Papers by Aleksandar Jakir
Hrvatska - put prema teritorijalnoj cjelovitosti, 2018
Peter Lang eBooks, Jul 11, 2016
Časopis za suvremenu povijest, May 27, 2019
Na temelju novije literature koja se bavi proučavanjem kulture sjećanja i izvora iz različitih fo... more Na temelju novije literature koja se bavi proučavanjem kulture sjećanja i izvora iz različitih fondova pohranjenih u Arhivu Jugoslavije u Beogradu ovaj rad želi dati prilog raspravi o socijalističkim spomenicima za vrijeme Federativne Narodne Republike Jugoslavije / Socijalističke Federativne Republike Jugoslavije prikazom nekih političkih i administrativnih mehanizama njihova financiranja unutar socijalističkoga sustava, a razmatra se i pitanje odnosa prema spomenicima i kulturi sjećanja s aspekta vlasti, tj. iz perspektive države i državnih institucija u tom razdoblju. Posebna pozornost dana je, kako je često nazivan, "najpoznatijem partizanskom spomeniku na prostoru bivše SFRJ", skulpturi "Bitka na Sutjesci" kipara Miodraga Živkovića na Tjentištu iz 1971. godine. Ključne riječi: socijalistički spomenici; kultura sjećanja; Bitka na Sutjesci; Memorijalni kompleks Tjentište Dana 7. studenog 1962., nakon nepuna dva desetljeća "izgradnje socijalizma", pod naslovom "Spomenici su prošlost i budućnost" čitatelji Šibenskoga lista imali su priliku pročitati neka "razmišljanja o spomenicima, Revoluciji i njenim sinovima koji će biti podsticaj generacijama, a ne samo uspomena". Nepotpisani je autor u tekstu, u obliku pisma upućenog uredništvu, izražavao svoje nezadovoljstvo time što se njegovi sugrađani nemarno odnose prema spomenicima podignutim revolucionarima, i to čak u gradu Šibeniku, koji je, kako je istaknuo, bio "slobodarsko gnijezdo". Revolt pisca bio je izazvan time 151
Böhlau Verlag eBooks, Dec 12, 2022
Betrachtet man Politik und Vorgehensweise der jugoslawischen Kommunisten gegenüber der römisch-ka... more Betrachtet man Politik und Vorgehensweise der jugoslawischen Kommunisten gegenüber der römisch-katholischen Kirche in Kroatien nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg, so ist die Radikalität und Tiefe der Zäsur von 1945 kaum zu überschätzen. Ziel dieses Beitrags ist es, in einem knappen historischen Abriss einige wesentliche Merkmale des Verhältnisses der kommunistischen Machthaber zur katholischen Kirche in Kroatien in den ersten Jahren nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg aufzuzeigen, welche die Darstellung der politischen Entwicklungen in neueren deutschsprachigen historischen Werken versucht zu ergänzen, da in dieser Themen wie Kirche und Kirchlichkeit (ebenso wie Religion und Religiosität) eher selten Gegenstand eigener Untersuchungen geworden sind. Aus Platzgründen kann im vorliegendem Beitrag nur auf das Verhältnis der römisch-katholischen Kirche zum kommunistischen Regime in den ersten Jahren nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg in Kroatien eingegangen werden, und die anderen (in Kroatien deutlich kleineren) Religionsgemeinschaften bleiben ausgespart. Da die Beziehung zwischen dem System, Partei und Staat, einerseits und Kirche andererseits im genannten Zeitraum im Vordergrund stehen soll, müssen auch wesentliche Aspekte des viel umfassenderen und komplexeren Verhältnisses von Religion und Gesellschaft im Rahmen dieses Beitrags unberücksichtigt bleiben.
Am Rande Europas? Der Balkan – Raum und Bevölkerung als Wirkungsfelder militärischer Gewalt, 2009
In: Am Rande Europas? Der Balkan – Raum und Bevölkerung als Wirkungsfelder militärischer Gewalt. ... more In: Am Rande Europas? Der Balkan – Raum und Bevölkerung als Wirkungsfelder militärischer Gewalt. Im Auftrag des Militärgeschichtlichen Forschungsamtes herausgegeben von Bernhard Chiari und Gerhard P. Groß unter Mitarbeit von Magnus Pahl. R. Oldenbourg Verlag München 2009, 287-300. The Partisan myth in socialist Yugoslavia and current interpretations of the "People's Struggle for Liberation", 1941-45 The Partisan myth played an important role and was used for legitimation purposes as long as socialist Yugoslavia existed. It can be understood as a kind of narrative superelevating the victorious struggle for and foundation of an political era that supposedly began with the first liberated spots and regions during WW II and lasted until the implosion of the socialist regime and state. Today it seems obvious that the partisan movement was not only fighting a war of liberation and resistance against foreign occupation forces and their proxies and allies within the country, but also was engaged in a merciless struggle to obtain political power. In my paper I will try to point out what the functions of the partisan myth were in socialist Yugoslavia, how it was deconstructed after Titos death, and examine how the role of Tito's partisans is now portrayed in some new historiographic works in Serbia and Croatia.
Klerus und Nation in Südosteuropa vom 19. bis zum 21. Jahrhundert
Desničini susreti 2015., 2016
godine Drugi svjetski rat stigao je u Split. Nakon sloma i okupacije Kraljevine Jugoslavije tzv. ... more godine Drugi svjetski rat stigao je u Split. Nakon sloma i okupacije Kraljevine Jugoslavije tzv. Rimski ugovori o određivanju granica između Nezavisne Države Hrvatske (u ugovoru pod "službenim" nazivom Kraljevina Hrvatska) i Mussolinijeve Italije od 18. svibnja 1941. predviđali su da i "grad Split uključivši predgrađa" bude dijelom fašističke Italije, odnosno sjedište jedne od triju prefektura unutar provincije pod nazivom Governatorato di Dalmazia (Guvernatorat Dalmacija) pod pokrajinskom upravom (Governo della Dalmazia) u Zadru. Toga proljeća 1941. godine za oko 130 000 stanovnika Splitske prefekture, u kojoj se provodila bezobzirna talijanizacija, započelo je zasigurno najtraumatičnije razdoblje 20. stoljeća. Raspoloživi izvori jasno govore o tome da je većina Splićana u svim fazama ratne kataklizme pokazala trajno antifašističko opredjeljenje, o čemu svjedoči i velik broj poginulih boraca i žrtava fašističkog terora u Drugom svjetskom ratu rođenih u Splitu. Bespoštedni rat koji se vodio na području bivše Kraljevine Jugoslavije bio je višeslojan i uključivao je mnoge aktere. Zbivanja u Splitu za toga najkrvavijeg sukoba u ljudskoj povijesti mogu se podijeliti u dva dijela: prvi dio, od početka bombardiranja do kapitulacije Italije 8. rujna 1943., te drugi, od rujna 1943. do listopada 1944. i povlačenja njemačkih i ustaških snaga iz grada. U danima kapitulacije Italije snaga NOP-a u Splitu dostiže vrhunac, o čemu svjedoči razoružanje glavnine divizije "Bergamo".
Filozofski fakultet sveučilišta u splitu unitaristiČko JugosLavenstvo kao NACIONALNA IDEOLOGIJA U... more Filozofski fakultet sveučilišta u splitu unitaristiČko JugosLavenstvo kao NACIONALNA IDEOLOGIJA U REDOVIMA "JUGOSLAVENSKE OMLADINE" U KRALJEVINI SRBA, hrvata i sLovenaCa* Ideja unitarističkog jugoslavenstva, kako je artikulirana u godinama prije i poslije Prvog svjetskog rata u redovima "jugoslavenske omladine", može se razumjeti i kao inačica jedne nedovršene i neuspješne nacionalne integracijske ideologije. Godine 1911. u Splitu se prvi put pojavila Hrvatska i Srpska napredna omladina, koja je "srpskohrvatsko narodno jedinstvo" smatrala političkim aksiomom i imperativom. Među političko-identitetskim opcijama u Kraljevini Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, pristaše bivše Nacionalističke omladine zalagale su se za formiranje jugoslavenske nacionalne svijesti u svojoj unitarističkoj inačici. U članku se prati nastanak i razvoj ideologije unitarističkog jugoslavenstva prije i nakon 1918. godine te se prikazuje kako je tu ideju formulirala i propagirala u Splitu osnovana Organizacija jugoslovenskih nacionalista (Orjuna) do 1929. godine, kada je nakon proglašenja šestosiječanjske diktature kralja Aleksandra raspuštena, kao i ostale političke organizacije u Kraljevini SHS.
Vladan Desnica i Split 1920. - 1945.: zbornik radova sa znanstvenog skupa Desničini susreti 2014., 2015
Međuratne su godine dio du gotrajnijeg razdoblja općenite modernizacije Splita. Promjene koje je ... more Međuratne su godine dio du gotrajnijeg razdoblja općenite modernizacije Splita. Promjene koje je donijela Splitu, nakon što je postao glavnim gradom Dalmacije i glavnom lukom Kraljevine Srba, Hrvata i Slovenaca, bile su duboke i zadirale su u svakodnevni način života i razmišljanja. Split je mijenjao svoj izgled i pretvarao se u moderan grad i dalmatinsko kulturno središte. Električna energija dovedena je u grad 1920. godine, a pet godina nakon toga željeznicom je spojen s unutrašnjosti. Split je u razdoblju između dva svjetska rata udvostručio broj svojih stanovnika i počeo se širiti po dotadašnjim poljima i vinogradima. U gradu su bile otvorene nove škole i počele su djelovati brojne kulturne ustanove. Grad je doživio do tada nezabilježen urbanistički i industrijski razvoj. Malo je vjerojatno da taj nagli razvitak i modernizacija Splita nisu utjecali na mladoga Vladana Desnicu, koji je živio u Splitu od 1920. do 1942. godine, s tim da je njegov odnos prema urbanom prostoru zasigurno prvenstveno bio kulturno određen. Kao prilog raspravi i sustavnijem istraživanju i vrednovanju nekih otvorenih pitanja u vezi s obiteljskim, profesionalnim te, nadasve, generacijskim i umjetničkim sazrijevanjem Vladana Desnice u Splitu, cilj ovoga rada je podsjećanje, u najkraćim crtama, na neke od društvenih i političkih datosti u procesu modernizacije Splita u međuratnom razdoblju u kojemu je Vladan Desnica odrastao i sazrijevao.
Zbornik znanstvenih radova Vladan Desnica i Split (1920. – 1945.) sadržava clanke koji su nastali... more Zbornik znanstvenih radova Vladan Desnica i Split (1920. – 1945.) sadržava clanke koji su nastali na temelju priopcenja s Desnicinih susreta 2014., održanih u Splitu 19. i 20. rujna te u Islamu Grckom 21. rujna 2014. godine. Potpisani urednici osjecaju potrebu naglasiti da su za uspjesan rad skupa, bitnu pretpostavku za nastanak ovog zbornika, zaslužni kolege s Filozofskog fakulteta Sveucilista u Splitu, a narocito prof. dr. sc. Aleksandar Jakir, dekan Filozofskog fakulteta, koji je i sam bio sudionik skupa. Sedamnaest od devetnaest sudionika preradilo je svoja priopcenja u clanke. Njihovi su radovi prije svega svjedocanstva vlastitih istraživanja, ali oni zrcale i ucinke nerijetko pasionirane pa i vrlo polemicne rasprave na samom skupu. Najvise se raspravljalo, dakako, o Vladanu i dr. Urosu Desnici, potom o drugim, najcesce znamenitim Splicanima tog doba, ali i o splitskim pucanima te o tadasnjoj velikoj urbanoj transformaciji Splita, licu i nalicju kulturnih i umjetnickih inovacij...
How are these images used pilotically, communicatively and emotionally in modern mass societies? ... more How are these images used pilotically, communicatively and emotionally in modern mass societies? Actually, it seems that all political breaks throughout 20th century history in the region were always in the forst step accompanied by mobilizing high-flying hopes and expectations of economic prosperity and political self-determination towards a change to a "better" system, which, however, afterwards sooner or later was followed by individual and collective disappointments.
Tzv. „Rimski ugovori“ skupni su naziv triju ugovora potpisanih između ustaških predstavnika predv... more Tzv. „Rimski ugovori“ skupni su naziv triju ugovora potpisanih između ustaških predstavnika predvođenih Antom Pavelićem, koji su predstavljali Nezavisnu Državu Hrvatsku, te Kraljevine Italije predvođene fašističkim Duceom Benitom Mussolinijem. Glavni sadržaj tih ugovora se može smatrati opće poznatim, a najviše je ostao upamćen dio ugovora vezan za, kako se navodi, „razgraničenje dviju država“ , a što je u naravi značilo da je velik dio Dalmacije (Zadar, Šibenik, Split, otoci Rab, Krk, Vis, Lastovo, Korčula, Mljet, zatim Boka Kotorska te dijelovi Hrvatskog primorja i Gorskog kotara) potpao pod fašističku talijansku upravu. Nadalje, na svom obalnom prostoru NDH nije smjela držati ratnu mornaricu ni podizati vojne objekte. Rimski ugovori nedvojbeno su bili od presudne važnosti za sam nastanak NDH, jednu od zemalja tzv. „Novog poretka“ koji je u Europi stvarao Treći Reich , kao i za njezinu daljnju budućnost, i tako su razumljivo postali i predmetom historiografskog istraživanja i rasprave .
Moving the Social, 2005
The paper examines the connection between economic development and the genesis of different forms... more The paper examines the connection between economic development and the genesis of different forms of nationalism in socialist Yugoslavia with its specific system of workers self-management. It seems that the pivots of divergent national interests reflecting particular economic situations of industrial concerns in individual republics were engaged, on the federal level, in a fierce competition for the limited economic resources, in other words, national rivalry found expression primarily in economic terms, subsequently to be emotionally charged with the rather familiar historical, linguistic and cultural arguments (as became dear in the movement known as the "Croatian Spring" of 1971). The preliminary results of a research project on "Socialist State Enterprises and the Spread of Nationalism on a Regional Level: the Example of Yugoslavia, 1953-1974" seem to support the view that a national mobilization took place only after economic conflicts had taken hold of lar...
Od svojih se pocetaka 2005. godine Desnicini susreti nikada nisu ogranicavali samo na Vladana Des... more Od svojih se pocetaka 2005. godine Desnicini susreti nikada nisu ogranicavali samo na Vladana Desnicu, nego su se uvijek iznova zanimali i za njegove suvremenike, za fenomene, situacije i procese u njegovu vremenu i prostoru. Sto god bile njihove teme, aktera je bilo mnogo. U protekle dvije godine, 2014. i 2015., njihov je zajednicki nazivnik bio „ujevicevski“ Split od kraja Prvoga do kraja Drugoga svjetskog rata, dakle, grad iznimne urbane dinamike, kontinuiteta i diskontinuiteta te transformacijskih potencijala. U takvom je Splitu i ljudski i umjetnicki sazrijevao i Vladan Desnica, sto je i bio glavni razlog da u raspravama 2015. težiste bude na gradu samom. Dio clanaka objavljenih u ovom zborniku nastao je kontinuiranim istraživackim nadogradnjama priopcenja sa skupa Desnicini susreti 2015. Bogata rasprava o gotovo svakom izlaganju bila je poticaj sudionicima da ih dorade u skladu sa zbornickim potrebama. Zbornik sadrži 25 clanaka, od kojih su 22 nastala na temelju izlaganja s od...
Die Politische Ökonomie des sozialistisch-selbstverwalteten Wirtschaftssystems im föderativen Jug... more Die Politische Ökonomie des sozialistisch-selbstverwalteten Wirtschaftssystems im föderativen Jugoslawien und seine Krise scheinen nach wie vor unzureichend untersucht, wenngleich der enge Zusammenhang mit dem jugoslawischen Desaster evident scheint, wie es sich beim Zusammenbruch und Zerfall dieses Staates abgespielt hat. Klärungsbedarf besteht nicht zuletzt darüber, welches speziell im jugoslawischen Fall die Auswirkungen der zahlreichen Reformversuche waren, die darauf abzielten, eine dezentrale politische und ökonomische Verfassung zu etablieren. Die Reformdiskussionen, insbesondere was die Wirtschaft anbelangte, jedenfalls rissen in Jugoslawien, solange es existierte, nicht mehr ab.
Sredinom svibnja 1945. godine, kada je u najvećem dijelu Europe Drugi svjetski rat već bio završi... more Sredinom svibnja 1945. godine, kada je u najvećem dijelu Europe Drugi svjetski rat već bio završio, dogodila su se masovna stradanja poznata pod nazivom blajburška tragedija. Autori u ovom radu na temelju novije znanstvene literature i objavljenih izvora daju pregled događaja iz sredine svibnja 1945. i nastoje razmotriti kako se percipira jedna od najsloženijih tema suvremene hrvatske povijesti, Bleiburg i križni put, u današnjoj hrvatskoj historiografiji. S obzirom na još prisutne emocije vezano za tu problematiku, to pitanje ostaje još uvijek otvoreno, usprkos brojnoj povijesnoj i publicističkoj literaturi nastaloj na tu temu. Iznose se različite procjene broja žrtava blajburške tragedije i zbog čega se manipuliralo/manipulira tim brojkama iz čega je vidljivo da do današnjeg dana još uvijek postoje neslaganja u hrvatskoj akademskoj i široj javnosti o uzrocima, tijeku, sudionicima i posljedicama blajburške tragedije. Iznosi se stajalište da, bez obzira na neslaganja, bilo u pogledu broja žrtava ili odgovornosti, treba jasno reći da se ratni zločin dogodio i da se nijedna žrtva ne bi trebala stavljati u ideologijski diskurs.
International Perspectives on Social Policy, Administration, and Practice, 2019
In Aleksandar Jakir’s chapter, he illustrates that while the military were indispensable in Croat... more In Aleksandar Jakir’s chapter, he illustrates that while the military were indispensable in Croatia’s transition to an independent democratic state in the early 1990s, during the Homeland War, contemporary veterans’ transition arrangements remain problematically tied to these events. As a country endeavouring to construct a contemporary Croatian national narrative, agreement on appropriate veterans’ transition arrangements are proving a significant impasse to these aspirations. Jakir’s chapter maps the Croatian public dialogue that oscillates between framing veterans as exacting a heavy toll on an already weak economy and as deserving of care as privileged defenders of the country’s independence, as a response to proposed revisions via the New Veterans Law.
Edition Kulturwissenschaft, 2019
In this chapter, Aleksandar Jakir and Anita Lunic seek to address the economic system of socialis... more In this chapter, Aleksandar Jakir and Anita Lunic seek to address the economic system of socialist Yugoslavia that from the 1950s onwards was labeled workers' self-management. It is argued that economic crisis and reforms in socialist Yugoslavia triggered a slide towards political disintegration that can be traced back to the implementation of the social and economic system of self-management that was supposed to function as a kind of market socialism. The structural problems of this type of economy, with its contrast between the so-called developed and less-developed republics, brings the authors to the conclusion that it seems necessary to re-examine the system of self-management in the light of the fact that the socio-political system obviously produced increasingly greater inequalities. At the same time, this economy provided the political and economic elites in all republics with the possibility of obtaining a kind of »legitimation« from their »basis« by pointing to the giv...
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Papers by Aleksandar Jakir
When we look at the public debates in Croatia on several historical topics of 20th century history the idea of ongoing Memory Wars comes to mind. There is no shortage of texts and statements in the public sphere in Croatia about what is supposed to be the „correct“ interpretation of various aspects of 20th century history, especially when it comes to so-called „sensitive issues“ such as mass violence committed by the victorious communists in 1945. Competing interpretations of so-called „painful“ oder „sensitive“ topics of contemporary Croatian history spark not only historiographic debates but also fuel heated public discussions in Croatia, and the past often remains a political battlefield.
A discussion about what notions of the past were, and how the past was presented and interpreted during the time of communism, seems to be helpful in trying to understand why the topic of mass violence committed by the victorious communists in 1945 is still so fiercly debated in Croatia. How the regime in power after WW II dealt with the past, during more or less the entire time of existence of the socialist state and its ideology, and how these interpetations of the past had been passed on to new generations, still seems an important element for understanding these debates in Croatian society today. It could be said that the topic how a society is dealing with dificult issues of traumatic historical experiences is of paramount importance for a better understanding also of the historical processes that led to the collapse of socialist ideology and hence to the establishment of a democratic Croatian state in 1990. However, the aim of this essay is merely to make some brief remarks concerning the challanges of dealing with a difficult past in Croatia by addressing the debates in Croatian public and historiography connected with the traumatic historical legacy concerning the mass violence that occured after the end of WW II.
Based on the recent literature dealing with the study of memory culture as well as sources from various funds stored in the Yugoslav Archives in Belgrade, this paper intends to provide a contribution to the discussion of socialist monuments during the time of socialist Yugoslavia by displaying some of the political and administrative mechanisms of the funding of these monuments within the federal Yugoslav system. Also, questions about the relation to monuments within this period from the perspective of memory culture and how it was propagated from central state institutions during the time of socialist Yugoslavia, are discussed. Special attention is given to, as it is has often been called, the most famous Partisan monument in the territory of the former Socialist Federative Republic of Yugoslavia, i.e. the sculpture devoted to the "Battle of Sutjeska" by Miodrag Živković at Tjentište, from 1971.
During the period of Socialist Yugoslavia an exceptionally large number of "socialist monuments" were built, and numerous sculptors and other artists participated in this endevour with their sculptures. By 1961, censuses had already covered more than 14,400 monuments and memorials in the whole area of the state. The sources used in this article from the Yugoslav Archives in Belgrade, such as materials from the Presidency of the National Assembly, as well as documents from the Federal Council and the Federal Secretariat for Education and Culture, underline the thesis that the ruling structures in Socialist Yugoslavia were aware of the importance of monuments as the most visible expressions of the then desirable socialist interpretation of history. Materials confirm what the literature on the topic has already shown, that monuments after 1945 were usually raised by means of the initiative of local communities or local authorities. In the first wave of building new monuments, as soon as the spring of 1945, monuments of gratitude were erected and devoted to the fallen soldiers of the Soviet Red Army, as well as to victims of war and terror who had been on the side of the victorious forces of Tito. The unveiling ceremonies for such monuments were held in the presence of the highest officials of the new regime, and elaborate protocols were designed which showed an abundance of various elements by which the new ideological code was brought forward.
After the consolidation of power, it was not just local communities but now also socialist enterprises which expressed the will to build monuments, as evidenced by the example of the installation of the monument to the "National hero Rade Končar" in 1952 at the electrical machinery factory bearing his name in Zagreb. However, questions of financing these monuments, as is shown in this paper, generated frequent debates in the following years, especially when it came to monuments that were considered to be of general Yugoslav importance. Also, in 1952 the Union of Associations of Veterans of People's Liberation War (SUBNOR) established a Committee with the task to decide what actually were the most important historical places connected to the National Liberation War and to what was called the "National Revolution" in Yugoslavia. This Committee was fully funded from the federal budget and its task was to prepare the erection of central war memorials. Hence, issues of financing monuments from the central state level, as documents from the state bodies as the Federal Executive Council in Belgrade indicate, were not always easy to solve within the federal system. Central institutions were prompted by local requests for financing socialist monuments. Although the federal authorities took the view that in general financing the erection of monuments was not the business of central but of local authorities, as well as those on the level of the republics, and they said that requests for financial aid for monuments of Yugoslv importance should be referred to the Committee (knowing, of course, how little money the Committee was in charge of; for it was entirely funded by federal funds), frequent requests from all parts of Yugoslavia were received. It was often pointed out in the correspondence that the Federal Executive Council could not finance the construction of monuments and memorial complexes because of the decentralized structure of the state, and that republics and committees should decide on the monuments while the Yugoslav Federation pursues its policy exclusively through SUBNOR. However, due to high pressure, in the end the federal budget still provided significant funds, as can be seen from the material of the Budgetary Commission.
When it came to "the most prominent personalities of the Yugoslav revolution," especially in the areas of underdeveloped municipalities, funds from the budget reserve of the federal budget could be made available for monuments. As a report "on the Participation of the Federation in the Construction of Monuments and Other Objects Concerning the Marking of Events from the People's Liberation War" clearly shows, there were many "exceptions in terms of deviation" from the rule that the federal government did not have jurisdiction over it. The government argued that monuments had to be financed from the municipalities or republics, and that "exceptions can be made only in cases involving events of interest to the whole country, or when it comes to persons who were at the highest functions in the federation." So it turned out that for "important monuments" federal funding was nevertheless possible. Federal authorities frequently discussed funding, but also debated about "the problems of the valorization of cultural monuments, with particular reference to the monuments of the National Revolution." As an example of this, the design and funding of the memorial complex at Sutjeska is considered in the paper.
The Sutjeska monument can be considered paradigmatic in relation to a desired memory culture from the perspective of government, that is, from the aspect of the state and state institutions. The artistic solution for the monument at Tjentište by sculptor Miodrag Živković was accepted as a perfect symbol and artistic expression of the "inescapable meaning of Sutjeska." The Battle of Sutjeska in 1943 was considered to be "a glorious historical example with of far-reaching consequences, exalted and unique." It can be said that it is still the most famous Partisan monument in the territory of the former socialist Yugoslavia. Sutjeska as a place of memory and a site for a memorial complex was mentioned for the first time in 1954. After Josip Broz Tito personally endorsed the ultimate design concept, his role, as cited in the paper, evidently was crucial as well in adopting the law on financing the works in the memorial complex in Sutjeska. Formally, the central government had to negotiate and determine the level of republic involvement in financing the complex, but on March 4, 1968, SUBNOR sent a elaborate draft financing the bill for the design of the memorial complex in Sutjeska, with an explanation and review of the necessary investment, clearly mentioning a meeting with Tito during which the lifelong president of Yugoslavia made his decision about the matter. The design of the memorial complex at Tjentište, a place where, without any source references, it was claimed that there were "buried 5,000 soldiers," was entirely financed by federal funds in the amount of approx. 57.8 million dinars. Officially the monument was unveiled in 1971 in the presence of Josip Broz Tito under the title "Monument of Victory." However, in an increasingly decentralized system, actors such as SUBNOR feared that building the memorial complex for financial reasons could be called into question, so it was quick to reveal the monument, even though the entire complex was not yet fully completed. A justified conclusion seems to be that at the beginning of the 1970s, "brotherhood and unity," at the symbolic level was, of course, the official motto of the socialist federation of Yugoslavia, but the demands for "clear accounts" within the federation were applied to all financial issues, not excluding the financing of monuments and memorial complexes of common Yugoslav significance. It is also possible to ascertain, when it comes to socialist memory culture, that members of the victorious partisans during the war, as well as representatives of the governing structures after 1945, did not manage to pass what they wanted to become the memory to new generations, not even through the impressive and artfully successful grand monument to the Battle of Sutjeska. But nontheless it can be stated that the dominant interpretation of the Battle in the post-Yugoslav context, as recent examples show, remains within the framework of what was emphasized at the time when the monument was placed in Tjentište. Still in the eyes of many in the South Slavic area, Sutjeska represents the symbol of the sacrifice, brotherhood and unity of the heroic anti-fascist struggle, marking a milestone on the path to victory of Tito's Partisans in the National Liberation War, 1941-45.
Ein historischer Blick, wie D’Annunzio nach dem Ersten Weltkrieg an der östlichen Adriaküste wahrgenommen wurde, zeigt die Anfangsphase der Radikalisierung einer Konfliktgeschichte unter nationalistischen Vorzeichen, die im und nach dem Zweiten Weltkrieg blutig kulminierte. Dass die Narben aus jener Zeit auch in Slowenien und Kroatien noch immer schmerzen, zeigen auch die heftigen Reaktionen auf die Rede Tajanis.
Wenn heute das Bild des Dichters D’Annunzio als Visionär einer futuristischen Moderne evoziert wird, der sich als selbsternannter ,Comandanteʻ in der barocken Kathedrale des Hl. Vitus in Fiume/Rijeka zum ersten Duce erklärte, und vom Balkon des Gouverneurspalastes aus exaltierte nationalistische Reden schwang und die gestreckte Hand zum „römischen Gruß“ erhob, in denen er das Heldentum zur Religion erklärte, die Gewalt erotisierte und rhetorisch versiert einem italienischen Imperialismus das Wort redete, dann löst dies in Kroatien und Slowenien sogleich historische Assoziationen an die faschistische Besatzung aus.
Filozofski fakultet, Odsjek za povijest, Split 2013.
Vladimir Unkovski-Korica, The Economic Struggle for Power in Tito's Yugoslavia. From World War II to Non-Alignment. London: I.B. Tauris 2016. za časopis Südost-Forschungen, Band 77 (2018, 367-370).