Journal of Philosophy, Culture and Political Science, 2021
Three central ideas in contemporary liberal political philosophy include: 1) liberty and equality... more Three central ideas in contemporary liberal political philosophy include: 1) liberty and equality represent the most basic political values; 2) legitimate political authority must be exercised on the basis of moral reasons that are compatible with liberty and equality; and 3) the burden of justification for political authority is on the state, not the individuals subject to the state's coercive authority. Notwithstanding many different interpretations of liberalism that range from libertarian, egalitarian, and social democratic formulations, liberal political philosophers base their various positions on these fundamental ideas (For a good survey see "Liberalism," S. Courtland and D. Schmidtz, Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 2018: https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/liberalism/.). Religious freedom, toleration, and a guarantee of equal treatment under law are among the widely shared convictions endorsed by liberal political philosophers. In this paper I propose an approach to thinking about religion and politics that should inform how we think about liberalism and religion. I also consider how the conception of political authority defended by the prominent Muslim public intellectual Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na'im (Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na'im, Islam and the Secular State (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009).) is a paradigm example of liberalism. In Part I I consider two approaches to religion and politics. According to the reductionist view, whether values that are central to a religious tradition can be reconciled to liberalism is more a matter of doctrine than practice. By contrast a non-reductionist approach emphasizes that the relationship between political and religious values is influenced by a number of variables in addition to religious doctrine, including ethnicity, historical memory, political economy, and local politics. On this view, the path between religious and political convictions is anything but a straight line. In Part II I examine central arguments in An-Na'im's work that are central to his version of liberalism, with a focus on liberty of conscience and religious freedom. To illustrate An-Na'im's liberalism I focus on examples of claims about morality and theology, politics, and history. I conclude in Part III by considering how An-Na'im's position is one example of what we would expect from a non-reductionist understanding of religion and politics.
I examine three main topics. The first is organized violence in the name of religion. I focus on ... more I examine three main topics. The first is organized violence in the name of religion. I focus on collective violence by groups whose members share a religious affiliation. Having a taxonomy that distinguishes collective violence in the name of religion from other cases (e.g. an abortion clinic bomber) is important, because the causes of violence in the name of religion vary by type and by context. The second topic is how to frame collective violence in the name of religion. Should we focus on theology, religious convictions, or religious doctrine? Should we discount religious doctrine as a variable altogether? Or should we characterize religion as about identity, a source of community allegiances, and group affiliation? I argue that when we adopt the label 'religious violence' and apply it to organized violence, one of our central focuses should be on ways that religion is an identity. Thirdly, I present a short case study that considers collective violence by Uighur Muslims in northwest China, Xinjiang province. This example is helpful because it illustrates that the identity approach is well suited to navigate some hard questions about how to classify (i.e., as religious, as ethnic, as a response to political domination, etc.) organized violence in the name of religion.
This paper offers a critical examination of two recent American Supreme Court verdicts, Masterpie... more This paper offers a critical examination of two recent American Supreme Court verdicts, Masterpiece Cake Shop v Colorado Civil Rights Commission and Trump v Hawaii. In Masterpiece the Court ruled against the state of Colorado on grounds that religious bias on the part of state officials undermines government’s authority to enforce a policy that might otherwise be constitutional. In Trump the Court ruled in favor of an executive order severely restricting immigration from seven countries, five of which are Muslim majority. Both verdicts raise important issues concerning fairness and religious freedom. After examining some of the central legal issues in these verdicts I offer a critical assessment of the legal arguments, focusing on how political value judgments played a crucial role in determining the legal outcomes.
This chapter examines some central features to liberal conceptions of toleration and liberty of c... more This chapter examines some central features to liberal conceptions of toleration and liberty of conscience. The first section briefly examines conceptions of toleration and liberty of conscience in the traditions of Locke, Rawls, and Mill. The second section considers contemporary controversies surrounding toleration and liberty of conscience with a focus on neutrality and equality. The third section examines several challenges, including whether nonreligious values should be afforded the same degree of accommodation as religious values, whether liberty of conscience requires a secular state, and how bias impedes understandings of toleration and liberty of conscience. The chapter concludes with brief comments on future directions for research on toleration and liberty of conscience. One is exploring toleration and liberty of conscience in non-Western contexts; another is exploring ways that varieties of religious and political identity impact conceptions of toleration and liberty of conscience.
Forthcoming in Toleration and the Challenges of Liberalism. Eds. Johannes Drerup and Gottfried Sc... more Forthcoming in Toleration and the Challenges of Liberalism. Eds. Johannes Drerup and Gottfried Schweiger. Routledge.
A number of divisive issues are at the center of debates about education policy. 1 Some examples ... more A number of divisive issues are at the center of debates about education policy. 1 Some examples include, immigration reform and education for children of undocumented workers, educational inequalities along racial and class lines, and conflicts over religious freedom and science education. There are important philosophical questions that underlie these debates. For example, who is entitled to a state-funded education? Does every child have a right to an adequate education? Should curricula be designed in ways that maximize a student’s likelihood of success in a competitive labor market? Should curricula be adapted to the religious values of citizens who prefer spiritual over material interests? And if so, should a liberal state give preferential treatment to religious objections to education policy? Apparent conflicts between religious freedom and education policy arguably represent the most unsettled of these debates. 2 Although liberal philosophers are not as divided as citizens, there is no consensus among them on questions such as whether religious values deserve preferential treatment, 3 or on what counts as an adequate education in a modern, affluent democracy. 4 Liberals are also divided over practical remedies to conflicts that center on religion and science education, among other areas. Some advocate strict limits on demands by religious citizens for special exemptions or accommodation, while others
Alfred Stepan’s “twin-tolerations” thesis (2000) is a model for explaining different ways that re... more Alfred Stepan’s “twin-tolerations” thesis (2000) is a model for explaining different ways that religious and political authority come to be reconciled. In this paper, we investigate some obstacles and challenges to realizing a reconciliation between religious and political authority in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) that might result in a transition away from a theocratic monarchy to a more consultative form of political authority. Whereas most analyses of religion and politics in KSA focus on geopolitics, the rentier state model, or economic and military aid from the United States, we also consider local factors that emphasize the agency of political and non-political actors within KSA, focusing on examples such as education policy and how this is a barrier to political reform. Our position is not meant to replace the standard models, but rather to supplement them by offering a multi-variable perspective on the challenges and prospects for meaningful political reform in KSA
This chapter examines some central features to liberal conceptions of toleration and liberty of c... more This chapter examines some central features to liberal conceptions of toleration and liberty of conscience. The first section briefly examines conceptions of toleration and liberty of conscience in the traditions of Locke, Rawls, and Mill. The second section considers contemporary controversies surrounding toleration and liberty of conscience with a focus on neutrality and equality. The third section examines several challenges, including whether non-religious values should be afforded the same degree of accommodation as religious values, whether liberty of conscience requires a secular state, and how bias impedes understandings of toleration and liberty of conscience. The chapter concludes with brief comments on future directions for research on toleration and liberty of conscience. One is exploring toleration and liberty of conscience in non-Western contexts; another is exploring ways that varieties of religious and political identity impact conceptions of toleration and liberty of conscience. Liberty of conscience is central to liberal conceptions of toleration. One tradition that runs from John Locke (1983) through John Rawls (2005) holds that liberty of conscience is a fundamental right. A conception of the person as free and equal is a primary moral basis for toleration on this view. John Stuart Mill (1978) represents another tradition. On his view, utility is the moral basis for toleration and liberty of conscience. Both collective and individual interests are best promoted by a policy of toleration that extends to religious among other value commitments. The limits to liberty are set by the harm principle: toleration extends to beliefs and actions that do not cause or pose a significant risk of harm to others. Political philosophers in both traditions claim that liberty of conscience is a fundamental feature to a liberal conception of toleration.
Political liberty is at the centre of liberal conceptions of toleration. Liberal political philos... more Political liberty is at the centre of liberal conceptions of toleration. Liberal political philosophers disagree about the limits of toleration, whether equality is central to liberal toleration, and the toleration of illiberal religious and cultural practices, among other topics. Some non-liberal states adopt a model of toleration, despite significant limitations on liberty. Moreover, some recent work in comparative philosophy emphasizes pluralism across traditions of political morality. This chapter will consider a variety of positions on liberal toleration as well as the challenge to liberal toleration posed by ethical pluralism.
Alfred Stepan's "twin-tolerations" thesis (2000) is a model for explaining different ways that re... more Alfred Stepan's "twin-tolerations" thesis (2000) is a model for explaining different ways that religious and political authority come to be reconciled. In this paper, we investigate some obstacles and challenges to realizing a reconciliation between religious and political authority in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) that might result in a transition away from a theocratic monarchy to a more consultative form of political authority. Whereas most analyses of religion and politics in KSA focus on geopolitics, the rentier state model, or economic and military aid from the United States, we also consider local factors that emphasize the agency of political and non-political actors within KSA, focusing on examples such as education policy and how this is a barrier to political reform. Our position is not meant to replace the standard models, but rather to supplement them by offering a multi-variable perspective on the challenges and prospects for meaningful political reform in KSA.
This paper offers a critical examination of two recent American Supreme Court verdicts, Masterpie... more This paper offers a critical examination of two recent American Supreme Court verdicts, Masterpiece Cake Shop v Colorado Civil Rights Commission and Trump v Hawaii. In Masterpiece the Court ruled against the state of Colorado on grounds that religious bias on the part of state officials undermines government's authority to enforce a policy that might otherwise be constitutional. In Trump the Court ruled in favor of an executive order severely restricting immigration from seven countries, five of which are Muslim majority. Both verdicts raise important issues concerning fairness and religious freedom. After examining some of the central legal issues in these verdicts I offer a critical assessment of the legal arguments , focusing on how political value judgments played a crucial role in determining the legal outcomes.
Alfred Stepan's " twin-tolerations " thesis (2000) is a model for explaining different ways that ... more Alfred Stepan's " twin-tolerations " thesis (2000) is a model for explaining different ways that religious and political authority come to be reconciled. In this paper, we investigate some obstacles and challenges to realizing a reconciliation between religious and political authority in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) that might result in a transition away from a theocratic monarchy to a more consultative form of political authority. Whereas most analyses of religion and politics in KSA focus on geopolitics, the rentier state model, or economic and military aid from the United States, we also consider local factors that emphasize the agency of political and non-political actors within KSA, focusing on examples such as education policy and how this is a barrier to political reform. Our position is not meant to replace the standard models, but rather to supplement them by offering a multi-variable perspective on the challenges and prospects for meaningful political reform in KSA.
The aim of this paper is to consider the prospects of a liberal conception of religious freedom i... more The aim of this paper is to consider the prospects of a liberal conception of religious freedom in some Muslim majority states. In Part I I offer a brief sketch of three approaches to religious freedom that inform my view. I then present a liberal framework for religious toleration that draws ideas from Rainer Forst's Toleration in Conflict, as well as some perennial themes in classical liberal thought in Part II. I briefly examine three case studies in Part III, the Turkish Republic, Arab Spring States, and the post-Soviet republics of Central Asia. This is followed by a short conclusion, Part IV. There are a number of topics that philosophers, historians, social scientists and others highlight when examining the many factors that shape political discourse about religious freedom. Three that bear directly on religious freedom as a topic in political philosophy include: 1) the exemption debate in American legal practice; 1 2) the intersection of variables such as ethnic identity, 2 nationalism, 3 geopolitics 4 and the correlation between repressive state religion policies and violence; 5 and 3) attempts to asses the prospects for liberal conceptions of religious freedom in non-Western contexts. 6 Since political philosophy is practical in orientation, moral questions about religious freedom and toleration should be informed by work on these topics. To some extent, this has always been the case. Classical liberal views on religious freedom were informed by political conflicts stemming in part from sectarian differences between Catholic and Protestant Christianity. Likewise, the Rawlsian conception of a political liberalism that applies the idea of toleration to itself defends a conception of religious freedom that treats religious pluralism as the inevitable outcome of liberty of conscience. 7
Perennial questions about religious freedom and democracy include, 'what are the moral limits to ... more Perennial questions about religious freedom and democracy include, 'what are the moral limits to religious freedom?' and 'what does respect for religious freedom require?' In this paper I examine some aspects of these questions and consider some examples from the context of Central Asia. My aim is to highlight the relevance of some basic elements of political morality to any democratic state. There are a variety of forms of state religion policy that are consistent with democracy. Moreover, if we try to apply liberal political values in the Central Asian context there are interesting and difficult challenges. I consider some of these challenges by briefly discussing religious freedom in the Kyrgyz Republic.
This essay examines religious freedom in the context of education policy. I defend an approach th... more This essay examines religious freedom in the context of education policy. I defend an approach that serves the aim of both religious freedom and adequate education requirements. We should favor creative solutions that accommodate religious objections to education policy. However, if there is no way to accommodate these objections while upholding adequate education standards, we should favor upholding the education standards. The permissive view of religious exemptions endorsed in American law sometimes lends support to objectionable education policies. The alternative I defend opposes granting exemptions to education policy, religious or otherwise, when doing so will deprive students of an education that permits entry to university or to a meaningful range of opportunities in the labor market. Yet when there are policy options that accommodate concerns of religious citizens that do not result in objectionable compromises on education standards, we should favor these. Applied to noncontroversial issues, such as whether civic literacy is an essential component to an adequate education, this claim is not controversial. I take on more challenging issues. One is whether religious groups should be given exemptions that allow parents to limit the formal education of their children to the equivalent of a middle school education. The other is religiously motivated skepticism about evolutionary theory and the demand that science education standards be modified in light of this skepticism.
Abstract: I argue against Rawls's freestanding conception of liberalism. On my view, the... more Abstract: I argue against Rawls's freestanding conception of liberalism. On my view, the moral foundation of liberalism can be defended in one of three ways:(1) as a conception one accepts as a result of one's affirmation of political liberalism,(2) as a conception one must affirm as a presupposition for political liberalism, or (3) as a philosophical truth about practical reason and persons. The first option makes it impossible to distinguish a moral consensus from a modus vivendi. The second renders the moral foundation of liberalism ...
What role should human rights play in a liberal conception of law and justice? This is a question... more What role should human rights play in a liberal conception of law and justice? This is a question about which liberals are divided. Some utilitarians who endorse legal positivism have a longstanding objection to the very idea of a right without a legal or political practice. Since human rights, like natural rights, are alleged entitlements that empower and protect individuals because they are persons and not merely because they are citizens, such rights are norms one can supposedly invoke without reference to any legal or political practice. ...
Journal of Philosophy, Culture and Political Science, 2021
Three central ideas in contemporary liberal political philosophy include: 1) liberty and equality... more Three central ideas in contemporary liberal political philosophy include: 1) liberty and equality represent the most basic political values; 2) legitimate political authority must be exercised on the basis of moral reasons that are compatible with liberty and equality; and 3) the burden of justification for political authority is on the state, not the individuals subject to the state's coercive authority. Notwithstanding many different interpretations of liberalism that range from libertarian, egalitarian, and social democratic formulations, liberal political philosophers base their various positions on these fundamental ideas (For a good survey see "Liberalism," S. Courtland and D. Schmidtz, Stanford Encyclopedia of Philosophy, 2018: https://plato.stanford.edu/entries/liberalism/.). Religious freedom, toleration, and a guarantee of equal treatment under law are among the widely shared convictions endorsed by liberal political philosophers. In this paper I propose an approach to thinking about religion and politics that should inform how we think about liberalism and religion. I also consider how the conception of political authority defended by the prominent Muslim public intellectual Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na'im (Abdullahi Ahmed An-Na'im, Islam and the Secular State (Cambridge, MA: Harvard University Press, 2009).) is a paradigm example of liberalism. In Part I I consider two approaches to religion and politics. According to the reductionist view, whether values that are central to a religious tradition can be reconciled to liberalism is more a matter of doctrine than practice. By contrast a non-reductionist approach emphasizes that the relationship between political and religious values is influenced by a number of variables in addition to religious doctrine, including ethnicity, historical memory, political economy, and local politics. On this view, the path between religious and political convictions is anything but a straight line. In Part II I examine central arguments in An-Na'im's work that are central to his version of liberalism, with a focus on liberty of conscience and religious freedom. To illustrate An-Na'im's liberalism I focus on examples of claims about morality and theology, politics, and history. I conclude in Part III by considering how An-Na'im's position is one example of what we would expect from a non-reductionist understanding of religion and politics.
I examine three main topics. The first is organized violence in the name of religion. I focus on ... more I examine three main topics. The first is organized violence in the name of religion. I focus on collective violence by groups whose members share a religious affiliation. Having a taxonomy that distinguishes collective violence in the name of religion from other cases (e.g. an abortion clinic bomber) is important, because the causes of violence in the name of religion vary by type and by context. The second topic is how to frame collective violence in the name of religion. Should we focus on theology, religious convictions, or religious doctrine? Should we discount religious doctrine as a variable altogether? Or should we characterize religion as about identity, a source of community allegiances, and group affiliation? I argue that when we adopt the label 'religious violence' and apply it to organized violence, one of our central focuses should be on ways that religion is an identity. Thirdly, I present a short case study that considers collective violence by Uighur Muslims in northwest China, Xinjiang province. This example is helpful because it illustrates that the identity approach is well suited to navigate some hard questions about how to classify (i.e., as religious, as ethnic, as a response to political domination, etc.) organized violence in the name of religion.
This paper offers a critical examination of two recent American Supreme Court verdicts, Masterpie... more This paper offers a critical examination of two recent American Supreme Court verdicts, Masterpiece Cake Shop v Colorado Civil Rights Commission and Trump v Hawaii. In Masterpiece the Court ruled against the state of Colorado on grounds that religious bias on the part of state officials undermines government’s authority to enforce a policy that might otherwise be constitutional. In Trump the Court ruled in favor of an executive order severely restricting immigration from seven countries, five of which are Muslim majority. Both verdicts raise important issues concerning fairness and religious freedom. After examining some of the central legal issues in these verdicts I offer a critical assessment of the legal arguments, focusing on how political value judgments played a crucial role in determining the legal outcomes.
This chapter examines some central features to liberal conceptions of toleration and liberty of c... more This chapter examines some central features to liberal conceptions of toleration and liberty of conscience. The first section briefly examines conceptions of toleration and liberty of conscience in the traditions of Locke, Rawls, and Mill. The second section considers contemporary controversies surrounding toleration and liberty of conscience with a focus on neutrality and equality. The third section examines several challenges, including whether nonreligious values should be afforded the same degree of accommodation as religious values, whether liberty of conscience requires a secular state, and how bias impedes understandings of toleration and liberty of conscience. The chapter concludes with brief comments on future directions for research on toleration and liberty of conscience. One is exploring toleration and liberty of conscience in non-Western contexts; another is exploring ways that varieties of religious and political identity impact conceptions of toleration and liberty of conscience.
Forthcoming in Toleration and the Challenges of Liberalism. Eds. Johannes Drerup and Gottfried Sc... more Forthcoming in Toleration and the Challenges of Liberalism. Eds. Johannes Drerup and Gottfried Schweiger. Routledge.
A number of divisive issues are at the center of debates about education policy. 1 Some examples ... more A number of divisive issues are at the center of debates about education policy. 1 Some examples include, immigration reform and education for children of undocumented workers, educational inequalities along racial and class lines, and conflicts over religious freedom and science education. There are important philosophical questions that underlie these debates. For example, who is entitled to a state-funded education? Does every child have a right to an adequate education? Should curricula be designed in ways that maximize a student’s likelihood of success in a competitive labor market? Should curricula be adapted to the religious values of citizens who prefer spiritual over material interests? And if so, should a liberal state give preferential treatment to religious objections to education policy? Apparent conflicts between religious freedom and education policy arguably represent the most unsettled of these debates. 2 Although liberal philosophers are not as divided as citizens, there is no consensus among them on questions such as whether religious values deserve preferential treatment, 3 or on what counts as an adequate education in a modern, affluent democracy. 4 Liberals are also divided over practical remedies to conflicts that center on religion and science education, among other areas. Some advocate strict limits on demands by religious citizens for special exemptions or accommodation, while others
Alfred Stepan’s “twin-tolerations” thesis (2000) is a model for explaining different ways that re... more Alfred Stepan’s “twin-tolerations” thesis (2000) is a model for explaining different ways that religious and political authority come to be reconciled. In this paper, we investigate some obstacles and challenges to realizing a reconciliation between religious and political authority in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) that might result in a transition away from a theocratic monarchy to a more consultative form of political authority. Whereas most analyses of religion and politics in KSA focus on geopolitics, the rentier state model, or economic and military aid from the United States, we also consider local factors that emphasize the agency of political and non-political actors within KSA, focusing on examples such as education policy and how this is a barrier to political reform. Our position is not meant to replace the standard models, but rather to supplement them by offering a multi-variable perspective on the challenges and prospects for meaningful political reform in KSA
This chapter examines some central features to liberal conceptions of toleration and liberty of c... more This chapter examines some central features to liberal conceptions of toleration and liberty of conscience. The first section briefly examines conceptions of toleration and liberty of conscience in the traditions of Locke, Rawls, and Mill. The second section considers contemporary controversies surrounding toleration and liberty of conscience with a focus on neutrality and equality. The third section examines several challenges, including whether non-religious values should be afforded the same degree of accommodation as religious values, whether liberty of conscience requires a secular state, and how bias impedes understandings of toleration and liberty of conscience. The chapter concludes with brief comments on future directions for research on toleration and liberty of conscience. One is exploring toleration and liberty of conscience in non-Western contexts; another is exploring ways that varieties of religious and political identity impact conceptions of toleration and liberty of conscience. Liberty of conscience is central to liberal conceptions of toleration. One tradition that runs from John Locke (1983) through John Rawls (2005) holds that liberty of conscience is a fundamental right. A conception of the person as free and equal is a primary moral basis for toleration on this view. John Stuart Mill (1978) represents another tradition. On his view, utility is the moral basis for toleration and liberty of conscience. Both collective and individual interests are best promoted by a policy of toleration that extends to religious among other value commitments. The limits to liberty are set by the harm principle: toleration extends to beliefs and actions that do not cause or pose a significant risk of harm to others. Political philosophers in both traditions claim that liberty of conscience is a fundamental feature to a liberal conception of toleration.
Political liberty is at the centre of liberal conceptions of toleration. Liberal political philos... more Political liberty is at the centre of liberal conceptions of toleration. Liberal political philosophers disagree about the limits of toleration, whether equality is central to liberal toleration, and the toleration of illiberal religious and cultural practices, among other topics. Some non-liberal states adopt a model of toleration, despite significant limitations on liberty. Moreover, some recent work in comparative philosophy emphasizes pluralism across traditions of political morality. This chapter will consider a variety of positions on liberal toleration as well as the challenge to liberal toleration posed by ethical pluralism.
Alfred Stepan's "twin-tolerations" thesis (2000) is a model for explaining different ways that re... more Alfred Stepan's "twin-tolerations" thesis (2000) is a model for explaining different ways that religious and political authority come to be reconciled. In this paper, we investigate some obstacles and challenges to realizing a reconciliation between religious and political authority in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) that might result in a transition away from a theocratic monarchy to a more consultative form of political authority. Whereas most analyses of religion and politics in KSA focus on geopolitics, the rentier state model, or economic and military aid from the United States, we also consider local factors that emphasize the agency of political and non-political actors within KSA, focusing on examples such as education policy and how this is a barrier to political reform. Our position is not meant to replace the standard models, but rather to supplement them by offering a multi-variable perspective on the challenges and prospects for meaningful political reform in KSA.
This paper offers a critical examination of two recent American Supreme Court verdicts, Masterpie... more This paper offers a critical examination of two recent American Supreme Court verdicts, Masterpiece Cake Shop v Colorado Civil Rights Commission and Trump v Hawaii. In Masterpiece the Court ruled against the state of Colorado on grounds that religious bias on the part of state officials undermines government's authority to enforce a policy that might otherwise be constitutional. In Trump the Court ruled in favor of an executive order severely restricting immigration from seven countries, five of which are Muslim majority. Both verdicts raise important issues concerning fairness and religious freedom. After examining some of the central legal issues in these verdicts I offer a critical assessment of the legal arguments , focusing on how political value judgments played a crucial role in determining the legal outcomes.
Alfred Stepan's " twin-tolerations " thesis (2000) is a model for explaining different ways that ... more Alfred Stepan's " twin-tolerations " thesis (2000) is a model for explaining different ways that religious and political authority come to be reconciled. In this paper, we investigate some obstacles and challenges to realizing a reconciliation between religious and political authority in the Kingdom of Saudi Arabia (KSA) that might result in a transition away from a theocratic monarchy to a more consultative form of political authority. Whereas most analyses of religion and politics in KSA focus on geopolitics, the rentier state model, or economic and military aid from the United States, we also consider local factors that emphasize the agency of political and non-political actors within KSA, focusing on examples such as education policy and how this is a barrier to political reform. Our position is not meant to replace the standard models, but rather to supplement them by offering a multi-variable perspective on the challenges and prospects for meaningful political reform in KSA.
The aim of this paper is to consider the prospects of a liberal conception of religious freedom i... more The aim of this paper is to consider the prospects of a liberal conception of religious freedom in some Muslim majority states. In Part I I offer a brief sketch of three approaches to religious freedom that inform my view. I then present a liberal framework for religious toleration that draws ideas from Rainer Forst's Toleration in Conflict, as well as some perennial themes in classical liberal thought in Part II. I briefly examine three case studies in Part III, the Turkish Republic, Arab Spring States, and the post-Soviet republics of Central Asia. This is followed by a short conclusion, Part IV. There are a number of topics that philosophers, historians, social scientists and others highlight when examining the many factors that shape political discourse about religious freedom. Three that bear directly on religious freedom as a topic in political philosophy include: 1) the exemption debate in American legal practice; 1 2) the intersection of variables such as ethnic identity, 2 nationalism, 3 geopolitics 4 and the correlation between repressive state religion policies and violence; 5 and 3) attempts to asses the prospects for liberal conceptions of religious freedom in non-Western contexts. 6 Since political philosophy is practical in orientation, moral questions about religious freedom and toleration should be informed by work on these topics. To some extent, this has always been the case. Classical liberal views on religious freedom were informed by political conflicts stemming in part from sectarian differences between Catholic and Protestant Christianity. Likewise, the Rawlsian conception of a political liberalism that applies the idea of toleration to itself defends a conception of religious freedom that treats religious pluralism as the inevitable outcome of liberty of conscience. 7
Perennial questions about religious freedom and democracy include, 'what are the moral limits to ... more Perennial questions about religious freedom and democracy include, 'what are the moral limits to religious freedom?' and 'what does respect for religious freedom require?' In this paper I examine some aspects of these questions and consider some examples from the context of Central Asia. My aim is to highlight the relevance of some basic elements of political morality to any democratic state. There are a variety of forms of state religion policy that are consistent with democracy. Moreover, if we try to apply liberal political values in the Central Asian context there are interesting and difficult challenges. I consider some of these challenges by briefly discussing religious freedom in the Kyrgyz Republic.
This essay examines religious freedom in the context of education policy. I defend an approach th... more This essay examines religious freedom in the context of education policy. I defend an approach that serves the aim of both religious freedom and adequate education requirements. We should favor creative solutions that accommodate religious objections to education policy. However, if there is no way to accommodate these objections while upholding adequate education standards, we should favor upholding the education standards. The permissive view of religious exemptions endorsed in American law sometimes lends support to objectionable education policies. The alternative I defend opposes granting exemptions to education policy, religious or otherwise, when doing so will deprive students of an education that permits entry to university or to a meaningful range of opportunities in the labor market. Yet when there are policy options that accommodate concerns of religious citizens that do not result in objectionable compromises on education standards, we should favor these. Applied to noncontroversial issues, such as whether civic literacy is an essential component to an adequate education, this claim is not controversial. I take on more challenging issues. One is whether religious groups should be given exemptions that allow parents to limit the formal education of their children to the equivalent of a middle school education. The other is religiously motivated skepticism about evolutionary theory and the demand that science education standards be modified in light of this skepticism.
Abstract: I argue against Rawls's freestanding conception of liberalism. On my view, the... more Abstract: I argue against Rawls's freestanding conception of liberalism. On my view, the moral foundation of liberalism can be defended in one of three ways:(1) as a conception one accepts as a result of one's affirmation of political liberalism,(2) as a conception one must affirm as a presupposition for political liberalism, or (3) as a philosophical truth about practical reason and persons. The first option makes it impossible to distinguish a moral consensus from a modus vivendi. The second renders the moral foundation of liberalism ...
What role should human rights play in a liberal conception of law and justice? This is a question... more What role should human rights play in a liberal conception of law and justice? This is a question about which liberals are divided. Some utilitarians who endorse legal positivism have a longstanding objection to the very idea of a right without a legal or political practice. Since human rights, like natural rights, are alleged entitlements that empower and protect individuals because they are persons and not merely because they are citizens, such rights are norms one can supposedly invoke without reference to any legal or political practice. ...
I examine three main topics. The first is organized violence in the name of religion. I focus on ... more I examine three main topics. The first is organized violence in the name of religion. I focus on collective violence by groups whose members share a religious affiliation. Having a taxonomy that distinguishes collective violence in the name of religion from other cases (e.g. an abortion clinic bomber) is important, because the causes of violence in the name of religion vary by type and by context. The second topic is how to frame collective violence in the name of religion. Should we focus on theology, religious convictions, or religious doctrine? Should we discount religious doctrine as a variable altogether? Or should we characterize religion as about identity, a source of community allegiances, and group affiliation? I argue that when we adopt the label 'religious violence' and apply it to organized violence, one of our central focuses should be on ways that religion is an identity. Thirdly, I present a short case study that considers collective violence by Uighur Muslims in northwest China, Xinjiang province. This example is helpful because it illustrates that the identity approach is well suited to navigate some hard questions about how to classify (i.e., as religious, as ethnic, as a response to political domination, etc.) organized violence in the name of religion.
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Papers by Jon Mahoney