarus. Belarus has always been considered Russia's closest ally. Russia has had serious tensions with all of its neighbors since the collapse of the Soviet Union, but Belarus has been an exception and recognized as a pro-Russian state. Russia has long been the main and exclusive guarantor of Belarus' security and economy. In terms of trade, Russia has by far been Belarus' largest trading partner and on the cultural aspects, linguistic closeness and common religion, ethnicity, and history have been the reasons for Belarus' alignment with Russia. Tensions between the two countries have risen severely, especially since Putin. In terms of energy, Putin has put Belarus in a tight spot and has repeatedly cut off gas supplies to Belarus, which is dependent exclusively on Russian energy. On the other hand, Lukashenko has repeatedly condemned Russia and Putin with unprecedented and blunt statements. In addition, the government has begun significant cooperation with the European Union. Research Question: what is the cause of the tensions between Russia and Belarus, especially during the Putin era?
1 E-mail: [email protected] (Corresponding author) Journal of Central Eurasia Studies, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Vol. 14, No. 2, Autumn & Winter 2021 272 Research Hypothesis: Three factors of (a) rising tensions between Russia and world powers, (b) Belarus' independent approach to Russia, and (c) Belarus's tendency to cooperate with "outside powers" such as the European Union, has led Russia to push pressure on Belarus for more integration and this pressure has increased tensions between the two countries. Methodology (and Theoretical Framework if there are): The theoretical framework of this research is based on Olaf Knudsen's analytical model, which is used to evaluate the relationships of small powers with opposing poles of global power. In this paper the research methodology for studying the hypothesis is explanatory. Data collection tools are libraries and internet resources. Results and discussion: The factors that increase tensions between the two countries are the EU's Eastern Partnership strategy, the Ukraine crisis, Russia's forced regionalism, energy disputes, and the expansion of Belarus' relations US. The first concerns the Eastern Partnership strategy. The EU Eastern Partnership Strategy was adopted in 2009 for six Eastern European countries, including Belarus. Russia saw the strategy as a geopolitical conspiracy by the West and the European Union to weaken RussiaIn this regard, Belarus has taken several measures, including the release of political prisoners, electoral law reform, lowering restrictions on NGOs, making laws to increase media freedom, increasing freedoms in the 2008 parliamentary elections, dialogue with political opponents, and allowing the sale of some from their newspapers, propaganda in favor of the European Union and inviting senior members of the EU. Lukashenko traveled to Western countries such as Italy in 2009 after 13 years, and then Berlusconi became the first high-ranking leader to visit Belarus in 14 years. The second is the Ukraine crisis, which has two important effects. First, Belarus resembles itself and Ukraine, thinking that Belarus might be Russia's next target. Second, since the Ukraine crisis and the annexation of Crimea to Russia, tensions between Russia and the European Union escalated unprecedentedly. As tensions between Russia and the West increased, Russia's pressure on Belarus to develop integration has increased. So the third is Russian regionalism. Russia's efforts to create a cohesive and integrated region have failed. Because of their collective memory, Russia's neighbors in Eurasia fear that Russia will violate their national sovereignty. Belarus is also one country that is very skeptical about Russia's regional goals. Russia has officially stated that Belarus' integration into Russia is possible and Journal of Central Eurasia Studies, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Vol. 14, No. 1, Spring & Summer 2021 273 desirable and that six Belarussian provinces could be added to 89 Russian regions. The fourth is energy. Russia has repeatedly used energy tools to pursue political interests in Belarus. The first case was in 2002 and the last case was in January 2020. Belarus is heavily dependent on Russian oil and gas to meet its domestic needs and to generate revenue from the processing and sale of energy. In the most recent case, the cessation of energy exports to Belarus in 2020, Russia explicitly stated that sustainable re-export of energy to Belarus was conditional on Belarus complying with the provisions of the Union State Treaty. Belarus met with US officials such as Bolton and Pompeo in 2019 and 2020, and the United States delivered its first oil shipment to Belarus in May 2020, promising to supply energy to Belarus. Russia considers the presence of NATO and the United States in Eastern Europe to be the most important security problem, and strongly opposes the development of relations between Belarus and the United States Conclusion: All of these factors have led to unprecedented tensions between Russia and Belarus. Despite the protests of the Belarusian people against Lukashenko in 2020 and 2021 and the escalation of tensions between Belarus and the European Union and the rapprochement of Belarus and Russia, tensions between the two countries have temporarily eased However, it should be noted that the reason for the conflict between the two countries is fundamental and will continue with or without Lukashenko. Belarus seeks partnership and alliance but Russia seeks integration and unification. The threats of the European Union are limited to criticizing issues such as human rights. But Russia's threats go far beyond the disintegration of Belarus and the annexation of part of its territory to Russia, as in the case of Georgia and Ukraine, rather, Russia, as its politicians have repeatedly stated publicly and officially, claims to dominate the whole of the independent nation-state of Belarus, based on its specific interpretation of the Union State. So the realization of scenarios such as the Ukraine crisis over Belarus is not far-fetched.
The Arab uprising that started in late 2011 has changed security order and impacted the political... more The Arab uprising that started in late 2011 has changed security order and impacted the political and military strategies of major powers in the Middle East. It also created a new opportunity for global powers to expand their role in the region. In such strategic changes, Russia intervened in Syria to protect the Bashar al-Assad regime. It has created a geopolitical rivalry between Russia and the US in the Middle East, while the ties of the two countries have been reaching the worst situation after the cold war. In this vein, Moscow has pursued to boost its relations with Iran, as an opposite actor to the role of the US in the region. Tehran has played a significant role in Russian foreign policy, as a card in dealing with the US. Meanwhile, the United States and Russia's competition has spread in the Middle East,. Since the principles of Iran's foreign policy toward the Middle East have concentrated to undermine what sees US order, Tehran has improved its relationship with Russia. This paper presents the relations among Iran, Russia, and the US under an interlocked cycle, and analyzes the influence of Moscow-Washington rivalry on the Iran-Russia ties.
One of the most important events of the twentieth century was undoubtedly the disintegration of t... more One of the most important events of the twentieth century was undoubtedly the disintegration of the Soviet Union, which opened a new phase of multidimensional interaction for both successor states and other countries involved in this historical evolution. The post-Soviet countries are confronted with the consequences and legacies of their historical past that have profound implications for the convergence of regional countries. Russia and other post-Soviet countries have inherited similar institutions from the past, including state institutions, political, social and security mentalities, political culture, the style of government-society relations. The newly independent states were trying to solve their domestic problems with the support of foreign powers, but the initial enthusiasm for integration with the Western countries subsided. Similar problems emerged in countries with similar cultural and ethnic structures. It can be argued that the trend toward convergent policies has taken a long time. Shared values and norms and similar mentalities can help Eurasian convergence. In this paper, the concept of social and cultural integration in Eurasia in the post-Soviet era with regard to the soft power of Russia in the Eurasian region is examined by examining the factors of religion, language, media and education to show the social and cultural integration in Eurasia at the level What has been going on within the region and beyond since 1992? It is hypothesized that social and cultural integration in Eurasia, influenced by Russia's soft power, has a clear perspective on political and economic liberalization and the decline of authoritarianism elsewhere in the region and the process of globalization. In this article, Russia is considered a hegemonic power in the post-Soviet space. Developments in the post-Soviet period show that Russia is unwilling to back down from its role as a regulatory player in Central Eurasian affairs. Russia's post-collapse foreign policy is based on a combination of pragmatism
are considered statist thinkers who synthesized nationalism and religiosity in order to construct... more are considered statist thinkers who synthesized nationalism and religiosity in order to construct a national political theology to consolidate the state and empower national strength. They both believe that the individual must derive meaning from the construct of «nation». This construct (nation) can only achieve sovereignty when, based on its distinct characteristics, it creates a border between «us» and «them» and, relying upon a powerful state, to protect this political and sovereign border by all means. Alexander Dugin has borrowed the fundamental concepts of Carl Schmitt›s philosophy, the German conservative thinker, and he has mixed it with the geopolitical needs of Russia in its era of decline and weakness after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Thus he has constructed a geopolitical anti-liberal school of thought which aims to consolidate the Russian nation-state by emphasizing upon its unique and sui generis characteristics. Russian Neo-Eurasianism, as understood by Dugin, is heavily influenced by German revolutionary conservatism and Carl Schmitt.
Cooperation of I. R. of Iran, Russia
and the Republic of Azerbaijan
in the North-south transiti... more Cooperation of I. R. of Iran, Russia and the Republic of Azerbaijan in the North-south transition and its impact on regional security
Abstract. The great economic plans of the Central Eurasian region are rooted in the great games of gaining power and obtaining a special and stable position in international system. The North-South Corridor is an economic project designed to facilitate transportation and increase global trade. The question of the authors is that what effect does the cooperation of Islamic Republic of Iran, the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Russian Federation have on the security of the region? Their main hypothesis is that the cooperation of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Russian Federation in the North-South international transit route by facilitating transportation will improve the level of relations between all countries along its route reducing regional threats and increasing I. R. of Iran’s economic interests in the region.
Keywords: North-South Corridor, I. R. of Iran, Republic of Azerbaijan, Russia, Trade, Transportation, Regional Security
Introduction: Ever Since Putin rose to power in Russia, Belarus has pursued more independent fore... more Introduction: Ever Since Putin rose to power in Russia, Belarus has pursued more independent foreign policy toward Russia's regionalism. Based on the two countries that had signed the Union Treaty in 1999, Russia called for Belarus to be more cooperative and integrative in economic, political, security, and institutional dimensions. But Belarus not only has not implemented many of the provisions of the Union State and refused Russia's multifaceted demands on more convergent policies within Eurasian institutions and has strived to expand relations with members of the European Union and other trans-regional powers. This issue has caused tensions between Russia and Belarus. Belarus has always been considered Russia's closest ally. Russia has had serious tensions with all of its neighbors since the collapse of the Soviet Union, but Belarus has been an exception and recognized as a pro-Russian state. Russia has long been the main and exclusive guarantor of Belarus' security and economy. In terms of trade, Russia has by far been Belarus' largest trading partner and on the cultural aspects, linguistic closeness and common religion, ethnicity, and history have been the reasons for Belarus' alignment with Russia. Tensions between the two countries have risen severely, especially since Putin. In terms of energy, Putin has put Belarus in a tight spot and has repeatedly cut off gas supplies to Belarus, which is dependent exclusively on Russian energy. On the other hand, Lukashenko has repeatedly condemned Russia and Putin with unprecedented and blunt statements. In addition, the government has begun significant cooperation with the European Union. Research Question: what is the cause of the tensions between Russia and Belarus, especially during the Putin era?
Abstract
War is one of the political and Social phenomena that deeply affected all aspects o... more Abstract
War is one of the political and Social phenomena that deeply affected all aspects of life of people. In this situation, many people’s outlook will be changed towards realities and perceptions. The two world war have expanded and influential role in the context of rapid developments around the globe. The issue of this article is the lived experience of women fighters in eight-year war and its impact on their daily lives and the change in their mentality and socio-political demands. The Iran-Iraq war and women's participation in it have been a major factor in women's reflection (rethinking) of their socio-political role in post-revolutionary Iran. In the absence of men, women could find better condition to expand their presence in the public sphere and diverse their social roles. The authors' research was based on interviews with several women fighters and the method of this research was to analyse the content of these interviews. Many of these women refuse to take part in authors’ interviews, because they are disappointment about the results of these activities. Based on perception about their previous participation, this kind of behaviour had not acceptable outcomes for them. These women have risen above traditional families, and their presence on the battlefield has challenged many of their traditional norms. The main question of the authors of this article is: "What effect did the presence of women fighters in the Iran-Iraq war have on reflection) rethinking (their traditional roles after analysing the content of the interviews, the results showed that women’s participation in the war and their success " in carrying out their duties on the battlefield, was a factor in reflection (rethinking) their traditional roles and challenging traditional discourse, preparing them for the public arena and their demands in the political realm. The women who participate in planned interview and answered the questionnaires, spoke of the do's and don'ts of gender, in the eight-year war, and in post-war society, discrimination between women fighters and men in official institutions. They have referred to many different forms and kind of discriminations against them. This research shows that the Iran- Iraq eight-war had very deep impacts on Iranian women, like the previous experiences of women in Europe and the USA. This war lead to rethinking in women’s traditional roles in Iranian social and political life, and consolidation of their self-reliance. This process had continued in post-war Iran and have affected the next generation too, both women and men. But the resistance of a traditional society has not stopped, and different kind of obstacle remain.
Abstract Since the independence of the three South Caucasus countries (Armenia, Azerbaijan Rep... more Abstract Since the independence of the three South Caucasus countries (Armenia, Azerbaijan Republic and Georgia) in 1991, the Islamic Republic of Iran has tried to have constructive relations with the mentioned countries in various fields by adopting a balanced policy. From Iran's perspective, the importance of the South Caucasus, in addition to its historical and cultural commonalities, lies in its neighborhood status and high potential for economic cooperation. However, due to the impact of technical and geopolitical factors, the economic relations between Iran and these countries, despite their great potential and advantages, have never reached its desired point. Although, US and UN sanctions against Iran have been a major obstacle to expanding Iran's economic cooperation with its neighbors, at the same time Russia's move to impose some restrictions on regional rivals, especially in the energy sector, and its impact on Iran's economic cooperation with the South Caucasus cannot be ignored. With the onset of the Ukraine crisis in 2014 and escalating tensions with Europe and the United States that led to widespread sanctions against Russia, Moscow has turned its attention to cooperation with Eurasia and its neighbors.On the other hand, Iran's nuclear deal with the P5 + 1 in 2015 and the lifting of UN sanctions paved the way for improving cooperation between Iran and its neighbors, including Russia and the South Caucasus. Accordingly, given the variable of Russia as the most important player in the South Caucasus, the authors seek to answer the following questions: Has the change in Russia's approach to regional cooperation with neighbors since 2014 affected Iran's economic relations with the South Caucasus? And if so, what was the effect? The authors argue that,Russia has played a positive role in strengthening Iran's economic cooperation with the three countries of the South Caucasus. Using the explanatory and analytical method, the developments in the relations between Iran and the countries of the South Caucasus from 2014 to 2019 are examined according to the Russian factor. a
Although after the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991 and its weakening in the internatio... more Although after the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991 and its weakening in the international arena, relations between Russia and the West did not face much tension, and even cooperation between the two sides was established, gradually, and especially when Putin took office, Russian-Western relations have been strained. The turning point in changing Russians' view on the West was in 2004, when a series of color revolutions took place in the former Soviet republics. To Moscow, color revolutions were carried out with the help of the West or the US with the aim of creating a color revolution in Russia itself. For the Russian ruling elites, these actions marked the end of the cooperation between the mainstream politicians in the West and Russia, and an important moment in turning Russia's look away from the West and intensifying anti-Western sentiment in Russia. Since then, Russia sought to cement its position in the international system and weaken Western structures, especially the EU. To strengthen its influence in Europe, Moscow uses various tools to weaken the EU. In recent years, Russia has managed to promote Russophilia and Euroscepticism, that are two sides of the same coin. Russia's policy is attractive to parties and countries which see themselves as victims of the European Union. Russia hopes that the rise of rightwing parties in European countries will weaken liberal democracy structures. In recent years, challenging the security structures in the West and undermining the cohesion of the EU, have been the central goal of Russia's foreign policy. The main question is that "what are the main aims of Russia in strengthening its relations with European far right parties?" The hypothesis is that "Russia's main foreign policy is to challenge the Western security structures and Moscow hopes the rise of right-wing parties in European countries will undermine the Western liberal narrative and weaken the liberal democracy structure especially the EUs'". Using explanatoryanalytical research method, the author attempts to find an answer to the article's question.
The Gilan Revolutionary Movement (1915-1921) is one of the most important movements in the contem... more The Gilan Revolutionary Movement (1915-1921) is one of the most important movements in the contemporary history of Iran. It has been constantly discussed by the experts from political and historical perspectives. Over the years, several historical studies have been done on this movement in the form of books, articles, artworks, and literary works by Iranian and non-Iranian writers and researchers. Each of these works contains important points about the emergence of this movement, the causes of its failure, and its leaders' thoughts and actions, in particular Mirza Kuchik Khan. "Iranian poetry," or according to Russian Literature researchers "Iranian cycle," of Velimir Khlebnikov, a prominent twentieth-century poet of Russian literature, are among the works which have been influenced by the Gilan Revolution. The remarkable feature of these poems is that the poet himself was a member of a group of Russian revolutionary speakers and artists who entered Gilan from Baku with Red Army troops and witnessed some of the events of the last years of the Jungle Movement. This article aims to acquaint Iranian audiences with the views of contemporary Russian intellectuals and elites of the Russian Revolution of October of 1917 on this important event in the contemporary history of Iran, the Gilan Revolution, which is said to have been influenced by the Russian Revolution.
What broke out as the Arab Spring in Tunisia in 2010 stroke Egypt and shed its light on the Middl... more What broke out as the Arab Spring in Tunisia in 2010 stroke Egypt and shed its light on the Middle East, including Syria. During the first few days of demonstrations in Syria, the spring turned into a bloody fall and a full-scale civil war. Political-security crises and economic and social problems that had dominated the country during Assad's family rule left the state in deep defeat. Meanwhile, the arena of war turned into the scene of conflict between different political forces and their regional and international supporters, caused Syria to encounter immense foreign intervention. In this regard, this article attempts to figure out the answer to this question, "What are the causes for the Syrian state of failing during 2010-19?" The authors hypothesize that "the state in Syria has failed since the beginning of the protests due to persistent social, economic and political-security crises that led to the militarization of the country by the opposition and insurge...
There is no doubt that during wars, women have not only been the victims, but they have also been... more There is no doubt that during wars, women have not only been the victims, but they have also been considered as influencers. Thus, in many international activities they are the aims of many conventions and resolutions based on planning for protecting them and keeping their human rights. Of course, in the domestic level, there are a process of law making and policy implementation to defend women in the time of armed conflicts and after that, especially in the process of peace keeping. The authors with a critical approach examine different policies and programs in this respect in Iran and the US and show disparity between men and women in this regard. This inequality is mainly the result of functions of social and cultural infrastructures of the societies. Although in Iran the procedures of law making has many difficulties in its nature. The main question of this paper is that: what is the impact of gender consideration in the implementation of protective rules for the people who have been engaged in different stages of the war? The authors focus on positive discrimination to reduce neglected condition of women in this respect in Iran.
Russia's military attack on Ukraine has had profound consequences not only for the Middle East, b... more Russia's military attack on Ukraine has had profound consequences not only for the Middle East, but also for the world. The political-security relations of the two countries, have been affected by this war. Since the beginning of Russia's military operation in Ukraine, Tehran has accepted Moscow's rationale for this attack and has shown its political support at the United Nations General Assembly, but Iran has been cautious in fully supporting this war. Iran's approach regarding the war in Ukraine is important in two ways. First, Iran's orientation towards this war affects Tehran's relations with Moscow. Second, this orientation affects Iran's interests in the international system.
For this reason, the main question of this article is "What was Iran's attitude towards the war in Ukraine and how did it affect the relations between Tehran and Moscow?" The hypothesis of the authors is that "Iran's approach towards the war in Ukraine has been cautious - it has neither officially condemned nor supported the Russian invasion of Ukraine - this policy is aimed at maintaining and continuing the relations between the two countries. The purpose of this article is to examine the orientations of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the war in Ukraine and its effect on the country's relations with Russia. The authors' method in this research is qualitative with a descriptive-analytical approach. Keywords
Iran Russia Ukraine USA Geopolitics International System
Journal of Central Asia and the Caucasus Studies, 2022
After the collapse of the Soviet Union and independence, the five countries of Central Asia have ... more After the collapse of the Soviet Union and independence, the five countries of Central Asia have been able to endure their independent sovereignty without crisis, conflict, war, and instability. The main question of the present research states: which factor leads us to political and sovereign stability? And what has been the extent of the Soviet Union’s role and influence in this stability? The hypothesis and answer to this question is based on this foundation that the continuity of the former party leaders’ governance, traditions of political patriarchy, and the effective heritage of the Soviet Union in establishing political, civil, and social institutions in these countries have been the most important factors of this stability. Each of the leaders of these republics has tried to establish the foundations of legitimacy and acceptability on the basis of traditions and continue their authoritarian ruling on this basis. The heritage of Lenin and Stalin’s nation-building and Soviet Union’s developmental policies, as well as forty years of governing experience by indigenous people in these countries and its combination with traditional authoritarianism has led to political and social stability in Central Asian Republics after independence. The main purpose of the present research is to understand the political complexities in Central Asia and find the historical roots of contemporary trends and the effect of nation-building process in these countries and a delicate comparison with their neighbor, Afghanistan, which is faced with instability due to the absence of nation-building and the non-effective heritage of Britain. In this research, in addition to benefitting from personal and field experiences, library resources has been used on the basis of content analysis of historical events and sociological perspective.
Keywords: authoritarianism, the Soviet Union, stability, Central Asia, continuity, Nationality
The occurrence of the Russian Revolution of 1917 influenced the growth of political groups with l... more The occurrence of the Russian Revolution of 1917 influenced the growth of political groups with leftist tendencies, and had an impact on a small segment of Iranian women in the society. In the framework of Marxist school, the inferior position of women in the contemporary societies is attributed to the unfair historical process of the formation of exploitation and exploitative relationships. Since Marx and Engels considered politics and political power to be dependent on the economic infrastructure, they naturally considered the reason for women's lack of political participation to be her economic dependency as well as her being oppressed and exploited in the family and society at large. Although they did not pay sufficient attention to the issue of women's political participation, other Marxist leading figures such as Rosa Luxemburg, Clara Zetkin, and Lenin defended the equal rights of men and women in a way which led to the formation of the schools of Marxist and socialist feminism. These thinkers believed that the most important step for women's liberation is the abolition of private property and the elimination of exploitative classes, because the way for their liberation would be paved by these actions first and foremost. Based on this belief, Marxism presented a materialistic analysis and a scientific perspective for women's freedom, which was considered to be the responsibility of governments and Marxist parties all over the world, including the Tudeh Party of Iran and its affiliated Women's Democratic Organization (WDO). Before the formation of Tudeh Party (the so-called the Party of the Iranian Masses), it was only the Communist Party of Iran that defended the political and social rights of women within the framework of its ideology. Accordingly, this party took measures to promote socialist tendency among women's rights activists and their organizations by presenting plans and programs to transform the living conditions of Iranian women, which were temporarily interrupted as a result of the establishment of Reza Shah's dictatorship. Despite some achievements in social and legal fields aimed at extending modern western-style social rights to women in Iran, Reza Shah’s regime created obstacles for their political rights and prevented them from engaging in non-governmental political activities. The changed Post-September 1941 political environment resulted from the vacuum created by the ending of the first Pahlavi Shah’s rule followed by the coming into power of his inexperience young heir as well as the continued intervention of the great powers in Iranian internal affairs facilitated the formation of new political organizations with different political, religious, ethnic outlook. Some groups and organization had communist and socialist inclinations and programs. Among these organizations was the Women's Democratic Organization — affiliated with the communist Tudeh party of Iran— and created at the same time as other similar organizations with the objective of defending women's rights. The Two questions posed in this study are as follows: 1. What were the main objectives of the Women's Democratic Organization (WDO) affiliated with the communist Tudeh Party of Iran? and 2. How successful was this organization in achieving its objectives? In the hypothesis, it is postulated that the formation of women's democratic organization was largely influenced by Tudeh party's attempt to penetrate the social structure of Iran and using the capacities of women's society in order to achieve its political goals. Therefore, by addressing political issues instead of general women's issues and problems, and especially neglecting and confronting the religious and customary traditions of the society, women's organization were prevented from achieving a sustainable success. Focusing on a descriptive-analytical approach, the authors analyze qualitative data on the characteristics and function of this organization collected from historical documents, memoirs, books, and articles written by the WDO’s founders, supporters, critics, and various experts. The findings of the research, while clarifying the political participation of a notable segment of the society of Iranian women in the given period of time, indicate that the ideological leftist line of the Tudeh party was adopted by the Women's Democratic Organization, and consequently provoked the opposition of the traditional and religious groups in the society. Moreover, the establishment of authoritarianism in the country lead to the failure of this organization to achieve its ultimate objectives. Keywords
Iran Left-wing Movement Pahlavi Dynasty Political Activities Tudeh Party Women
Abstract
Introduction: After the disintegration of the USSR, Central Asia as an
important part of... more Abstract Introduction: After the disintegration of the USSR, Central Asia as an important part of this political system was exposed to serious changes and developments. Bankrupt economies, the persistence of outdated patterns and traditions of political action, and fragmented identity foundations plagued the Central Asian republics in the early 1990s. Regarding the issue of identity, during the Soviet era, Moscow worked to suppress the emergence of any ethnic (Turkish, Persian) or religious (Islamic) identities that would pose a threat to the ideology of Communism. But with the collapse of this union, the Central Asian republics were in a position in which Iran and Turkey were trying to use identity-based foreign policies to invest in new geographies. In the meantime, the political elites of the Central Asian countries decided to accept the models presented by the international actors to get out of this impasse. The Islamic Republic of Iran and Turkey were two neighbors that were mentioned more than others in the minds of the leaders of these republics. Considering some common cultural-identity heritages of these two countries with these republics, both of these powers tried to penetrate this region by using cultural elements. But the cultural policies of Tehran and Ankara gradually faced serious obstacles. Research Question: What is the main challenge facing the cultural diplomacy of Iran and Turkey in Central Asia? Research Hypothesis: For Iran, the securitization of its cultural agendas and for Turkey, the whisper of Ottomanism and fear of Turkey's regional dominance the main challenge for their cultural diplomacy toward Central Asia. Methodology (and theoretical framework if there are): This research is applied based on purpose and descriptive based on data collection. Also, this research was done after the event. This means that the researcher studies the possible cause of the dependent variable and the independent and dependent variables that occurred in the past. In this article, Public and cultural diplomacy have been selected as the theoretical framework and will be explained subsequently. Results and Discussion: With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Central Asian republics underwent serious changes. The fundamental question is "Who am I?" Or, to be more precise, the identity crisis has been raised as an important challenge for these republics. Moscow could not give them a new identity, and therefore the identity crisis was formed in parallel with the political, economic, and security crises in the new republics. In this situation, these countries sought to create an identity from the very beginning of their independence, so that it would be a solid foundation for them to form a nation-state. The near horizon of these republics was Iran and Turkey, with whom they had identity and cultural affinity more than others. With the knowledge of the elites of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of Turkey about this loss, the revival and consolidation of cultural relations along with political, economic and security relations were put on the agenda of Tehran and Ankara. Iran entered into cultural relations with these republics based on categories such as cultural, linguistic (in a more limited dimension), religious and historical commonalities. But the main issue for Iran was the security perspective. Turkey defined Central Asia as a land for its cultural influence due to some important factors such as extensive linguistic and religious commonalities and pursued diplomacy and cultural efforts towards this region in the 1990s. Turkey also faced challenges in the way of advancing its cultural policies. Turkish imperialism and the arrogance of Central Asian Turks is the key to understanding Turkey's cultural challenges in this region. Iran's cultural foreign policy officials should be aware of the sensitivities and security concerns of Central Asian leaders and remove the perception of "other" from Iran in all their cultural activities in these republics. To improve the status of Iran's cultural diplomacy in Central Asia, this article suggests that Iran should follow strategies at three national, regional, and global levels. Conclusion: With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the countries of Central Asia faced deep identity crises and were unable to establish their nation states. Also the Central Asian republics were exposed to serious changes and developments. The basic question "Who am I?" Or to put it more precisely, the identity crisis has emerged as an important challenge for these republics. With these developments, the arena was available for actors like Iran and Turkey more than others. Because both Iran and Turkey had characteristics that made it possible for them to be active in Central Asia. However, due to the lack of proper understanding of the Central Asian environment, Iran and Turkey made some strategic mistakes. Ultimately, they failed to capitalize on the Central Asian identity crisis. However, Turkey was a little more successful compared to Iran.
The creation of new republics in Central Asia after the Soviet government fall changed the geopol... more The creation of new republics in Central Asia after the Soviet government fall changed the geopolitics of northeast Iran. Thus, the borders of the region, formerly known as threatening borders, evolved as an opportunity to recreate Iran's role in an area outside of Iran's direct influence. The end of the eight-year war between Iran and Iraq and the independence of the Asian countries led Tehran to consider the republics of the region as a new and further opportunity. Throughout this period, with the rise of four constructive governments, reforms, principles, and the hope of relations with the Central Asian region in various political-security, economic and cultural areas. However, the achievements were not expected. Therefore, in this study, in a qualitative and descriptive-analytical approach, we seek to examine the desirable foreign policy pattern of the Islamic Republic of Iran in the Central Asian region, and we seek to answer the question that what the most appropriate approach to foreign policy to is secure the interests of the Islamic Republic of Iran in Central Asia? In response to this question, the hypothesis has been examined that the cultural approach is more capable of developing Iranian-Asian relations through the use of semantic components in the form of a joint Islamic-Iranian heritage than other approaches.
قدرت نرم روسیه در سالهای اخیر توجه بسیاری از پژوهشگران حوزه اوراسیای مرکزی را به خود جلب کرده ا... more قدرت نرم روسیه در سالهای اخیر توجه بسیاری از پژوهشگران حوزه اوراسیای مرکزی را به خود جلب کرده است. اقدامهای انجام شده توسط روسیه برای توسعه روابط با کشورهای آسیای مرکزی بهطور معمول قدرت نرم خوانده -میشود. اینکه سیاست قدرت نرم روسیه در آسیای مرکزی چه کاربردی دارد از ابعاد مختلف قابل بررسی است. بنابراین، پرسش اصلی مقاله این است که بهرهگیری روسیه از ابزارهای قدرت نرم در آسیای مرکزی چگونه سیاست خارجی کشورهای منطقه را زیر تأثیر قرار دادهاست؟ فرضیۀ مقاله این است که بهره گیری روسیه از ابزارهای قدرت نرم به همسویی فکری رهبران آسیای مرکزی با روسیه و همراهی بیشتر آنها با اهداف سیاست خارجی این کشور انجامیدهاست. در این پژوهش با بهکارگیری نظریه واقعگرایی نوکلاسیک و روش پژوهش تبیینی_تحلیلی به تبیین منطق بهکارگیری قدرت نرم روسیه در آسیای مرکزی، کارآمدی راهبرد روسیه در منطقه آسیای مرکزی و نیز دلایل و عوامل تعیینکنندۀ قدرت نرم روسیه در منطقه پرداخته شدهاست. یافتههای این پژوهش نشان میدهد ارتباطهای شخصی فراملی به عنوان سازوکار اصلی مسکو در جهت تأثیر بر جهتگیری سیاست خارجی کشورهای آسیای مرکزی عمل میکند. کلیدواژهها آسیای مرکزی؛ روسیه؛ قدرت نرم؛ سیاست خارجی؛ واقعگرایی نوکلاسیک
Abstract :
The overall economic framework for building Greater Eurasia, including Russia, China,... more Abstract :
The overall economic framework for building Greater Eurasia, including Russia, China, and Central Asia, is more closely linked to the Chinese One Belt One Road Initiative and the Cooperation Agreement between the project and the Eurasian Economic Union. Along with traditional Russian influence, China's growing growth is strongly felt in Central Asia and is a major factor in shaping the new structure of the Greater Eurasian regions. The geopolitical situation in the convergence of Central Asian countries makes Russia and China the only options available to them. Political and military convergence with Russia in the Collective Security Treaty Organization, as well as economic convergence with Russia in the Eurasian Economic Union, are key elements. The present article uses a descriptive-analytical method and within the framework of the concept of multidimensional foreign policy with the aim of providing a systematic analysis of the interests of Central Asian countries involved in the current approach of Russia and China. How do Russia and China play a role? The research hypothesis is that the countries of Central Asia seek to balance the growing influence of Russia and China in the Greater Eurasia Plan by adopting a " Multi -vector foreign policy". The findings show that Central Asian countries are forced to converge with China and Russia due to geopolitical determinism, but on the other hand, in order to be dominated in this process, they have developed relations with the West and the Islamic world.
Since the beginning of the Arab Spring in the Middle East, the region has undergone major changes... more Since the beginning of the Arab Spring in the Middle East, the region has undergone major changes, with regional and transnational powers shifting their foreign policy orientations based on their national interests. Meanwhile, Iran and Russia, as two major players, have focused on these developments. Therefore, using this Kinderman's Neorealism theory, the authors of the article seek to answer the question of what was the role of Iran and Russia in the Middle East region. The main hypothesis is that given the geopolitical developments, the strategic importance of the region, the tensions between Iran and the US in the Strait of Hormuz, the recent withdrawal of US forces from Syria, Iran and Russia as Regional Powers in the Middle East have played a key role to integrate their interest and deter U.S, in the Middle East. Indeed, the results show that Iran and Russia disagree in some areas, but given recent crises in the region, Trump's withdrawal from a nuclear deal with Iran and the imposition of more sanctions, opposed to unilateralism lead these two countries to cooperate politically and militarily to prevent influence of U.S in the region. The research method in this research is descriptive-analytical.
Abstract
Introduction: Ever Since Putin rose to power in Russia, Belarus has
pursued more indepen... more Abstract Introduction: Ever Since Putin rose to power in Russia, Belarus has pursued more independent foreign policy toward Russia's regionalism. Based on the two countries that had signed the Union Treaty in 1999, Russia called for Belarus to be more cooperative and integrative in economic, political, security, and institutional dimensions. But Belarus not only has not implemented many of the provisions of the Union State and refused Russia's multifaceted demands on more convergent policies within Eurasian institutions and has strived to expand relations with members of the European Union and other trans-regional powers. This issue has caused tensions between Russia and Belarus. Belarus has always been considered Russia's closest ally. Russia has had serious tensions with all of its neighbors since the collapse of the Soviet Union, but Belarus has been an exception and recognized as a pro-Russian state. Russia has long been the main and exclusive guarantor of Belarus' security and economy. In terms of trade, Russia has by far been Belarus' largest trading partner and on the cultural aspects, linguistic closeness and common religion, ethnicity, and history have been the reasons for Belarus' alignment with Russia. Tensions between the two countries have risen severely, especially since Putin. In terms of energy, Putin has put Belarus in a tight spot and has repeatedly cut off gas supplies to Belarus, which is dependent exclusively on Russian energy. On the other hand, Lukashenko has repeatedly condemned Russia and Putin with unprecedented and blunt statements. In addition, the government has begun significant cooperation with the European Union. Research Question: what is the cause of the tensions between Russia and Belarus, especially during the Putin era?
1 E-mail: [email protected] (Corresponding author) Journal of Central Eurasia Studies, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Vol. 14, No. 2, Autumn & Winter 2021 272 Research Hypothesis: Three factors of (a) rising tensions between Russia and world powers, (b) Belarus' independent approach to Russia, and (c) Belarus's tendency to cooperate with "outside powers" such as the European Union, has led Russia to push pressure on Belarus for more integration and this pressure has increased tensions between the two countries. Methodology (and Theoretical Framework if there are): The theoretical framework of this research is based on Olaf Knudsen's analytical model, which is used to evaluate the relationships of small powers with opposing poles of global power. In this paper the research methodology for studying the hypothesis is explanatory. Data collection tools are libraries and internet resources. Results and discussion: The factors that increase tensions between the two countries are the EU's Eastern Partnership strategy, the Ukraine crisis, Russia's forced regionalism, energy disputes, and the expansion of Belarus' relations US. The first concerns the Eastern Partnership strategy. The EU Eastern Partnership Strategy was adopted in 2009 for six Eastern European countries, including Belarus. Russia saw the strategy as a geopolitical conspiracy by the West and the European Union to weaken RussiaIn this regard, Belarus has taken several measures, including the release of political prisoners, electoral law reform, lowering restrictions on NGOs, making laws to increase media freedom, increasing freedoms in the 2008 parliamentary elections, dialogue with political opponents, and allowing the sale of some from their newspapers, propaganda in favor of the European Union and inviting senior members of the EU. Lukashenko traveled to Western countries such as Italy in 2009 after 13 years, and then Berlusconi became the first high-ranking leader to visit Belarus in 14 years. The second is the Ukraine crisis, which has two important effects. First, Belarus resembles itself and Ukraine, thinking that Belarus might be Russia's next target. Second, since the Ukraine crisis and the annexation of Crimea to Russia, tensions between Russia and the European Union escalated unprecedentedly. As tensions between Russia and the West increased, Russia's pressure on Belarus to develop integration has increased. So the third is Russian regionalism. Russia's efforts to create a cohesive and integrated region have failed. Because of their collective memory, Russia's neighbors in Eurasia fear that Russia will violate their national sovereignty. Belarus is also one country that is very skeptical about Russia's regional goals. Russia has officially stated that Belarus' integration into Russia is possible and Journal of Central Eurasia Studies, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Vol. 14, No. 1, Spring & Summer 2021 273 desirable and that six Belarussian provinces could be added to 89 Russian regions. The fourth is energy. Russia has repeatedly used energy tools to pursue political interests in Belarus. The first case was in 2002 and the last case was in January 2020. Belarus is heavily dependent on Russian oil and gas to meet its domestic needs and to generate revenue from the processing and sale of energy. In the most recent case, the cessation of energy exports to Belarus in 2020, Russia explicitly stated that sustainable re-export of energy to Belarus was conditional on Belarus complying with the provisions of the Union State Treaty. Belarus met with US officials such as Bolton and Pompeo in 2019 and 2020, and the United States delivered its first oil shipment to Belarus in May 2020, promising to supply energy to Belarus. Russia considers the presence of NATO and the United States in Eastern Europe to be the most important security problem, and strongly opposes the development of relations between Belarus and the United States Conclusion: All of these factors have led to unprecedented tensions between Russia and Belarus. Despite the protests of the Belarusian people against Lukashenko in 2020 and 2021 and the escalation of tensions between Belarus and the European Union and the rapprochement of Belarus and Russia, tensions between the two countries have temporarily eased However, it should be noted that the reason for the conflict between the two countries is fundamental and will continue with or without Lukashenko. Belarus seeks partnership and alliance but Russia seeks integration and unification. The threats of the European Union are limited to criticizing issues such as human rights. But Russia's threats go far beyond the disintegration of Belarus and the annexation of part of its territory to Russia, as in the case of Georgia and Ukraine, rather, Russia, as its politicians have repeatedly stated publicly and officially, claims to dominate the whole of the independent nation-state of Belarus, based on its specific interpretation of the Union State. So the realization of scenarios such as the Ukraine crisis over Belarus is not far-fetched.
The Arab uprising that started in late 2011 has changed security order and impacted the political... more The Arab uprising that started in late 2011 has changed security order and impacted the political and military strategies of major powers in the Middle East. It also created a new opportunity for global powers to expand their role in the region. In such strategic changes, Russia intervened in Syria to protect the Bashar al-Assad regime. It has created a geopolitical rivalry between Russia and the US in the Middle East, while the ties of the two countries have been reaching the worst situation after the cold war. In this vein, Moscow has pursued to boost its relations with Iran, as an opposite actor to the role of the US in the region. Tehran has played a significant role in Russian foreign policy, as a card in dealing with the US. Meanwhile, the United States and Russia's competition has spread in the Middle East,. Since the principles of Iran's foreign policy toward the Middle East have concentrated to undermine what sees US order, Tehran has improved its relationship with Russia. This paper presents the relations among Iran, Russia, and the US under an interlocked cycle, and analyzes the influence of Moscow-Washington rivalry on the Iran-Russia ties.
One of the most important events of the twentieth century was undoubtedly the disintegration of t... more One of the most important events of the twentieth century was undoubtedly the disintegration of the Soviet Union, which opened a new phase of multidimensional interaction for both successor states and other countries involved in this historical evolution. The post-Soviet countries are confronted with the consequences and legacies of their historical past that have profound implications for the convergence of regional countries. Russia and other post-Soviet countries have inherited similar institutions from the past, including state institutions, political, social and security mentalities, political culture, the style of government-society relations. The newly independent states were trying to solve their domestic problems with the support of foreign powers, but the initial enthusiasm for integration with the Western countries subsided. Similar problems emerged in countries with similar cultural and ethnic structures. It can be argued that the trend toward convergent policies has taken a long time. Shared values and norms and similar mentalities can help Eurasian convergence. In this paper, the concept of social and cultural integration in Eurasia in the post-Soviet era with regard to the soft power of Russia in the Eurasian region is examined by examining the factors of religion, language, media and education to show the social and cultural integration in Eurasia at the level What has been going on within the region and beyond since 1992? It is hypothesized that social and cultural integration in Eurasia, influenced by Russia's soft power, has a clear perspective on political and economic liberalization and the decline of authoritarianism elsewhere in the region and the process of globalization. In this article, Russia is considered a hegemonic power in the post-Soviet space. Developments in the post-Soviet period show that Russia is unwilling to back down from its role as a regulatory player in Central Eurasian affairs. Russia's post-collapse foreign policy is based on a combination of pragmatism
are considered statist thinkers who synthesized nationalism and religiosity in order to construct... more are considered statist thinkers who synthesized nationalism and religiosity in order to construct a national political theology to consolidate the state and empower national strength. They both believe that the individual must derive meaning from the construct of «nation». This construct (nation) can only achieve sovereignty when, based on its distinct characteristics, it creates a border between «us» and «them» and, relying upon a powerful state, to protect this political and sovereign border by all means. Alexander Dugin has borrowed the fundamental concepts of Carl Schmitt›s philosophy, the German conservative thinker, and he has mixed it with the geopolitical needs of Russia in its era of decline and weakness after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. Thus he has constructed a geopolitical anti-liberal school of thought which aims to consolidate the Russian nation-state by emphasizing upon its unique and sui generis characteristics. Russian Neo-Eurasianism, as understood by Dugin, is heavily influenced by German revolutionary conservatism and Carl Schmitt.
Cooperation of I. R. of Iran, Russia
and the Republic of Azerbaijan
in the North-south transiti... more Cooperation of I. R. of Iran, Russia and the Republic of Azerbaijan in the North-south transition and its impact on regional security
Abstract. The great economic plans of the Central Eurasian region are rooted in the great games of gaining power and obtaining a special and stable position in international system. The North-South Corridor is an economic project designed to facilitate transportation and increase global trade. The question of the authors is that what effect does the cooperation of Islamic Republic of Iran, the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Russian Federation have on the security of the region? Their main hypothesis is that the cooperation of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Russian Federation in the North-South international transit route by facilitating transportation will improve the level of relations between all countries along its route reducing regional threats and increasing I. R. of Iran’s economic interests in the region.
Keywords: North-South Corridor, I. R. of Iran, Republic of Azerbaijan, Russia, Trade, Transportation, Regional Security
Introduction: Ever Since Putin rose to power in Russia, Belarus has pursued more independent fore... more Introduction: Ever Since Putin rose to power in Russia, Belarus has pursued more independent foreign policy toward Russia's regionalism. Based on the two countries that had signed the Union Treaty in 1999, Russia called for Belarus to be more cooperative and integrative in economic, political, security, and institutional dimensions. But Belarus not only has not implemented many of the provisions of the Union State and refused Russia's multifaceted demands on more convergent policies within Eurasian institutions and has strived to expand relations with members of the European Union and other trans-regional powers. This issue has caused tensions between Russia and Belarus. Belarus has always been considered Russia's closest ally. Russia has had serious tensions with all of its neighbors since the collapse of the Soviet Union, but Belarus has been an exception and recognized as a pro-Russian state. Russia has long been the main and exclusive guarantor of Belarus' security and economy. In terms of trade, Russia has by far been Belarus' largest trading partner and on the cultural aspects, linguistic closeness and common religion, ethnicity, and history have been the reasons for Belarus' alignment with Russia. Tensions between the two countries have risen severely, especially since Putin. In terms of energy, Putin has put Belarus in a tight spot and has repeatedly cut off gas supplies to Belarus, which is dependent exclusively on Russian energy. On the other hand, Lukashenko has repeatedly condemned Russia and Putin with unprecedented and blunt statements. In addition, the government has begun significant cooperation with the European Union. Research Question: what is the cause of the tensions between Russia and Belarus, especially during the Putin era?
Abstract
War is one of the political and Social phenomena that deeply affected all aspects o... more Abstract
War is one of the political and Social phenomena that deeply affected all aspects of life of people. In this situation, many people’s outlook will be changed towards realities and perceptions. The two world war have expanded and influential role in the context of rapid developments around the globe. The issue of this article is the lived experience of women fighters in eight-year war and its impact on their daily lives and the change in their mentality and socio-political demands. The Iran-Iraq war and women's participation in it have been a major factor in women's reflection (rethinking) of their socio-political role in post-revolutionary Iran. In the absence of men, women could find better condition to expand their presence in the public sphere and diverse their social roles. The authors' research was based on interviews with several women fighters and the method of this research was to analyse the content of these interviews. Many of these women refuse to take part in authors’ interviews, because they are disappointment about the results of these activities. Based on perception about their previous participation, this kind of behaviour had not acceptable outcomes for them. These women have risen above traditional families, and their presence on the battlefield has challenged many of their traditional norms. The main question of the authors of this article is: "What effect did the presence of women fighters in the Iran-Iraq war have on reflection) rethinking (their traditional roles after analysing the content of the interviews, the results showed that women’s participation in the war and their success " in carrying out their duties on the battlefield, was a factor in reflection (rethinking) their traditional roles and challenging traditional discourse, preparing them for the public arena and their demands in the political realm. The women who participate in planned interview and answered the questionnaires, spoke of the do's and don'ts of gender, in the eight-year war, and in post-war society, discrimination between women fighters and men in official institutions. They have referred to many different forms and kind of discriminations against them. This research shows that the Iran- Iraq eight-war had very deep impacts on Iranian women, like the previous experiences of women in Europe and the USA. This war lead to rethinking in women’s traditional roles in Iranian social and political life, and consolidation of their self-reliance. This process had continued in post-war Iran and have affected the next generation too, both women and men. But the resistance of a traditional society has not stopped, and different kind of obstacle remain.
Abstract Since the independence of the three South Caucasus countries (Armenia, Azerbaijan Rep... more Abstract Since the independence of the three South Caucasus countries (Armenia, Azerbaijan Republic and Georgia) in 1991, the Islamic Republic of Iran has tried to have constructive relations with the mentioned countries in various fields by adopting a balanced policy. From Iran's perspective, the importance of the South Caucasus, in addition to its historical and cultural commonalities, lies in its neighborhood status and high potential for economic cooperation. However, due to the impact of technical and geopolitical factors, the economic relations between Iran and these countries, despite their great potential and advantages, have never reached its desired point. Although, US and UN sanctions against Iran have been a major obstacle to expanding Iran's economic cooperation with its neighbors, at the same time Russia's move to impose some restrictions on regional rivals, especially in the energy sector, and its impact on Iran's economic cooperation with the South Caucasus cannot be ignored. With the onset of the Ukraine crisis in 2014 and escalating tensions with Europe and the United States that led to widespread sanctions against Russia, Moscow has turned its attention to cooperation with Eurasia and its neighbors.On the other hand, Iran's nuclear deal with the P5 + 1 in 2015 and the lifting of UN sanctions paved the way for improving cooperation between Iran and its neighbors, including Russia and the South Caucasus. Accordingly, given the variable of Russia as the most important player in the South Caucasus, the authors seek to answer the following questions: Has the change in Russia's approach to regional cooperation with neighbors since 2014 affected Iran's economic relations with the South Caucasus? And if so, what was the effect? The authors argue that,Russia has played a positive role in strengthening Iran's economic cooperation with the three countries of the South Caucasus. Using the explanatory and analytical method, the developments in the relations between Iran and the countries of the South Caucasus from 2014 to 2019 are examined according to the Russian factor. a
Although after the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991 and its weakening in the internatio... more Although after the disintegration of the Soviet Union in 1991 and its weakening in the international arena, relations between Russia and the West did not face much tension, and even cooperation between the two sides was established, gradually, and especially when Putin took office, Russian-Western relations have been strained. The turning point in changing Russians' view on the West was in 2004, when a series of color revolutions took place in the former Soviet republics. To Moscow, color revolutions were carried out with the help of the West or the US with the aim of creating a color revolution in Russia itself. For the Russian ruling elites, these actions marked the end of the cooperation between the mainstream politicians in the West and Russia, and an important moment in turning Russia's look away from the West and intensifying anti-Western sentiment in Russia. Since then, Russia sought to cement its position in the international system and weaken Western structures, especially the EU. To strengthen its influence in Europe, Moscow uses various tools to weaken the EU. In recent years, Russia has managed to promote Russophilia and Euroscepticism, that are two sides of the same coin. Russia's policy is attractive to parties and countries which see themselves as victims of the European Union. Russia hopes that the rise of rightwing parties in European countries will weaken liberal democracy structures. In recent years, challenging the security structures in the West and undermining the cohesion of the EU, have been the central goal of Russia's foreign policy. The main question is that "what are the main aims of Russia in strengthening its relations with European far right parties?" The hypothesis is that "Russia's main foreign policy is to challenge the Western security structures and Moscow hopes the rise of right-wing parties in European countries will undermine the Western liberal narrative and weaken the liberal democracy structure especially the EUs'". Using explanatoryanalytical research method, the author attempts to find an answer to the article's question.
The Gilan Revolutionary Movement (1915-1921) is one of the most important movements in the contem... more The Gilan Revolutionary Movement (1915-1921) is one of the most important movements in the contemporary history of Iran. It has been constantly discussed by the experts from political and historical perspectives. Over the years, several historical studies have been done on this movement in the form of books, articles, artworks, and literary works by Iranian and non-Iranian writers and researchers. Each of these works contains important points about the emergence of this movement, the causes of its failure, and its leaders' thoughts and actions, in particular Mirza Kuchik Khan. "Iranian poetry," or according to Russian Literature researchers "Iranian cycle," of Velimir Khlebnikov, a prominent twentieth-century poet of Russian literature, are among the works which have been influenced by the Gilan Revolution. The remarkable feature of these poems is that the poet himself was a member of a group of Russian revolutionary speakers and artists who entered Gilan from Baku with Red Army troops and witnessed some of the events of the last years of the Jungle Movement. This article aims to acquaint Iranian audiences with the views of contemporary Russian intellectuals and elites of the Russian Revolution of October of 1917 on this important event in the contemporary history of Iran, the Gilan Revolution, which is said to have been influenced by the Russian Revolution.
What broke out as the Arab Spring in Tunisia in 2010 stroke Egypt and shed its light on the Middl... more What broke out as the Arab Spring in Tunisia in 2010 stroke Egypt and shed its light on the Middle East, including Syria. During the first few days of demonstrations in Syria, the spring turned into a bloody fall and a full-scale civil war. Political-security crises and economic and social problems that had dominated the country during Assad's family rule left the state in deep defeat. Meanwhile, the arena of war turned into the scene of conflict between different political forces and their regional and international supporters, caused Syria to encounter immense foreign intervention. In this regard, this article attempts to figure out the answer to this question, "What are the causes for the Syrian state of failing during 2010-19?" The authors hypothesize that "the state in Syria has failed since the beginning of the protests due to persistent social, economic and political-security crises that led to the militarization of the country by the opposition and insurge...
In this magazine, he explains what should be done and what has been done for women in Rouhani's f... more In this magazine, he explains what should be done and what has been done for women in Rouhani's first administration (president), and journalists and political activists have criticized Rouhani's slogans in the field of women and the extent of his adherence to His slogans are measured
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Papers by elaheh koolaee
For this reason, the main question of this article is "What was Iran's attitude towards the war in Ukraine and how did it affect the relations between Tehran and Moscow?" The hypothesis of the authors is that "Iran's approach towards the war in Ukraine has been cautious - it has neither officially condemned nor supported the Russian invasion of Ukraine - this policy is aimed at maintaining and continuing the relations between the two countries. The purpose of this article is to examine the orientations of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the war in Ukraine and its effect on the country's relations with Russia. The authors' method in this research is qualitative with a descriptive-analytical approach.
Keywords
Iran Russia Ukraine USA Geopolitics International System
Keywords: authoritarianism, the Soviet Union, stability, Central Asia, continuity, Nationality
Before the formation of Tudeh Party (the so-called the Party of the Iranian Masses), it was only the Communist Party of Iran that defended the political and social rights of women within the framework of its ideology. Accordingly, this party took measures to promote socialist tendency among women's rights activists and their organizations by presenting plans and programs to transform the living conditions of Iranian women, which were temporarily interrupted as a result of the establishment of Reza Shah's dictatorship. Despite some achievements in social and legal fields aimed at extending modern western-style social rights to women in Iran, Reza Shah’s regime created obstacles for their political rights and prevented them from engaging in non-governmental political activities. The changed Post-September 1941 political environment resulted from the vacuum created by the ending of the first Pahlavi Shah’s rule followed by the coming into power of his inexperience young heir as well as the continued intervention of the great powers in Iranian internal affairs facilitated the formation of new political organizations with different political, religious, ethnic outlook. Some groups and organization had communist and socialist inclinations and programs. Among these organizations was the Women's Democratic Organization — affiliated with the communist Tudeh party of Iran— and created at the same time as other similar organizations with the objective of defending women's rights.
The Two questions posed in this study are as follows: 1. What were the main objectives of the Women's Democratic Organization (WDO) affiliated with the communist Tudeh Party of Iran? and 2. How successful was this organization in achieving its objectives? In the hypothesis, it is postulated that the formation of women's democratic organization was largely influenced by Tudeh party's attempt to penetrate the social structure of Iran and using the capacities of women's society in order to achieve its political goals. Therefore, by addressing political issues instead of general women's issues and problems, and especially neglecting and confronting the religious and customary traditions of the society, women's organization were prevented from achieving a sustainable success. Focusing on a descriptive-analytical approach, the authors analyze qualitative data on the characteristics and function of this organization collected from historical documents, memoirs, books, and articles written by the WDO’s founders, supporters, critics, and various experts. The findings of the research, while clarifying the political participation of a notable segment of the society of Iranian women in the given period of time, indicate that the ideological leftist line of the Tudeh party was adopted by the Women's Democratic Organization, and consequently provoked the opposition of the traditional and religious groups in the society. Moreover, the establishment of authoritarianism in the country lead to the failure of this organization to achieve its ultimate objectives.
Keywords
Iran Left-wing Movement Pahlavi Dynasty Political Activities Tudeh Party Women
Introduction: After the disintegration of the USSR, Central Asia as an
important part of this political system was exposed to serious changes and
developments. Bankrupt economies, the persistence of outdated patterns and traditions of political action, and fragmented identity foundations plagued
the Central Asian republics in the early 1990s. Regarding the issue of
identity, during the Soviet era, Moscow worked to suppress the emergence
of any ethnic (Turkish, Persian) or religious (Islamic) identities that would
pose a threat to the ideology of Communism. But with the collapse of this
union, the Central Asian republics were in a position in which Iran and
Turkey were trying to use identity-based foreign policies to invest in new
geographies.
In the meantime, the political elites of the Central Asian countries decided
to accept the models presented by the international actors to get out of this
impasse. The Islamic Republic of Iran and Turkey were two neighbors that
were mentioned more than others in the minds of the leaders of these
republics. Considering some common cultural-identity heritages of these two countries with these republics, both of these powers tried to penetrate this region by using cultural elements.
But the cultural policies of Tehran and Ankara gradually faced serious
obstacles.
Research Question: What is the main challenge facing the cultural
diplomacy of Iran and Turkey in Central Asia?
Research Hypothesis: For Iran, the securitization of its cultural agendas and
for Turkey, the whisper of Ottomanism and fear of Turkey's regional
dominance the main challenge for their cultural diplomacy toward Central Asia.
Methodology (and theoretical framework if there are): This research is
applied based on purpose and descriptive based on data collection. Also, this
research was done after the event. This means that the researcher studies the
possible cause of the dependent variable and the independent and dependent
variables that occurred in the past. In this article, Public and cultural
diplomacy have been selected as the theoretical framework and will be
explained subsequently.
Results and Discussion: With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Central
Asian republics underwent serious changes. The fundamental question is
"Who am I?" Or, to be more precise, the identity crisis has been raised as an important challenge for these republics. Moscow could not give them a new
identity, and therefore the identity crisis was formed in parallel with the
political, economic, and security crises in the new republics. In this situation,
these countries sought to create an identity from the very beginning of their
independence, so that it would be a solid foundation for them to form a
nation-state. The near horizon of these republics was Iran and Turkey, with
whom they had identity and cultural affinity more than others. With the
knowledge of the elites of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of
Turkey about this loss, the revival and consolidation of cultural relations
along with political, economic and security relations were put on the agenda
of Tehran and Ankara. Iran entered into cultural relations with these
republics based on categories such as cultural, linguistic (in a more limited
dimension), religious and historical commonalities. But the main issue for
Iran was the security perspective.
Turkey defined Central Asia as a land for its cultural influence due to some
important factors such as extensive linguistic and religious commonalities
and pursued diplomacy and cultural efforts towards this region in the 1990s.
Turkey also faced challenges in the way of advancing its cultural policies.
Turkish imperialism and the arrogance of Central Asian Turks is the key to
understanding Turkey's cultural challenges in this region. Iran's cultural
foreign policy officials should be aware of the sensitivities and security
concerns of Central Asian leaders and remove the perception of "other" from
Iran in all their cultural activities in these republics. To improve the status of Iran's cultural diplomacy in Central Asia, this article suggests that Iran
should follow strategies at three national, regional, and global levels.
Conclusion: With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the countries of Central
Asia faced deep identity crises and were unable to establish their nation states. Also the Central Asian republics were exposed to serious changes and
developments. The basic question "Who am I?" Or to put it more precisely,
the identity crisis has emerged as an important challenge for these republics.
With these developments, the arena was available for actors like Iran and
Turkey more than others. Because both Iran and Turkey had characteristics
that made it possible for them to be active in Central Asia. However, due to the lack of proper understanding of the Central Asian environment, Iran and Turkey made some strategic mistakes. Ultimately, they failed to capitalize on the Central Asian identity crisis. However, Turkey was a little more successful compared to Iran.
کلیدواژهها
آسیای مرکزی؛ روسیه؛ قدرت نرم؛ سیاست خارجی؛ واقعگرایی نوکلاسیک
The overall economic framework for building Greater Eurasia, including Russia, China, and Central Asia, is more closely linked to the Chinese One Belt One Road Initiative and the Cooperation Agreement between the project and the Eurasian Economic Union. Along with traditional Russian influence, China's growing growth is strongly felt in Central Asia and is a major factor in shaping the new structure of the Greater Eurasian regions. The geopolitical situation in the convergence of Central Asian countries makes Russia and China the only options available to them. Political and military convergence with Russia in the Collective Security Treaty Organization, as well as economic convergence with Russia in the Eurasian Economic Union, are key elements. The present article uses a descriptive-analytical method and within the framework of the concept of multidimensional foreign policy with the aim of providing a systematic analysis of the interests of Central Asian countries involved in the current approach of Russia and China. How do Russia and China play a role? The research hypothesis is that the countries of Central Asia seek to balance the growing influence of Russia and China in the Greater Eurasia Plan by adopting a " Multi -vector foreign policy". The findings show that Central Asian countries are forced to converge with China and Russia due to geopolitical determinism, but on the other hand, in order to be dominated in this process, they have developed relations with the West and the Islamic world.
Introduction: Ever Since Putin rose to power in Russia, Belarus has
pursued more independent foreign policy toward Russia's regionalism.
Based on the two countries that had signed the Union Treaty in 1999,
Russia called for Belarus to be more cooperative and integrative in
economic, political, security, and institutional dimensions. But
Belarus not only has not implemented many of the provisions of the
Union State and refused Russia's multifaceted demands on more
convergent policies within Eurasian institutions and has strived to
expand relations with members of the European Union and other
trans-regional powers. This issue has caused tensions between Russia
and Belarus. Belarus has always been considered Russia's closest ally.
Russia has had serious tensions with all of its neighbors since the
collapse of the Soviet Union, but Belarus has been an exception and
recognized as a pro-Russian state. Russia has long been the main and
exclusive guarantor of Belarus' security and economy. In terms of
trade, Russia has by far been Belarus' largest trading partner and on
the cultural aspects, linguistic closeness and common religion,
ethnicity, and history have been the reasons for Belarus' alignment
with Russia. Tensions between the two countries have risen severely,
especially since Putin. In terms of energy, Putin has put Belarus in a
tight spot and has repeatedly cut off gas supplies to Belarus, which is
dependent exclusively on Russian energy. On the other hand,
Lukashenko has repeatedly condemned Russia and Putin with
unprecedented and blunt statements. In addition, the government has
begun significant cooperation with the European Union.
Research Question: what is the cause of the tensions between Russia
and Belarus, especially during the Putin era?
1 E-mail: [email protected] (Corresponding author)
Journal of Central Eurasia Studies, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Vol. 14, No. 2, Autumn & Winter 2021 272
Research Hypothesis: Three factors of (a) rising tensions between
Russia and world powers, (b) Belarus' independent approach to
Russia, and (c) Belarus's tendency to cooperate with "outside powers"
such as the European Union, has led Russia to push pressure on
Belarus for more integration and this pressure has increased tensions
between the two countries.
Methodology (and Theoretical Framework if there are): The
theoretical framework of this research is based on Olaf Knudsen's
analytical model, which is used to evaluate the relationships of small
powers with opposing poles of global power. In this paper the research
methodology for studying the hypothesis is explanatory. Data
collection tools are libraries and internet resources.
Results and discussion: The factors that increase tensions between the
two countries are the EU's Eastern Partnership strategy, the Ukraine
crisis, Russia's forced regionalism, energy disputes, and the expansion
of Belarus' relations US. The first concerns the Eastern Partnership
strategy. The EU Eastern Partnership Strategy was adopted in 2009
for six Eastern European countries, including Belarus. Russia saw the
strategy as a geopolitical conspiracy by the West and the European
Union to weaken RussiaIn this regard, Belarus has taken several
measures, including the release of political prisoners, electoral law
reform, lowering restrictions on NGOs, making laws to increase
media freedom, increasing freedoms in the 2008 parliamentary
elections, dialogue with political opponents, and allowing the sale of
some from their newspapers, propaganda in favor of the European
Union and inviting senior members of the EU. Lukashenko traveled to
Western countries such as Italy in 2009 after 13 years, and then
Berlusconi became the first high-ranking leader to visit Belarus in 14
years. The second is the Ukraine crisis, which has two important
effects. First, Belarus resembles itself and Ukraine, thinking that
Belarus might be Russia's next target. Second, since the Ukraine crisis
and the annexation of Crimea to Russia, tensions between Russia and
the European Union escalated unprecedentedly. As tensions between
Russia and the West increased, Russia's pressure on Belarus to
develop integration has increased. So the third is Russian regionalism.
Russia's efforts to create a cohesive and integrated region have failed.
Because of their collective memory, Russia's neighbors in Eurasia fear
that Russia will violate their national sovereignty. Belarus is also one
country that is very skeptical about Russia's regional goals. Russia has
officially stated that Belarus' integration into Russia is possible and
Journal of Central Eurasia Studies, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Vol. 14, No. 1, Spring & Summer 2021 273
desirable and that six Belarussian provinces could be added to 89
Russian regions.
The fourth is energy. Russia has repeatedly used energy tools to
pursue political interests in Belarus. The first case was in 2002 and the
last case was in January 2020. Belarus is heavily dependent on
Russian oil and gas to meet its domestic needs and to generate revenue
from the processing and sale of energy. In the most recent case, the
cessation of energy exports to Belarus in 2020, Russia explicitly stated
that sustainable re-export of energy to Belarus was conditional on
Belarus complying with the provisions of the Union State Treaty.
Belarus met with US officials such as Bolton and Pompeo in 2019 and
2020, and the United States delivered its first oil shipment to Belarus
in May 2020, promising to supply energy to Belarus. Russia considers
the presence of NATO and the United States in Eastern Europe to be
the most important security problem, and strongly opposes the
development of relations between Belarus and the United States
Conclusion: All of these factors have led to unprecedented tensions
between Russia and Belarus. Despite the protests of the Belarusian
people against Lukashenko in 2020 and 2021 and the escalation of
tensions between Belarus and the European Union and the
rapprochement of Belarus and Russia, tensions between the two
countries have temporarily eased However, it should be noted that the
reason for the conflict between the two countries is fundamental and
will continue with or without Lukashenko. Belarus seeks partnership
and alliance but Russia seeks integration and unification. The threats
of the European Union are limited to criticizing issues such as human
rights. But Russia's threats go far beyond the disintegration of Belarus
and the annexation of part of its territory to Russia, as in the case of
Georgia and Ukraine, rather, Russia, as its politicians have repeatedly
stated publicly and officially, claims to dominate the whole of the
independent nation-state of Belarus, based on its specific
interpretation of the Union State. So the realization of scenarios such
as the Ukraine crisis over Belarus is not far-fetched.
and the Republic of Azerbaijan
in the North-south transition
and its impact on regional security
Abstract. The great economic plans of the Central Eurasian region are rooted in the great games of gaining power and obtaining a special and stable position in international system. The North-South Corridor is an economic project designed to facilitate transportation and increase global trade. The question of the authors is that what effect does the cooperation of Islamic Republic of Iran, the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Russian Federation have on the security of the region? Their main hypothesis is that the cooperation of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Russian Federation in the North-South
international transit route by facilitating transportation will improve the level of relations between all countries along its route reducing regional threats and increasing I. R. of Iran’s economic interests in the region.
Keywords: North-South Corridor, I. R. of Iran, Republic of Azerbaijan, Russia, Trade, Transportation, Regional Security
War is one of the political and Social phenomena that deeply affected all aspects of life of people. In this situation, many people’s outlook will be changed towards realities and perceptions. The two world war have expanded and influential role in the context of rapid developments around the globe. The issue of this article is the lived experience of women fighters in eight-year war and its impact on their daily lives and the change in their mentality and socio-political demands. The Iran-Iraq war and women's participation in it have been a major factor in women's reflection (rethinking) of their socio-political role in post-revolutionary Iran. In the absence of men, women could find better condition to expand their presence in the public sphere and diverse their social roles.
The authors' research was based on interviews with several women fighters and the method of this research was to analyse the content of these interviews. Many of these women refuse to take part in authors’ interviews, because they are disappointment about the results of these activities. Based on perception about their previous participation, this kind of behaviour had not acceptable outcomes for them. These women have risen above traditional families, and their presence on the battlefield has challenged many of their traditional norms.
The main question of the authors of this article is: "What effect did the presence of women fighters in the Iran-Iraq war have on reflection) rethinking (their traditional roles after analysing the content of the interviews, the results showed that women’s participation in the war and their success " in carrying out their duties on the battlefield, was a factor in reflection (rethinking) their traditional roles and challenging traditional discourse, preparing them for the public arena and their demands in the political realm. The women who participate in planned interview and answered the questionnaires, spoke of the do's and don'ts of gender, in the eight-year war, and in post-war society, discrimination between women fighters and men in official institutions. They have referred to many different forms and kind of discriminations against them.
This research shows that the Iran- Iraq eight-war had very deep impacts on Iranian women, like the previous experiences of women in Europe and the USA. This war lead to rethinking in women’s traditional roles in Iranian social and political life, and consolidation of their self-reliance. This process had continued in post-war Iran and have affected the next generation too, both women and men. But the resistance of a traditional society has not stopped, and different kind of obstacle remain.
For this reason, the main question of this article is "What was Iran's attitude towards the war in Ukraine and how did it affect the relations between Tehran and Moscow?" The hypothesis of the authors is that "Iran's approach towards the war in Ukraine has been cautious - it has neither officially condemned nor supported the Russian invasion of Ukraine - this policy is aimed at maintaining and continuing the relations between the two countries. The purpose of this article is to examine the orientations of the Islamic Republic of Iran towards the war in Ukraine and its effect on the country's relations with Russia. The authors' method in this research is qualitative with a descriptive-analytical approach.
Keywords
Iran Russia Ukraine USA Geopolitics International System
Keywords: authoritarianism, the Soviet Union, stability, Central Asia, continuity, Nationality
Before the formation of Tudeh Party (the so-called the Party of the Iranian Masses), it was only the Communist Party of Iran that defended the political and social rights of women within the framework of its ideology. Accordingly, this party took measures to promote socialist tendency among women's rights activists and their organizations by presenting plans and programs to transform the living conditions of Iranian women, which were temporarily interrupted as a result of the establishment of Reza Shah's dictatorship. Despite some achievements in social and legal fields aimed at extending modern western-style social rights to women in Iran, Reza Shah’s regime created obstacles for their political rights and prevented them from engaging in non-governmental political activities. The changed Post-September 1941 political environment resulted from the vacuum created by the ending of the first Pahlavi Shah’s rule followed by the coming into power of his inexperience young heir as well as the continued intervention of the great powers in Iranian internal affairs facilitated the formation of new political organizations with different political, religious, ethnic outlook. Some groups and organization had communist and socialist inclinations and programs. Among these organizations was the Women's Democratic Organization — affiliated with the communist Tudeh party of Iran— and created at the same time as other similar organizations with the objective of defending women's rights.
The Two questions posed in this study are as follows: 1. What were the main objectives of the Women's Democratic Organization (WDO) affiliated with the communist Tudeh Party of Iran? and 2. How successful was this organization in achieving its objectives? In the hypothesis, it is postulated that the formation of women's democratic organization was largely influenced by Tudeh party's attempt to penetrate the social structure of Iran and using the capacities of women's society in order to achieve its political goals. Therefore, by addressing political issues instead of general women's issues and problems, and especially neglecting and confronting the religious and customary traditions of the society, women's organization were prevented from achieving a sustainable success. Focusing on a descriptive-analytical approach, the authors analyze qualitative data on the characteristics and function of this organization collected from historical documents, memoirs, books, and articles written by the WDO’s founders, supporters, critics, and various experts. The findings of the research, while clarifying the political participation of a notable segment of the society of Iranian women in the given period of time, indicate that the ideological leftist line of the Tudeh party was adopted by the Women's Democratic Organization, and consequently provoked the opposition of the traditional and religious groups in the society. Moreover, the establishment of authoritarianism in the country lead to the failure of this organization to achieve its ultimate objectives.
Keywords
Iran Left-wing Movement Pahlavi Dynasty Political Activities Tudeh Party Women
Introduction: After the disintegration of the USSR, Central Asia as an
important part of this political system was exposed to serious changes and
developments. Bankrupt economies, the persistence of outdated patterns and traditions of political action, and fragmented identity foundations plagued
the Central Asian republics in the early 1990s. Regarding the issue of
identity, during the Soviet era, Moscow worked to suppress the emergence
of any ethnic (Turkish, Persian) or religious (Islamic) identities that would
pose a threat to the ideology of Communism. But with the collapse of this
union, the Central Asian republics were in a position in which Iran and
Turkey were trying to use identity-based foreign policies to invest in new
geographies.
In the meantime, the political elites of the Central Asian countries decided
to accept the models presented by the international actors to get out of this
impasse. The Islamic Republic of Iran and Turkey were two neighbors that
were mentioned more than others in the minds of the leaders of these
republics. Considering some common cultural-identity heritages of these two countries with these republics, both of these powers tried to penetrate this region by using cultural elements.
But the cultural policies of Tehran and Ankara gradually faced serious
obstacles.
Research Question: What is the main challenge facing the cultural
diplomacy of Iran and Turkey in Central Asia?
Research Hypothesis: For Iran, the securitization of its cultural agendas and
for Turkey, the whisper of Ottomanism and fear of Turkey's regional
dominance the main challenge for their cultural diplomacy toward Central Asia.
Methodology (and theoretical framework if there are): This research is
applied based on purpose and descriptive based on data collection. Also, this
research was done after the event. This means that the researcher studies the
possible cause of the dependent variable and the independent and dependent
variables that occurred in the past. In this article, Public and cultural
diplomacy have been selected as the theoretical framework and will be
explained subsequently.
Results and Discussion: With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the Central
Asian republics underwent serious changes. The fundamental question is
"Who am I?" Or, to be more precise, the identity crisis has been raised as an important challenge for these republics. Moscow could not give them a new
identity, and therefore the identity crisis was formed in parallel with the
political, economic, and security crises in the new republics. In this situation,
these countries sought to create an identity from the very beginning of their
independence, so that it would be a solid foundation for them to form a
nation-state. The near horizon of these republics was Iran and Turkey, with
whom they had identity and cultural affinity more than others. With the
knowledge of the elites of the Islamic Republic of Iran and the Republic of
Turkey about this loss, the revival and consolidation of cultural relations
along with political, economic and security relations were put on the agenda
of Tehran and Ankara. Iran entered into cultural relations with these
republics based on categories such as cultural, linguistic (in a more limited
dimension), religious and historical commonalities. But the main issue for
Iran was the security perspective.
Turkey defined Central Asia as a land for its cultural influence due to some
important factors such as extensive linguistic and religious commonalities
and pursued diplomacy and cultural efforts towards this region in the 1990s.
Turkey also faced challenges in the way of advancing its cultural policies.
Turkish imperialism and the arrogance of Central Asian Turks is the key to
understanding Turkey's cultural challenges in this region. Iran's cultural
foreign policy officials should be aware of the sensitivities and security
concerns of Central Asian leaders and remove the perception of "other" from
Iran in all their cultural activities in these republics. To improve the status of Iran's cultural diplomacy in Central Asia, this article suggests that Iran
should follow strategies at three national, regional, and global levels.
Conclusion: With the collapse of the Soviet Union, the countries of Central
Asia faced deep identity crises and were unable to establish their nation states. Also the Central Asian republics were exposed to serious changes and
developments. The basic question "Who am I?" Or to put it more precisely,
the identity crisis has emerged as an important challenge for these republics.
With these developments, the arena was available for actors like Iran and
Turkey more than others. Because both Iran and Turkey had characteristics
that made it possible for them to be active in Central Asia. However, due to the lack of proper understanding of the Central Asian environment, Iran and Turkey made some strategic mistakes. Ultimately, they failed to capitalize on the Central Asian identity crisis. However, Turkey was a little more successful compared to Iran.
کلیدواژهها
آسیای مرکزی؛ روسیه؛ قدرت نرم؛ سیاست خارجی؛ واقعگرایی نوکلاسیک
The overall economic framework for building Greater Eurasia, including Russia, China, and Central Asia, is more closely linked to the Chinese One Belt One Road Initiative and the Cooperation Agreement between the project and the Eurasian Economic Union. Along with traditional Russian influence, China's growing growth is strongly felt in Central Asia and is a major factor in shaping the new structure of the Greater Eurasian regions. The geopolitical situation in the convergence of Central Asian countries makes Russia and China the only options available to them. Political and military convergence with Russia in the Collective Security Treaty Organization, as well as economic convergence with Russia in the Eurasian Economic Union, are key elements. The present article uses a descriptive-analytical method and within the framework of the concept of multidimensional foreign policy with the aim of providing a systematic analysis of the interests of Central Asian countries involved in the current approach of Russia and China. How do Russia and China play a role? The research hypothesis is that the countries of Central Asia seek to balance the growing influence of Russia and China in the Greater Eurasia Plan by adopting a " Multi -vector foreign policy". The findings show that Central Asian countries are forced to converge with China and Russia due to geopolitical determinism, but on the other hand, in order to be dominated in this process, they have developed relations with the West and the Islamic world.
Introduction: Ever Since Putin rose to power in Russia, Belarus has
pursued more independent foreign policy toward Russia's regionalism.
Based on the two countries that had signed the Union Treaty in 1999,
Russia called for Belarus to be more cooperative and integrative in
economic, political, security, and institutional dimensions. But
Belarus not only has not implemented many of the provisions of the
Union State and refused Russia's multifaceted demands on more
convergent policies within Eurasian institutions and has strived to
expand relations with members of the European Union and other
trans-regional powers. This issue has caused tensions between Russia
and Belarus. Belarus has always been considered Russia's closest ally.
Russia has had serious tensions with all of its neighbors since the
collapse of the Soviet Union, but Belarus has been an exception and
recognized as a pro-Russian state. Russia has long been the main and
exclusive guarantor of Belarus' security and economy. In terms of
trade, Russia has by far been Belarus' largest trading partner and on
the cultural aspects, linguistic closeness and common religion,
ethnicity, and history have been the reasons for Belarus' alignment
with Russia. Tensions between the two countries have risen severely,
especially since Putin. In terms of energy, Putin has put Belarus in a
tight spot and has repeatedly cut off gas supplies to Belarus, which is
dependent exclusively on Russian energy. On the other hand,
Lukashenko has repeatedly condemned Russia and Putin with
unprecedented and blunt statements. In addition, the government has
begun significant cooperation with the European Union.
Research Question: what is the cause of the tensions between Russia
and Belarus, especially during the Putin era?
1 E-mail: [email protected] (Corresponding author)
Journal of Central Eurasia Studies, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Vol. 14, No. 2, Autumn & Winter 2021 272
Research Hypothesis: Three factors of (a) rising tensions between
Russia and world powers, (b) Belarus' independent approach to
Russia, and (c) Belarus's tendency to cooperate with "outside powers"
such as the European Union, has led Russia to push pressure on
Belarus for more integration and this pressure has increased tensions
between the two countries.
Methodology (and Theoretical Framework if there are): The
theoretical framework of this research is based on Olaf Knudsen's
analytical model, which is used to evaluate the relationships of small
powers with opposing poles of global power. In this paper the research
methodology for studying the hypothesis is explanatory. Data
collection tools are libraries and internet resources.
Results and discussion: The factors that increase tensions between the
two countries are the EU's Eastern Partnership strategy, the Ukraine
crisis, Russia's forced regionalism, energy disputes, and the expansion
of Belarus' relations US. The first concerns the Eastern Partnership
strategy. The EU Eastern Partnership Strategy was adopted in 2009
for six Eastern European countries, including Belarus. Russia saw the
strategy as a geopolitical conspiracy by the West and the European
Union to weaken RussiaIn this regard, Belarus has taken several
measures, including the release of political prisoners, electoral law
reform, lowering restrictions on NGOs, making laws to increase
media freedom, increasing freedoms in the 2008 parliamentary
elections, dialogue with political opponents, and allowing the sale of
some from their newspapers, propaganda in favor of the European
Union and inviting senior members of the EU. Lukashenko traveled to
Western countries such as Italy in 2009 after 13 years, and then
Berlusconi became the first high-ranking leader to visit Belarus in 14
years. The second is the Ukraine crisis, which has two important
effects. First, Belarus resembles itself and Ukraine, thinking that
Belarus might be Russia's next target. Second, since the Ukraine crisis
and the annexation of Crimea to Russia, tensions between Russia and
the European Union escalated unprecedentedly. As tensions between
Russia and the West increased, Russia's pressure on Belarus to
develop integration has increased. So the third is Russian regionalism.
Russia's efforts to create a cohesive and integrated region have failed.
Because of their collective memory, Russia's neighbors in Eurasia fear
that Russia will violate their national sovereignty. Belarus is also one
country that is very skeptical about Russia's regional goals. Russia has
officially stated that Belarus' integration into Russia is possible and
Journal of Central Eurasia Studies, Faculty of Law and Political Science, Vol. 14, No. 1, Spring & Summer 2021 273
desirable and that six Belarussian provinces could be added to 89
Russian regions.
The fourth is energy. Russia has repeatedly used energy tools to
pursue political interests in Belarus. The first case was in 2002 and the
last case was in January 2020. Belarus is heavily dependent on
Russian oil and gas to meet its domestic needs and to generate revenue
from the processing and sale of energy. In the most recent case, the
cessation of energy exports to Belarus in 2020, Russia explicitly stated
that sustainable re-export of energy to Belarus was conditional on
Belarus complying with the provisions of the Union State Treaty.
Belarus met with US officials such as Bolton and Pompeo in 2019 and
2020, and the United States delivered its first oil shipment to Belarus
in May 2020, promising to supply energy to Belarus. Russia considers
the presence of NATO and the United States in Eastern Europe to be
the most important security problem, and strongly opposes the
development of relations between Belarus and the United States
Conclusion: All of these factors have led to unprecedented tensions
between Russia and Belarus. Despite the protests of the Belarusian
people against Lukashenko in 2020 and 2021 and the escalation of
tensions between Belarus and the European Union and the
rapprochement of Belarus and Russia, tensions between the two
countries have temporarily eased However, it should be noted that the
reason for the conflict between the two countries is fundamental and
will continue with or without Lukashenko. Belarus seeks partnership
and alliance but Russia seeks integration and unification. The threats
of the European Union are limited to criticizing issues such as human
rights. But Russia's threats go far beyond the disintegration of Belarus
and the annexation of part of its territory to Russia, as in the case of
Georgia and Ukraine, rather, Russia, as its politicians have repeatedly
stated publicly and officially, claims to dominate the whole of the
independent nation-state of Belarus, based on its specific
interpretation of the Union State. So the realization of scenarios such
as the Ukraine crisis over Belarus is not far-fetched.
and the Republic of Azerbaijan
in the North-south transition
and its impact on regional security
Abstract. The great economic plans of the Central Eurasian region are rooted in the great games of gaining power and obtaining a special and stable position in international system. The North-South Corridor is an economic project designed to facilitate transportation and increase global trade. The question of the authors is that what effect does the cooperation of Islamic Republic of Iran, the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Russian Federation have on the security of the region? Their main hypothesis is that the cooperation of the Islamic Republic of Iran, the Republic of Azerbaijan and the Russian Federation in the North-South
international transit route by facilitating transportation will improve the level of relations between all countries along its route reducing regional threats and increasing I. R. of Iran’s economic interests in the region.
Keywords: North-South Corridor, I. R. of Iran, Republic of Azerbaijan, Russia, Trade, Transportation, Regional Security
War is one of the political and Social phenomena that deeply affected all aspects of life of people. In this situation, many people’s outlook will be changed towards realities and perceptions. The two world war have expanded and influential role in the context of rapid developments around the globe. The issue of this article is the lived experience of women fighters in eight-year war and its impact on their daily lives and the change in their mentality and socio-political demands. The Iran-Iraq war and women's participation in it have been a major factor in women's reflection (rethinking) of their socio-political role in post-revolutionary Iran. In the absence of men, women could find better condition to expand their presence in the public sphere and diverse their social roles.
The authors' research was based on interviews with several women fighters and the method of this research was to analyse the content of these interviews. Many of these women refuse to take part in authors’ interviews, because they are disappointment about the results of these activities. Based on perception about their previous participation, this kind of behaviour had not acceptable outcomes for them. These women have risen above traditional families, and their presence on the battlefield has challenged many of their traditional norms.
The main question of the authors of this article is: "What effect did the presence of women fighters in the Iran-Iraq war have on reflection) rethinking (their traditional roles after analysing the content of the interviews, the results showed that women’s participation in the war and their success " in carrying out their duties on the battlefield, was a factor in reflection (rethinking) their traditional roles and challenging traditional discourse, preparing them for the public arena and their demands in the political realm. The women who participate in planned interview and answered the questionnaires, spoke of the do's and don'ts of gender, in the eight-year war, and in post-war society, discrimination between women fighters and men in official institutions. They have referred to many different forms and kind of discriminations against them.
This research shows that the Iran- Iraq eight-war had very deep impacts on Iranian women, like the previous experiences of women in Europe and the USA. This war lead to rethinking in women’s traditional roles in Iranian social and political life, and consolidation of their self-reliance. This process had continued in post-war Iran and have affected the next generation too, both women and men. But the resistance of a traditional society has not stopped, and different kind of obstacle remain.