Papers by Bernardo Venturi
Rome, IAI, April 2024, 21 p. (IAI Papers ; 24|09), ISBN 978-88-9368-324-1, 2024
To what extent can the EU exert normative pressure on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations ... more To what extent can the EU exert normative pressure on the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN) and the Economic Community of the West African States (ECOWAS)? As the EU displays multiple sets of policies espousing these norms and attaches normative conditionality to financial assistance to external partners, the concept purported by Ian Manners called "normative power Europe" is used to analyse the normative aims of the EU in ASEAN and ECOWAS. In particular, attention is devoted to democracy, human rights, and to the political and economic domains. In the political sphere, human rights and non-intervention pose significant challenges to EU-ASEAN relations. In contrast, in the economic domain, the EU successfully utilised economic incentives to expand its normative power in ASEAN. Normative pressure in ECOWAS is more focused on political domains, in which peace and security norms are prioritised over human rights and democratic processes. In contrast, the economic and development models of the EU are less well received in ECOWAS compared with ASEAN, where trade remains the priority of interregional cooperation.
First report on Italy’s infrastructure and practices in the peacebuilding and conflict prevention... more First report on Italy’s infrastructure and practices in the peacebuilding and conflict prevention domain, for the Italian Ministry of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation. The study takes stock of the capabilities of Italian political institutions and non-governmental actors on peace and how they work, particularly in conflict-affected areas.
This Chaillot Paper is the outcome of a Task Force on African Futures, launched in November 2019 ... more This Chaillot Paper is the outcome of a Task Force on African Futures, launched in November 2019 by the EUISS in partnership with leading African and European research institutions. The Task Force identified the implementation of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) as a key factor driving economic, technological and societal transformations in Africa in the next decade. Based on the premise that continental integration is critical for Africa’s economic recovery and future resilience, the publication portrays what an integrated and prosperous African continent could look like in 2030, thanks to the full implementation of the AfCFTA. It describes the pathways, milestones and initiatives that can lead to such a desirable scenario in ten selected, cross-cutting areas, showing how coordinated policy action in these sectors is essential to achieve trade integration. In contrast, it also warns about what could happen if negative sectoral trends are not addressed, highlighting the perils and costs of inaction. Finally, it argues that integration under the AfCFTA can be a primary conduit for the strengthening of African multilateralism, and an antidote to proxy conflicts and depredation.
In what ways does climate change affect violent conflict? What opportunities – if any – can the... more In what ways does climate change affect violent conflict? What opportunities – if any – can the climate emergency and related environmental challenges provide to enhance the prospects of durable peace? How is climate change impacting peace processes in the Mediterranean region? The third edition of the Bologna Peacebuilding Forum addressed these and other questions related to the nexus between peacebuilding and climate change.
Report of the third edition of the Bologna Peacebuilding Forum, organised on 18-19 May 2021 by the Agency for Peacebuilding (AP) in collaboration with the New-Med Research Network.
Peace and security (P&S) is a key component of the relations between the African Union and the Eu... more Peace and security (P&S) is a key component of the relations between the African Union and the European Union, and is likely to continue to play a central role in the future. Yet, some significant changes are possible in the role played by the African Union due to the launch of the European Peace Fund. Against this backdrop, this paper aims to analyse the "state of the art" of AU-EU relations on peace and security and to consider its main trajectories. In this framework, it analyses some key lessons learned from AU-EU cooperation on peace and security from the last seventeen years. It then considers the main structural asymmetries and drivers between the two continents. The assumption is that asymmetries continue to play an indirect but relevant role, even if they are rarely addressed systematically or only specifically. Furthermore, the paper analyses the European Peace Facility and the current trajectory in AU-EU relations on P&S. Finally, a set of policy recommendations are provided to the AU and EU.
ETTG Papers, 2022
The European Think Tanks Group (ETTG) is a network of European independent think tanks working on... more The European Think Tanks Group (ETTG) is a network of European independent think tanks working on EU international cooperation for global sustainable development www.ettg.eu • Africa is working to reduce its dependence on donors and enhance its role in financing its own institutions, both generally and in particular in peace and security. There is an urgent need to speed up this process. Two-thirds of the budget for peace support is still funded by external partners. This risks undermining African political leadership in peace support operations.
Rome, IAI, May 2022, 20 p. (IAI Papers ; 22|08), ISBN 978-88-9368-246-6, 2022
What does it mean in practice for the European Union that the Sahel is a priority? Which politica... more What does it mean in practice for the European Union that the Sahel is a priority? Which political and operational aspects and issues are prioritised and what can change in the future? To address these issues, the EU’s European diplomatic habitus in the Sahel is first analysed and critically assessed. Then, the emerging narratives used by the EU’s institutions and political leaders to define, describe and address policy issues in the Sahel-Saharan region are closely considered. It emerges that the EU has generally followed African regional organisations in reacting to the recent coups in the Sahel, for example through sanctions. Yet, the growing role of Russia has meant that the EU’s diplomatic habitus has been jolted forwards. In addition, while the EU continues to play a central diplomatic role in the Sahel and has a sophisticated diplomatic infrastructure, there is a risk of Brussels lowering its prioritisation of this region in the near future due to regional and global factors.
Literature on peace dynamics is predominantly focused on top-level actors. This is also true for ... more Literature on peace dynamics is predominantly focused on top-level actors. This is also true for the age-old Moldova-Transnistria conflict. The aim of this paper is to shift the analysis on how Civil Society Organizations (CSOs) contributed and are still contributing to the de-escalation—or, at least, to a non-escalation—of this “frozen conflict.” We will evaluate the relative effectiveness of these actors, both on peacebuilding activities and on the influence on peacemaking efforts. Some key questions guided the study: how do CSOs, as mid-level and grassroots actors, impact conflict dynamics in Moldova? What is the interaction between CSOs with local institutions and with international organizations? What types of initiatives are undertaken by local CSOs in order to influence peace efforts? this article examines the role of civil society organizations (Csos) in the Moldova-transnistria conflict. after a violent conflict in 1992, transnistria became a de facto, but unrecognized stat...
Civilian peacekeeping by civil society organisations is an innovative technique to create space f... more Civilian peacekeeping by civil society organisations is an innovative technique to create space for peace, but it is partially still underdeveloped as a field of study. The presence of international civilian peacekeepers may create the conditions for protecting civilians in situations of violent conflict. However, civilian peacekeeping is not adequate for any environment. The existing literature in this field is not analyzing the pre-existing conditions that might affect deployment. This article – defining some general external factors that may bring to the success or failure of a civilian peacekeeping mission – is a first attempt in this direction.
Since 2011, Kenya has experienced increasing violent extremist (VE) attacks, radicalization, and ... more Since 2011, Kenya has experienced increasing violent extremist (VE) attacks, radicalization, and recruitment especially among communities in the coastal region. Capitalizing on existing feelings of marginalization and exclusion, VE groups have developed a narrative for recruitment that resonates with certain communities in coastal Kenya. Historic grievances of economic and political marginalization, combined with perceptions of discrimination and bias have created an environment of distrust and suspicion between communities and government forces. Security forces in coastal Kenya often use heavyhanded approaches to threats of VE exacerbating these tensions and pushing at-risk individuals towards VE. In addition to these existing historic divisions, the 2017 presidential election increased political tensions after the election results were annulled and a vote rescheduled. This heightened conflict and violence across Kenya. Search for Common Ground (Search) conducted a conflict scan in November 2017 across four counties in Coastal Kenya (Lamu, Kilifi, Mombasa and Kwale) with the aim to understand and respond to these dynamics. 1 Since then, political tensions have eased as opposing political parties have reached across the divide. However, persistent conflict drivers and critical community concerns remain. Search's latest conflict scan (June 2018) helps understand how the conflict trends have changed and what new conflicts have emerged in Coastal Kenya. Key Findings 1. Evolving conflict dynamics: Following the reconciliation between political parties in the aftermath of the 2017 presidential election, politics and the 2017 election decreased as a driver of conflict compared to the previous scan. The heightened tensions from the annulled and rescheduled presidential election eased as opposition politicians have sought to bridge the divide and walk the country back from the escalating conflict. While other drivers like abuse of power, and culture and religion have similarly decreased in importance, two drivers identified during the previous conflict scan remain important for the communities: access to land and access to employment. In Lamu these two drivers came together under community frustrations with the new development projects proposed for the county, including the construction of the new Lamu Port-South Sudan-Ethiopia-Transport (LAPSSET) corridor, which Lamu residents perceive are unfairly taking land and employment away from local communities. 2. Emerging conflict trends: This last scan identified key emerging conflict trends in coastal Kenya. The re-emergence of violent juvenile gangs, particularly in Mombasa and Kwale, appears as a growing concern that threatens security and peace in these communities, and is exacerbated by the violent response from Kenyan police forces. Another emerging conflict trend is the increasing prevalence of youth drug abuse. Of particular concern in Lamu, drug abuse has been linked to increased family conflicts and to VE, primarily because VE groups are believed to use drugs. The last developing dynamic identified by communities surrounded the increase in gender-based violence and domestic abuse cases. Communities were particularly concerned with the apparent rising trend of women beating their husbands and kicking them out of the house. This has been linked to a larger issue of family disintegration, identified by the
necessarily reflect the view of Chatham House, its staff, associates or Council. Chatham House is... more necessarily reflect the view of Chatham House, its staff, associates or Council. Chatham House is independent and owes no allegiance to any government or to any political body. It does not take institutional positions on policy issues. This document is issued on the understanding that if any extract is used, the author(s)/ speaker(s) and Chatham House should be credited, preferably with the date of the publication or details of the event. Where this document refers to or reports statements made by speakers at an event every effort has been made to provide a fair representation of their views and opinions, but the ultimate responsibility for accuracy lies with this document’s author(s). The published text of speeches and presentations may differ from delivery. European Security and Defence Forum Workshop
This policy paper explores how diverse modes of differentiation occur in regions beyond Europe. F... more This policy paper explores how diverse modes of differentiation occur in regions beyond Europe. From the perspective of comparative regionalism, the paper examines how the practice of differentiation facilitates flexibility and accommodates diversity in regional cooperation processes in Asia, Africa and Latin America. Examining the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Southern Common Market (Mercado Común del Sur, MERCOSUR), the paper analyses how differentiation is applied and how it ties in with primarily trade integration. Specifically, the paper assesses whether differentiation leads to centrifugal or centripetal dynamics, and it examines the impact of differentiation on internal as well as external cooperation. After comparing the three cases, the paper draws policy recommendations for the EU. Bart Gaens is Senior Research Fellow at the Finnish Institute of International Affairs (FIIA). Bernardo Venturi i...
Global Affairs
ABSTRACT This article provides an overview of Member States’ key capabilities – namely personnel ... more ABSTRACT This article provides an overview of Member States’ key capabilities – namely personnel and technology – in light of main EU goals in conflict prevention and peacebuilding, revealing a heterogeneous landscape. While acknowledging that the EU owns some of these capabilities, the article is primarily intended to highlight the assets and manpower available at the national level, with a view to understanding how these capabilities might better support and strengthen the EU’s role in conflict prevention and peacebuilding. Relevant data collected through four case studies – France, Germany, Italy, and Sweden – is used to understand if currently available capabilities are adequate to match EU objectives. In the context of the EU’s integrated approach, key policy recommendations are put forward to better integrate national civilian and dual-use capabilities for the creation of a functioning EU early warning/situational awareness system, in order to anticipate, describe and diagnose conflicts, as well as to implement effective responses.
Rome, IAI, March 2021, 18 p. (IAI Papers ; 21|10), ISBN 978-88-9368-182-7, 2021
Common narratives on the Lake Chad Basin often focus on the nexus between conflict, development a... more Common narratives on the Lake Chad Basin often focus on the nexus between conflict, development and climate change. In particular, the Lake’s situation attracts international coverage due to its shrinking size and the threat of multiple crises emanating from environmental degradation. This framework appears useful for donors and local governments, but the feedback loops among climate change, social marginalisation and conflict are not as straightforward. The problem is that the dominance of this analytical framework calls for policy response tools that are not always adequate. In the security field, the role of the Multinational Joint Task Force has been growing, but a stronger push in the sphere of governance is needed in order for it to gain legitimacy and improve its effectiveness on the ground. In the meantime, the Lake Chad Basin Commission has adopted some key policy tools to manage the natural resources in the area sustainably, but these initial steps must be followed by greater investment from Commission member states to advance implementation. An integrated regional approach remains the best way forward to tackle these complex dynamics.
Rome, IAI, January 2021, 6 p. (IAI Commentaries ; 21|01), 2021
the limits of EU leadership in the Neighbourhood pertain to the actors, the scope and the instrum... more the limits of EU leadership in the Neighbourhood pertain to the actors, the scope and the instruments. It is important to acknowledge these challenges as a first step towards equipping the EU with the right approaches to turn its ambitions into concrete results and to underpin its quest for leadership where it has better chances to have a solid impact and provide a meaningful contribution. Otherwise the EU risks becoming irrelevant under the impact of multipolar competition and its own internal hurdles.
GLOBAL AFFAIRS , 2018
This article provides an overview of Member States’ key capabilities
– namely personnel and techn... more This article provides an overview of Member States’ key capabilities
– namely personnel and technology – in light of main EU goals in
conflict prevention and peacebuilding, revealing a heterogeneous
landscape. While acknowledging that the EU owns some of these
capabilities, the article is primarily intended to highlight the assets
and manpower available at the national level, with a view to
understanding how these capabilities might better support and
strengthen the EU’s role in conflict prevention and peacebuilding.
Relevant data collected through four case studies – France,
Germany, Italy, and Sweden – is used to understand if currently
available capabilities are adequate to match EU objectives. In the
context of the EU’s integrated approach, key policy
recommendations are put forward to better integrate national
civilian and dual-use capabilities for the creation of a functioning
EU early warning/situational awareness system, in order to
anticipate, describe and diagnose conflicts, as well as to
implement effective responses.
The International Spectator, 2020
Security sector reform (SSR) is regularly cited by states and regional organisations as crucial f... more Security sector reform (SSR) is regularly cited by states and regional organisations as crucial for stability in the Sahel. However, these declarations and interventions are not based on deep analysis, and much of the literature focuses overwhelmingly on the role of external actors or technical aspects of SSR. Against this backdrop, three preliminary factors need to be addressed in order to reform the security sectors in Burkina Faso and Mali: abuses and violation by regular armies; state support to non-state armed groups; and the securitisation of the region by external actors. In this context, SSR remains hamstrung and illusory: it is not inclusive, which threatens to undermine its outcome.
Rome, IAI, August 2020, 18 p. (EU IDEA Policy Papers ; 6), 2020
This policy paper explores how diverse modes of differentiation occur in regions beyond Europe. F... more This policy paper explores how diverse modes of differentiation occur in regions beyond Europe. From the perspective of comparative regionalism, the paper examines how the practice of differentiation facilitates flexibility and accommodates diversity in regional cooperation processes in Asia, Africa and Latin America. Examining the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN), the Economic Community of West African States (ECOWAS) and the Southern Common Market (Mercado Común del Sur, MERCOSUR), the paper analyses how differentiation is applied and how it ties in with primarily trade integration. Specifically, the paper assesses whether differentiation leads to centrifugal or centripetal dynamics, and it examines the impact of differentiation on internal as well as external cooperation. After comparing the three cases, the paper draws policy recommendations for the EU.
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Papers by Bernardo Venturi
Report of the third edition of the Bologna Peacebuilding Forum, organised on 18-19 May 2021 by the Agency for Peacebuilding (AP) in collaboration with the New-Med Research Network.
– namely personnel and technology – in light of main EU goals in
conflict prevention and peacebuilding, revealing a heterogeneous
landscape. While acknowledging that the EU owns some of these
capabilities, the article is primarily intended to highlight the assets
and manpower available at the national level, with a view to
understanding how these capabilities might better support and
strengthen the EU’s role in conflict prevention and peacebuilding.
Relevant data collected through four case studies – France,
Germany, Italy, and Sweden – is used to understand if currently
available capabilities are adequate to match EU objectives. In the
context of the EU’s integrated approach, key policy
recommendations are put forward to better integrate national
civilian and dual-use capabilities for the creation of a functioning
EU early warning/situational awareness system, in order to
anticipate, describe and diagnose conflicts, as well as to
implement effective responses.
Report of the third edition of the Bologna Peacebuilding Forum, organised on 18-19 May 2021 by the Agency for Peacebuilding (AP) in collaboration with the New-Med Research Network.
– namely personnel and technology – in light of main EU goals in
conflict prevention and peacebuilding, revealing a heterogeneous
landscape. While acknowledging that the EU owns some of these
capabilities, the article is primarily intended to highlight the assets
and manpower available at the national level, with a view to
understanding how these capabilities might better support and
strengthen the EU’s role in conflict prevention and peacebuilding.
Relevant data collected through four case studies – France,
Germany, Italy, and Sweden – is used to understand if currently
available capabilities are adequate to match EU objectives. In the
context of the EU’s integrated approach, key policy
recommendations are put forward to better integrate national
civilian and dual-use capabilities for the creation of a functioning
EU early warning/situational awareness system, in order to
anticipate, describe and diagnose conflicts, as well as to
implement effective responses.
Particolare attenzione è rivolta al pensiero di Johan Galtung, con un’ampia parte dedicata al suo approccio metodologico e al contributo apportato alle scienze umane. Sono poi presi in considerazione i principali termini-concetto usati in modo innovativo da Galtung. Trasversalmente, sono state utilizzate analisi comparate con alcuni altri importanti autori della peace research (principalmente Kenneth Boulding, John Burton, Nils Petter Gleditsch, Håkan Wiberg e John P. Lederach) e con altri autori del pensiero politico, della sociologia o di altre discipline (ad esempio: Karl Marx, Max Weber, Karl Popper, Anatol Rapoport, Paul F. Lazarsfeld, Claude Lévi-Strauss).
Il testo inoltre contestualizza l’azione di Galtung a partire da un’approfondita analisi del contesto socio-politico nordico dove nasce e si sviluppa la prima peace research europea. Per questo, è dedicato spazio anche all’analisi storica e metodologica dell’International Peace Research Institute, Oslo (Prio), creato da Galtung e da altri ricercatori alla fine degli anni cinquanta e oggi considerato uno dei più avanzati centri di ricerca su pace e sicurezza. Particolare attenzione è posta anche alla dimensione comparata e ai rapporti con studi analoghi che si sviluppano negli Stati Uniti. Si considera infine come la peace research abbia influenzato le istituzioni politiche, sia negli atti legislativi, sia nel policy-making.
This book explores the history of peace research and analyzes its main methodologies, innovations and train of trends. It also explores the historical roots of peace research from the pioneers of the inter-war period Pitrin Sorokin, Lewis Richardson, Quincy Wright) and from the origins after World War II. The developments of the 50es and 60es, the changes in the 70es and 80es, the post-Cold War evolutions and the trends of the new century are reconstructed. Particular attention is paid to Johan Galtung, with an extensive part dedicated to his methodological approaches, to the main concepts utilized in an innovative way and to his contribution to human sciences.
Transversely, the volume is focusing on comparative analysis of other key peace researchers (mainly Kenneth Boulding, John Burton, Nils Petter Gleditsch, Håkan Wiberg e John P. Lederach) and other authors of political thoughts, sociology and related disciplines (for instance, Max Weber, Karl Popper, Anatol Rapoport, Paul F. Lazarsfeld, Claude Lévi-Strauss). Galtung’s action is also contextualized from a deep analysis of the socio-political Nordic background, where peace research is moving the first steps in Europe. A chapter is therefore dedicated to the historical and methodological analysis of the International Peace Research Institute, Oslo (Prio) established by Galtung and other researchers. Special attention is also paid to the comparative analysis with similar approaches in the United States. Finally, the volume is also considering how peace research has influenced political institutions, both in legislative acts and in policy-making.
A project implemented by: Conciliation Resources
In partnership with:
Bangsamoro Leadership and Management Institute
Mindanao Business Council
Mindanews
Nisa Ul Haq
PASUC
Teduray Lambangian Women Organization
United Youth for Peace and Development
And the financial support of:
The European Union Delegation to the Philippines
The United Kingdom Foreign and Commonwealth Office
Il numero sarà dedicato al tema: “Un nuovo nomos della terra? Governance internazionale, sviluppo e aiuto umanitario”
Da mezzo per promuovere la mise en valeur dei territori colonizzati, nel discorso post-coloniale la promozione dello sviluppo dei ‘non sviluppati’ è divenuta un fine universale, cooperativo e moralmente qualificato di tutti gli Stati liberi. Un obiettivo promosso da Stati che hanno assunto il ruolo di guida, di ‘sviluppatori’, non più in quanto colonizzatori ma generosamente, in quanto donatori; non attraverso il dominio diretto o le sole relazioni diplomatiche e commerciali, ma attraverso l’aiuto, l’assistenza e la messa a disposizione dei loro modelli politico-istituzionali ed economici. Nel 1962 Carl Schmitt identifica non a caso nella «spartizione della terra in regioni e popolazioni industrialmente sviluppate e sottosviluppate» e nelle correlate politiche di aiuto, il nuovo «nomos della terra». Una nuova misura del mondo che ha consentito la creazione di uno spazio peculiare di governance globale, complementare rispetto alle dimensioni classiche della politica internazionale.
Nel corso degli anni il concetto di sviluppo si è esteso e ampliato e ha alimentato la costante opera di riformulazione e ridefinizione del contenuto, degli obiettivi, dei saperi e delle relazioni che strutturano tale peculiare spazio di relazione tra gli Stati. Dalla teoria della modernizzazione, al basic needs approach e alle disastrose ricette neoliberiste degli anni ottanta del novecento, dalla promozione dei diritti umani, della parità di genere e delle capacità umane, fino alla ridenominazione come ‘sostenibile’ e ‘umano’ e alla connessione strategica con il tema della sicurezza nelle sue diverse declinazioni, il concetto di sviluppo ha assunto determinazioni varie e variabili. Da ultimo, nei dibatti e nel policy-making più recenti, il concetto di ‘aiuto’ ha cominciato a essere analizzato criticamente anche alla luce dei presupposti di reciprocità, rispetto della sovranità e non condizionalità. L’Agenda 2030 include, in questo senso, un innovativo principio di universalità volto a superare la divisione concettuale e operativa tra paesi sviluppati e non mirando, ad esempio, a ridurre la povertà trasversalmente in ogni Stato.
Con riferimento a tale contesto teorico, invitiamo a proporre contributi originali, anche di taglio interdisciplinare, che analizzino criticamente la peculiare natura e produttività politica delle politiche di aiuto allo sviluppo e/o umanitarie e il loro impatto sulla governance internazionale. La call si rivolge non solo al mondo accademico, ma anche ai contributi provenienti dal mondo dei practitioner che operano in tale settore.
Sono particolarmente graditi contributi che adottino le prospettive metodologiche dei seguenti ambiti disciplinari (anche interdisciplinari): filosofia politica, storia delle dottrine politiche, storia delle idee, storia delle istituzioni, studi culturali, studi postcoloniali, teoria politica, storia politica, relazioni internazionali.