Political Science

In South Africa, in the prestigious profession of medicine, women are still in the minority.
Men continue to form nearly three quarters of the number of registered practitioners,
although social and institutional exclusionary structures have been abolished. It is
important to investigate the reasons underlying this state of affairs, which exists despite
equality in access to educational opportunities, training and advancement in the
profession, and the drastically increased number of female medical student enrolments
and graduations during the last decade. What is importantly emerging as a new area
for research, especially in the South African case where such studies are lacking, is an
investigation into the factors specifically influencing women doctors’ participation and
experiences during education and in the profession, in an effort to more comprehensively
explain current gender trends.

Women are increasingly accessing employment areas even in traditionally male-dominated fields like medicine, but they struggle
to participate to the same extent as their male counterparts, constraining their potential for advancement. As an example of
the constraints women face within formal employment, there is clear evidence of gender differences in specialisation, when
the literature on gender in the professions is examined. The traditional view is that this is an expected outcome, based on
gender preferences resulting from socialisation. I support the more recent assertions that it be seen as a structural constraint,
often experienced when a profession is increasingly feminised, due to mechanisms such as; gender stereotyping, gender
discrimination, internal segregation and exclusion1.

The Israeli-Palestinian conflict is understood as the ongoing struggle between Israel and Palestine, taking root within the mid-twentieth century. Despite long-term peace processes and negotiations Israelis and Palestinians have failed to reach a final peace agreement. It may be understood as a deep-rooted and multifaceted conflict, manifested through a rich tapestry of causes, thrown against a complex and intricate history of tension exacerbating the conflict.

The following provides a critical discussion of the current political crisis, the continuation of tensions, as well as the potential for renewed full-scale war within the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. This is conducted through the use of C.R. Mitchell’s conception of conflict, which utilises a triadic conflict structure. What will fundamentally be addressed through Mitchell’s conception are the causes of the conflict, the various factors and issues contributing towards the continuation of conflict, as well as the prospects of a return to full-scale war between Israel and Palestine, and the likelihood of reaching a peace agreement under the present conditions within the Middle East. What will ultimately be achieved is a comprehensive critical discussion centering upon the complexities and nuances of the Israeli-Palestinian conflict.

The South African market may be understood as being a political and economic milieu of potential. However, concurrent to this lies a landscape of risk and uncertainty, playing host to a rapidly changing environment, marred by a series of macro risk factors producing a fractured, unstable context not conducive to attracting foreign investment.

Political risk may be understood as being that which considers the possibility that certain political events or conditions in the state, will affect the business environment as such that firms may come to lose money, or see a reduction in profit margin (Venter, 1999: 73). What is to be demonstrated are the consequences of the political risks of South Africa upon the macro-level, referring to the changes in the overall order of a sate, affecting all firms within the state (Venter, 1999: 73). An analysis is presented, concerning macro political risks which investors could face when potentially investing in South Africa. Five macro risk factors will be looked at, namely that of social unrest, political instability, policy uncertainty, crime as well as corruption. Ultimately, this will serve to demonstrate the improbable prospects for foreign investment in South Africa within the year 2017.

The following evaluation seeks to systemically demonstrate the contradictions and disjunctures within South Africa’s foreign policy. The evaluation serves as a critical analysis through which the gender perspective is used as an analytical tool to unpack and demonstrate the contradictory nature of South Africa’s foreign policy, through looking at how South Africa approaches gender inequality. What will become apparent is both its contradictory nature, as well as the policy challenge facing South African foreign policy, with gender inequality being the central constituent with which this will be achieved.

Tasked with the development of a brand as an extension of one's own identity, and an accompanying strategic direction, this may be understood a strategy bible and blueprint for a craft liquor brand.

Built upon the principles of that which is truly "crafted", the brand sees its foundation as being the principles of a mindset of inquiry and a passion for the process with which optimal results are arrived at, through growth and improvement, through authenticity and quality.

The following document contains within it a brand identity blueprint, as well as a strategic communication plan for its first twelve months to market. This was achieved through a comprehensive category and competitor analysis, through developing possible target audience profiles, setting objectives and identifying key issues facing the brand, as well as the development of a channel and media plan.

Tasked by the client with the development of an integrated strategic campaign to be executed over a six-month period within the South African market, the following may be understood as a strategy bible and blueprint for the execution of said campaign.

As per the client's wishes, the campaign was aimed at communicating its ability to offer a safe and secure means of getting from point A to point B. The campaign aimed to maintain the client's brand personality and identity of innovation and as a pioneering market-leader,  whilst stressing through all points of contact its emphasis of security and safety.

NB: It is important to note that the creative execution has purposefully been left blank within this document.

This study examines attitudes towards Brand South Africa, as depicted through perceptions towards the Nation-branded Symbols of the South African Flag and the National Anthem. The study explores the relationship between perceptions towards the South African government and political climate, and Brand South Africa itself. A shift in the causal nature of the relationship between the two emerges through the primary research conducted in the form of both quantitative surveys as well as two focus groups. This mixed methodology approach found that these symbols are coming to adopt new meanings in their entirety, as they move from being understood as extensions of the government towards extensions of one’s own identity. The study utilised these findings as a foundation for comparing today’s attitudes towards those of the 1994 “Rainbow Nation Branding” era of Nation Branding – demonstrating as to how said attitudes have evolved.

Namibian independence was much delayed: it took place during the last years of decolonisation in Africa, at the end of the Cold War, and during the final phases of the third wave of democracy. SWAPO prevailed in the first hotly contested elections. We all thought that the institutions of democracy were in place and that Namibia was going to lead the way for the new wave of consolidated democracies in Africa. Inclusiveness, using the classic terminology from Robert Dahl, was there to a significant degree, a "one-man-one-vote"-system was finally achieved. Contestation also seemed to be well in place. DTA led the race before the results of Owamboland came in and though we all knew that its votes would favour SWAPO, no one knew whether it was going to be enough. Finally the results of the most populous region arrived. Swapo had won more than 96% of the votes in the Owamboland region, and with that a majority in the National Assembly with 58% of the total votes cast.

Namibian democracy is a work in progress. Although formal institutions, structures and procedures are in place, a democratic culture is not yet deeply entrenched 22 years after independence. As a result of institutional and government inefficiencies, mismanagement, and a lack of adequate of service delivery to the most disadvantaged, democracy is increasingly a system regarded as not providing economic and socio-economic benefits, hindering the process of democratic consolidation and increasing its vulnerability.

In follow-up to the South African Democracy Index published by Idasa in 2010, the inaugural Namibian Democracy Index, Unfinished Business: Democracy in Namibia, edited by Monica Koep and Bryan M. Sims, will offer a detailed appraisal of democracy by Namibian experts with the purpose of analysing Namibia’s democracy based on the goals and principles that defined Namibia’s democratic transition in 1990. Each chapter reflects a wide spectrum of issues and opinions currently under debate in Namibia.

Contributions to the Index were made by Lesley Blaauw, University of Namibia; Theunis Keulder, Namibia Institute for Democracy; William Lindeke, Institute for Public Policy Research; Phil ya Nangoloh, NamRights; and Toni Hancox and Richard Mukonda, of the Legal Assistance Centre

This publication examines the ability of Liberian women to organise and take part in Liberia’s socio-economic and political processes. It looks at women’s ability to rebuild their social capital through the use of civil society and political structures, specifcally, the Women’s Legislative Caucus of Liberia and the draft Gender Equality Act, the electoral framework and political parties, and governance.

Among its conclusions are that greater attention needs to be paid to reforms in the dual legal system and land reform. Also, greater resources should be put into supporting legislation to protect women from violence and to ensure that justice is attainable should they become victims.

In Zimbabwe, land is a highly emotive and political issue, one that has been seriously abused. Zanu PF has politicised and racialised the land issue with its “Land is the Economy and the Economy is Land” slogan. Bryan Sims of Idasa’s States in Transition Observatory argues that by forfeiting sensible land policies that would benefit all Zimbabweans, black and white, Zanu PF has damaged the economy, threatened food production, undermined sustainable livelihoods, and compromised civil and political rights.

The situation in Zimbabwe has changed since restrictive measures by many Western countries came into effect in the early 2000s. The signing of the GPA opened a new chapter for Zimbabwe. As such, it is imperative that a review of restrictive measures takes place to determine their relevance in achieving political and economic reforms, to assess their impact, and to consider the potential consequences of continuing the current scheme, or enacting a temporary lift or removal of the measures. This study shall address each of these issues.

This inaugural Democracy Index for Zambia is intended to set a benchmark for democracy to be measured against. The tool, developed and honed by Idasa over many years, assesses the depth of democracy in a country through five focus areas: participation, elections, accountability, political rights, and human dignity.

The research relies on expert analysis to answer a set of questions that interrogate how closely, in practice, democracy meets the broad ideal of self-representative government. More specifically, to what extent can citizens control elected offcials and government appointees who make decisions about public affairs? And how equal are citizens to one another in this accountability process?

The purpose of the scores is to assist citizens in making their own judgements, based on the information made available, to stimulate national debate and to provide democracy promoters with a tool for identifying issues and needs that can be addressed by education, advocacy, training, institution building and policy revision.