Public Opinion and Revolution in 1830–1831. The paper examines the growing importance of public o... more Public Opinion and Revolution in 1830–1831. The paper examines the growing importance of public opinion and its influence on foreign policy decision-making processes in main European countries of the early 1830s. It compares the impact of public opinion on Russia, France and Great Britain in the wake of revolutionary crises. The author argues that public opinion at that time helped drive Russia and the more liberal European powers in conflicting directions. Keywords: Russia, Poland, revolution, public opinion
The Greyness of Vladimir's Putin Historical Policy Russia's historical policy under President Yel... more The Greyness of Vladimir's Putin Historical Policy Russia's historical policy under President Yeltsin was strongly anti-communist. In contrast, Vladimir Putin uses some motives from the past, be it Russian or Soviet. The country's historical policy forms a wide range of tools stemming from the establishment of a special presidential commission for the support of films on historical topics from the Russian state budget. The Great Patriotic War plays a prominent role as something unquestionably positive in Putinist Russian state memory. It is particularly obvious when compared with its perceptions in other countries in the region, such as Ukraine,
Chechen War and the Russian Society Since the beginning of the second Chechen war, Russia has exp... more Chechen War and the Russian Society Since the beginning of the second Chechen war, Russia has experienced several shifts in domestic policy. From the very start of his presidency, Vladimir Putin pursued a policy of consolidating power while facing both the external and internal enemy represented by Chechen rebels. As a side effect, this has brought about an outburst of xenophobia and racism that has turned against all Caucasians. The antiterrorist campaign has had broad consequences, even outside the security field. The campaign, which was based on economic arguments, began with attacks on the media tycoons Vladimir Gusinskii and Boris Beresovskii, and was later widened to other selected oligarchs. Another set of changes brought about reforms to almost every aspect of state organization, including everything from the parliamentary electoral system to the local representative elections. Although it had been planned for a long time, the core of the reforms was enacted after the tragedy in Beslan in September 2004.
Чешско-российские отношения сквозь призму концепта мягкой силы Дамиан СТРЫХАЖ 35 (Не)постоянство ... more Чешско-российские отношения сквозь призму концепта мягкой силы Дамиан СТРЫХАЖ 35 (Не)постоянство восприятия: взгляды польской элиты на отношения с Россией в 2011-2020 годах • ЦЕНТРАЛЬНАЯ ЕВРОПА В ЗЕРКАЛЕ ЭКОНОМИКИ глазами нового поколения Давид КИШШ Opportunities in the economic relations of the Russian Federation and the V4+Germany Михаил ГОЛЫШЕВ 67 Энергетическая политика Польши в контексте курса ЕС на отказ от российского энергетического импорта Екатерина ХЛУСЕВИЧ 85 Характеристика и формы перемещения иностранных капиталов в Венгрию • РЕЦЕНЗИИ Михаил ВЕДЕРНИКОВ 103 Русские чехи и словаки в Российской империи
The paper explores the use of sanitary, phytosanitary, and technical norms for achieving politica... more The paper explores the use of sanitary, phytosanitary, and technical norms for achieving political aims on the example of Russia. Even Russia’s entry to the WTO in 2012 did not alter the policy due to the general wording of these agreements together with the GOST (State Standard) norms valid in the post-Soviet space allow Russia to misuse these norms. Russia holds their nonfulfillment in reserve and activates them only if a political clash occurs. Such cases are usually not taken to the WTO organs by the impacted states because of the weaknesses of the WTO appeal process.
Abstract The events preceding the 2013 Maidan protests exemplified Russia's use of its econom... more Abstract The events preceding the 2013 Maidan protests exemplified Russia's use of its economic power over Ukraine. In trying to prevent Kyiv leaving its orbit, Moscow threatened economic rupture and closed borders, used phytosanitary and technical norms to impose import bans, and demanded swift payment of Ukraine's debt to Russia. Accompanying these negative measures were incentives: Russia promised Ukraine significant concessions in the form of loans or preferential trade treatment. As a result of this pressure, President Viktor Yanukovych, against his own preferences, refused to sign the Association Agreement with the European Union. Nevertheless, Moscow's pressure did not succeed in compelling Yanukovych to join Russia's Eurasian Economic Union.
The paper explores the use of sanitary, phytosanitary, and technical norms for achieving politica... more The paper explores the use of sanitary, phytosanitary, and technical norms for achieving political aims on the example of Russia. Even Russia’s entry to the WTO in 2012 did not alter the policy due to the general wording of these agreements together with the GOST (State Standard) norms valid in the post-Soviet space allow Russia to misuse these norms. Russia holds their nonfulfillment in reserve and activates them only if a political clash occurs. Such cases are usually not taken to the WTO organs by the impacted states because of the weaknesses of the WTO appeal process.
The events preceding the 2013 Maidan protests exemplified Russia's use of its economic power over... more The events preceding the 2013 Maidan protests exemplified Russia's use of its economic power over Ukraine. In trying to prevent Kyiv leaving its orbit, Moscow threatened economic rupture and closed borders, used phytosanitary and technical norms to impose import bans, and demanded swift payment of Ukraine's debt to Russia. Accompanying these negative measures were incentives: Russia promised Ukraine significant concessions in the form of loans or preferential trade treatment. As a result of this pressure, President Viktor Yanukovych, against his own preferences, refused to sign the Association Agreement with the European Union. Nevertheless, Moscow's pressure did not succeed in compelling Yanukovych to join Russia's Eurasian Economic Union.
Based on archival research and, to a large extent, unpublished secondary sources, this paper anal... more Based on archival research and, to a large extent, unpublished secondary sources, this paper analyzes the problem of allocating Czechoslovak goods between exports to the CMEA and Western markets and domestic needs. It argues that the problems of Czechoslovak external trade were caused by the inability of the economy to adjust to the changed conditions in world markets (e.g. the 1973 oil shock, emergence of the so-called Asian tigers, etc.) and by the internal parameters of Czechoslovakia's economy.
The Greyness of Vladimir's Putin Historical Policy Russia's historical policy under President Yel... more The Greyness of Vladimir's Putin Historical Policy Russia's historical policy under President Yeltsin was strongly anti-communist. In contrast, Vladimir Putin uses some motives from the past, be it Russian or Soviet. The country's historical policy forms a wide range of tools stemming from the establishment of a special presidential commission for the support of films on historical topics from the Russian state budget. The Great Patriotic War plays a prominent role as something unquestionably positive in Putinist Russian state memory. It is particularly obvious when compared with its perceptions in other countries in the region, such as Ukraine, Estonia or Latvia.
The paper uses a comparative method to approach the different views on the problem of the Polish ... more The paper uses a comparative method to approach the different views on the problem of the Polish Uprising of 1830–1831. It focuses mostly on public opinion matters, while the official policies create only the background of such moods. Based on letters, dia‑ ries or other literary accounts, the paper presents the clashing views of the two sides: Russian and Western/Polish. Accounts of the Third Section of His Imperial Majes‑ ty's Own Chancellery hold a special place among these materials. How was it possible that the points of view contrasted so much? How come that even such a notorious liberal as Pushkin supported the tsarist regime in its struggle against the Polish in‑ surrection while liberal Europe turned against Russia almost without exception? The structure of the paper proceeds as follows: the first part presents the positions of pub‑ lic opinion towards Russia in Europe in most cases as reflected by Russian diplomats; the second part mirrors such views with the Russian public ranging from the high‑ est levels of society to the opinions found among the ordinary people of the street. VIEWS ON RUSSIA BEFORE THE POLISH REVOLT The anti ‑Russian stance of the European public opinion had been formed a long time before the 1830s. One of the motives for such a turn in the European perception of Russia was the wave of romanticism that spread during and after the Napoleonic wars. With emphasis placed on national movements, romanticism proved to be in‑ compatible with Russia. Reluctance to support the Greek matter, moves against the Polish Kingdom or the post ‑Decembrist uprising arrests and the execution of five of the leaders of the uprising turned European opinion sharply against Russia. Russia's army, once one of the most important parts of the anti ‑Napoleonic co‑ alition, turned to a menace in the years after the war. Among the most prominent accounts that depicted the Russian army as the strongest force on the European con‑
Ačkoli se to ještě před nějakou dobou zdálo nepravděpodobné, stále častěji se v Rusku ozývají hla... more Ačkoli se to ještě před nějakou dobou zdálo nepravděpodobné, stále častěji se v Rusku ozývají hlasy, že se země nachází v recesi a není schopna z ní v dohledné době vybřednout. Narušuje to tak pečlivě budovaný obraz prezidenta Putina coby zachránce ruského hospodářství před totálním kolapsem. Rusko se tak zařadilo po bok dalších z ekonomik BRIC (Brazílie, Rusko, Indie a Čína), které prožívají slabší časy. Ruská ekonomika, silně orientovaná na suroviny a jejich zpracování mohla dlouho ignorovat strukturální problémy, ty se ovšem nyní ozývají v plné míře.
The process of post-communist transformation in the former Eastern Europe as well as in China de... more The process of post-communist transformation in the former Eastern Europe as well as in China definitely ended the quasi-ideological ties based in the non coherent and doctrinaire ‘comradeship’ partnership, and eventually opened up a new post-ideological era of more truly defined relations which lie primarily in national material interests. The mutually growing economic relevance has been the common ground for building the new post-communist ties between China and the CEE, and the later emerging political dimension followed as the secondary effect on as an reaction on the EU’ eastern expanding. Can the Chinese charm offensive in the post-communist Europe, which organization structure resembles the PRC’s development assistance for developing countries, eventually bring about insufficient effects? The Chinese new interest in Europe opens up new perspectives to deepen and enlarge the Chinese understanding the non-western European dimensions, and let the Chinese spreading soft power receive new terrain for advancement. The Chinese mainstream perception of European post-communist transformation was under researched and ideologised, the diversity and value of non-western European culture deserve China’s reviewing and new appreciation.
Public Opinion and Revolution in 1830–1831. The paper examines the growing importance of public o... more Public Opinion and Revolution in 1830–1831. The paper examines the growing importance of public opinion and its influence on foreign policy decision-making processes in main European countries of the early 1830s. It compares the impact of public opinion on Russia, France and Great Britain in the wake of revolutionary crises. The author argues that public opinion at that time helped drive Russia and the more liberal European powers in conflicting directions. Keywords: Russia, Poland, revolution, public opinion
The Greyness of Vladimir's Putin Historical Policy Russia's historical policy under President Yel... more The Greyness of Vladimir's Putin Historical Policy Russia's historical policy under President Yeltsin was strongly anti-communist. In contrast, Vladimir Putin uses some motives from the past, be it Russian or Soviet. The country's historical policy forms a wide range of tools stemming from the establishment of a special presidential commission for the support of films on historical topics from the Russian state budget. The Great Patriotic War plays a prominent role as something unquestionably positive in Putinist Russian state memory. It is particularly obvious when compared with its perceptions in other countries in the region, such as Ukraine,
Chechen War and the Russian Society Since the beginning of the second Chechen war, Russia has exp... more Chechen War and the Russian Society Since the beginning of the second Chechen war, Russia has experienced several shifts in domestic policy. From the very start of his presidency, Vladimir Putin pursued a policy of consolidating power while facing both the external and internal enemy represented by Chechen rebels. As a side effect, this has brought about an outburst of xenophobia and racism that has turned against all Caucasians. The antiterrorist campaign has had broad consequences, even outside the security field. The campaign, which was based on economic arguments, began with attacks on the media tycoons Vladimir Gusinskii and Boris Beresovskii, and was later widened to other selected oligarchs. Another set of changes brought about reforms to almost every aspect of state organization, including everything from the parliamentary electoral system to the local representative elections. Although it had been planned for a long time, the core of the reforms was enacted after the tragedy in Beslan in September 2004.
Чешско-российские отношения сквозь призму концепта мягкой силы Дамиан СТРЫХАЖ 35 (Не)постоянство ... more Чешско-российские отношения сквозь призму концепта мягкой силы Дамиан СТРЫХАЖ 35 (Не)постоянство восприятия: взгляды польской элиты на отношения с Россией в 2011-2020 годах • ЦЕНТРАЛЬНАЯ ЕВРОПА В ЗЕРКАЛЕ ЭКОНОМИКИ глазами нового поколения Давид КИШШ Opportunities in the economic relations of the Russian Federation and the V4+Germany Михаил ГОЛЫШЕВ 67 Энергетическая политика Польши в контексте курса ЕС на отказ от российского энергетического импорта Екатерина ХЛУСЕВИЧ 85 Характеристика и формы перемещения иностранных капиталов в Венгрию • РЕЦЕНЗИИ Михаил ВЕДЕРНИКОВ 103 Русские чехи и словаки в Российской империи
The paper explores the use of sanitary, phytosanitary, and technical norms for achieving politica... more The paper explores the use of sanitary, phytosanitary, and technical norms for achieving political aims on the example of Russia. Even Russia’s entry to the WTO in 2012 did not alter the policy due to the general wording of these agreements together with the GOST (State Standard) norms valid in the post-Soviet space allow Russia to misuse these norms. Russia holds their nonfulfillment in reserve and activates them only if a political clash occurs. Such cases are usually not taken to the WTO organs by the impacted states because of the weaknesses of the WTO appeal process.
Abstract The events preceding the 2013 Maidan protests exemplified Russia's use of its econom... more Abstract The events preceding the 2013 Maidan protests exemplified Russia's use of its economic power over Ukraine. In trying to prevent Kyiv leaving its orbit, Moscow threatened economic rupture and closed borders, used phytosanitary and technical norms to impose import bans, and demanded swift payment of Ukraine's debt to Russia. Accompanying these negative measures were incentives: Russia promised Ukraine significant concessions in the form of loans or preferential trade treatment. As a result of this pressure, President Viktor Yanukovych, against his own preferences, refused to sign the Association Agreement with the European Union. Nevertheless, Moscow's pressure did not succeed in compelling Yanukovych to join Russia's Eurasian Economic Union.
The paper explores the use of sanitary, phytosanitary, and technical norms for achieving politica... more The paper explores the use of sanitary, phytosanitary, and technical norms for achieving political aims on the example of Russia. Even Russia’s entry to the WTO in 2012 did not alter the policy due to the general wording of these agreements together with the GOST (State Standard) norms valid in the post-Soviet space allow Russia to misuse these norms. Russia holds their nonfulfillment in reserve and activates them only if a political clash occurs. Such cases are usually not taken to the WTO organs by the impacted states because of the weaknesses of the WTO appeal process.
The events preceding the 2013 Maidan protests exemplified Russia's use of its economic power over... more The events preceding the 2013 Maidan protests exemplified Russia's use of its economic power over Ukraine. In trying to prevent Kyiv leaving its orbit, Moscow threatened economic rupture and closed borders, used phytosanitary and technical norms to impose import bans, and demanded swift payment of Ukraine's debt to Russia. Accompanying these negative measures were incentives: Russia promised Ukraine significant concessions in the form of loans or preferential trade treatment. As a result of this pressure, President Viktor Yanukovych, against his own preferences, refused to sign the Association Agreement with the European Union. Nevertheless, Moscow's pressure did not succeed in compelling Yanukovych to join Russia's Eurasian Economic Union.
Based on archival research and, to a large extent, unpublished secondary sources, this paper anal... more Based on archival research and, to a large extent, unpublished secondary sources, this paper analyzes the problem of allocating Czechoslovak goods between exports to the CMEA and Western markets and domestic needs. It argues that the problems of Czechoslovak external trade were caused by the inability of the economy to adjust to the changed conditions in world markets (e.g. the 1973 oil shock, emergence of the so-called Asian tigers, etc.) and by the internal parameters of Czechoslovakia's economy.
The Greyness of Vladimir's Putin Historical Policy Russia's historical policy under President Yel... more The Greyness of Vladimir's Putin Historical Policy Russia's historical policy under President Yeltsin was strongly anti-communist. In contrast, Vladimir Putin uses some motives from the past, be it Russian or Soviet. The country's historical policy forms a wide range of tools stemming from the establishment of a special presidential commission for the support of films on historical topics from the Russian state budget. The Great Patriotic War plays a prominent role as something unquestionably positive in Putinist Russian state memory. It is particularly obvious when compared with its perceptions in other countries in the region, such as Ukraine, Estonia or Latvia.
The paper uses a comparative method to approach the different views on the problem of the Polish ... more The paper uses a comparative method to approach the different views on the problem of the Polish Uprising of 1830–1831. It focuses mostly on public opinion matters, while the official policies create only the background of such moods. Based on letters, dia‑ ries or other literary accounts, the paper presents the clashing views of the two sides: Russian and Western/Polish. Accounts of the Third Section of His Imperial Majes‑ ty's Own Chancellery hold a special place among these materials. How was it possible that the points of view contrasted so much? How come that even such a notorious liberal as Pushkin supported the tsarist regime in its struggle against the Polish in‑ surrection while liberal Europe turned against Russia almost without exception? The structure of the paper proceeds as follows: the first part presents the positions of pub‑ lic opinion towards Russia in Europe in most cases as reflected by Russian diplomats; the second part mirrors such views with the Russian public ranging from the high‑ est levels of society to the opinions found among the ordinary people of the street. VIEWS ON RUSSIA BEFORE THE POLISH REVOLT The anti ‑Russian stance of the European public opinion had been formed a long time before the 1830s. One of the motives for such a turn in the European perception of Russia was the wave of romanticism that spread during and after the Napoleonic wars. With emphasis placed on national movements, romanticism proved to be in‑ compatible with Russia. Reluctance to support the Greek matter, moves against the Polish Kingdom or the post ‑Decembrist uprising arrests and the execution of five of the leaders of the uprising turned European opinion sharply against Russia. Russia's army, once one of the most important parts of the anti ‑Napoleonic co‑ alition, turned to a menace in the years after the war. Among the most prominent accounts that depicted the Russian army as the strongest force on the European con‑
Ačkoli se to ještě před nějakou dobou zdálo nepravděpodobné, stále častěji se v Rusku ozývají hla... more Ačkoli se to ještě před nějakou dobou zdálo nepravděpodobné, stále častěji se v Rusku ozývají hlasy, že se země nachází v recesi a není schopna z ní v dohledné době vybřednout. Narušuje to tak pečlivě budovaný obraz prezidenta Putina coby zachránce ruského hospodářství před totálním kolapsem. Rusko se tak zařadilo po bok dalších z ekonomik BRIC (Brazílie, Rusko, Indie a Čína), které prožívají slabší časy. Ruská ekonomika, silně orientovaná na suroviny a jejich zpracování mohla dlouho ignorovat strukturální problémy, ty se ovšem nyní ozývají v plné míře.
The process of post-communist transformation in the former Eastern Europe as well as in China de... more The process of post-communist transformation in the former Eastern Europe as well as in China definitely ended the quasi-ideological ties based in the non coherent and doctrinaire ‘comradeship’ partnership, and eventually opened up a new post-ideological era of more truly defined relations which lie primarily in national material interests. The mutually growing economic relevance has been the common ground for building the new post-communist ties between China and the CEE, and the later emerging political dimension followed as the secondary effect on as an reaction on the EU’ eastern expanding. Can the Chinese charm offensive in the post-communist Europe, which organization structure resembles the PRC’s development assistance for developing countries, eventually bring about insufficient effects? The Chinese new interest in Europe opens up new perspectives to deepen and enlarge the Chinese understanding the non-western European dimensions, and let the Chinese spreading soft power receive new terrain for advancement. The Chinese mainstream perception of European post-communist transformation was under researched and ideologised, the diversity and value of non-western European culture deserve China’s reviewing and new appreciation.
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Can the Chinese charm offensive in the post-communist Europe, which organization structure resembles the PRC’s development assistance for developing countries, eventually bring about insufficient effects? The Chinese new interest in Europe opens up new perspectives to deepen and enlarge the Chinese understanding the non-western European dimensions, and let the Chinese spreading soft power receive new terrain for advancement. The Chinese mainstream perception of European post-communist transformation was under researched and ideologised, the diversity and value of non-western European culture deserve China’s reviewing and new appreciation.
Can the Chinese charm offensive in the post-communist Europe, which organization structure resembles the PRC’s development assistance for developing countries, eventually bring about insufficient effects? The Chinese new interest in Europe opens up new perspectives to deepen and enlarge the Chinese understanding the non-western European dimensions, and let the Chinese spreading soft power receive new terrain for advancement. The Chinese mainstream perception of European post-communist transformation was under researched and ideologised, the diversity and value of non-western European culture deserve China’s reviewing and new appreciation.