Katia Cytryn
http://archaeology.huji.ac.il/depart/islamic/katiac/katiac.asp
Address: The Institute of Archaeology
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Mt. Scopus, Jerusalem
91905 ISRAEL
Address: The Institute of Archaeology
The Hebrew University of Jerusalem
Mt. Scopus, Jerusalem
91905 ISRAEL
less
Related Authors
InterestsView All (20)
Uploads
Books by Katia Cytryn
Articles by Katia Cytryn
another one, on the road leading to Jaffa Gate, which crosses Sultān’s Pool. These testify to the
grandiose urban investment on the part of Ottoman Sultān Sulaymān al-Qanūnī (the Magnificent) in
the first half of the sixteenth century CE. These fountains have undergone scholarly research since
the late nineteenth century, first concerning their inscriptions, which were published in the Corpus
Inscriptionum Arabicarum by the Islamist and epigraphist Max Van Berchem, and later, in the 1980s,
Myriam Rosen-Ayalon conducted an architectural survey. In 2000, Yusuf Natsheh included the sabīls
in his gazetteer of buildings in Robert Hillenbrand’s and Sylvia Auld’s Ottoman Jerusalem, and in
2006, Avi Sasson researched the water supply systems of Jerusalem from the Ayyūbid through the
Ottoman periods, placing Sulaymān’s sabīls in a broader context.
In 2009, the Israel Antiquities Authority Conservation Department set out to restore the fountains
and putting them back to use in their original function, i.e., catering to the public on the road and
along the city streets.
This paper discusses the various Arabic terms used to describe public fountains, as well as the
general development thereof, their respective architectural types and finally, the restoration works
by the IAA and interesting findings regarding their architecture and function.
Its external octagonal shape, layout and decoration have also been extensively analyzed, adding crucial data to the main points expressed in the long Kufic inscription inside the building.
The article focuses on the way in which references to key Jewish and Christian figures - namely Adam, Moses and Jesus - were added to the Dome of the Rock and acted as the Biblical legitimization for the appropriation of the Jewish omphalos of Jerusalem by the Muslims.
another one, on the road leading to Jaffa Gate, which crosses Sultān’s Pool. These testify to the
grandiose urban investment on the part of Ottoman Sultān Sulaymān al-Qanūnī (the Magnificent) in
the first half of the sixteenth century CE. These fountains have undergone scholarly research since
the late nineteenth century, first concerning their inscriptions, which were published in the Corpus
Inscriptionum Arabicarum by the Islamist and epigraphist Max Van Berchem, and later, in the 1980s,
Myriam Rosen-Ayalon conducted an architectural survey. In 2000, Yusuf Natsheh included the sabīls
in his gazetteer of buildings in Robert Hillenbrand’s and Sylvia Auld’s Ottoman Jerusalem, and in
2006, Avi Sasson researched the water supply systems of Jerusalem from the Ayyūbid through the
Ottoman periods, placing Sulaymān’s sabīls in a broader context.
In 2009, the Israel Antiquities Authority Conservation Department set out to restore the fountains
and putting them back to use in their original function, i.e., catering to the public on the road and
along the city streets.
This paper discusses the various Arabic terms used to describe public fountains, as well as the
general development thereof, their respective architectural types and finally, the restoration works
by the IAA and interesting findings regarding their architecture and function.
Its external octagonal shape, layout and decoration have also been extensively analyzed, adding crucial data to the main points expressed in the long Kufic inscription inside the building.
The article focuses on the way in which references to key Jewish and Christian figures - namely Adam, Moses and Jesus - were added to the Dome of the Rock and acted as the Biblical legitimization for the appropriation of the Jewish omphalos of Jerusalem by the Muslims.
to the Cairo–Damascus road at least since the early Islamic period. In this article we examine a
rich repertoire of literary, epigraphic, and documentary evidence that sheds some light on this
village and its inn. We learn this was a khān al-sabīl, a charitable public inn, which gave accommodation
to all faiths and all types of travelers. The Western pilgrims who passed this inn would
have either come from or were heading to Gaza, St. Katherine’s Monastery, and Cairo. We also
suggest that the amīr Āl Malik (d. 1346) might be its patron, and note the possibility that the “fair
mosque” seen by Felix Fabri and his companions in 1483 adjoining the inn is the one mentioned
in an inscription recovered at the site in the 20th century, dating the mosque’s erection to 1336.
Later the village of al-Sukkariyya and its lands may have been part of an endowment of amīr
Fakhr al-Dīn ʿAbd al-Ghanī bin Abī ʾl-Faraj, ustādār of sultan al-Muʾayyad Shaykh, and surely
part of sultan Qāytbāy’s waqf lands. We see use of the khān waning around 1500, and by the
middle of the 16th century, even the village was abandoned and returned to agriculture.
The Road Inns (Khāns) in Bilād al-Shām. By Katia Cytryn-Silverman. BAR S2130. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2010. Pp. vi + 290, illus. £58.
The Road Inns (Khāns) in Bilād al-Shām, by Katia
Cytryn-Silverman. BAR International Series 2130. Oxford: Archaeopress, 2010. vi + 290 pp., 95 figures, 15 plates, 3 maps. Paper. £58.00. [Distributed in North America by The David Brown Book
Company]
lecture by Cytryn-Silverman
Program in Hebrew with list of speakers in English.
Ben-Gurion University of the Negev aspires to bring together
historians, art historians and archaeologists, whose work is based on
the combined research of narrative and material sources. It stems from
the conviction that the study of many aspects of the history of Islamic
societies, pre-modern and modern, is enriched by methodologies that
integrate textual and non-textual sources, such as archeological sites,
architecture, and artifacts of sorts (coins, relics, talismans, arms
and armor, funerary steles, war memorials, works of art, items for mass
consumption, and many more). The workshop aims to advance acquaintance
with the varied case studies of such interdisciplinary works, to
provoke comparative approaches, to promote discussion of research
opportunities and difficulties, and to encourage creative collaborative
projects.
One of these “imprints” is found in the destruction of the congregational mosque in the city centre, apparently caused by the earthquake of 1068. This destruction was not followed by rebuilding, and the mosque was left to decay, even though archaeological finds show that daily life did continue in certain areas of Tiberias, despite the disaster. The famous hoard of bronze objects and scraps of a smith’s workshop across the street from the mosque, including late 11th century coins, is proof of the continuity of some kind of economic activity in Tiberias. Yet the city has been emptied of its most important Islamic symbol, never to be rebuilt. This fact was further sealed once an industrial compound – related to sugar production – was established amidst the mosque’s ruins, during the Crusader period. Furthermore, a Christian cemetery, probably also dating to the Crusader period, developed beside the mosque, right above the buried remains of the lively shops which once abutted the mosque.
In Ramla and Jerusalem the processes following the 11th century disasters were different. Ramla’s White Mosque was left to decay and set apart from the new city as in the case of Tiberias, yet the compound was never emptied of its Muslim nature. Actually this was the time when a Muslim cemetery started to develop right next to its walls. The White Mosque remained in the local conscience, and became a symbol of re-Islamization once the Ayyubids returned the city to Muslim hands and rebuilt it. In Jerusalem, whose status was different from that of Tiberias and Ramla – both provincial capitals (and also important centres of religious scholarship) – the challenges of the 11th century were met differently, especially when we focus on the Temple Mount: there we see rebuilding, we see fortification, and we also see the eventual religious appropriation instead of neglect.
The case of Jerusalem is clear: its symbolic role placed it in first priority. The case of Ramla is also easy to explain, following its vital role in the networking of the central coastal plain and the advantages of reviving the Muslim city. What happened to Tiberias following the 11th century and the Frankish occupation deserves more elaboration. What caused the real collapse of the flourishing city described by Nasir-i Khusraw in 1047?
The city has a strong wall that, beginning at the borders of the lake, goes all round the town; but on the water side there is no wall. There are numberless buildings erected in the very water, for the bed of the lake in this part is rock; and they have built pleasure-houses that are supported on columns of marble, rising up out of the water. The lake is very full of fish… (Nasir-i Khusraw, Safarnāma, 52)
קטיה ציטרין-סלברמן
האוניברסיטה העברית
לא מעט נכתב בשנים האחרונות על תהליכי העיור והאסלום של הנוף הארץ-ישראלי במה שנקרא "שלהי העת העתיקה". הממצאים הארכיאולוגים בבירות של שני האג'נאד המשתרעים במרחב הארץ-ישראלי, רמלה של ג'נד פלסטין וטבריה של ג'נד אל-ארדון, שימשו כמפתח להבנת חלק מהמודלים המוצעים. הרצאה זו באה להבליט נושא משותף לשני המחוזות, והוא המסגד.
הדיון מתחיל בטבריה, אשר נכבשה ב-635 ועל כן תהליכי האסלום בה התחילו עוד לפני הקמת הבירה החדשה בג'נד פסלטין. אסלום זה היה הדרגתי, ועד לתחילת המאה ה-8, מעט נעשה כדי לשנות את אופייה הנוצרי. המסגד הראשון בה היה מבנה צנוע לצד כנסייה מונומנטאלית ששלטה על הנוף. השינוי הדרמטי בגישה אל המבנה, אשר הפך להיות סמל פוליטי ותרבותי מעבר לסמל דתי, חופף לא מעט עם ההחלטה להקים עיר בירה חדשה ברמלה.
חוקרי האמנות והאדריכלות של האסלאם הקדום כותבים על השינוי שחל בתקופת אל-וליד ה-1, בה מבנים ארעיים כמו מסגד הנביא במדינה, המסגד בדמשק וייתכן גם מסגד אל-אקצא בירושלים הפכו למבנים מונומנטאליים. מונומנטאליות זאת גם מתבטאת בהקמת בירה חדשה ברמלה על ידי סלימאן אחיו, עוד בהיותו מושל המחוז, טרם עלה לכס הח'ליפות (717-715). הקמת המסגד החלה אז, אולם הסתיימה רק בתקופת יורשו עמר ה-2 (720-717) או, על פי עדותו של הגיאוגרף מסוף המאה ה-10 אל-מקדסי, בתקופת השאם בן עבד אל-מלכ (724- 743).
עבודה השוואתית בין המסגד בטבריה לבין מסגדים אחרים מצביעה על תיארוך המבנה לתקופתו של השאם, סביב שנות ה-20/30 של המאה ה-8. המסגד ברמלה, מבחינת פרופורציות, נראה כחלק מאותה קבוצה – מה שתומך בעדותו של אל-מקדסי – להוציא שוני מהותי בתכנית החלק המקורה.
ההרצאה באה לחבר יחד כמה רעיונות אשר הועלו בעבר על ידי החוקרת, ותעסוק בהצעה מחודשת לשחזור המסגד של רמלה האומיית בצורה מותאמת לקבוצת "מסגדי השאם". כמו כן, תדון ברקע לשינוי תפיסת החלל בחלק המקורה בתקופה הממלוכית.
https://nationalgeographic.grid.id/read/132542314/sisa-reruntuhan-salah-satu-masjid-tertua-di-dunia-ditemukan-di-israel?utm_source=publisher&utm_medium=Referral&utm_campign=publisher
https://www.usnews.com/news/news/articles/2021-01-28/by-sea-of-galilee-archaeologists-find-ruins-of-early-mosque
https://www.thetimes.co.uk/article/sea-of-galilee-reveals-mosque-dating-back-to-635ad-vts82mb7x
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2021/jan/28/remnants-of-mosque-from-earliest-decades-of-islam-found-in-israel
https://www.aljazeera.net/news/cultureandart/2021/1/23/%D8%AA%D8%A7%D9%8A%D9%85%D8%B2-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%83%D8%B4%D9%81-%D8%B9%D9%86-%D8%A3%D8%AD%D8%AF-%D8%A3%D9%82%D8%AF%D9%85-%D8%A7%D9%84%D9%85%D8%B3%D8%A7%D8%AC%D8%AF
https://www.livescience.com/very-old-mosque-found.html
As nossas escavações aparecem em 7:54.
As promised, here is the link for the Easter Special of Camera Record of March 29th, 2018. We appear at 7:54
Interview at Khirbat al-Minya in 34:45 (in Hebrew). See also my short review (and criticism) on this episode in HaAretz Newpaper (Online Blog, in Hebrew).