Papers by Maria Cristina Antonucci
Contesti, 2024
Gli urban commons, intesi come spazi comuni ri-servati allo sviluppo di una sfera pubblica citta-... more Gli urban commons, intesi come spazi comuni ri-servati allo sviluppo di una sfera pubblica citta-dina, azionabile anche per l’erogazione di attività e servizi prodotti dal basso, hanno trovato una stagione di grande sviluppo nel corso degli ultimi dieci anni nel contesto italiano, grazie anche allo sviluppo di sistemi di codificazione per la produzione di beni, spazi e servizi collettivi, non commodificabili, rivolti alla comunità citta-dina, con il suo sistema di richieste e fabbisogni. Per molti aspetti questo framework ha conferi-to nuovo spazio all’idea di diritto alla città, creando luoghi, fisici e sociali, in cui servizi innovativi di gestione di spazi, di cura delle relazioni, di condivisione di attività, di dibattito pubblico sulla città sono emersi in alternativa a modelli e servizi istituzionalizzati. Il presente contributo si propone di avviare una riflessione sulla fecondità dell’intersezione tra questa visione e l’esperienza dei centri antiviolenza (CAV) in Italia, a partire dall’analisi del caso di Lucha y Siesta che si qualifica come bene comune urbano relazionale e che rivendica, al contempo, un approccio femminista e transfemminista.
SOCIETÀMUTAMENTOPOLITICA, 2024
Liminalities: Social Vulnerabilities Between Participatory Processes and Digital Space in the Neo... more Liminalities: Social Vulnerabilities Between Participatory Processes and Digital Space in the Neoliberal Era
Confini invisibili Comunità liminali e pratiche di resistenza nella città neoliberista MELTEMI Me... more Confini invisibili Comunità liminali e pratiche di resistenza nella città neoliberista MELTEMI Meltemi editore www.meltemieditore.
H-ermes Journal of Communication, 2023
Gender dimension, from a feminist perspective, in urban policies is a subject that urban planners... more Gender dimension, from a feminist perspective, in urban policies is a subject that urban planners, urban
sociologists, politicians, and activists have often grappled with over time. However, the need to achieve
an overall feminist take (Mol) or a gender urban advocacy approach (Kern, 2020) has frequently clashed,
in urban activism or in the analysis of policy areas and segments open to gender issues, with a cultural
climate resistant to gender inequalities, especially in the context of the neoliberal city. The latter is
focused on maximizing its ability to extract value from cities and citizens, and naturally tends not to pay
the necessary attention to the spatialization of inequalities (both gender and intersectional) that occur in
the urban context. On the other hand, the increasingly widespread adoption of the gender mainstreaming
paradigm seems to permeate various institutional levels, descending from the supranational level of the
EU, where it was formulated, down to a more formal than substantive incorporation in urban contexts.
This paper aims to analyse, first and foremost, from a theoretical perspective with the necessary reference
to the gender claim of urban space and the introduction of the gender mainstreaming paradigm in public
policies, and secondly with an empirical approach dedicated to Italian metropolitan cities, the ways in
which the right to the city (Lefebvre) is interpreted in terms of gender. The goal of the work is to highlight
a formalistic and non-substantive adherence to the gender mainstreaming paradigm in the context of
Italian cities, where, in the light of references to gender equality in the right to the city, predominantly
symbolic and commemorative references to the role of women are made, proceeding only in limited cases
towards planning urban spaces and services tailored to women, supporting women's participation in city
life, and fully integrating gender issues into the programming of social, educational, and city-sized
welfare services.
Proceedings of 41st International Conference on High Energy physics — PoS(ICHEP2022), Nov 18, 2022
Raising awareness on gender issues Masullo et al.
The survey intends to provide a first analysis of the workloads, the time dedicated to profession... more The survey intends to provide a first analysis of the workloads, the time dedicated to professional tasks and family workloads, and the ways to deal with SW during the pandemic emergency. It aims to investigate ways of reconciling work-life in a gender dimension to highlight if and how the SW activity has influenced the domestic and family dynamics between women and men during the emergency period. For this reason, the analysis focuses on 1) the division of the workload of domestic and family care tasks; 2) the management of free time after completing the professional activities; 3) the evaluation of the SW activities (positive and negative aspects, technological difficulties, the perception of the quality of work and the factors that could be improved); and4) the evaluation of the SW experience also in relation to the Covid-19 emergency
Rivista Digital Politics, 2023
Prima pagina del paper La strategia della normalizzazione: la campagna
elettorale social di Giorg... more Prima pagina del paper La strategia della normalizzazione: la campagna
elettorale social di Giorgia Meloni alle elezioni
politiche del 2022, uscito sulla Rivista Digital Politics 1_2023
De Europa, 2022
Media, Democracy and Participation in the EU ESSAYS • News media in European democracies and beyo... more Media, Democracy and Participation in the EU ESSAYS • News media in European democracies and beyond: stable structural conditions but notorious deficits Tales Tomaz, Josef Trappel • EU participatory democracy and EU News Media-Between complementary policies and sectoral needs-A reality check Luciano Morganti, Catalina Dumbraveanu, Giordano Zambelli • Reacting to disinformation. The multilevel EU fact-checking approach Marinella Belluati, Alice Fubini • Le piattaforme per la partecipazione digitale dei cittadini. Una analisi basata sul modello di UE e Italia Andrea Volterrani, Maria Cristina Antonucci • Dieci anni ma non li dimostra. Lo spazio dell'Iniziativa dei cittadini europei e la sua evoluzione nel quadro delle politiche di rafforzamento della partecipazione
Rivista Impresa Sociale, 2022
Le politiche della cura, con a!enzione per specifici segmenti
di destinatari e portatori di fabb... more Le politiche della cura, con a!enzione per specifici segmenti
di destinatari e portatori di fabbisogni (non autosufficienze,
disabilità), sembrano aver trovato un rinnovato interesse e
qualche elemento di innovazione all’interno del quadro di
pianificazione predisposto con il PNRR che provvede ad allocare le risorse previste da Next Generation EU. Dopo un
lungo quindicennio di politiche di austerità e dinamiche di
privatizzazione e finanziarizzazione, almeno potenzialmente si allarga il diaframma di finanziamento delle politiche in
se!ori quali la sanità (Pet Mesi Dou et al., 2014; Reeves et al.,
2014; Arcà et al., 2020), politiche sociali (Ciarini, 2019; Ciarini,
Neri, 2021), l’assistenza alle non autosufficienze (Arlo!i et al.,
2021; Da Roit, 2021; Buzelli, Boyce, 2021), la disabilità (Portillo
Navarro et al., 2021).
Tu!avia, l’intervento ad oggi pianificato a!raverso il PNRR
per questi se!ori, pur sperimentando alcune linee guida originali per il contesto italiano (de-istituzionalizzazione, telemedicina di prossimità, riorganizzazione territoriale dell’integrazione sociosanitaria) e un approccio di programmazione
pluriennale supportato da una significativa dotazione di risorse finanziarie, risulta non sempre e non appieno coordinato e integrato con i modelli organizzativi ordinari di sanità e
sociale. La sanità, in particolare, emerge dall’austerity fortemente indebolita da pesanti riduzioni per stru!ura, organici,
dotazioni funzionali e strumentali: 37 miliardi di tagli al Sistema Sanitario Nazionale, 180 stru!ure ospedaliere chiuse,
30.000 posti le!i in meno, 5.000 medici specialisti, 4.000 medici di base e 7.500 infermieri in meno negli ultimi 15 anni secondo le indagini ISTAT.
La mancanza di integrazione tra la pianificazione ordinaria
negli ambiti sociale, assistenziale e sanitario e quella prodotta sull’asse PNRR espone queste arene di policy-su-policy,
centrali per la risposta welfaristica ai fabbisogni sociali di
base e per la politica di cura a individui e famiglie, a diversi rischi.
Urban participation formats have experienced a dynamic season of experimentation in Italy in the ... more Urban participation formats have experienced a dynamic season of experimentation in Italy in the last 15
years. In this period, two questions about the inclusion and representativeness of the participants in these formats of
urban democracy have arisen: How inclusive and representative of urban communities are they? How does the
selection of the participatory tools created by the cities collect the community of participants? In identifying a need for
education in Edu-communication, as defined by Freire, for better and deeper civic participation in urban democracy,
the article presents and discusses two case studies focusing on a participatory budget (Milan) and local community
development (Reggio Calabria). In the comparisons between genesis, format, and development, the two case studies
present the same need for Edu-communication functions: civic training, empowering diverse types of citizens for urban
decision-making, supporting inclusive democratic processes at the local level, and enhancing comprehensive urban
decision-building, open to communities. In this sense, we consider both theoretically and empirically the role of Edu-
communication as leverage for better urban democracy, and we detect risks and opportunities in the two case studies
that could benefit from greater use of Edu-communication, especially in the post–COVID-19 context and in light of
international experiences
This report analyzes the data collected through an online survey for the participants of the Part... more This report analyzes the data collected through an online survey for the participants of the Participatory Budget (PB) organized by the City of Milan. The aims of the survey are: 1. to reconstruct the socio-demographic profile of these active citizens, interested in the public life of the city and involved in improving the decision-making process; 2.to understand the reasons pushing for participation in this process; 3. To detect the self-evaluation of experience of active citizens. Gathering bottom-up indications on implementation of PB and receiving citizens’ advice on the improvement of this practice were the objectives that our research intended to achieve. The results of the survey show how the participants present a rather homogeneous socio-demographic profile, a continuous electoral participation, even with a certain distrust towards parties and national institutions, while showing satisfaction for the role and outcomes of Participatory Budget. While expressing some critical ...
Contemporary Italian Politics, 2022
Participatory budgeting (PB) has become one of the most widely employed and extensively debated i... more Participatory budgeting (PB) has become one of the most widely employed and extensively debated instruments in the field of participatory democracy. Its supporters have highlighted its ability to increase political participation and the empowerment of citizens. Critics have warned of its (lack of) capacity to be inclusive and to fulfil promises of greater transparency and effective empowerment of citizens. The present article, through the analysis of data collected among participants in the PB process in Milan, draws a picture of the average PB participant in order to understand the extent to which PB succeeds in including a representative cross-section of Milan population. The article finds that PB participants are on average older, richer, better educated, and more politically active than the average Milan resident, highlighting the failure of the city’s PB to engage representative cross-sections of the population. The article concludes by stressing the urgency of the need to reform practices of participatory democracy in order to make them more inclusive and therefore better able to achieve citizen empowerment.
Data, analysis and references on women balance in lobbying professions
Summary This paper investigates women in lobbying careers in Italy, the UK and France in comparis... more Summary This paper investigates women in lobbying careers in Italy, the UK and France in comparison with the EU Parliament to verify the hypothesis that in political systems with a gender mainstreaming approach, it is easier for women to have access to political, institutional and politics-related careers. Given the differences between national and supranational political systems, the collected data display a fairer gender balance in the stock of registered lobbyists at the EU Parliament than in the national registers for lobbyists. The explanatory factors are the EU institutional approach towards gender mainstreaming and a fairer gender balance in EU top-political and administrative jobs. The paper argues that there is a spillover effect from fair-gendered political careers to the lobbying professions. EU lobbyists need to reflect the diversity of EU politicians and administrative staff. In this sense, the EU institutionalization of the gender mainstreaming approach goes beyond iss...
Journal of Public Affairs, 2018
Local and Urban Governance, 2020
The theme of urban governance has been affirmed both in sociopolitical studies and in local polit... more The theme of urban governance has been affirmed both in sociopolitical studies and in local political practices more and more over the last few years. Beyond its relevance in urban studies, the very concept of urban governance has performed as a fundamental tool for innovating many city areas: the planning of management of urban spaces, the democratization of local policies and the establishment of a new relationship between local political elites and the other city stakeholders. In 2016, the UN New Urban Agenda (NUA) codified urban governance principles, models, formats and practices, emerging in the scientific literature and in the local political management experiences of the world cities. This chapter aims to highlight the impact of urban governance in the context of the city of Rome. With reference to the real and virtual instruments for citizen participation in the collective choices of the city, the text highlights how, before the NUA codification of 2016, civic committees and the few and seldom-used tools for direct democracy constituted the exclusive resources available to citizens for providing their opinion on the collective choices of the city. Implementing the opportunities provided by digital revolution and following recent political choices, just after the release of NUA, new models and tools of digital civic participation affirmed in the Roman context. By an analysis on the action of civic committees on Roman territory and through a repertoire of new digital and real participation tools developed by the Roman administration, the chapter aims to reconstruct the phases and steps of the complex-and still partial-application in Rome of the civic participatory models of urban governance proposed by the NUA.
Contemporary Italian Politics, 2022
Participatory budgeting (PB) has become one of the most widely employed and extensively debated i... more Participatory budgeting (PB) has become one of the most widely employed and extensively debated instruments in the field of participatory democracy. Its supporters have highlighted its ability to increase political participation and the empowerment of citizens. Critics have warned of its (lack of) capacity to be inclusive and to fulfil promises of greater transparency and effective empowerment of citizens. The present article, through the analysis of data collected among participants in the PB process in Milan, draws a picture of the average PB participant in order to understand the extent to which PB succeeds in including a representative cross-section of Milan population. The article finds that PB participants are on average older, richer, better educated, and more politically active than the average Milan resident, highlighting the failure of the city’s PB to engage representative cross-sections of the population. The article concludes by stressing the urgency of the need to reform practices of participatory democracy in order to make them more inclusive and therefore better able to achieve citizen empowerment.
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Papers by Maria Cristina Antonucci
sociologists, politicians, and activists have often grappled with over time. However, the need to achieve
an overall feminist take (Mol) or a gender urban advocacy approach (Kern, 2020) has frequently clashed,
in urban activism or in the analysis of policy areas and segments open to gender issues, with a cultural
climate resistant to gender inequalities, especially in the context of the neoliberal city. The latter is
focused on maximizing its ability to extract value from cities and citizens, and naturally tends not to pay
the necessary attention to the spatialization of inequalities (both gender and intersectional) that occur in
the urban context. On the other hand, the increasingly widespread adoption of the gender mainstreaming
paradigm seems to permeate various institutional levels, descending from the supranational level of the
EU, where it was formulated, down to a more formal than substantive incorporation in urban contexts.
This paper aims to analyse, first and foremost, from a theoretical perspective with the necessary reference
to the gender claim of urban space and the introduction of the gender mainstreaming paradigm in public
policies, and secondly with an empirical approach dedicated to Italian metropolitan cities, the ways in
which the right to the city (Lefebvre) is interpreted in terms of gender. The goal of the work is to highlight
a formalistic and non-substantive adherence to the gender mainstreaming paradigm in the context of
Italian cities, where, in the light of references to gender equality in the right to the city, predominantly
symbolic and commemorative references to the role of women are made, proceeding only in limited cases
towards planning urban spaces and services tailored to women, supporting women's participation in city
life, and fully integrating gender issues into the programming of social, educational, and city-sized
welfare services.
elettorale social di Giorgia Meloni alle elezioni
politiche del 2022, uscito sulla Rivista Digital Politics 1_2023
di destinatari e portatori di fabbisogni (non autosufficienze,
disabilità), sembrano aver trovato un rinnovato interesse e
qualche elemento di innovazione all’interno del quadro di
pianificazione predisposto con il PNRR che provvede ad allocare le risorse previste da Next Generation EU. Dopo un
lungo quindicennio di politiche di austerità e dinamiche di
privatizzazione e finanziarizzazione, almeno potenzialmente si allarga il diaframma di finanziamento delle politiche in
se!ori quali la sanità (Pet Mesi Dou et al., 2014; Reeves et al.,
2014; Arcà et al., 2020), politiche sociali (Ciarini, 2019; Ciarini,
Neri, 2021), l’assistenza alle non autosufficienze (Arlo!i et al.,
2021; Da Roit, 2021; Buzelli, Boyce, 2021), la disabilità (Portillo
Navarro et al., 2021).
Tu!avia, l’intervento ad oggi pianificato a!raverso il PNRR
per questi se!ori, pur sperimentando alcune linee guida originali per il contesto italiano (de-istituzionalizzazione, telemedicina di prossimità, riorganizzazione territoriale dell’integrazione sociosanitaria) e un approccio di programmazione
pluriennale supportato da una significativa dotazione di risorse finanziarie, risulta non sempre e non appieno coordinato e integrato con i modelli organizzativi ordinari di sanità e
sociale. La sanità, in particolare, emerge dall’austerity fortemente indebolita da pesanti riduzioni per stru!ura, organici,
dotazioni funzionali e strumentali: 37 miliardi di tagli al Sistema Sanitario Nazionale, 180 stru!ure ospedaliere chiuse,
30.000 posti le!i in meno, 5.000 medici specialisti, 4.000 medici di base e 7.500 infermieri in meno negli ultimi 15 anni secondo le indagini ISTAT.
La mancanza di integrazione tra la pianificazione ordinaria
negli ambiti sociale, assistenziale e sanitario e quella prodotta sull’asse PNRR espone queste arene di policy-su-policy,
centrali per la risposta welfaristica ai fabbisogni sociali di
base e per la politica di cura a individui e famiglie, a diversi rischi.
years. In this period, two questions about the inclusion and representativeness of the participants in these formats of
urban democracy have arisen: How inclusive and representative of urban communities are they? How does the
selection of the participatory tools created by the cities collect the community of participants? In identifying a need for
education in Edu-communication, as defined by Freire, for better and deeper civic participation in urban democracy,
the article presents and discusses two case studies focusing on a participatory budget (Milan) and local community
development (Reggio Calabria). In the comparisons between genesis, format, and development, the two case studies
present the same need for Edu-communication functions: civic training, empowering diverse types of citizens for urban
decision-making, supporting inclusive democratic processes at the local level, and enhancing comprehensive urban
decision-building, open to communities. In this sense, we consider both theoretically and empirically the role of Edu-
communication as leverage for better urban democracy, and we detect risks and opportunities in the two case studies
that could benefit from greater use of Edu-communication, especially in the post–COVID-19 context and in light of
international experiences
sociologists, politicians, and activists have often grappled with over time. However, the need to achieve
an overall feminist take (Mol) or a gender urban advocacy approach (Kern, 2020) has frequently clashed,
in urban activism or in the analysis of policy areas and segments open to gender issues, with a cultural
climate resistant to gender inequalities, especially in the context of the neoliberal city. The latter is
focused on maximizing its ability to extract value from cities and citizens, and naturally tends not to pay
the necessary attention to the spatialization of inequalities (both gender and intersectional) that occur in
the urban context. On the other hand, the increasingly widespread adoption of the gender mainstreaming
paradigm seems to permeate various institutional levels, descending from the supranational level of the
EU, where it was formulated, down to a more formal than substantive incorporation in urban contexts.
This paper aims to analyse, first and foremost, from a theoretical perspective with the necessary reference
to the gender claim of urban space and the introduction of the gender mainstreaming paradigm in public
policies, and secondly with an empirical approach dedicated to Italian metropolitan cities, the ways in
which the right to the city (Lefebvre) is interpreted in terms of gender. The goal of the work is to highlight
a formalistic and non-substantive adherence to the gender mainstreaming paradigm in the context of
Italian cities, where, in the light of references to gender equality in the right to the city, predominantly
symbolic and commemorative references to the role of women are made, proceeding only in limited cases
towards planning urban spaces and services tailored to women, supporting women's participation in city
life, and fully integrating gender issues into the programming of social, educational, and city-sized
welfare services.
elettorale social di Giorgia Meloni alle elezioni
politiche del 2022, uscito sulla Rivista Digital Politics 1_2023
di destinatari e portatori di fabbisogni (non autosufficienze,
disabilità), sembrano aver trovato un rinnovato interesse e
qualche elemento di innovazione all’interno del quadro di
pianificazione predisposto con il PNRR che provvede ad allocare le risorse previste da Next Generation EU. Dopo un
lungo quindicennio di politiche di austerità e dinamiche di
privatizzazione e finanziarizzazione, almeno potenzialmente si allarga il diaframma di finanziamento delle politiche in
se!ori quali la sanità (Pet Mesi Dou et al., 2014; Reeves et al.,
2014; Arcà et al., 2020), politiche sociali (Ciarini, 2019; Ciarini,
Neri, 2021), l’assistenza alle non autosufficienze (Arlo!i et al.,
2021; Da Roit, 2021; Buzelli, Boyce, 2021), la disabilità (Portillo
Navarro et al., 2021).
Tu!avia, l’intervento ad oggi pianificato a!raverso il PNRR
per questi se!ori, pur sperimentando alcune linee guida originali per il contesto italiano (de-istituzionalizzazione, telemedicina di prossimità, riorganizzazione territoriale dell’integrazione sociosanitaria) e un approccio di programmazione
pluriennale supportato da una significativa dotazione di risorse finanziarie, risulta non sempre e non appieno coordinato e integrato con i modelli organizzativi ordinari di sanità e
sociale. La sanità, in particolare, emerge dall’austerity fortemente indebolita da pesanti riduzioni per stru!ura, organici,
dotazioni funzionali e strumentali: 37 miliardi di tagli al Sistema Sanitario Nazionale, 180 stru!ure ospedaliere chiuse,
30.000 posti le!i in meno, 5.000 medici specialisti, 4.000 medici di base e 7.500 infermieri in meno negli ultimi 15 anni secondo le indagini ISTAT.
La mancanza di integrazione tra la pianificazione ordinaria
negli ambiti sociale, assistenziale e sanitario e quella prodotta sull’asse PNRR espone queste arene di policy-su-policy,
centrali per la risposta welfaristica ai fabbisogni sociali di
base e per la politica di cura a individui e famiglie, a diversi rischi.
years. In this period, two questions about the inclusion and representativeness of the participants in these formats of
urban democracy have arisen: How inclusive and representative of urban communities are they? How does the
selection of the participatory tools created by the cities collect the community of participants? In identifying a need for
education in Edu-communication, as defined by Freire, for better and deeper civic participation in urban democracy,
the article presents and discusses two case studies focusing on a participatory budget (Milan) and local community
development (Reggio Calabria). In the comparisons between genesis, format, and development, the two case studies
present the same need for Edu-communication functions: civic training, empowering diverse types of citizens for urban
decision-making, supporting inclusive democratic processes at the local level, and enhancing comprehensive urban
decision-building, open to communities. In this sense, we consider both theoretically and empirically the role of Edu-
communication as leverage for better urban democracy, and we detect risks and opportunities in the two case studies
that could benefit from greater use of Edu-communication, especially in the post–COVID-19 context and in light of
international experiences
caring society. – 2. Sviluppo e integrazione del terzo settore italiano nel
contesto del welfare di comunità fino alla crisi pandemica. – 3. Le traiet-
torie di mutamento post-pandemico. Il futuro del terzo settore nella ca-
ring society a fronte della neo-statalizzazione, della sanitarizzazione del
socio-sanitario, del soluzionismo digitale dei dispositivi di cura.
in university governance, in the organization of research and teachingactivities, in the access to and
development of academic careers. Even if the reform does notreferto the gender-equal opportunities
for access and progression of careers, recent literature showed how this law marked the female
presence in academic careers, especially at top-level positions.This paper examines the reform
impact in vertical segregation in Italian academic sociology. The selected area of studies
traditionally measures and discusses gender differences and female participation in work, power,
economy, and society. A reduction of female academics in this sector, especially at top-level
positions, might affect the relevance of gender studies in Italian universities.
Furthermore, a female perspective on social issues has always been crucial for diversity in science
and it will be even more necessary in the post-pandemic recovery time. Consequently, an impact of
the mechanism of selection and progression on the female stock of sociology academics might be
relevant for the continuation and progression of gender studies and for a female oriented sociological
perspective in society. Through an analysis based on open data, publicly provided by the Italian
Ministry of University, this paper assesses the verticalsegregation hypothesis in the academic careers
of Italian sociology, using two indexes (Glass Ceiling Index, GCI, and Progression Glass Ceiling
Index, PGCI) to measure vertical segregation in all the levels of academic careers, before and after
the 2010 reform law. Data emerging from the analysis confirm when a reform does not expressly
provide positive measures to guarantee equal opportunities for women, it creates a negative impact
on the leaky pipeline in the whole academic system and even in sectors, like sociology,which should
be familiar to equal opportunities and affirmative policies
L’analisi è stata sviluppata seguendo le due principali direttrici che guidano le iniziative dell’UE per l’innovazione. Nella prima l’UE esercita una funzione integrativa, attraverso la mobilitazione di importanti risorse finanziarie, per potenziare lo sviluppo insufficiente della ricerca di base e sostenere le imprese private nell’investimento in tecnologie d’avanguardia. Nella seconda l’UE promuove politiche regolative per realizzare standard innovativi condivisi dalle imprese e fatti rispettare dagli stati membri.
Vedremo che l’impegno dell’UE volto ad incrementare il volume delle insufficienti risorse pubbliche per la ricerca e l’innovazione ha trovato il sostegno di tutti i gruppi di interesse rappresentati a Bruxelles. Quando, diversamente, l’UE ha promosso politiche regolative per indirizzare entro certi parametri l’innovazione, i gruppi di interesse più toccati dalla legislazione comunitaria hanno collaborato attivamente alla elaborazione della regolazione per reindirizzarla o ridimensionarla in funzione delle propensioni al cambiamento dei diversi settori imprenditoriali da essi rappresentati.