Books by Elizabeth Evans
The past twenty years have witnessed a renewal of interest in feminist activism on both sides of ... more The past twenty years have witnessed a renewal of interest in feminist activism on both sides of the Atlantic. In part this has been a response to neoliberal and neoconservative attacks, both implicit and explicit, on the gains made by feminists during the 1960s and 70s.
This study adds a comparative dimension to the ongoing analysis of feminism and feminist activism by mapping, analysing and theorising third wave feminisms in the US and Britain.
A key addition to Gender and Politics literature, it explores third wave feminisms by situating them within a specific political context, neoliberalism, and in relation to feminist theories of intersectionality, both of which present radical opportunities and practical challenges for feminism and the feminist movement.
Peer-reviewed published journal articles by Elizabeth Evans
European Journal of Politics and Gender, 2023
Women face multiple barriers during political recruitment and representational processes. Concomi... more Women face multiple barriers during political recruitment and representational processes. Concomitantly, a burgeoning scholarship has revealed the existence of various obstacles to elected office faced by disabled people. While studies have examined the intersections between gender, race and class, we know little about how the intersection between disability and gender shapes people's experiences. This article provides an exploratory case-study analysis of the UK. We centre the perspectives of disabled women in our analysis, drawing upon qualitative interviews undertaken with 41 disabled women candidates, politicians and party activists, as well as participant observation of online events organised to discuss disabled women and elected office. Three themes emerged from this research: first, disabled women feel that they are perceived as 'not up to the job'; second, disabled women are 'othered' during recruitment processes; and, third, hyper-visibility experienced by some, but not all, disabled women can be experienced positively but mainly negatively. Key words gender • disability • disabled women • political recruitment • candidates • representation Key messages • This article provides analysis of disabled women's experiences of political recruitment processes. • Disabled women experience barriers because of the intersection between gender and disability. • Disabled women are viewed as being not up to the job, are othered and are rendered hyper-visible. • These perceptions are reported by disabled women from all parties.
The Sociological Review, 2022
Social movement scholars have increasingly examined how political intersectionality helps reveal ... more Social movement scholars have increasingly examined how political intersectionality helps reveal and explain whose issues and interests are marginalised or privileged within particular activist spaces and discourses. Hitherto, much of the intersectional analysis into social movements has interrogated questions of sameness, difference and power in relation to feminist, anti-racist and queer organising; this article builds upon our knowledge of social movements and intersectionality by exploring the perceptions and experiences of disability activists in the UK. The research draws upon 24 semi-structured interviews undertaken with disability rights activists, finding that a traditional emphasis on unity means that those who are multiply marginalised still experience a silencing of issues and interests of importance to them; moreover, while there is a recognition of difference, this is principally understood in relation to impairment or social class. Simultaneously, the research finds evidence of an increasing tendency amongst disability activists in the UK to engage with intersectionality, both in how they understand disability but also in terms of how they organise.
Disability & Society, 2022
In his study of disability and policy making in Canada, Michael Prince conceptualised the idea of... more In his study of disability and policy making in Canada, Michael Prince conceptualised the idea of 'absent citizens' to describe how people with disabilities were marginalised in the political process and disability policy treated in a piecemeal fashion. This article examines whether disabled people in the UK also constitute absent citizens by analysing the election manifestos produced by the two main parties over the past decade. The research finds an asymmetry in the parties' attention to disability policy from 2017 onwards when disabled people were present as part of the wider critique of the Conservative's austerity agenda. Conversely, disabled people constituted a sort absent-presence for the Conservatives, as they were subjected to policies which disproportionately affected them, yet this was not made explicit. Finally, there is evidence to suggest a similar piecemeal approach to disability policy, but it would be difficult to frame disabled people as totally absent citizens. Points of interest • Disabled people in the UK have been disproportionately affected by the austerity politics of the past decade, but UK political parties have not always recognised or responded to disability inequality. • This paper looks at disability policy pledges contained in UK political party manifestos since 2010. • This paper finds a lack of attention paid to disability policy in 2010 and 2015 but an increased number of disability policies in Labour's manifestos in 2017 and 2019. • This paper argues that although disabled people are absent from earlier Conservative manifestos they were subjected to policies that negatively affected them, making disabled people simultaneously absent and present.
European Journal of Women's Studies, 2021
Contemporary feminisms are ineluctably drawn into comparisons with historic discourses, forms of ... more Contemporary feminisms are ineluctably drawn into comparisons with historic discourses, forms of praxis and tactical repertoires. While this can underscore points of continuity and commonality in ongoing struggles, it can also result in nostalgia for a more unified and purposeful feminist politics. Kate Eichhorn argues that our interest in nostalgia should be to understand feminist temporalities, and in particular the specific context in which we experience such nostalgia. Accordingly, this article takes up the idea that neoliberalism and populism, which have given rise to both neoliberal feminism and femonationalism, have produced a series of contestations regarding the purpose and nature of feminist politics, as expressed by white popular feminism in the United Kingdom. This article examines two dimensions of feminist nostalgia: first, nostalgia for a more radical form of feminist politics-one not co-opted by neoliberal forces, not individualistic and not centred around online activism; and second, a nostalgia for the idea of 'sisterhood'-a time before white feminists were called upon to engage with intersectionality or be inclusive of trans-women. We analyse these themes through analysis of white popular feminism produced in the United Kingdom between 2010 and 2020, cautioning against a feminist nostalgia which neglects to engage with the radical politics of intersectionality.
International Political Science Review, 2022
Around one-sixth of the European population have a disability, yet there are few self-declared di... more Around one-sixth of the European population have a disability, yet there are few self-declared disabled politicians. Despite scholarly and political interest in the under-representation of various social groups, little attention has been paid to disabled people. This article identifies and analyses the barriers to elected office faced by disabled people by drawing upon interviews with 51 candidates and elected politicians in the United Kingdom. It reveals barriers which occur throughout the political recruitment process, from initial participation to selection and the election campaign. They broadly fall into: (a) a lack of accessibility, including the built environment and documents; (b) a lack of resources to make events and activities accessible; and (c) ableism, including openly expressed prejudices but also a lack of awareness and willingness to make processes inclusive. While people with different impairments encounter some distinct barriers, all of them have similar experiences of obstacles and exclusion which go beyond those faced by people from other under-represented groups seeking elected office.
Politics & Gender, 2020
Women's parties have a unique and important role to play in the representation of women and women... more Women's parties have a unique and important role to play in the representation of women and women's issues and interests. They are neither a new nor a rare phenomenon and have emerged in a variety of contexts across time and space. And yet we know relatively little about them. This article argues that women's parties matter and that the study of women's parties matters. We contend that women's parties constitute a discrete party family; while there is a diverse range of women's parties, they can be viewed as a coherent group with similar origins, ideology, and naming patterns. This article offers the first research framework for the comparative study of women's parties. Building our knowledge of women's parties, we argue, is important for those interested in gender and politics, particularly those concerned with the representation of women's issues and interests.
Politics & Gender, 2020
The U.K. Women's Equality Party (WEP) was established in 2015 to "bring about change by winning-s... more The U.K. Women's Equality Party (WEP) was established in 2015 to "bring about change by winning-support, votes and seats." It has thus far recruited tens of thousands of members and run candidates in European, national, devolved, and local elections. This article provides one of the first empirical analyses of this new actor in U.K. politics. Adopting a feminist institutionalist lens, we examine the extent to which WEP "does things differently" by looking at its discourse, formal party rules, and informal ways of doing things "on the ground." Drawing on a set of semistructured interviews, observations of local and national party meetings, and document analysis, we argue that while WEP has to some extent tried to set up alternative participatory structures and new "ways of working," it has also at times fallen back on more traditional, centralized, and hierarchical modes of party organizing, as well as informal practices that are more typically associated with male-dominated parties.
Political Studies, 2019
Women's political parties are designed to increase women's representation in politics. More than ... more Women's political parties are designed to increase women's representation in politics. More than 30 have been established in Europe since 1987, yet there has been little systematic analysis of why and when they emerge, how they organise and what challenges they face. We argue that the study of women's parties can offer insights into questions concerning inter and intra-party power relations and the relationship between social movements and political parties, while also contributing to broader debates around the 'big questions' of representation, gender (in)equality, and the dynamics of political inclusion and exclusion. This article explores these issues through a case study analysis of the UK's Women's Equality Party. Drawing upon original empirical research undertaken with party activists and officials, we argue that the party's impact has been constrained by wider organisational logics and an unequal party system, while it has so far adhered to traditional (male-dominated) patterns of party organisation.
Women's Studies International Forum , 2016
Intersectionality has had a profound impact on feminist theory and activism: it has created a new... more Intersectionality has had a profound impact on feminist theory and activism: it has created a new set of discursive structures for analysing power and been translated into activist strategies. However, its acceptance within the women's movement differs by context. In the UK it has been relatively controversial: the left fear its impact on the possibilities of solidarity, whilst the right are concerned it detracts from gender as the principle site of analysis. These differences of approach have, to some extent, revealed fissures within UK feminism. Conversely, this article draws upon original survey data to argue that intersectionality underpins student feminist activism in the UK, in particular influencing: their activities; their discursive approach to inclusion; and their ongoing commitment to theory application. In sum, there has been a normalisation of the intersectional framework amongst student feminist activists.
The wave narrative has come to frame academic and popular discussions of western feminist activis... more The wave narrative has come to frame academic and popular discussions of western feminist activism. Yet there are overlapping and contradictory ways of interpreting “third-wave feminism,” which has resulted in much confusion surrounding its use and relevancy within western feminist praxis. Hence the need for a greater understand- ing of the term “third-wave feminism.” This article sets out a framework for under- standing third-wave feminism, highlighting the importance of political context. The article, drawing upon interview data generated with activists in the USA and the UK, argues that while chronology is the most prevalent way in which feminist activists interpret third-wave feminism, many also cite age and intersectionality as indicators of third-wave feminism. Moreover, differing interpretations influence the extent to which it is seen as a positive development. While third-wave feminism is more devel- oped in the USA, many within the UK recognize and use the term.
Feminist scholars frequently question the wave narrative, fearing the way in which it constructs ... more Feminist scholars frequently question the wave narrative, fearing the way in which it constructs generational divides and suggests periods of inactivity, whilst others have found it a useful way of understanding the chronological and ideological development of feminism. This article seeks to avoid rehashing well-rehearsed debates concerning the pros and cons of the narrative, instead seeking to emphasise the importance of engaging with the themes of continuity, inclusivity and multiplicity by exploring identity, discourse and praxis through the wave metaphor. It does this by drawing upon analysis of key feminist writings and empirical research undertaken with feminist activists in the UK. This article stresses how the coterminous existence of second, third and fourth wave have changed the nature of the wave narrative in such a way as to require a different critical approach, one that recognises the power of the discourse and the pragmatic implications of its use.
In the months leading up to the 2010 British General Election, pundits were claiming that women w... more In the months leading up to the 2010 British General Election, pundits were claiming that women would be specifically targeted by all political parties. However, this focus never materialized and it was just more business as usual but with the added novelty of televised leaders’ debates, which meant that coverage was more male ordered than ever.The study on which this article is based monitored articles published in the four weeks leading up to election day across twelve newspapers, comprising a mix of dailies and weekend editions, broadsheets and midmarket, and tabloid titles.The study concentrated on articles that had the election as the main story and which mentioned or sourced one or more candidates, both MPs seeking reelection, and Parliamentary Candidates.We were interested in exploring (any) differences in the news coverage of women and men candidates, looking at both frequency and content. Our findings suggest that women were much less likely to feature in news stories than men, even when controlling for Party Leader coverage.Women were much more likely to be mentioned or quoted in feature articles focused explicitly on gender issues, made interesting because of their sex and couture rather than their political abilities and experience.
During the passage of the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 2008, abortion amendments were ... more During the passage of the Human Fertilisation and Embryology Act 2008, abortion amendments were debated in both Houses of Parliament. Analysis of the parliamentary divisions reveals that the majority of Labour and Liberal Democrat MPs went through the progressive lobby while the majority of Conservatives voted for the more restrictive positions. Arguments for women’s descriptive representation which rest on substantive representation – those that link the presence of women representatives with policies that are “for women” – appear, in this case seriously questioned, as party is found to trump sex. By analyzing parliamentary debate contributions (participation and content) in addition to parliamentary votes, and in both Houses of the UK Parliament, this article reconsiders the role of the sex of our representatives. Not only do women over-participate in the division lobbies and vote in a more liberal fashion than their male colleagues, debate contribution analysis suggests that women MPs’ and Peers’ interventions are substantively different from men’s. Accordingly, we maintain that whilst women’s absence from Parliament might not have affected the legislative outcome in 2008, their presence was critical to the way in which the issue of abortion was discussed. It is women representatives who center women in debates about abortion, conceive of it in terms of women’s rights, and seek to protect women from reforms that would constrain their access to abortion and might force them to carry unwanted pregnancies to term.
Analyses of by-elections traditionally focus on explorations of electoral behaviour, rather than ... more Analyses of by-elections traditionally focus on explorations of electoral behaviour, rather than on patterns of political recruitment. However, who the parties select is important, as the candidate essentially constitutes the temporary face of the party. Furthermore, each party adapts their selection rules during by-elections to facilitate a greater role for the centre in the process. Combining qualitative research with selection and election data, this article explores intra-party tensions regarding the candidate selection process by focusing on the success rates of three specific groups of candidates: political insiders, women and locals. Focusing on by-election political recruitment provides an opportunity to assess the various tensions that arise over candidate selection between central strategists and local party activists, during intense and high profile campaigns.
Whilst most UK political parties have now accepted the need to increase the number of women repre... more Whilst most UK political parties have now accepted the need to increase the number of women representatives, the stark reality is that women remain under-represented. The under-representation of women in UK politics is not just evident in the national legislature but is a pattern repeated, to varying degrees, in second order elections at local, devolved and European levels. Recent developments in political recruitment processes allow us to explore the extent to which political parties take advantage of different electoral systems to promote women candidates in second order elections. Providing analysis of (s)election data from across second order elections, this article explores the interaction between sys- temic and institutional strategies, questioning which combination of electoral system and party strategy is most beneficial for increasing levels of women’s representation.
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Books by Elizabeth Evans
This study adds a comparative dimension to the ongoing analysis of feminism and feminist activism by mapping, analysing and theorising third wave feminisms in the US and Britain.
A key addition to Gender and Politics literature, it explores third wave feminisms by situating them within a specific political context, neoliberalism, and in relation to feminist theories of intersectionality, both of which present radical opportunities and practical challenges for feminism and the feminist movement.
Peer-reviewed published journal articles by Elizabeth Evans
This study adds a comparative dimension to the ongoing analysis of feminism and feminist activism by mapping, analysing and theorising third wave feminisms in the US and Britain.
A key addition to Gender and Politics literature, it explores third wave feminisms by situating them within a specific political context, neoliberalism, and in relation to feminist theories of intersectionality, both of which present radical opportunities and practical challenges for feminism and the feminist movement.