Between the civil and uncivil lie ‘borderline’ discourses where speech that appears civil is lade... more Between the civil and uncivil lie ‘borderline’ discourses where speech that appears civil is laden with uncivil ideas, norms and discourses that normalise anti-pluralist, nativist and exclusionary views. Such discourses are found in videos and websites of far-right groups and in some mainstream media. Here, we argue that Turkey’s government and mainstream media use similar discursive strategies. We examine both speeches and media representations of these that represent capital punishment since Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s 2002 rise to politics. Analysis leans on Multimodal Critical Discourse Studies to expose how Erdoğan, who transforms from a cautious reformist prime minister into an authoritarian-populist president, has always articulated uncivil ideas cloaked in civility, with uncivility increasing over time. Analysis of lexica and imagery in associated news stories reveal how media normalise such discourses. As such, these borderline discursive acts contribute to a decline in civility...
Bu makalede dizilerdeki kadın ve erkek temsillerinin kısıtlılığını kapsamlı bir örneklem içinde o... more Bu makalede dizilerdeki kadın ve erkek temsillerinin kısıtlılığını kapsamlı bir örneklem içinde ortaya çıkaran en güncel araştırmalardan biri olan TÜSİAD desteğiyle gerçekleştirilmiş Televizyon Dizilerinde Toplumsal Cinsiyet Eşitliği Araştırması'ndan (2018) yola çıkılarak araştırmanın ortaya koyduğu içerik analizine dayalı sonuçların metin analizi ile derinleştirilmesi amaçlanmıştır. Kadın ve erkek karakterlerin fiziksel ve duygusal özellikleri, üstlendikleri roller, ve yer aldıkları sahneler açısından kalıplaşmış toplumsal cinsiyet algılarını pekiştiren şekilde temsil edildiklerini ortaya çıkaran veriler televizyon ekranlarında indirgemeci ve özcü bir yaklaşım olduğunun kanıtıdır. Araştırma, ekranlardaki temsillerin çerçevesini belirlemek açısından iyi bir başlangıç olsa da, bu temsillerin feminist bir okumasını yapmak için verilerin metin analizi ile desteklenmesi gerekmektedir. Zira nicel veriler sahne içlerindeki görüntüye dair biçimsel özellikleri ya da mizansenin detaylarını kapsamamaktadır. Bu makalede bu araştırma içindeki dizilerden seçilmiş örnek sahnelerin analizleri aracılığıyla ekranlardaki "erkeklik" ve "kadınlık" anlayışının daha derinlikli bir okumasının yapılması hedeflenmektedir. Nicel veriler nitel yorumlar ile desteklenerek televizyon dizilerindeki kadınlığa ve erkekliğe yüklenen olumlu ve olumsuz anlamlar feminist bir bakış açısından tartışılacaktır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Feminist televizyon eleştirisi; toplumsal cinsiyet; ekran temsilleri; Türkiye'de televizyon dizileri Unvarying States of Womanhood And Manhood: Gender in Television Series Drawing its data from the findings of the research titled Gender Equality in Television Series (2018), which is one of the most up-to-date studies that reveals via a comprehensive sample the limitations of representations of men and women on screen, this article aims to rethink and re-evaluate the research's results through textual analysis. The data reveals that the ways in which characters are represented reinforce stereotypical gender perceptions in terms of their physical and emotional characteristics, roles they take, and the scenes they take place, and it can be read as evidence of a reductionist and essentialist approach towards gender on television screens. While the research is a good start in framing screen representations, the data needs to be supplemented with textual analysis to make a feminist reading of these representations. Quantitative data neither includes the formal features of the image inside the scenes nor the details of the scene. This article aims to make an indepth reading of the terms "masculinity" and "femininity" as produced for the screen through the analysis of the sample scenes selected from the series in this study. The understanding of masculinity and femininity on television will be discussed from a feminist perspective by supporting quantitative data with qualitative interpretations.
Bu çalışma, Türkiye’deki 18-29 yaş aralığındaki gençlerin hangi sosyal medya platformlarını kulla... more Bu çalışma, Türkiye’deki 18-29 yaş aralığındaki gençlerin hangi sosyal medya platformlarını kullandıklarına, ne kadar sıklıkla kullandıklarına ve bu platformlarda ne tarz içerikler paylaştıklarını incelemektedir. Literatüre katkı olarak, gençlerin sosyal medya kullanım pratiklerinin, paylaşım türlerinin ve motivasyonlarının sosyodemografik özelliklerle (cinsel kimlik, yaş, yaşanılan yer, sosyoekonomik statü, eğitim seviyesi ve dinî kimlik) ilişkisini araştırmaktadır. Türkiye’nin 12 ilinde yaşayan gençlerle gerçekleştirilen yüz yüze anket çalışmamızın (N=1537) bulgularına göre, en çok kullanılan sosyal medya platformları sırasıyla Instagram, YouTube ve Twitter’dır. Bulgular, bir zamanlar gençlerin yoğunlukla kullandığı Facebook’un popülerliğini yitirmeye başladığını ortaya koymaktadır. Gençlerin öğrencilik durumları, sosyoekonomik statüleri, yaşadıkları il ve cinsel kimlikleri ile sosyal medya tercihleri arasında anlamlı bir ilişki gözlemlenmektedir. Ayrıca cinsel kimlik, dinî görüş,...
Various commentators have written on the conditions contributing to an increasing interest in pro... more Various commentators have written on the conditions contributing to an increasing interest in professional doctorates, both in the UK and Australia, with many attributing this, at least in part, to the emergence of the knowledge economy and shifts from Mode 1 to Mode 2 knowledge production (Lester, 2004; Scott, Brown, Lunt, & Thorne, 2004; Usher, 2002). The emphasis in recent government policy in the UK on university-industry collaborations, both in research and teaching and learning (BIS, 2009; CBI, 2008), as well as an emerging literature on the co-production of knowledge for action (Antonacopoulou, 2009) suggest that professional doctorates will continue to be of interest as a way of organising doctoral education in the UK. However, as Usher (2002) has pointed out, the intertwining of governments, universities and workplaces in innovation processes is not always unproblematic. Research is currently being undertaken at a UK HE institution exploring the question of ‘what counts as learning, and for whom, in a professional doctorate’? This question links with a broader interest in the politics of work based learning and an exploration of power relations in the production, distribution and consumption of practice-based knowledges. We contend that the professional doctorate provides a rich research site for examining intersections between workplace discourses and discourses of Higher Education. The conceptual framework underpinning the study is Foucauldian poststructuralist theory, which draws attention to relationships between language, power, social institutions and subjectivity (Weedon, 1987). We are exploring alignments and contestations around what counts as knowledge and how it might be produced for different players in the field of Work Based Learning (WBL) including professional doctorate candidates, WBL academics and examiners of professional doctorates. The overall study includes the collection and analysis of various texts including: electronic copies of research projects undertaken as a major component of a Professional Doctorate Award; the Module Handbook provided to candidates which provides a guide to candidates completing the research component of their award; interviews with Module tutors and advisers working on the Professional Doctorate programme; and examiners reports of the doctoral level research. The focus of this paper is on ‘what counts’ for WBL academics. Interviews exploring: what makes a ‘good’ professional doctorate? have been undertaken with advisers working on a Professional Doctorate programme in a UK university. The interviews were conducted with the aim of establishing a model of ‘best practice’ for the induction of new advisers working on WBL programmes. However, rather than reading the interview texts in order to develop normative themes as to how the DProf ‘should’ be, the interviews have been analysed with a focus on language, identity/ies, academic practices and values. We are interested in how the DProf is constituted by academic advisers and the implications in terms of how it might be assessed. We found that in many of the interviews that WBL academics slipped into a binary ordering where the professional doctorate was constructed in opposition to the PhD. For example, advisers spoke of development versus research, practice versus theory, relevance versus rigour; with the former often privileged over the latter. There was also a great emphasis on the importance of self development. We suggest that the binary separation of practice and theory evident in the interview texts may not be helpful as it overlooks the complex processes whereby practice and theory are intertwined. The analysis points to tensions and contradictions in the interview texts. We suggest that the ‘in between’ spaces of WBL, where the discourses of workplaces intersect with discourses of HE, provides a site for examining the ongoing renegotiation of academic identity/ies. It is in this sense that academics can be understood as workplace learners too. For example, at times the WBL academics drew on more traditional discourses associated with the academy, such as the value of academic literacy, while at other times organisational discourses seemed to be privileged. The paper provides a more nuanced account of struggles around ‘what gets to count as learning’ in professional doctorates that foregrounds the tensions experienced by WBL academics rather than trying to smooth them over. For example, professional doctorates (as they are organised at this particular university) provide a challenge to the authority of academia and subject-based disciplines as WBL awards seek to recognise knowledges produced in workplaces and workplaces as sites of learning. However, in the process of certifying such knowledge WBL academics are also inserting their own norms, standards and values into this space. In drawing attention to values and what counts for WBL advisers the analysis contributes to ongoing discussions and…
Summer 2013 was a historic period in regards to political activism in Turkey. Commonly referred t... more Summer 2013 was a historic period in regards to political activism in Turkey. Commonly referred to as ‘the Gezi Resistance’, the grass-roots mobilisation caught the rather self-assured AKP (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi) government off guard as hundreds of thousands rushed to the streets, squares and parks to reclaim those spaces publicly. The resistance started with the attempt by a handful of environmentalists to protect a few trees being cut down in central Istanbul. Then it quickly moved beyond just about protecting a few trees and became a collective reaction to the recent and ongoing urban modelling projects that would turn commons into gated spaces for consumption. Significantly, the Gezi Resistance, which reclaimed public spaces, started to mobilise multiple identity groups who entered into the political arena in the radical democratic sense. This paper aims to scrutinise Gezi Resistance and the occupation of the park in relation to reclaiming public spaces and the politics of identity, hence as an opportunity for a radical democratic emancipation. In this context, emancipation refers to contestation against the dominating discourses of the majoritarian government with neoconservative tendencies. Public space is contextualised as the agonistic domain that enables individuals both to appear, hence become visible for a possible interaction and acknowledgement, and join collaborative struggles against dominant discourses. In this regard, performing dissent re-produces subjectivities while articulating these to one another also requires a public space.
The domain of work and the domain of HE are no longer as distinct as they once might have seemed ... more The domain of work and the domain of HE are no longer as distinct as they once might have seemed and professional doctorates can be understood as one manifestation of the contemporary intersection between HE and workplaces. While an unproblematic alignment between the institution of work and higher education institutions is often assumed in government policy documents, which call for the formation of HE-industry partnerships and the co-production of knowledge, we suggest this overlooks the power-inflected nature of knowledge production and what gets to count as knowledge in both these locations. This paper proposes a poststructuralist analytic framework for examining power-knowledge formations using professional doctorates as a research site and outlines preliminary research in this area. A poststucturalist perspective, which draws attention to relationships between language, power, social institutions and subjectivity (Weedon, 1987), enables the exploration of multiple and mobile f...
The paper is based on data collected during a cultural collaboration and exchange project carried... more The paper is based on data collected during a cultural collaboration and exchange project carried on by a civic initiative. The study analyzes the role of effective communication and collaboration between the young adult participants of the project that come from eastern and western cities of Turkey. The chapter concludes by arguing that communication involves the creation, construction, and interweaving of situated meanings and discourses not only towards external settings but also towards the internalized ones during encounters in the above mentioned project.
People’s empowerment relies strongly on their right to self-determination, as individuals and in ... more People’s empowerment relies strongly on their right to self-determination, as individuals and in groups of their choice. As a democratic right, citizenship is made up of political, civil, cultural and economic dimensions, which need to be fulfilled in order for full political participation to be possible. This chapter investigates understandings of citizenship among participants at ifu, which were examined by the project group Visions of Citizenship. It indicates how even relatively privileged women from a variety of countries are limited in their practice of full citizenship rights by formal and informal constraints.
On the basis of an historical and conceptual survey of the concept of citizenship, the project utilized questionnaire survey and focus group interview techniques to gain an understanding of citizenship in the context of women’s experiences in their own countries. Mechanisms were identified in which information and information technologies assist as well as hinder women from pursuing democratic participation. Women’s preferences of traditional and new information technologies, and their means of optimization to generate greater political participation, are taken as offering grounds for new visions of alternative citizenship to germinate
People’s empowerment relies strongly on their right to self-determination, as individuals and in ... more People’s empowerment relies strongly on their right to self-determination, as individuals and in groups of their choice. As a democratic right, citizenship is made up of political, civil, cultural and economic dimensions, which need to be fulfilled in order for full political participation to be possible. This chapter investigates understandings of citizenship among participants at ifu, which were examined by the project group Visions of Citizenship. It indicates how even relatively privileged women from a variety of countries are limited in their practice of full citizenship rights by formal and informal constraints. On the basis of an historical and conceptual survey of the concept of citizenship, the project utilized questionnaire survey and focus group interview techniques to gain an understanding of citizenship in the context of women’s experiences in their own countries. Mechanisms were identified in which information and information technologies assist as well as hinder women from pursuing democratic participation. Women’s preferences of traditional and new information technologies, and their means of optimization to generate greater political participation, are taken as offering grounds for new visions of alternative citizenship to germinate
This article aims to provoke a discussion on feminist cinema in Turkey. It scrutinises a recent f... more This article aims to provoke a discussion on feminist cinema in Turkey. It scrutinises a recent film Mavi Dalga (The Blue Wave) (2013) in the way it represent women and the feminist cinema discourse. The narrative of mundane story of young women in a provincial setting refrains from the normative storylines that usually position women in binary profiles of femme fatale/innocent girl. It also skillfully escapes from the burden of narrating women as victims only. Considering these features, this paper will explore the ways in which the male and patriarchal discourses of cinema would impose a certain way of narrating stories of women, and the possible ways of breaking this cycle with the introduction of feminist film narratives.
Summer 2013 was a historic period in regards to political activism in Turkey. Commonly referred ... more Summer 2013 was a historic period in regards to political activism in Turkey. Commonly referred to as ‘the Gezi Resistance’, the grass-roots mobilisation caught the rather self- assured AKP government off guard as hundreds of thousands rushed to the streets, squares and parks to reclaim those spaces publicly. The resistance started with the attempt by a handful of environmentalists to protect a few trees being cut down in central Istanbul. Then it quickly moved beyond just about protecting a few trees and became a collective reaction to the recent and ongoing urban modelling projects that would turn commons into gated spaces for consumption. Significantly, the Gezi Resistance, which reclaimed public spaces, started to mobilise multiple identity groups who entered into the political arena in the radical democratic sense. This paper aims to scrutinise Gezi Resistance and the occupation of the park in relation to reclaiming public spaces and the politics of identity, hence as an opportunity for a radical democratic emancipation. In this context, emancipation refers to contestation against the dominating discourses of the majoritarian government with neoconservative tendencies. Public space is contextualised as the agonistic domain that enables individuals both to appear, hence become visible for a possible interaction and acknowledgement, and join collaborative struggles against dominant discourses. In this regard, performing dissent re-produces subjectivities while articulating these to one another also requires a public space.
This chapter argues that Twitter was not only at the centre of a very concrete example of civic a... more This chapter argues that Twitter was not only at the centre of a very concrete example of civic activism but also a cross-cultural coalition building the 2013 Gezi Resistance in Istanbul. It also argues that social media platforms can underpin and channel the creation of new political public spaces. It is also important to note that these spaces make clearly visible the various identity positions often excluded from or marginalised in the formal politics of the public space and largely estranged from one another in the normal course of events.
One of the most important uprisings in Turkish memory broke out by the end of spring 2013. Although the citizens of the world were used to unrests and occupations of public spaces in the name of reclaiming certain political issues, such a popular grassroots unrest was an unexpected happening for both the citizens and the government of Turkey. This article looks at a year of unrest and its expressions in terms of grassroots mobilisation and interaction with formal political processes. Following an overview of the unrest that is name as the Gezi Resistance the article explores new political formations such as the park forums, participatory forms of electoral monitoring and the attempts to bring the spirit of horizontal activism into scene of the mainstream Turkish politics.
The article considers the occupation of the Park in central Istanbul as an opportunity for a radical democratic emancipation. As a public space that is accessible by various individuals the park turned into a space of appearance. And what the activists named 'the Gezi spirit' refers to the process of encountering and acknowledging the others to negotiate political positions. Despite the risks of being hijacked by mainstream political discourses the Gezi resistance bears the potential towards a radical democratic trajectory.
Between the civil and uncivil lie ‘borderline’ discourses where speech that appears civil is lade... more Between the civil and uncivil lie ‘borderline’ discourses where speech that appears civil is laden with uncivil ideas, norms and discourses that normalise anti-pluralist, nativist and exclusionary views. Such discourses are found in videos and websites of far-right groups and in some mainstream media. Here, we argue that Turkey’s government and mainstream media use similar discursive strategies. We examine both speeches and media representations of these that represent capital punishment since Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s 2002 rise to politics. Analysis leans on Multimodal Critical Discourse Studies to expose how Erdoğan, who transforms from a cautious reformist prime minister into an authoritarian-populist president, has always articulated uncivil ideas cloaked in civility, with uncivility increasing over time. Analysis of lexica and imagery in associated news stories reveal how media normalise such discourses. As such, these borderline discursive acts contribute to a decline in civility...
Bu makalede dizilerdeki kadın ve erkek temsillerinin kısıtlılığını kapsamlı bir örneklem içinde o... more Bu makalede dizilerdeki kadın ve erkek temsillerinin kısıtlılığını kapsamlı bir örneklem içinde ortaya çıkaran en güncel araştırmalardan biri olan TÜSİAD desteğiyle gerçekleştirilmiş Televizyon Dizilerinde Toplumsal Cinsiyet Eşitliği Araştırması'ndan (2018) yola çıkılarak araştırmanın ortaya koyduğu içerik analizine dayalı sonuçların metin analizi ile derinleştirilmesi amaçlanmıştır. Kadın ve erkek karakterlerin fiziksel ve duygusal özellikleri, üstlendikleri roller, ve yer aldıkları sahneler açısından kalıplaşmış toplumsal cinsiyet algılarını pekiştiren şekilde temsil edildiklerini ortaya çıkaran veriler televizyon ekranlarında indirgemeci ve özcü bir yaklaşım olduğunun kanıtıdır. Araştırma, ekranlardaki temsillerin çerçevesini belirlemek açısından iyi bir başlangıç olsa da, bu temsillerin feminist bir okumasını yapmak için verilerin metin analizi ile desteklenmesi gerekmektedir. Zira nicel veriler sahne içlerindeki görüntüye dair biçimsel özellikleri ya da mizansenin detaylarını kapsamamaktadır. Bu makalede bu araştırma içindeki dizilerden seçilmiş örnek sahnelerin analizleri aracılığıyla ekranlardaki "erkeklik" ve "kadınlık" anlayışının daha derinlikli bir okumasının yapılması hedeflenmektedir. Nicel veriler nitel yorumlar ile desteklenerek televizyon dizilerindeki kadınlığa ve erkekliğe yüklenen olumlu ve olumsuz anlamlar feminist bir bakış açısından tartışılacaktır. Anahtar Kelimeler: Feminist televizyon eleştirisi; toplumsal cinsiyet; ekran temsilleri; Türkiye'de televizyon dizileri Unvarying States of Womanhood And Manhood: Gender in Television Series Drawing its data from the findings of the research titled Gender Equality in Television Series (2018), which is one of the most up-to-date studies that reveals via a comprehensive sample the limitations of representations of men and women on screen, this article aims to rethink and re-evaluate the research's results through textual analysis. The data reveals that the ways in which characters are represented reinforce stereotypical gender perceptions in terms of their physical and emotional characteristics, roles they take, and the scenes they take place, and it can be read as evidence of a reductionist and essentialist approach towards gender on television screens. While the research is a good start in framing screen representations, the data needs to be supplemented with textual analysis to make a feminist reading of these representations. Quantitative data neither includes the formal features of the image inside the scenes nor the details of the scene. This article aims to make an indepth reading of the terms "masculinity" and "femininity" as produced for the screen through the analysis of the sample scenes selected from the series in this study. The understanding of masculinity and femininity on television will be discussed from a feminist perspective by supporting quantitative data with qualitative interpretations.
Bu çalışma, Türkiye’deki 18-29 yaş aralığındaki gençlerin hangi sosyal medya platformlarını kulla... more Bu çalışma, Türkiye’deki 18-29 yaş aralığındaki gençlerin hangi sosyal medya platformlarını kullandıklarına, ne kadar sıklıkla kullandıklarına ve bu platformlarda ne tarz içerikler paylaştıklarını incelemektedir. Literatüre katkı olarak, gençlerin sosyal medya kullanım pratiklerinin, paylaşım türlerinin ve motivasyonlarının sosyodemografik özelliklerle (cinsel kimlik, yaş, yaşanılan yer, sosyoekonomik statü, eğitim seviyesi ve dinî kimlik) ilişkisini araştırmaktadır. Türkiye’nin 12 ilinde yaşayan gençlerle gerçekleştirilen yüz yüze anket çalışmamızın (N=1537) bulgularına göre, en çok kullanılan sosyal medya platformları sırasıyla Instagram, YouTube ve Twitter’dır. Bulgular, bir zamanlar gençlerin yoğunlukla kullandığı Facebook’un popülerliğini yitirmeye başladığını ortaya koymaktadır. Gençlerin öğrencilik durumları, sosyoekonomik statüleri, yaşadıkları il ve cinsel kimlikleri ile sosyal medya tercihleri arasında anlamlı bir ilişki gözlemlenmektedir. Ayrıca cinsel kimlik, dinî görüş,...
Various commentators have written on the conditions contributing to an increasing interest in pro... more Various commentators have written on the conditions contributing to an increasing interest in professional doctorates, both in the UK and Australia, with many attributing this, at least in part, to the emergence of the knowledge economy and shifts from Mode 1 to Mode 2 knowledge production (Lester, 2004; Scott, Brown, Lunt, & Thorne, 2004; Usher, 2002). The emphasis in recent government policy in the UK on university-industry collaborations, both in research and teaching and learning (BIS, 2009; CBI, 2008), as well as an emerging literature on the co-production of knowledge for action (Antonacopoulou, 2009) suggest that professional doctorates will continue to be of interest as a way of organising doctoral education in the UK. However, as Usher (2002) has pointed out, the intertwining of governments, universities and workplaces in innovation processes is not always unproblematic. Research is currently being undertaken at a UK HE institution exploring the question of ‘what counts as learning, and for whom, in a professional doctorate’? This question links with a broader interest in the politics of work based learning and an exploration of power relations in the production, distribution and consumption of practice-based knowledges. We contend that the professional doctorate provides a rich research site for examining intersections between workplace discourses and discourses of Higher Education. The conceptual framework underpinning the study is Foucauldian poststructuralist theory, which draws attention to relationships between language, power, social institutions and subjectivity (Weedon, 1987). We are exploring alignments and contestations around what counts as knowledge and how it might be produced for different players in the field of Work Based Learning (WBL) including professional doctorate candidates, WBL academics and examiners of professional doctorates. The overall study includes the collection and analysis of various texts including: electronic copies of research projects undertaken as a major component of a Professional Doctorate Award; the Module Handbook provided to candidates which provides a guide to candidates completing the research component of their award; interviews with Module tutors and advisers working on the Professional Doctorate programme; and examiners reports of the doctoral level research. The focus of this paper is on ‘what counts’ for WBL academics. Interviews exploring: what makes a ‘good’ professional doctorate? have been undertaken with advisers working on a Professional Doctorate programme in a UK university. The interviews were conducted with the aim of establishing a model of ‘best practice’ for the induction of new advisers working on WBL programmes. However, rather than reading the interview texts in order to develop normative themes as to how the DProf ‘should’ be, the interviews have been analysed with a focus on language, identity/ies, academic practices and values. We are interested in how the DProf is constituted by academic advisers and the implications in terms of how it might be assessed. We found that in many of the interviews that WBL academics slipped into a binary ordering where the professional doctorate was constructed in opposition to the PhD. For example, advisers spoke of development versus research, practice versus theory, relevance versus rigour; with the former often privileged over the latter. There was also a great emphasis on the importance of self development. We suggest that the binary separation of practice and theory evident in the interview texts may not be helpful as it overlooks the complex processes whereby practice and theory are intertwined. The analysis points to tensions and contradictions in the interview texts. We suggest that the ‘in between’ spaces of WBL, where the discourses of workplaces intersect with discourses of HE, provides a site for examining the ongoing renegotiation of academic identity/ies. It is in this sense that academics can be understood as workplace learners too. For example, at times the WBL academics drew on more traditional discourses associated with the academy, such as the value of academic literacy, while at other times organisational discourses seemed to be privileged. The paper provides a more nuanced account of struggles around ‘what gets to count as learning’ in professional doctorates that foregrounds the tensions experienced by WBL academics rather than trying to smooth them over. For example, professional doctorates (as they are organised at this particular university) provide a challenge to the authority of academia and subject-based disciplines as WBL awards seek to recognise knowledges produced in workplaces and workplaces as sites of learning. However, in the process of certifying such knowledge WBL academics are also inserting their own norms, standards and values into this space. In drawing attention to values and what counts for WBL advisers the analysis contributes to ongoing discussions and…
Summer 2013 was a historic period in regards to political activism in Turkey. Commonly referred t... more Summer 2013 was a historic period in regards to political activism in Turkey. Commonly referred to as ‘the Gezi Resistance’, the grass-roots mobilisation caught the rather self-assured AKP (Adalet ve Kalkinma Partisi) government off guard as hundreds of thousands rushed to the streets, squares and parks to reclaim those spaces publicly. The resistance started with the attempt by a handful of environmentalists to protect a few trees being cut down in central Istanbul. Then it quickly moved beyond just about protecting a few trees and became a collective reaction to the recent and ongoing urban modelling projects that would turn commons into gated spaces for consumption. Significantly, the Gezi Resistance, which reclaimed public spaces, started to mobilise multiple identity groups who entered into the political arena in the radical democratic sense. This paper aims to scrutinise Gezi Resistance and the occupation of the park in relation to reclaiming public spaces and the politics of identity, hence as an opportunity for a radical democratic emancipation. In this context, emancipation refers to contestation against the dominating discourses of the majoritarian government with neoconservative tendencies. Public space is contextualised as the agonistic domain that enables individuals both to appear, hence become visible for a possible interaction and acknowledgement, and join collaborative struggles against dominant discourses. In this regard, performing dissent re-produces subjectivities while articulating these to one another also requires a public space.
The domain of work and the domain of HE are no longer as distinct as they once might have seemed ... more The domain of work and the domain of HE are no longer as distinct as they once might have seemed and professional doctorates can be understood as one manifestation of the contemporary intersection between HE and workplaces. While an unproblematic alignment between the institution of work and higher education institutions is often assumed in government policy documents, which call for the formation of HE-industry partnerships and the co-production of knowledge, we suggest this overlooks the power-inflected nature of knowledge production and what gets to count as knowledge in both these locations. This paper proposes a poststructuralist analytic framework for examining power-knowledge formations using professional doctorates as a research site and outlines preliminary research in this area. A poststucturalist perspective, which draws attention to relationships between language, power, social institutions and subjectivity (Weedon, 1987), enables the exploration of multiple and mobile f...
The paper is based on data collected during a cultural collaboration and exchange project carried... more The paper is based on data collected during a cultural collaboration and exchange project carried on by a civic initiative. The study analyzes the role of effective communication and collaboration between the young adult participants of the project that come from eastern and western cities of Turkey. The chapter concludes by arguing that communication involves the creation, construction, and interweaving of situated meanings and discourses not only towards external settings but also towards the internalized ones during encounters in the above mentioned project.
People’s empowerment relies strongly on their right to self-determination, as individuals and in ... more People’s empowerment relies strongly on their right to self-determination, as individuals and in groups of their choice. As a democratic right, citizenship is made up of political, civil, cultural and economic dimensions, which need to be fulfilled in order for full political participation to be possible. This chapter investigates understandings of citizenship among participants at ifu, which were examined by the project group Visions of Citizenship. It indicates how even relatively privileged women from a variety of countries are limited in their practice of full citizenship rights by formal and informal constraints.
On the basis of an historical and conceptual survey of the concept of citizenship, the project utilized questionnaire survey and focus group interview techniques to gain an understanding of citizenship in the context of women’s experiences in their own countries. Mechanisms were identified in which information and information technologies assist as well as hinder women from pursuing democratic participation. Women’s preferences of traditional and new information technologies, and their means of optimization to generate greater political participation, are taken as offering grounds for new visions of alternative citizenship to germinate
People’s empowerment relies strongly on their right to self-determination, as individuals and in ... more People’s empowerment relies strongly on their right to self-determination, as individuals and in groups of their choice. As a democratic right, citizenship is made up of political, civil, cultural and economic dimensions, which need to be fulfilled in order for full political participation to be possible. This chapter investigates understandings of citizenship among participants at ifu, which were examined by the project group Visions of Citizenship. It indicates how even relatively privileged women from a variety of countries are limited in their practice of full citizenship rights by formal and informal constraints. On the basis of an historical and conceptual survey of the concept of citizenship, the project utilized questionnaire survey and focus group interview techniques to gain an understanding of citizenship in the context of women’s experiences in their own countries. Mechanisms were identified in which information and information technologies assist as well as hinder women from pursuing democratic participation. Women’s preferences of traditional and new information technologies, and their means of optimization to generate greater political participation, are taken as offering grounds for new visions of alternative citizenship to germinate
This article aims to provoke a discussion on feminist cinema in Turkey. It scrutinises a recent f... more This article aims to provoke a discussion on feminist cinema in Turkey. It scrutinises a recent film Mavi Dalga (The Blue Wave) (2013) in the way it represent women and the feminist cinema discourse. The narrative of mundane story of young women in a provincial setting refrains from the normative storylines that usually position women in binary profiles of femme fatale/innocent girl. It also skillfully escapes from the burden of narrating women as victims only. Considering these features, this paper will explore the ways in which the male and patriarchal discourses of cinema would impose a certain way of narrating stories of women, and the possible ways of breaking this cycle with the introduction of feminist film narratives.
Summer 2013 was a historic period in regards to political activism in Turkey. Commonly referred ... more Summer 2013 was a historic period in regards to political activism in Turkey. Commonly referred to as ‘the Gezi Resistance’, the grass-roots mobilisation caught the rather self- assured AKP government off guard as hundreds of thousands rushed to the streets, squares and parks to reclaim those spaces publicly. The resistance started with the attempt by a handful of environmentalists to protect a few trees being cut down in central Istanbul. Then it quickly moved beyond just about protecting a few trees and became a collective reaction to the recent and ongoing urban modelling projects that would turn commons into gated spaces for consumption. Significantly, the Gezi Resistance, which reclaimed public spaces, started to mobilise multiple identity groups who entered into the political arena in the radical democratic sense. This paper aims to scrutinise Gezi Resistance and the occupation of the park in relation to reclaiming public spaces and the politics of identity, hence as an opportunity for a radical democratic emancipation. In this context, emancipation refers to contestation against the dominating discourses of the majoritarian government with neoconservative tendencies. Public space is contextualised as the agonistic domain that enables individuals both to appear, hence become visible for a possible interaction and acknowledgement, and join collaborative struggles against dominant discourses. In this regard, performing dissent re-produces subjectivities while articulating these to one another also requires a public space.
This chapter argues that Twitter was not only at the centre of a very concrete example of civic a... more This chapter argues that Twitter was not only at the centre of a very concrete example of civic activism but also a cross-cultural coalition building the 2013 Gezi Resistance in Istanbul. It also argues that social media platforms can underpin and channel the creation of new political public spaces. It is also important to note that these spaces make clearly visible the various identity positions often excluded from or marginalised in the formal politics of the public space and largely estranged from one another in the normal course of events.
One of the most important uprisings in Turkish memory broke out by the end of spring 2013. Although the citizens of the world were used to unrests and occupations of public spaces in the name of reclaiming certain political issues, such a popular grassroots unrest was an unexpected happening for both the citizens and the government of Turkey. This article looks at a year of unrest and its expressions in terms of grassroots mobilisation and interaction with formal political processes. Following an overview of the unrest that is name as the Gezi Resistance the article explores new political formations such as the park forums, participatory forms of electoral monitoring and the attempts to bring the spirit of horizontal activism into scene of the mainstream Turkish politics.
The article considers the occupation of the Park in central Istanbul as an opportunity for a radical democratic emancipation. As a public space that is accessible by various individuals the park turned into a space of appearance. And what the activists named 'the Gezi spirit' refers to the process of encountering and acknowledging the others to negotiate political positions. Despite the risks of being hijacked by mainstream political discourses the Gezi resistance bears the potential towards a radical democratic trajectory.
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Papers by Irem Inceoglu
On the basis of an historical and conceptual survey of the concept of citizenship, the project utilized questionnaire survey and focus group interview techniques to gain an understanding of citizenship in the context of women’s experiences in their own countries. Mechanisms were identified in which information and information technologies assist as well as hinder women from pursuing democratic participation. Women’s preferences of traditional and new information technologies, and their means of optimization to generate greater political participation, are taken as offering grounds for new visions of alternative citizenship to germinate
One of the most important uprisings in Turkish memory broke out by the end of spring 2013. Although the citizens of the world were used to unrests and occupations of public spaces in the name of reclaiming certain political issues, such a popular grassroots unrest was an unexpected happening for both the citizens and the government of Turkey. This article looks at a year of unrest and its expressions in terms of grassroots mobilisation and interaction with formal political processes. Following an overview of the unrest that is name as the Gezi Resistance the article explores new political formations such as the park forums, participatory forms of electoral monitoring and the attempts to bring the spirit of horizontal activism into scene of the mainstream Turkish politics.
The article considers the occupation of the Park in central Istanbul as an opportunity for a radical democratic emancipation. As a public space that is accessible by various individuals the park turned into a space of appearance. And what the activists named 'the Gezi spirit' refers to the process of encountering and acknowledging the others to negotiate political positions. Despite the risks of being hijacked by mainstream political discourses the Gezi resistance bears the potential towards a radical democratic trajectory.
On the basis of an historical and conceptual survey of the concept of citizenship, the project utilized questionnaire survey and focus group interview techniques to gain an understanding of citizenship in the context of women’s experiences in their own countries. Mechanisms were identified in which information and information technologies assist as well as hinder women from pursuing democratic participation. Women’s preferences of traditional and new information technologies, and their means of optimization to generate greater political participation, are taken as offering grounds for new visions of alternative citizenship to germinate
One of the most important uprisings in Turkish memory broke out by the end of spring 2013. Although the citizens of the world were used to unrests and occupations of public spaces in the name of reclaiming certain political issues, such a popular grassroots unrest was an unexpected happening for both the citizens and the government of Turkey. This article looks at a year of unrest and its expressions in terms of grassroots mobilisation and interaction with formal political processes. Following an overview of the unrest that is name as the Gezi Resistance the article explores new political formations such as the park forums, participatory forms of electoral monitoring and the attempts to bring the spirit of horizontal activism into scene of the mainstream Turkish politics.
The article considers the occupation of the Park in central Istanbul as an opportunity for a radical democratic emancipation. As a public space that is accessible by various individuals the park turned into a space of appearance. And what the activists named 'the Gezi spirit' refers to the process of encountering and acknowledging the others to negotiate political positions. Despite the risks of being hijacked by mainstream political discourses the Gezi resistance bears the potential towards a radical democratic trajectory.