International Relations

Abstract:
In 1975, Mozambique was recognized as an independent state after ten years of struggle. Five hundred years of colonisation had reduced Mozambican identity to almost nothing, both politically and culturally. Since the independence of Mozambique, the Portuguese language has remained an impossible element to circumvent, as it is considered a clear marker of Mozambican identity. This paper will analyse how Mozambique rebuilds its own linguistic identity in the public sphere taking into account the weight that the Portuguese language still carries. Although independence in Mozambique was understood as complete, that is, in its political, ideological, and social dimensions, no official document has been published or translated into the Bantu language since then. Scholars such as Armindo Ngunga and Malyn Newitt defend the use of the Bantu languages in the public sphere as part of a multilingual society. For them, it is necessary to introduce Bantu at schools, gradually, from primary to high schools to be used as a second official language. By using some of their ideas, the analysis will show that Bantu languages try to occupy their own space in education, politics, and society. Some strategies aimed at promoting the usage of Bantu in a public sphere have been tried, but they have ended in failure. These strategies focus on introducing a bilingual education system, using Portuguese and each of the twenty-four Bantu languages, and to elaborate Bantu grammars. The support of Bantu languages would foster the Mozambican identity. Therefore, it is necessary to merge these similar languages into three large groups in the north, centre and south, to facilitate pedagogy and staff management in the teaching process, official documents publication or translation, as well as to increase the use of each Bantu language.

Key-words: Identity; Bantu languages; Public sphere; colonization; strengthening of Portuguese.

A presente monografia, intitulada “O lobolo do cadáver: Uma Apreciação sobre a Evolução e sua legitimação Social na Cidade de Xai-Xai (2009 a 2011) ”, retrata uma nova vertente da prática do lobolo que tende a ganhar espaço nos últimos anos no seio do grupo etno-linguístico Changana. Trata-se do lobolo do cadáver, fenómeno que surge quando uma mulher que viveu com seu marido sem que se tenha realizado o lobolo perde a vida e, a família dela exige que seja realizado o lobolo como condição para poder-se proceder com o funeral. Para a melhor percepção do conteúdo, o trabalho está dividido em três capítulos, onde no primeiro versa-se sobre o historial da origem e evolução do lobolo, no segundo discute-se as premissas para a realização do lobolo do cadáver a sua frequência e, no terceiro procura-se o nível de legitimidade social que o fenómeno ostenta. A principal conclusão deste trabalho sustenta que o lobolo do cadáver não é legitimado pela sociedade, é visto como um oportunismo das famílias praticantes.

Palavras-Chave: Lobolo, Cadáver, legitimidade, evolução.

From the XV up until the XX century, Mozambique was under the colonial dominance of Portugal. The end of colonialism in the late twentieth century changed the type of relationship between European and African countries, from one of dominance to one of alliance. Notwithstanding, there is, however, still an aftermath of colonialism in terms of an apparent influence with regard to International Relations. This paper intends to explore the relationships established beyond the traits and effects of past colonial dependency in comparison with those connected by a colonial past. Grounded in historical and cultural ties with Mozambique, Portugal has been seen as a favoured European partner of Mozambique among the partners that this latter has created in the years after independence, such as The Netherlands. Hence, the main goal of this thesis is to analyse how a colonial past is currently shaping cultural relations between states. As a case study, this thesis focuses on a comparative analysis of cultural relations between Mozambique and Portugal, on the one hand, and Mozambique and The Netherlands, on the other hand, based on the reception of Mozambican music and literature in these countries, within the timeframe 2010-2014 inclusive. Much more emphasis is being placed on Mozambique and in The Netherlands, Portugal remaining in the background, merely offering a contrast. Based on the historic context and, on the diplomatic endeavours seen so far with regard to the cooperation between states, the thesis attempts to answer the following general question: To what extent is a colonial past still influencing bilateral relations between states? Scholars such as Ghandi (1998), Bhabha (1994) and Pratt (2003) through postcolonial theory defend that postcolonial condition is inaugurated at the onset rather than the end of colonial occupation but it continues gradually as an occulted tradition. By using the terms 'hybridity' (Bhabha) and 'transculturality' (Pratt), the analysis shows that the common spaces created through colonialism makes easier to ensure cultural relations through the use of cultural diplomacy between Mozambique and Portugal. Hence, in spite of the effects of globalisation and the strengthening of bilateral or multilateral cooperations through diplomatic relations, the bonds created by a colonial past continue with an important role within international relations.

From the fifteenth century up until the twentieth century, Mozambique was under the colonial dominance of Portugal. The end of colonialism in the late twentieth century changed the type of relationship between European and African countries, from one of dominance to one of alliance.
As a case study, the thesis focuses on a comparative analysis of cultural relations between Mozambique and Portugal, on the one hand, and Mozambique and The Netherlands, on the other hand, based on the reception of Mozambican music and literature in these countries, within the timeframe 2010-2014 inclusive. Much more emphasis is being placed on Mozambique and in The Netherlands, Portugal remaining in the background, merely offering a contrast.
Based on the historic context on the one hand, and, on the diplomatic endeavours seen so far with regard to the cooperation between states, on the other hand, the thesis attempts to answer the following general question: To what extent is a colonial past still influencing bilateral relations between states. Two other sub questions in order to sustain the general one are also considered: I- In relation to The Netherlands and Portugal, where is Mozambican music and literature getting more acceptance? II- How are Mozambican music and literature socialised and consumed in The Netherlands and in Portugal with regard to Mozambican identity?
On seeing the previous relationship there is a lot of criticism relating to colonialism, a reviving of indigenous culture and, above all, the introduction of diplomatic actions to cooperate with other partners beyond colonial trait. However, there is an apparent resistance of colonialism in the states' relationship with each other.

A Identificação Civil em Moçambique visa, essencialmente, produzir o Bilhete de Identidade (BI), para os cidadãos nacionais. O BI em Moçambique é um documento bastante para o gozo da cidadania através do cumprimento dos deveres e usufruto dos seus direitos previstos na Constituição da República de Moçambique.
Tendo em conta que o Bilhete de Identidade está para todo o cidadão Nacional desde a nascença, com base nos dados disponibilizados pelo Instituto Nacional de Estatística, é possível calcular a taxa de cobertura da Identificação Civil, desde que iniciou o BI Biométrico, introduzido pelo Decreto 11/2008  de 29 de Abril.
O presente trabalho examina a taxa de cobertura de Identificação Civil no Distrito de Mabalane, desde a efetivação o BI Biométrico em 2010 até 2017 e tem como objetivo, medir os esforços necessários para alcançar as metas que satisfazem o Serviço. A meta é alcançar 100% de cobertura de identificação dos cidadãos.
A sua produção baseou nos relatórios anuais arquivados no Serviço Distrital de Identificação Civil de Mabalane.

A Identificação Civil em Moçambique visa, essencialmente, produzir o Bilhete de Identidade
(BI), para os cidadãos nacionais. O BI em Moçambique é um documento bastante para o
gozo da cidadania através do cumprimento dos deveres e usufruto dos seus direitos previstos
na Constituição da República de Moçambique.
Tendo em conta que o Bilhete de Identidade está para todo o cidadão Nacional desde a
nascença, com base nos dados disponibilizados pelo Instituto Nacional de Estatística, é
possível calcular a taxa de cobertura da Identificação Civil, desde que iniciou o BI
Biométrico, introduzido pelo Decreto 11/20082 de 29 de Abril.
O presente trabalho examina a taxa de cobertura de Identificação Civil no Distrito de
Mabalane, desde a efetivação o BI Biométrico em 2010 até 2017 e tem como objetivo, medir
os esforços necessários para alcançar as metas que satisfazem o Serviço. A meta é alcançar
100% de cobertura de identificação dos cidadãos.
A sua produção baseou nos relatórios anuais arquivados no Serviço Distrital de Identificação
Civil de Mabalane.

O artigo intitulado "A Identificação Civil na Província de Gaza (1977-2020): Figuras, Marcas e Marcos" traz uma história da identificação Civil desde as comunidades do Estado natural passando por uma descrição no estado social e na era colonial e analisa de forma aprofundada a implantação do serviço com o seu escritório na província de Gaza. Dificilmente se pode falar da história de uma instituição se menção dos seus dirigentes, pois estes é que personificam aquela pessoa colectiva pública. O artigo visa reconstituir a história da Identificação civil pois constata-se que os profissionais preocupam-se mais pelos actos administrativos que garantem o funcionamento da instituição e pouco tem se feito na área do percurso histórico. Para a sua elaboração privilegiou-se o método histórico que coloca os factos de acordo com a sequência temporal, portanto, as fontes orais, a legislação atinente à identificação civil e os relatórios anuais constituíram o acervo material.  É constituído por 5 capítulos. O artigo é de importância vital na área da identificação Civil, não somente para a província mas também para o país pois retrata as fase que o Bilhete de Identidade foi tomando ao longo dos tempos mas também, portanto, pode servir de base para a integração dos novos funcionários recém admitidos na Identificação Civil.

In Mozambique there was an internal and horrible conflict from 1976 to 1992, ended with General Peace Agreement; the second political tension started in 2013 and ended in 2014 with the Accord of cessation of hostilities; the third one began in 2015 and ended in 2019. The fourth conflict started from the end of 2019 and is still ongoing between the Government and RENAMO. Among a number of factors, there is an apparent ethnic motivation in these conflicts. The study aims to analyse the influence of ethnicity in political conflicts. To what extent the ethnic elements influenciate the internal political conflicts in Mozambique, is the departure question. The main finding show a tendency to a politicization of the three main ethnic groups settled in the three main geographic regions of Mozambique, namely Changana-south, Macena - Center and Macua-north, by the political parties. The literature review and an empirical study based on questionnaires addressed to population from the three regions of the country and interview to politicians were used to produce the study. The study is important because it brings an approach of conflict beyond, neither armed, nor political ones.

Key-words: Ethnicities, Ethnic groups, Politicization, Political conflict, Mozambique

John Marcum´s, "Conceiving Mozambique" is about the history of Mozambique's struggle for independence, from the process of creation of FRELIMO (Frente de Libertação de Moçambique-Mozambique Liberation Front) up to 2012 in a diachronic line based on real facts.  The book seeks to provide a necessary starting point for national reconciliation and the construction of a more just and democratic future for the country.

The book resulted from a series of conferences on peace, mainly the five days of the 26th BiAnnual Conference of 2016, held in Freetown, Sierra Leone, organised by the International Peace Research Association. Christine Atieno and Colin Robinson focused on the causal linkage between the lack of development and its relation to conflicts to produce the book,

It is the scope of this chapter, a description of the main ethnic groups in Mozambique, grounded in the historical past. Therefore, it is important to bring about the origin and settlement of communities living in Mozambique. In order to be precisely approached this content, it was necessary to define three specific objectives: i. to relate the nationalism and ethnicities; ii. to identify the main Mozambican groups; iii. to characterize the cultural and political framing of Mozambican ethnic groups into nationalism. The chapter encompasses two sessions. The first session defines nationalism and discusses the integration of ethnicities into its scope.  The second session describes the main Mozambican ethnic groups based on geographic and lineage system division. The chapter is important as it paves the way to understand the influence of ethnicities in political conflicts. Methodologically, the chapter is merely bibliographic, that is, its production was based on a literature review of the authors that were interested in the studies of ethnicities from different points of view. It came to the conclusion that the strength and weakness of the main ethnic groups from the three regions of Mozambique could be used to explain the favoritism in the assumption of political power. The Shangana or Tsonga ethnic group in the south has a strong political power felt from the settlement and ruling of the Gaza Empire.
Keywords: Ethnic groups; Mozambique; nationalism; Shangana; Sena; Makhuwa.

Soon after independence in Mozambique (1975), the country´s Toponymy changed significantly through a replacement of the names of public and historical places with national heroes aiming to decolonize the past. The article composes a chapter of an ongoing thesis entitled "The influence of ethnicities in political conflicts in African states: the case study of Mozambique (1976-2019)". The meaning of anthropological place is subjective - within the same country, the same place could be valued differently among people from different regions (South, Center, and North). The article aims to analyze the use of anthropological places in the context of political conflict. Three research questions were raised: How does the name of a place shape the behavior of people living or visiting that place? How can the name transform a space into an anthropological place with a sacral meaning? How does political power use anthropological places? Preliminary results show that, during the transformation of anthropological places, the new names have a meaning of local events and figures; there are some names with national impact, therefore, it cannot be seen as a potential for the emergence of conflict. However, the way politics uses public spaces is more propagandistic, therefore, it creates an environment of political parties' cleavages which ends up with political conflicts, in addition to other factors. Methodologically, the chapter is a result of a literature review. The study is important because it brings an approach to conflict beyond, neither armed, nor political, but anthropologically. 

Key-words: Anthropological places; Mozambique; political conflicts; sacrality; administrative decentralization.

Ethnic Mobilisation in Politics-Machangana Ruling Over" is an article that composes a chapter of the ongoing Thesis entitled "The Influence of Ethnicities in Political Conflicts in African States: The Case Study of Mozambique (1976-2019)". It aims to analyse ethnic mobilisation to political support as a potential influencer to the emergence of political conflicts in Mozambique. The main conclusion shows that in Mozambique there is a strong ethnic support to politics, in such a way that each presidential candidate and his Political party have its bastion in his ethnic origin. However, it is not a result of an ethnic mobilisation, but in a scarcity of political records, the voters scrutinise the candidate based on the easiest information available, which is ethnicity. The article reviews the role of ethnicities in South Africa and Angola to be used as a brief comparison with Mozambique, from which concluded that, the more ethnicities play an important role in politics, the country is likely vulnerable to political conflicts. The study is a result of a field research conducted via interviews, during 45 days of a participant observation in Mozambique.

Soon aft er independence in Mozambique (1975), the country´s toponymy changed with the aim of decolonizing the past. Th e article consists of a chapter of an ongoing thesis entitled "Th e infl uence of ethnicities in political confl icts in African states: the case study of Mozambique (1976-2019)". Th e article aims to analyse the use of anthropological places in a context of political confl ict. Th ree research questions were raised: How does the name of a place shape the behaviour of people living or visiting that place? How does the name transform a space into an anthropological place with a sacral meaning? How does political power use anthropological places? Preliminary results show that, during transformation of anthropological places, the new names have a meaning of local events and fi gures; there are some names with national impact. Th erefore, Anthropological places cannot be seen as a potential for confl ict emerging. However, the way politics uses public spaces is more propagandistic. Th erefore, it creates an environment of political parties' divisions leading to political confl icts, in addition to other factors. Methodologically, the chapter is a result of a literature review. Th e study is important because it approaches confl ict beyond armed or political ones, but anthropologically. KLÍČOVÁ SLOVA Antropologické lokality; Mosambik; politické konfl ikty; sakrální; administrativní decentralizace ABSTRAKT Brzy po získání nezávislosti v Mosambiku (1975) se místní toponomy (zeměpisné názvy) změnily s cílem odstranění názvů z doby kolonialismu. Článek vychází z kapitoly probíhající doktorské práce s názvem "Vliv etnik v politických konfliktech v afrických státech: případová studie Mosambiku (1976-2019)". Článek si klade za cíl analyzovat užití antropologických míst (lokalit) v kontextu politického konfliktu. Byly položeny tři výzkumné otázky: Jak název lokality ovlivňuje chování lidí, kteří žijí nebo navštěvují danou lokalitu? Jak název přetváří prostor na antropologickou lokalitu, která je sakrální? Jakým způsobem využívá politická moc antropologické lokality? Předběžné výsledky ukazují, že během transformace antropologických míst, mají nové názvy význam místních událostí a osobností; některé názvy mají národní podtón, aby nebyly brány jako záminka pro vznik konfliktů. Přesto politika využívá veřejný prostor víceméně jako nástroj propagandy a vytváří proto prostředí pro politické konfliky. Co se týče metodologie je článek výsledkem literární rešerše. Studie je důležitá, protože přináší vysvětlení, co se děje v rámci antropologie na pozadí konfliktu, ať už je konflikt ozbrojený nebo politický.

Mozambique is a country with cultural segregation along its rivers, dividing the main ethnic groups of the
Machangana, Macena, and Macua, respectively from the South, Centre and North. This division has led to internal conflicts,
seemingly rooted in ethnicity. The aim of this study is to analyse the tolerance of the main ethnic groups in Mozambique in terms
of cohabitation, sharing opportunities, and political power. The study utilizes participant observation in the field, group discussions,
and a questionnaire targeting 150 respondents, with 50 in each ethnic group. The data were analytically crosschecked to compare
the opinions of people from different ethnic groups. The responses from the questionnaire were analysed statistically to understand
the level of tolerance among the ethnic groups and their perceptions of sharing opportunities and political power. As a conclusion,
people in Mozambique are generally tolerant of cohabiting or marrying individuals from different ethnic groups. However, when it
comes to sharing opportunities such as employment or business, they perceive individuals from different ethnic groups to be taking
away opportunities. Similarly, each ethnic group believes that having a president from their own group would lead to better
opportunities for their community. It is important to address this intolerance, as it can be a source of internal political conflicts. The
anthropological approach provides a valuable tool for diplomacy channels to ensure long-lasting peace

Review-essay de:

    ISMAIL, Salwa, The Rule of Violence: Subjectivity, Memory and Government in Syria, Cambridge University Press, Cambridge, 2018, 225 pp. ISBN 978-1-107-69860-4.
    POLESE, Abel y HANAU SANTINI, Ruth (eds.), Rethinking Statehood in the Middle East and North Africa: Security, Sovereignty and New Political Orders, Routledge, Oxon, 2019, 248 pp. ISBN 978-0367180881.