Von Hugel Institute

Immigration has turned into a politically sensitive issue in almost all of the economically developed receiving states. Particularly in Europe, this situation has led to the replacement of post-war laissez-faire approaches to labour migration with tighter policies in a number of countries, influencing also the entry conditions of high-skilled migrants from the third countries in a restrictive manner despite existing labour market demands in these high income countries for employing high-skilled workers (Abella and Ducanes 2009; Cerna and Hynes 2009). This paper analyses how rhetorical references made by the key political parties in the UK and Italy to high-skilled migration during election campaigns inform policy-making in this specific area of migration management. Lowell’s (2005: 2) highly-skilled migrant definition is adopted which follows that ‘highly skilled persons are in high-value-added and high productivity jobs that are essential to our knowledge society’. Building on the literature which underlines the role of ideas and discourse while offering an explanation of policy formation processes and policy changes (Blyth 1997; Geddes and Guiraudon 2004; Hay and Rosamond 2002; Schmidt and Radaelli 2004; Schmidt 2008), the paper examines how high skilled migration is dominantly addressed in electoral campaigns in Europe and assesses how different rhetorical categories are accommodated within policies regulating the influx of highly skilled migrants. The UK and Italy are singled out as case studies and the comparison is made by concentrating on the years 1996-2010. It addresses the following questions: - How is the dominant electoral positioning on high-skilled immigration in Britain and Italy? – How do these electoral positions inform the actual design of policies that apply to high-skilled migration? - What does such an evaluation of policy debates and outcomes reveal about shifting policies in the domain of skilled economic migration?

Immigration has become a highly salient international issue over the last two decades with increased socio-economic and political significance. This led to the development of a wide range of policy measures that are aimed at either halting migrants from reaching Europe or deterring them from settling in their preferred countries of destination. Such externalization of border controls have profound effects on relations between countries. Drawing on qualitative data, the paper investigates how and with what effects the foreign policy of immigration controls have been developing in Italy, one of the frontline immigration countries of the EU which has been increasingly engaging with practices of ‘de-territorial cooperation on migration’. In particular, the imprint of left-wing parties on Italy's immigration policy developments is examined in order to gauge left-wing coalitions’ influence on the overall direction of the policies in this realm.

Immigration has become an issue often framed with reference to the protection of external borders, welfare state, cultural and ethnic identity, increased risk of terrorism in most of the major receiving countries in
Europe. Yet, despite restrictive immigration controls and exclusionary rhetoric in these countries,  population inflows continue. Building on the literature which points out that migration policies often ‘fail’ to achieve restrictive objectives due to various institutional constraints preventing governments to realise their electoral promises (Boswell 2003; Calavita 2004; Castles 2004a, 2004b; Freeman 1995; Geddes 2008), this paper analyses the relation between policy debates and policy-making in migration domain. The processes through which immigration debates and policies evolved in Italy are analysed by drawing on qualitative data
for the period covering 1996 to 2010. The paper elaborates on how, faced with the so-called immigration pressures, different discursive categories of immigrants and immigration are created by the right-wing
political parties in Italy, the extent to which nodal points of the right-wing immigration debates were reflected in the design of immigration control tools and what the link between rhetoric and practice reveals
about the processes shaping politics of immigration control.

In questo saggio ci occupiamo innanzitutto dell'immigrazione di massa e della crisi umanitaria che si sono abbattute prima sull'Italia e poi sull'intera Europa nel 2015. Dopodiché analizziamo l'interazione tra il problema dell'immigrazione e le drammatiche sfide che si è trovata ad affrontare l'Italia diventando un paese d'immigrazione in un periodo di recessione. Nel paese non si è sviluppato finora un dibattito esaustivo su come gestire una sempre maggiore diversità, un dibattito che a questo punto è ormai ineludibile. Il discorso generale sul multiculturalismo è stato inasprito dalle evidenti implicazioni del movimento, vieppiù numeroso, che chiede coesione sociale, identità nazionale, difesa dei valori religiosi, sicurezza e una vera politica estera. Affrontiamo le due questioni descrivendo prima l'andamento complessivo delle nuove pressioni migratorie che gravano sull'Italia-perché il cambiamento si può giudicare solo sulla base dei trend preesistenti-e poi cercando di capire cosa significa il multiculturalismo nel contesto italiano. Su questi due sfondi analizziamo infine i tentativi messi in atto nel 2015 dal governo Renzi per gestire l'immigrazione e la diversità, e i relativi conflitti interni, sia a livello dei partiti politici sia a livello della società nel suo complesso. Segue una parte sulla dimensione esterna, in particolare quella dell'Unione Europea (Ue), a cui il governo Renzi ha rivolto tante pressanti richieste di aiuto. Il capitolo si chiude con la ricostruzione di alcuni eventi di carattere religioso, sia per l'importanza che riveste ancora la Chiesa cattolica sia per la mal sopportazione che circonda l'Islam in Italia, prima di tentare alcune conclusioni sintetiche e di abbozzare alcune indicazioni per il futuro. 1. Pressioni migratorie Tra il gennaio 2014 e il gennaio 2015 il numero totale di immigrati provenienti da paesi esterni all'Ue che vivevano in Italia è cresciuto di 55.000 unità (ossia dell'1,4%) arrivando a sfiorare i quattro milioni di persone [Istat 2015]. Il paese ha visto crescere sensibilmente anche il numero dei disperati che arrivano sui barconi, da meno di 43.000 nel 2013 a 170.000 nel 2014; a ottobre del 2015 aveva già accolto 136.432 tra rifugiati politici e immigrati clandestini, mentre altri tremila avevano perso la vita durante il tragitto [Ministero dell'Interno 2015]. La dimensione e la portata globale di questa crisi sono emerse in tutta la loro evidenza dopo la fine della missione di soccorso Mare Nostrum, patrocinata dalla Commissione Europea e guidata dall'Italia; nel mese di aprile del 2015 due spaventosi naufragi hanno fatto quasi 900 morti, e l'UNCHR ha spiegato che il numero delle vittime su questa rotta dei disperati era aumentato di quasi cinquanta volte rispetto all'anno prima 1. I continui sbarchi sono un problema immane per lo Stivale, posizionato al centro del Mediterraneo, specie se teniamo presente che fino a metà degli anni ottanta l'immigrazione era pressoché inesistente in Italia. Da allora è cresciuta esponenzialmente, ponendo enormi sfide a un sistema culturalmente e amministrativamente impreparato. Al di là della disputa sulla sicurezza dei confini, il problema diventa ancora più complicato se pensiamo che il costante afflusso di migranti è venuto ad alterare le caratteristiche demografiche e religiose, relativamente omogenee, del paese, nonché la stabilità delle relazioni tra Chiesa e stato. Per esempio, i musulmani che vivono in Italia sono passati da poche centinaia di migliaia nei primi anni novanta a più di un milione (ossia circa il 2% della popolazione italiana) a metà del primo decennio del nuovo millennio [Allievi 2008]. Nonostante l'indisponibilità di dati relativi agli ultimi anni 2 , secondo le stime del Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life [2011] nel 2010 vivevano in Italia 1.583.000 musulmani, che potrebbero raddoppiare entro il 2030.

Turkey hosts 3.6 million Syrians 1 under its 'temporary protection' scheme. Yet, the Temporary Protection regime lacks a concrete timeframe and generates uncertainties for Syrians living in Turkey as, in practice, it does not establish guaranteed and stable rights to them. Moreover, there are additional uncertainties emanating from the EU-Turkey Readmission Agreement, which overlooks that Turkey still reserves geographical restriction to the 1951 Geneva Convention and its 1969 Protocol. Furthermore, there is a certain lack of clarity on the application of human rights standards to vulnerable irregular migrants, casting doubts on the legality of this soft law instrument.

Much has been written with the aim of imposing conceptual order on the various forms of European governance emerging since the early 1990s, which do not necessarily follow the 'Community method': social dialogue, policy coordination and co-regulation, to name but the main variants. Beyond assessing the effectiveness and legitimacy of these individual mechanisms, broader questions are raised. Can general patterns be discerned from-to borrow the structure used in this book-the emergence, evolution, execution and evaluation of these diverse ways of doing business? This volume is based on an EU-funded integrated research project (NEWGOV) devoted to such questions. Stefano Bartolini presents the common framework. Udo Diedrichs, Wulf Reiners and Wolfgang Wessels offer a macro perspective of the evolution of EU governance, concluding that new modes which retain national discretion are politically comfortable but relatively ineffective 'temporary deviations' from the Community method. Adrienne Héritier and Dirk Lehmkuhl give an overview of 'new forms of governance in regulation', which they characterize as 'governing in the shadow of hierarchy'. Tanja Börzel addresses the role of new modes of governance in enlargement processes and accession countries-her own conclusion being subtitled 'Much ado about almost nothing'. Martin Rhodes and Jelle Visser assess the broad variety of new modes of socioeconomic governance, with an emphasis on the creation of new 'commitment devices'. Richard Bellamy, Dario Castiglione, Andreas Follesdal and Albert Weale discuss the potential and limitations of new modes of governance in terms of representation and political accountability. These are interesting contributions from what was clearly a rich and productive research project, which has fed many publications. The present collection will be appreciated by many as summarizing how these important questions about EU governance have been addressed by groups of distinguished EU scholars, mostly within a loose common framework. This background, however, represents a major challenge for drawing clear conclusions. The extensive empirical work cannot easily be summarized in such a short volume (and the rapid assessments of particular cases sometimes leave question marks). As the editors themselves recognize, the contributors use different specific definitions which, given the great variety of phenomena involved, makes it harder to see clear overall patterns. 'Governing in the shadow of hierarchy', finally, may not be the best common denominator. In some cases, no such

Women have more disadvantages and additional challenges than men during migratory processes. Some of these challenges are highly related to the perceptions about the role of women in origin or destination countries and communities, while some of them are the direct outcomes and side effects of constructed relations between men and women. As confirmed by the relevant reports and studies, in all cases, women migrants have lower employment rates than migrant men and other women in their new communities. Women migrants, who achieve to find a job, mostly can find part-time recruitment opportunities instead of full-time positions. Moreover, longitudinal analyses show that full labor market integration does not happen very quickly, and its completion would often require several years. This chapter investigates the challenges that women migrants encounter in the labor market and the linkages of these challenges with structural problems in the employment market of the host countries. As to provide more concrete examples, the study is based on the significant remarks from the literature and also provides insights from the case of women migrants in Italy and Turkey; two countries from different sides of the Mediterranean with different backgrounds as countries of immigration but quite comparable in terms of being relatively recent countries of immigration; their strategic positioning within global migratory routes; the great diversity of migrants and also the growing share of migrant women they receive.