Communication

ver 50 years ago Dallas Smythe found the antidote. He was the first scholar to publish the scientific rationale for rejecting the ideological romanticism of U.S. mass communication research. 1 Smythe insisted that the political economy of the commercial media-and their source of profits-best explained the processes and practices. After years as an FCC economic analyst of the radio and telegraph industry and several content analyses of television programming, Smythe observed that audiences were "products" that commercial networks sold to corporate advertisers. Smythe recognized that audiences were subjected to programming which was produced, distributed, and promoted to meet the interests of advertisers who ultimately funded private television and developed media technology for profit. These identifiable relations helped clarify much of the operation, and reception, of media in the United States. Smythe also spoke frequently at international conferences on media and technology, offering valuable theoretical and practical observations in defense of cultural diversity and democratic access to the media and deserving of recuperation and reconsideration. However, although many of Smythe's concerns have been championed and popularized in international communication discourse, his observations regarding the function of audiences in the media process have been less visible. In fact, despite cogent argument and ample evidence, his perspective on the commodity audience has been institutionally shunned by academic departments across the U.S. for some fifty years-ironically indicating the need for a similar political economy of academe-and prompting this essay's restatement and critique of his theoretical claims and his practical suggestions concerning audience-ascommodity. Although others have pursued the path laid by Smythe's observations and several have even extended his approach to media audiences in critically useful ways, 2 my purpose here is more limited: to briefly recap Smythe's insights while suggesting that his political economy approach deserves more recognition and appreciation within media studies. 3 On Margins and Markets Certainly many of Smythe's students, inspired and convinced by his work, have

Access "Don't watch TV, make TV!" proclaims the banner on the front of Catia Television's studio in central Caracas, Venezuela. The slogan expresses, even demands, the essence of media and democracy. Communication isn't just about listening or watching. Communication means citizens have voice. And not just voice, but access to media that can broadcast and disseminate messages to the entire society. Democracy in media includes the right to receive information, the right to expression, and the right to distribute messages through all available media. The structure of media ownership "denies individuals from the lower strata the right to be heard and, more generally, denies the public the right to information pluralism that is required for democracy to function (Lupien, 2013, p. 238). In fact, a core assumption of radical democracy is that commercial media are, "despite their claims of neutrality, powerful social actors linked to the upper classes, social elites, or powerful corporations… characterizations [that] call for the democratization of access and voice in the media sphere, for reforms to the media structure, or even for Gramscian counter-hegemonic strategies" of mass mobilization and societal reorganization (Kitzberger, 2010, p. 8). Myriad examples of "moments of rupture" in social relations and media practices from Chile,

The Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela has built mass organizations of workers and communities that have erratically challenged class and market relations-verifying that taking political power is difficult but essential to fundamental social change and that capitalist cultural practices complicate the revolutionary process. This work identifies components of state power, separating state apparatus (government) as a crucial site for instituting social change. The case of democratic, participatory communication and public media access is presented as central to the successes and problems of Venezuelan 21 st century socialism. Drawing on field research in community media in Caracas, the essay highlights some of the politicocultural challenges and class contradictions in producing and distributing cultural values and social practices for a new socialist hegemony necessary for fundamental social change.

© koninklijke brill nv, leiden, ���6 | doi �0.��63/9789004�9�4�6_0�8 * Much thanks and solidarity to Ana Viloria at MINCI (Ministry of Communication and Information, Wilfredo Vasquez at Catia TV, and Carlos Lugo at Radio Primero Negro for their time, insights, and dedication to democracy and social justice; thanks to Carlos Martinez for logistics and translation during visits with dozens of Venezuelan media workers. Travel grants from Purdue University Calumet made the field research possible. chapter 17

The Bolivarian Revolution in Venezuela has built mass organizations of workers and communities that have erratically challenged class and market relations-verifying that taking political power is difficult but essential to fundamental social change and that capitalist cultural practices complicate the revolutionary process. This work identifies components of state power, separating state apparatus (government) as a crucial site for instituting social change. The case of democratic, participatory communication and public media access is presented as central to the successes and problems of Venezuelan 21 st century socialism. Drawing on field research in community media in Caracas, the essay highlights some of the politicocultural challenges and class contradictions in producing and distributing cultural values and social practices for a new socialist hegemony necessary for fundamental social change.

This essay combines international political economy with a critical political economy of media perspective that recognizes the crucial role of transnational media corporations (tnmc) in building consent for neoliberal globalization. Media are found to be instrumental for consolidating transnational capitalist hegemony—creating a popular culture based on individualism, deference to authority, and consumerism. tnmcs consolidate diverse national media for the production of hybrid programming that features multiple local images and symbols wrapped in consumerist ideology and narratives. Examples from animation reveal consistent themes in tnmc content that entertain and appeal to diverse audiences, illustrating media’s persuasive messages essential to the cultural hegemony of transnational capitalist leadership.

ver 50 years ago Dallas Smythe found the antidote. He was the first scholar to publish the scientific rationale for rejecting the ideological romanticism of U.S. mass communication research. 1 Smythe insisted that the political economy of the commercial media-and their source of profits-best explained the processes and practices. After years as an FCC economic analyst of the radio and telegraph industry and several content analyses of television programming, Smythe observed that audiences were "products" that commercial networks sold to corporate advertisers. Smythe recognized that audiences were subjected to programming which was produced, distributed, and promoted to meet the interests of advertisers who ultimately funded private television and developed media technology for profit. These identifiable relations helped clarify much of the operation, and reception, of media in the United States. Smythe also spoke frequently at international conferences on media and technology, offering valuable theoretical and practical observations in defense of cultural diversity and democratic access to the media and deserving of recuperation and reconsideration. However, although many of Smythe's concerns have been championed and popularized in international communication discourse, his observations regarding the function of audiences in the media process have been less visible. In fact, despite cogent argument and ample evidence, his perspective on the commodity audience has been institutionally shunned by academic departments across the U.S. for some fifty years-ironically indicating the need for a similar political economy of academe-and prompting this essay's restatement and critique of his theoretical claims and his practical suggestions concerning audience-ascommodity. Although others have pursued the path laid by Smythe's observations and several have even extended his approach to media audiences in critically useful ways, 2 my purpose here is more limited: to briefly recap Smythe's insights while suggesting that his political economy approach deserves more recognition and appreciation within media studies. 3 On Margins and Markets Certainly many of Smythe's students, inspired and convinced by his work, have

Much has been written about the power and influence of the Disney corporation (Dorfman & Mattelart, 1975; Shickel, 1968; Smoodin, 1993; Wasko, 2000; Maltin, 1980; Mosley, 1985). With enterprises in film, video, theme parks, cable and network television, cruise ships, toys, clothing, and other consumer products, Disney leads in the construction and promotion of U. S. popular culture. Yet, despite its position as global media giant—second only to Time-Warner-AOL, its sordid past as cold war propagandist and union-buster, and its current exploitation of sweatshop workers (e.g., $1/day for Haitian Disney employees), Disney maintains the Mickeyesque-aura of Uncle Walt and wholesome family entertainment. Indeed, Disney now serves as America’s moral educator (Real, 1977; Ward 1996). Dominating market power in entertainment mitigated by avuncular representation adheres to Disney in large part due to its primary production art form: the animated feature.

The digital information age brings an unlimited capacity for news and entertainment, as newspapers, television, satellite and cable networks are supplemented (or supplanted) by some 200 million websites. Ironically, in the midst of this burgeoning information circus, global news agencies, remain primary producers of news and information, even for entertainment. The largest news agency is Associated Press (AP), which has some 250 news bureaus in 120 countries, with a net income of almost $200 million. Yet, despite its size and reach, AP may be the least investigated news media organization. Indeed, AP is seldom mentioned or else appears as a normative given in media studies of news framing, agenda setting, and political economies of the media industry. This critique of framing functions of AP offers some initial observations on global news agencies and their impact on democratic communication and citizenship. This work fi nds that as part of a transnational media regime constrained o...

O ver 50 years ago Dallas Smythe found the antidote. He was the first scholar to publish the scientific rationale for rejecting the ideological romanticism of U.S. mass communication research. 1 Smythe insisted that the political economy of the commercial media-and their source of profits-best explained the processes and practices. After years as an FCC economic analyst of the radio and telegraph industry and several content analyses of television programming, Smythe observed that audiences were "products" that commercial networks sold to corporate advertisers. Smythe recognized that audiences were subjected to programming which was produced, distributed, and promoted to meet the interests of advertisers who ultimately funded private television and developed media technology for profit. These identifiable relations helped clarify much of the operation, and reception, of media in the United States. Smythe also spoke frequently at international conferences on media and techn...