This latest special edition of Insight Turkey meticulously explores the evolving dynamics of Türk... more This latest special edition of Insight Turkey meticulously explores the evolving dynamics of Türkiye’s engagement with East Asia under the ambit of the Asia Anew Initiative. This edition is distinguished by a series of foundational articles that provide a thorough overview of the initiative, alongside in-depth analyses of Türkiye’s bilateral relationships with key Asian nations. We trust that the comprehensive discussions and diverse perspectives presented in this issue will offer our readers valuable insights and deepen their understanding of the intricate geopolitical landscape.
This study aims to illustrate that multi-vectorial approaches in for- eign policy could not only ... more This study aims to illustrate that multi-vectorial approaches in for- eign policy could not only be practical but also productive for middle pow- ers. With this aim, the study conceptualizes Turkish foreign policy in Asia with multi-vectorism, a foreign policy behavioral pattern that has been mainly utilized for post-Soviet countries’ concurrent interactions with the West (the EU, the U.S.) and the non-West (Russia). The study, firstly, argues that Asian international relations require a more composite re-definition of multi-vectorism, since in Asia, due to the intra-regional fragmentations and diversions, there are more than the conventional two vectors, the West and the non-West. By considering this argument the study applies multi-vec- torism to Türkiye’s foreign policy in Asia by comparing the practicability of different interaction patterns, e.g., multilateralism, minilateralism, and bi- lateralism. The study, secondly, argues that Türkiye’s multi-vectorial foreign policy in Asia is particularly successful in its bilateral relations and less so in its multilateral and minilateral interactions.
OASIS-OBSERVATORIO DE ANALISIS DE LOS SISTEMAS INTERNACIONALES, 2023
Transregionalism is identified with loose and less-institutional interactions functioning via bot... more Transregionalism is identified with loose and less-institutional interactions functioning via both state and non-state actors. Its lesser need for multilateral and ruled-based institutions makes transregionalism naturally flexible, multifaceted, and more bilateralism-oriented. Türkiye’s enthusiasm to deepen relations with Asia, which was officially encapsulated within the Asia Anew initiative (2019), is a good example of such multifaceted transregional bilateralism. The initiative prioritized this interaction scheme by stressing the importance of inter-agency mechanisms operating via state and non-state stakeholders. Accordingly, this study argues that Türkiye’s interactions with South Asia, especially regarding state/peopleto- people relations, which merge state with non-state actors can be analyzed within the conceptual framework of transregional bilateralism. Departing from this premise, this study argues that the geocultural affinities between the South Asian and Turkish communities perform as the main “booster” of this framework.
Çanakkale Onsekiz Mart Üniversitesi Uluslararası Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, 2019
Great and regional powers have been trying to influence/control Central Asia's (CA) political-eco... more Great and regional powers have been trying to influence/control Central Asia's (CA) political-economic fabric and development for the sake of their own strategic interests via different politico-economic schemes. Especially, Russia, China and the US are competing to inject their individual regional integration models for reducing the influence of other great and regional powers. These models fall in the category of extra-regional integration projects, which promote different structured approaches. This paper explores the viability and major impacts of great power-induced regional integration and their repercussions. It argues that these projects are developed by and biased towards preserving the influence of major powers, and lack viable framework to bring both global and regional players into a path of long-term cooperation. Even if the great powers' regional integration approaches are divergent from each other, their common point the asymmetry they apply when they are approaching the region. Primarily they prioritized their own strategic interests while discarding CA states' expectations to a significant extent. However, if implemented successfully, it cannot be ruled out that these projects may bring socioeconomic benefits to CA countries at the expense of political independence.
The politico-economically uneven structure, fragile inter-state affairs and weak regionalism of t... more The politico-economically uneven structure, fragile inter-state affairs and weak regionalism of the Middle East make it difficult to explain its interactions with South Asia within a single theoretical pattern. Neither interregionalism nor multilateralism could illuminate these interactions individually. This study merges recently popularized interaction schemes of minilateralism and bilateralism on a transregional basis to provide an eclectic and flexible conceptual framework to explain the patterns of Middle East–South Asia inter-state affairs. It argues that regardless of its weak regionalism and intra-regional power games, the Middle East, with these trendy interaction schemes, could still develop effective inter-state relations with South Asia. The study utilizes the empirical analysis method to interpret various levels and types of interactions between actors of various capabilities. In addition, it also uses case studies to produce a deeper context-dependent knowledge of Middle Eastern – South Asian actors.
Uluslararası İlişkiler – International Relations, 2023
The Greater Eurasian Partnership (GEP), introduced by Russia in 2015, is a regional integration p... more The Greater Eurasian Partnership (GEP), introduced by Russia in 2015, is a regional integration project that aims to encompass the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). With this broad spectrum, it embodies various forms of regionalism, arranges a flexible institutional structure for non-/governmental actors without denting their other regional affiliations and provides commercial, developmental, and security opportunities. Such features could also facilitate the GEP’s ability to enhance Turkey’s recent efforts to deepen its relations with Asia. In return, Turkey could play several key roles for the GEP with its “dialogue partner” status in the SCO, “Middle Corridor” initiative for the BRI, and well-established links in Central Asia. Originating from potential mutual interests, this study applies a theoretical perspective underlining the commonalities of various regionalism categories to analyze the GEP’s amalgamated nature and highlight its significance for Turkey’s political-economic priorities without undermining its traditional ties with the West.
The Middle East and South Asia can be defined as interlinked political spaces that experience dee... more The Middle East and South Asia can be defined as interlinked political spaces that experience deepening interactions of their energetic and ambitious regional powers together with the constant strategic competition of major global powers. This vibrancy has been relentlessly fuelled by the geo-economic/political/strategic, and humanitarian needs of these two regions’ actors. Since there are no regional groupings effectively representing the two regions these interactions are mostly minilateral or bilateral and are bolstered by historical, cultural and religious affinities. Yet, due to the relatively higher power status of the Middle East, these transregional interactions operate on an asymmetrical basis.
This article discusses the background and diplomatic strategies of the Turkish delegation at Laus... more This article discusses the background and diplomatic strategies of the Turkish delegation at Lausanne and their selective understanding of self-determination, excluding non-Turkic and non-Muslim people in Anatolia from the ‘self’ that has the right to determine its national existence. It also elaborates on the reasons why the Allies acknowledged this exclusion in the Treaty of Lausanne of 1923. We borrow from Erez Manela’s interpretation of the ‘Wilsonian moment’ to frame these diplomatic and political developments and to show how and why the democratic intent of Wilson’s idea of self-determination vanished in the framing of the Peace Treaty of Lausanne in 1923.
Uluslararasi Iliskiler/ International Relations, Oct 20, 2016
IR literature has proposed tangible and intangible criteria for defining and differentiating rank... more IR literature has proposed tangible and intangible criteria for defining and differentiating rankings of countries, albeit without much success. The literature's limited success is primarily due to the subjective, unclear and immeasurable qualities of these criteria. The differentiation between small powers and middle powers is particularly ambiguous. This article proposes an amalgamated method, which combines foreign policy behavior capabilities to characterize and separate small powers and middle powers. There is a relationship between capabilities and a country's global status ranking that also determines foreign policy behavior. This also underlines a complementarity between national capabilities and foreign policy objectives. Lower capabilities means a low-key/restrained foreign policy but do higher capabilities mean a more proactive/highly strung foreign policy? Increased capabilities boost the position of a country from a small power to a middle power but do not completely eliminate constraints imposed by great powers. This article examines Turkey's experiences since the 1930s as an empirical narrative of the complementarity between power and level of influence.
Bu çalışma, Birinci Dünya Savaşı’ndan sonraki dönemde Iraklı Kürtlerin bağımsızlık arayışları sır... more Bu çalışma, Birinci Dünya Savaşı’ndan sonraki dönemde Iraklı Kürtlerin bağımsızlık arayışları sırasında karşılaştığı zorluklara odaklanmaktadır. Kürtlerin bu arayışları, Uluslararası İlişkilerde neden-sonuç odaklı analizlerde sıklıkla başvurulan anlatısal açıklamacılık yöntemi kullanılarak dört ayrı dönemde incelenmiştir. Bunlardan ilki, Irak’ta İngiliz Manda yönetiminin egemen olduğu 1920’li yıllardan itibaren Baas rejimi hakimiyetinin konsolide edildiği 1970’li yılların sonuna kadar geçen dönemi kapsamaktadır. Bu dönemde Kürtler ilk olarak, İngiltere’nin daha önceki desteğinin aksine bağımsızlık yolundaki engellemeleri ile karşılaşmışlardır. 1930’larda Irak’ın Milletler Cemiyeti’ne üyelik sürecinde Bağdat, Kürtlerin haklarını tanıyacağı vaadinde bulunsa da kayda değer bir adım atmamıştır. 1950’li ve 1960’lı yıllarda ise muhalif gruplar, Irak’ta iktidarı ele geçirince Kürtlerle aralarına mesafe koymuşlardır. Kürtler son olarak, İran’dan destek almış fakat Bağdat ve Tahran arasında yapılan bir antlaşmayla bu destek sona erince, Irak Kürt hareketi dağılma noktasına gelmiştir. İran-Irak Savaşı ve Körfez Savaşı’nın yaşandığı 1980’ler ve 1990’lar çalışmada ele alınan ikinci dönemdir. Kürtler, İran-Irak Savaşı sırasında Tahran’ın desteğiyle bazı bölgelerde kontrolü ele geçirseler de Bağdat’ın bu işbirliğine tepki olarak başlattığı operasyonlar ve uluslararası toplumun bu operasyonlara yeterli duyarlılığı göstermemesi sonucunda ciddi bir yıkım yaşamışlardır. Her seferinde reel-politikle acı bir şekilde yüzleşmenin yol açtığı hayal kırıklıkları devam ederken Körfez Savaşı sonrası yaşanan gelişmeler, Iraklı Kürtlerin önüne fiili olarak özerk bir bölgeyi yönetme fırsatı çıkarmıştır. Ancak, yoğun Kürt nüfusa sahip bölge ülkelerinin reel-politik kaygıları ve Kürtlerin kendi içindeki rekabeti, daha güçlü bir statü elde etmeyi imkânsız kılmıştır. 2003’te Saddam Hüseyin’in devrilmesi sonrasındaki dönem, çalışmanın üçüncü bölümünü oluşturmaktadır. Irak Kürt bölgesinin anayasal bir nitelik kazandığı ve Kürt liderlerin başka ülkelerde diplomatik teamüllere uygun bir şekilde ağırlanmaya başladığı bu dönemde, merkezi hükümetle gelirlerin paylaşımı ve tartışmalı bölgelerin durumu konusunda yaşanan gerilimler, önemli bir sorun alanı olarak kalmıştır. Çalışmada son olarak 2014’teki DAEŞ saldırıları sonrası başlayan ve 2017’deki bağımsızlık referandumuyla sona eren sürece değinilmektedir. Uluslararası toplumun desteğiyle bu tehdinin bertaraf edilmesi, Irak Kürtlerini bağımsızlık konusunda cesaretlendirse de Bağdat ve bölgede etkin olan diğer güçlerin söz konusu referanduma karşı çıkmaları bu süreci akamete uğratmıştır. Tüm bu süreçler, bölge içi ve bölge dışı aktörlerin reel-politik yaklaşımlarının, Kürtlerin bağımsızlık taleplerinin gerçekleşmesinin önündeki en önemli engel olduğunu göstermektedir.
This article analyses Iran’s efforts to maintain the balance of power in the region within the co... more This article analyses Iran’s efforts to maintain the balance of power in the region within the context of the developments in the Iraqi Kurdish region after the Arab Spring. Iran’s strategies to maintain this balance have shown similarities with the assumptions of balancing, which is a sub-element of the balance of power theory. In addition to these assumptions, the motivational aspect of balancing significantly resembles the circumstances that urge Iran’s balancing strategies in Iraq. This study utilizes various conceptualizations of the balance of power to emphasize that balancing is a foreign policy strategy. This emphasis it argues that Iran’s relations with the Iraqi Kurds are an example of ensuring balance of power via balancing. To clarify this argument, case study methodology is used mainly for examining the political developments after 2011. The most important of these was the rivalry between the Kurdish parties after the Arab Spring. Another was the ISIS attacks on Kurdish regions and lastly, the northern Iraqi independence referendum September 2017.
In the post-Cold War era, with democratic peace theory on the rise, efforts to promote democracy ... more In the post-Cold War era, with democratic peace theory on the rise, efforts to promote democracy around the world have flourished. Western and Western democratic values-oriented states in particular have acted on the belief that democracy promotion would contribute to world peace. Yet this process is not as utopian as described; it is also highly contingent, with no single prescription for success nor common idea of what the end result should look like. This study elaborates the problematic aspects of democracy promotion by examining the case of US and EU democracy promotion in the Western Balkans. The problems uncovered in this analysis fall into three categories: 1) those stemming from the very nature of democracy promotion as an exercise, 2) those specific to the promoters of democracy and 3) those relating to the particular characteristics or circumstances of the target state or region. Based on the analysis, this study concludes that such problems will continue to arise so long as the promoters of democracy continue to approach the process monolithically, without sensitivity to, and synchronization with, the cultural and political realities on the ground in target states.
Research on small powers has composed a slim section of International Relations literature. More ... more Research on small powers has composed a slim section of International Relations literature. More focus has been given on super, great, and middle powers since their interactions have more influence. Differentiating small from middle powers is also problematic, unlike distinguishing great powers from these two. The difficulty of choosing the "right" quantitative and/or qualitative criteria for defining state power is one major reason for this. Therefore, this study, rather than developing a quan-titative/qualitative contents list for outlining small powers, aims to utilize a so far not-well-tried approach of testing their diplomatic success. For this, it uses small powers' resilience-vulnerability nexus to examine Turkish politico-economic diplomacy in the 1930s. Quantitatively and qualitatively, the 1930s Turkey was an acceptable example of a small power. The study aims to prove that Turkey furthered its national interests by overshadowing its vulnerabilities with a resilient small power diplomacy.
n the post-Cold War era, with democratic peace theory on the rise, efforts to promote democracy a... more n the post-Cold War era, with democratic peace theory on the rise, efforts to promote democracy around the world have flourished. Western and Western democratic values-oriented states in particular have acted on the belief that democracy promotion would contribute to world peace. Yet this process is not as utopian as described; it is also highly contingent, with no single prescription for success nor common idea of what the end result should look like. This study elaborates the problematic aspects of democracy promotion by examining the case of US and EU democracy promotion in the Western Balkans. The problems uncovered in this analysis fall into three categories: 1) those stemming from the very nature of democracy promotion as an exercise, 2) those specific to the promoters of democracy and 3) those relating to the particular characteristics or circumstances of the target state or region. Based on the analysis, this study concludes that such problems will continue to arise so long as the promoters of democracy continue to approach the process monolithically, without sensitivity to, and synchronization with, the cultural and political realities on the ground in target states.
Historical Examinations and Current Issues in Turkish-American Relations, edited by Hüseyin Işıksal & Ozan Örmeci , 2020
The economic realm of Turkish-American relations has been a good example of the asymmetry between... more The economic realm of Turkish-American relations has been a good example of the asymmetry between a superpower and a middle power. The Turkey-United States (U.S.) alliance began to form with the former’s efforts in 1940s, when their economic relations began. Due to the slowly developing nature of Turkish economy and as well as several domestic and international reasons, this economic relationship for a long time has been in the form of American aid transfers to Turkey. The aid has been in various forms: grants, credits, military/defense elements, and bits of technology transfers. Defense segment has always been the biggest share in these transfers. The amount of aid has been conditioned to the proximity of politico-strategic relations; the closer the relations are, mostly, the higher the amount of aid. With the economic boost Turkey experienced with the AK Parti term, the U.S. began to see Turkey as more of a trade partner and a strategic ally, rather than a large market for American goods. Trade, as being the weakest part of bilateral relations, has started to recover with the help of the developing Turkish private sector thanks to the help of AK Parti’s economic policies. Yet, this still has not completely eliminated Turkey’s need for American aid, particularly in maintaining the operation of currently owned American made defense elements. Turkey, in the last decade, has been successfully striving to reduce its dependence to the American, particularly defense related aid segments, but it still has some way to go.
Historical Examinations and Current Issues in Turkish-American Relations, edited by Hüseyin Işıksal & Ozan Örmeci, 2020
Turkish-American relations from the 1920s to the 1990s cover a vast variety of happy and sad mome... more Turkish-American relations from the 1920s to the 1990s cover a vast variety of happy and sad moments. In this period, Turkey changed from being a small power to a proactive middle power. In the same span, the US became a superpower and even a global hegemon. Therefore, the relations between Turkey and the US did not operate on an equal basis. There has always been serious level of “asymmetry” in expectations, motivations, and policy outcomes. From the mid-1940s, Turkey particularly aimed to prove to the US that it is not only a staunch ally, but also a strategic partner in the Middle East. For proving this, Ankara governments championed many of US national interests both regionally and globally. Turkey also strived to show that its foreign policy aims, and even in general its national interests, were pretty close to that of the US. In adopting this attitude, Ankara’s expectation was to maintain the US security support and American military and financial aid. The US, on the other hand, saw Turkey as an important ally with considerable military potential, though in need of modernization, and a dynamic market in need of development and institutionalization. Therefore, Washington did not see Turkey as critical as Ankara considered itself. This asymmetry affected almost every key development in bilateral relations.
CTAD (Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi), 2019
Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi, Yıl 15 Sayı 29 (Bahar 2019), s.123-147.
Turkey was one o... more Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi, Yıl 15 Sayı 29 (Bahar 2019), s.123-147. Turkey was one of the few countries that remained neutral during World War II. It was a big test for the government in Ankara since the rights of the wartime neutrals (particularly that of the small powers) were often ignored and they were labeled by the belligerents with such derogatory terms as “immoral free riders” or “war profiteers”. This article argues that, Turkish ruling elite’s choice of neutrality was not taken based on simple calculations of profiting from the trade with the belligerents, but it was their number one priority due to a national security psyche deeply ingrained in their past experiences. To this end, this article will firstly re-unfold the roots of Turkish neutrality philosophy. Secondly it will give a deeper analysis of the diplomatic methods undertaken by the Turkish ruling elite (balancing, bridging alignments, evasion, procrastination, downplaying countries strategic value, exhibiting pro-status quo tendencies, etc..) to counter the developments (i.e. changing perceptions/war aims of belligerents) that would lead to its belligerency.
COMU International Journal of Social Sciences , 2019
Great and regional powers have been trying to influence/control Central Asia’s (CA) political-eco... more Great and regional powers have been trying to influence/control Central Asia’s (CA) political-economic fabric and development for the sake of their own strategic interests via different politico-economic schemes. Especially, Russia, China and the US are competing to inject their individual regional integration models for reducing the influence of other great and regional powers. These models fall in the category of extra-regional integration projects, which promote different structured approaches. This paper explores the viability and major impacts of great power-induced regional integration and their repercussions. It argues that these projects are developed by and biased towards preserving the influence of major powers, and lack viable framework to bring both global and regional players into a path of long-term cooperation. Even if the great powers’ regional integration approaches are divergent from each other, their common point the asymmetry they apply when they are approaching the region. Primarily they prioritized their own strategic interests while discarding CA states’ expectations to a significant extent. However, if implemented successfully, it cannot be ruled out that these projects may bring socioeconomic benefits to CA countries at the expense of political independence.
This latest special edition of Insight Turkey meticulously explores the evolving dynamics of Türk... more This latest special edition of Insight Turkey meticulously explores the evolving dynamics of Türkiye’s engagement with East Asia under the ambit of the Asia Anew Initiative. This edition is distinguished by a series of foundational articles that provide a thorough overview of the initiative, alongside in-depth analyses of Türkiye’s bilateral relationships with key Asian nations. We trust that the comprehensive discussions and diverse perspectives presented in this issue will offer our readers valuable insights and deepen their understanding of the intricate geopolitical landscape.
This study aims to illustrate that multi-vectorial approaches in for- eign policy could not only ... more This study aims to illustrate that multi-vectorial approaches in for- eign policy could not only be practical but also productive for middle pow- ers. With this aim, the study conceptualizes Turkish foreign policy in Asia with multi-vectorism, a foreign policy behavioral pattern that has been mainly utilized for post-Soviet countries’ concurrent interactions with the West (the EU, the U.S.) and the non-West (Russia). The study, firstly, argues that Asian international relations require a more composite re-definition of multi-vectorism, since in Asia, due to the intra-regional fragmentations and diversions, there are more than the conventional two vectors, the West and the non-West. By considering this argument the study applies multi-vec- torism to Türkiye’s foreign policy in Asia by comparing the practicability of different interaction patterns, e.g., multilateralism, minilateralism, and bi- lateralism. The study, secondly, argues that Türkiye’s multi-vectorial foreign policy in Asia is particularly successful in its bilateral relations and less so in its multilateral and minilateral interactions.
OASIS-OBSERVATORIO DE ANALISIS DE LOS SISTEMAS INTERNACIONALES, 2023
Transregionalism is identified with loose and less-institutional interactions functioning via bot... more Transregionalism is identified with loose and less-institutional interactions functioning via both state and non-state actors. Its lesser need for multilateral and ruled-based institutions makes transregionalism naturally flexible, multifaceted, and more bilateralism-oriented. Türkiye’s enthusiasm to deepen relations with Asia, which was officially encapsulated within the Asia Anew initiative (2019), is a good example of such multifaceted transregional bilateralism. The initiative prioritized this interaction scheme by stressing the importance of inter-agency mechanisms operating via state and non-state stakeholders. Accordingly, this study argues that Türkiye’s interactions with South Asia, especially regarding state/peopleto- people relations, which merge state with non-state actors can be analyzed within the conceptual framework of transregional bilateralism. Departing from this premise, this study argues that the geocultural affinities between the South Asian and Turkish communities perform as the main “booster” of this framework.
Çanakkale Onsekiz Mart Üniversitesi Uluslararası Sosyal Bilimler Dergisi, 2019
Great and regional powers have been trying to influence/control Central Asia's (CA) political-eco... more Great and regional powers have been trying to influence/control Central Asia's (CA) political-economic fabric and development for the sake of their own strategic interests via different politico-economic schemes. Especially, Russia, China and the US are competing to inject their individual regional integration models for reducing the influence of other great and regional powers. These models fall in the category of extra-regional integration projects, which promote different structured approaches. This paper explores the viability and major impacts of great power-induced regional integration and their repercussions. It argues that these projects are developed by and biased towards preserving the influence of major powers, and lack viable framework to bring both global and regional players into a path of long-term cooperation. Even if the great powers' regional integration approaches are divergent from each other, their common point the asymmetry they apply when they are approaching the region. Primarily they prioritized their own strategic interests while discarding CA states' expectations to a significant extent. However, if implemented successfully, it cannot be ruled out that these projects may bring socioeconomic benefits to CA countries at the expense of political independence.
The politico-economically uneven structure, fragile inter-state affairs and weak regionalism of t... more The politico-economically uneven structure, fragile inter-state affairs and weak regionalism of the Middle East make it difficult to explain its interactions with South Asia within a single theoretical pattern. Neither interregionalism nor multilateralism could illuminate these interactions individually. This study merges recently popularized interaction schemes of minilateralism and bilateralism on a transregional basis to provide an eclectic and flexible conceptual framework to explain the patterns of Middle East–South Asia inter-state affairs. It argues that regardless of its weak regionalism and intra-regional power games, the Middle East, with these trendy interaction schemes, could still develop effective inter-state relations with South Asia. The study utilizes the empirical analysis method to interpret various levels and types of interactions between actors of various capabilities. In addition, it also uses case studies to produce a deeper context-dependent knowledge of Middle Eastern – South Asian actors.
Uluslararası İlişkiler – International Relations, 2023
The Greater Eurasian Partnership (GEP), introduced by Russia in 2015, is a regional integration p... more The Greater Eurasian Partnership (GEP), introduced by Russia in 2015, is a regional integration project that aims to encompass the Eurasian Economic Union (EAEU), the Belt and Road Initiative (BRI), the Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO), and the Association of Southeast Asian Nations (ASEAN). With this broad spectrum, it embodies various forms of regionalism, arranges a flexible institutional structure for non-/governmental actors without denting their other regional affiliations and provides commercial, developmental, and security opportunities. Such features could also facilitate the GEP’s ability to enhance Turkey’s recent efforts to deepen its relations with Asia. In return, Turkey could play several key roles for the GEP with its “dialogue partner” status in the SCO, “Middle Corridor” initiative for the BRI, and well-established links in Central Asia. Originating from potential mutual interests, this study applies a theoretical perspective underlining the commonalities of various regionalism categories to analyze the GEP’s amalgamated nature and highlight its significance for Turkey’s political-economic priorities without undermining its traditional ties with the West.
The Middle East and South Asia can be defined as interlinked political spaces that experience dee... more The Middle East and South Asia can be defined as interlinked political spaces that experience deepening interactions of their energetic and ambitious regional powers together with the constant strategic competition of major global powers. This vibrancy has been relentlessly fuelled by the geo-economic/political/strategic, and humanitarian needs of these two regions’ actors. Since there are no regional groupings effectively representing the two regions these interactions are mostly minilateral or bilateral and are bolstered by historical, cultural and religious affinities. Yet, due to the relatively higher power status of the Middle East, these transregional interactions operate on an asymmetrical basis.
This article discusses the background and diplomatic strategies of the Turkish delegation at Laus... more This article discusses the background and diplomatic strategies of the Turkish delegation at Lausanne and their selective understanding of self-determination, excluding non-Turkic and non-Muslim people in Anatolia from the ‘self’ that has the right to determine its national existence. It also elaborates on the reasons why the Allies acknowledged this exclusion in the Treaty of Lausanne of 1923. We borrow from Erez Manela’s interpretation of the ‘Wilsonian moment’ to frame these diplomatic and political developments and to show how and why the democratic intent of Wilson’s idea of self-determination vanished in the framing of the Peace Treaty of Lausanne in 1923.
Uluslararasi Iliskiler/ International Relations, Oct 20, 2016
IR literature has proposed tangible and intangible criteria for defining and differentiating rank... more IR literature has proposed tangible and intangible criteria for defining and differentiating rankings of countries, albeit without much success. The literature's limited success is primarily due to the subjective, unclear and immeasurable qualities of these criteria. The differentiation between small powers and middle powers is particularly ambiguous. This article proposes an amalgamated method, which combines foreign policy behavior capabilities to characterize and separate small powers and middle powers. There is a relationship between capabilities and a country's global status ranking that also determines foreign policy behavior. This also underlines a complementarity between national capabilities and foreign policy objectives. Lower capabilities means a low-key/restrained foreign policy but do higher capabilities mean a more proactive/highly strung foreign policy? Increased capabilities boost the position of a country from a small power to a middle power but do not completely eliminate constraints imposed by great powers. This article examines Turkey's experiences since the 1930s as an empirical narrative of the complementarity between power and level of influence.
Bu çalışma, Birinci Dünya Savaşı’ndan sonraki dönemde Iraklı Kürtlerin bağımsızlık arayışları sır... more Bu çalışma, Birinci Dünya Savaşı’ndan sonraki dönemde Iraklı Kürtlerin bağımsızlık arayışları sırasında karşılaştığı zorluklara odaklanmaktadır. Kürtlerin bu arayışları, Uluslararası İlişkilerde neden-sonuç odaklı analizlerde sıklıkla başvurulan anlatısal açıklamacılık yöntemi kullanılarak dört ayrı dönemde incelenmiştir. Bunlardan ilki, Irak’ta İngiliz Manda yönetiminin egemen olduğu 1920’li yıllardan itibaren Baas rejimi hakimiyetinin konsolide edildiği 1970’li yılların sonuna kadar geçen dönemi kapsamaktadır. Bu dönemde Kürtler ilk olarak, İngiltere’nin daha önceki desteğinin aksine bağımsızlık yolundaki engellemeleri ile karşılaşmışlardır. 1930’larda Irak’ın Milletler Cemiyeti’ne üyelik sürecinde Bağdat, Kürtlerin haklarını tanıyacağı vaadinde bulunsa da kayda değer bir adım atmamıştır. 1950’li ve 1960’lı yıllarda ise muhalif gruplar, Irak’ta iktidarı ele geçirince Kürtlerle aralarına mesafe koymuşlardır. Kürtler son olarak, İran’dan destek almış fakat Bağdat ve Tahran arasında yapılan bir antlaşmayla bu destek sona erince, Irak Kürt hareketi dağılma noktasına gelmiştir. İran-Irak Savaşı ve Körfez Savaşı’nın yaşandığı 1980’ler ve 1990’lar çalışmada ele alınan ikinci dönemdir. Kürtler, İran-Irak Savaşı sırasında Tahran’ın desteğiyle bazı bölgelerde kontrolü ele geçirseler de Bağdat’ın bu işbirliğine tepki olarak başlattığı operasyonlar ve uluslararası toplumun bu operasyonlara yeterli duyarlılığı göstermemesi sonucunda ciddi bir yıkım yaşamışlardır. Her seferinde reel-politikle acı bir şekilde yüzleşmenin yol açtığı hayal kırıklıkları devam ederken Körfez Savaşı sonrası yaşanan gelişmeler, Iraklı Kürtlerin önüne fiili olarak özerk bir bölgeyi yönetme fırsatı çıkarmıştır. Ancak, yoğun Kürt nüfusa sahip bölge ülkelerinin reel-politik kaygıları ve Kürtlerin kendi içindeki rekabeti, daha güçlü bir statü elde etmeyi imkânsız kılmıştır. 2003’te Saddam Hüseyin’in devrilmesi sonrasındaki dönem, çalışmanın üçüncü bölümünü oluşturmaktadır. Irak Kürt bölgesinin anayasal bir nitelik kazandığı ve Kürt liderlerin başka ülkelerde diplomatik teamüllere uygun bir şekilde ağırlanmaya başladığı bu dönemde, merkezi hükümetle gelirlerin paylaşımı ve tartışmalı bölgelerin durumu konusunda yaşanan gerilimler, önemli bir sorun alanı olarak kalmıştır. Çalışmada son olarak 2014’teki DAEŞ saldırıları sonrası başlayan ve 2017’deki bağımsızlık referandumuyla sona eren sürece değinilmektedir. Uluslararası toplumun desteğiyle bu tehdinin bertaraf edilmesi, Irak Kürtlerini bağımsızlık konusunda cesaretlendirse de Bağdat ve bölgede etkin olan diğer güçlerin söz konusu referanduma karşı çıkmaları bu süreci akamete uğratmıştır. Tüm bu süreçler, bölge içi ve bölge dışı aktörlerin reel-politik yaklaşımlarının, Kürtlerin bağımsızlık taleplerinin gerçekleşmesinin önündeki en önemli engel olduğunu göstermektedir.
This article analyses Iran’s efforts to maintain the balance of power in the region within the co... more This article analyses Iran’s efforts to maintain the balance of power in the region within the context of the developments in the Iraqi Kurdish region after the Arab Spring. Iran’s strategies to maintain this balance have shown similarities with the assumptions of balancing, which is a sub-element of the balance of power theory. In addition to these assumptions, the motivational aspect of balancing significantly resembles the circumstances that urge Iran’s balancing strategies in Iraq. This study utilizes various conceptualizations of the balance of power to emphasize that balancing is a foreign policy strategy. This emphasis it argues that Iran’s relations with the Iraqi Kurds are an example of ensuring balance of power via balancing. To clarify this argument, case study methodology is used mainly for examining the political developments after 2011. The most important of these was the rivalry between the Kurdish parties after the Arab Spring. Another was the ISIS attacks on Kurdish regions and lastly, the northern Iraqi independence referendum September 2017.
In the post-Cold War era, with democratic peace theory on the rise, efforts to promote democracy ... more In the post-Cold War era, with democratic peace theory on the rise, efforts to promote democracy around the world have flourished. Western and Western democratic values-oriented states in particular have acted on the belief that democracy promotion would contribute to world peace. Yet this process is not as utopian as described; it is also highly contingent, with no single prescription for success nor common idea of what the end result should look like. This study elaborates the problematic aspects of democracy promotion by examining the case of US and EU democracy promotion in the Western Balkans. The problems uncovered in this analysis fall into three categories: 1) those stemming from the very nature of democracy promotion as an exercise, 2) those specific to the promoters of democracy and 3) those relating to the particular characteristics or circumstances of the target state or region. Based on the analysis, this study concludes that such problems will continue to arise so long as the promoters of democracy continue to approach the process monolithically, without sensitivity to, and synchronization with, the cultural and political realities on the ground in target states.
Research on small powers has composed a slim section of International Relations literature. More ... more Research on small powers has composed a slim section of International Relations literature. More focus has been given on super, great, and middle powers since their interactions have more influence. Differentiating small from middle powers is also problematic, unlike distinguishing great powers from these two. The difficulty of choosing the "right" quantitative and/or qualitative criteria for defining state power is one major reason for this. Therefore, this study, rather than developing a quan-titative/qualitative contents list for outlining small powers, aims to utilize a so far not-well-tried approach of testing their diplomatic success. For this, it uses small powers' resilience-vulnerability nexus to examine Turkish politico-economic diplomacy in the 1930s. Quantitatively and qualitatively, the 1930s Turkey was an acceptable example of a small power. The study aims to prove that Turkey furthered its national interests by overshadowing its vulnerabilities with a resilient small power diplomacy.
n the post-Cold War era, with democratic peace theory on the rise, efforts to promote democracy a... more n the post-Cold War era, with democratic peace theory on the rise, efforts to promote democracy around the world have flourished. Western and Western democratic values-oriented states in particular have acted on the belief that democracy promotion would contribute to world peace. Yet this process is not as utopian as described; it is also highly contingent, with no single prescription for success nor common idea of what the end result should look like. This study elaborates the problematic aspects of democracy promotion by examining the case of US and EU democracy promotion in the Western Balkans. The problems uncovered in this analysis fall into three categories: 1) those stemming from the very nature of democracy promotion as an exercise, 2) those specific to the promoters of democracy and 3) those relating to the particular characteristics or circumstances of the target state or region. Based on the analysis, this study concludes that such problems will continue to arise so long as the promoters of democracy continue to approach the process monolithically, without sensitivity to, and synchronization with, the cultural and political realities on the ground in target states.
Historical Examinations and Current Issues in Turkish-American Relations, edited by Hüseyin Işıksal & Ozan Örmeci , 2020
The economic realm of Turkish-American relations has been a good example of the asymmetry between... more The economic realm of Turkish-American relations has been a good example of the asymmetry between a superpower and a middle power. The Turkey-United States (U.S.) alliance began to form with the former’s efforts in 1940s, when their economic relations began. Due to the slowly developing nature of Turkish economy and as well as several domestic and international reasons, this economic relationship for a long time has been in the form of American aid transfers to Turkey. The aid has been in various forms: grants, credits, military/defense elements, and bits of technology transfers. Defense segment has always been the biggest share in these transfers. The amount of aid has been conditioned to the proximity of politico-strategic relations; the closer the relations are, mostly, the higher the amount of aid. With the economic boost Turkey experienced with the AK Parti term, the U.S. began to see Turkey as more of a trade partner and a strategic ally, rather than a large market for American goods. Trade, as being the weakest part of bilateral relations, has started to recover with the help of the developing Turkish private sector thanks to the help of AK Parti’s economic policies. Yet, this still has not completely eliminated Turkey’s need for American aid, particularly in maintaining the operation of currently owned American made defense elements. Turkey, in the last decade, has been successfully striving to reduce its dependence to the American, particularly defense related aid segments, but it still has some way to go.
Historical Examinations and Current Issues in Turkish-American Relations, edited by Hüseyin Işıksal & Ozan Örmeci, 2020
Turkish-American relations from the 1920s to the 1990s cover a vast variety of happy and sad mome... more Turkish-American relations from the 1920s to the 1990s cover a vast variety of happy and sad moments. In this period, Turkey changed from being a small power to a proactive middle power. In the same span, the US became a superpower and even a global hegemon. Therefore, the relations between Turkey and the US did not operate on an equal basis. There has always been serious level of “asymmetry” in expectations, motivations, and policy outcomes. From the mid-1940s, Turkey particularly aimed to prove to the US that it is not only a staunch ally, but also a strategic partner in the Middle East. For proving this, Ankara governments championed many of US national interests both regionally and globally. Turkey also strived to show that its foreign policy aims, and even in general its national interests, were pretty close to that of the US. In adopting this attitude, Ankara’s expectation was to maintain the US security support and American military and financial aid. The US, on the other hand, saw Turkey as an important ally with considerable military potential, though in need of modernization, and a dynamic market in need of development and institutionalization. Therefore, Washington did not see Turkey as critical as Ankara considered itself. This asymmetry affected almost every key development in bilateral relations.
CTAD (Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi), 2019
Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi, Yıl 15 Sayı 29 (Bahar 2019), s.123-147.
Turkey was one o... more Cumhuriyet Tarihi Araştırmaları Dergisi, Yıl 15 Sayı 29 (Bahar 2019), s.123-147. Turkey was one of the few countries that remained neutral during World War II. It was a big test for the government in Ankara since the rights of the wartime neutrals (particularly that of the small powers) were often ignored and they were labeled by the belligerents with such derogatory terms as “immoral free riders” or “war profiteers”. This article argues that, Turkish ruling elite’s choice of neutrality was not taken based on simple calculations of profiting from the trade with the belligerents, but it was their number one priority due to a national security psyche deeply ingrained in their past experiences. To this end, this article will firstly re-unfold the roots of Turkish neutrality philosophy. Secondly it will give a deeper analysis of the diplomatic methods undertaken by the Turkish ruling elite (balancing, bridging alignments, evasion, procrastination, downplaying countries strategic value, exhibiting pro-status quo tendencies, etc..) to counter the developments (i.e. changing perceptions/war aims of belligerents) that would lead to its belligerency.
COMU International Journal of Social Sciences , 2019
Great and regional powers have been trying to influence/control Central Asia’s (CA) political-eco... more Great and regional powers have been trying to influence/control Central Asia’s (CA) political-economic fabric and development for the sake of their own strategic interests via different politico-economic schemes. Especially, Russia, China and the US are competing to inject their individual regional integration models for reducing the influence of other great and regional powers. These models fall in the category of extra-regional integration projects, which promote different structured approaches. This paper explores the viability and major impacts of great power-induced regional integration and their repercussions. It argues that these projects are developed by and biased towards preserving the influence of major powers, and lack viable framework to bring both global and regional players into a path of long-term cooperation. Even if the great powers’ regional integration approaches are divergent from each other, their common point the asymmetry they apply when they are approaching the region. Primarily they prioritized their own strategic interests while discarding CA states’ expectations to a significant extent. However, if implemented successfully, it cannot be ruled out that these projects may bring socioeconomic benefits to CA countries at the expense of political independence.
Turkey’s seek for Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) membership was a consequence of Ankara’... more Turkey’s seek for Shanghai Cooperation Organization (SCO) membership was a consequence of Ankara’s multifaceted foreign policy paradigm, particularly heightened after 2007. This new paradigm falls into the conceptual category of emerging middle powers diplomacy. As a foreign policy behavioral aspect, these powers seek for amplifying their voice in various relevant regions, via multilateral platforms. One of the regions that Turkey, in the post-2007 era, aspired to be more relevant was Asia, especially Central and Southeast Asia. SCO, as a multilateral platform, has a peculiar significance, not only in terms of its potential to support Turkey’s profile as an economic and commercial investor in Central Asia but also to provide a leverage to Ankara in fostering energy contracts for future pipelines to bring Central Asian energy to Europe via Turkey. This paper aims to explore Ankara’s multifaceted foreign policy from emerging middle powers perspective. In this framework, the paper elaborates possible implications of Turkey’s, which is currently a dialogue partner, SCO membership regarding the balance of power in Central Asia. For this elaboration the paper aims to answer two main questions: how could Turkey manage the prospects of Central Asian states in order to harvest their support and secondly under what circumstances and conditions could Turkey transmogrify Chinese and Russian non-commitment for its membership?
This paper focuses on Turkey’s participation at the Bandung Conference (1955) from an historical ... more This paper focuses on Turkey’s participation at the Bandung Conference (1955) from an historical perspective. Turkey with its peculiar “anti-imperialist” Independence War (1919-1923) experience could have found a privileged spot at the Conference. Yet, Ankara did not only abstain from using this experience but also detached itself from the development of the non-aligned movement. Its participation to Bandung was even with Washington’s manhandling. As a result Turkey was marginalized at the conference. This paper investigates Turkish-American interactions in terms of their expectations from the Conference. The paper argues that these expectations were discordant due to the asymmetrical (superpower and middle power) nature of Turkish-American alliance. Turkey, attended the Conference, with almost no preparation, propagated against the Soviet bloc, which made it seem like an American “Trojan horse”. With this attitude Ankara aimed to show Washington that it is an “indispensible” and staunch ally. Washington, on the other hand, aimed to know the level of anti-Americanism within the non-aligned movement and Turkey’s spokesmanship could reveal that. Moreover, the Conference increased Turkey’s distance from the non-aligned countries, which made it even more dependent to the US. The paper aims to prove these with the archival material from American, Turkish, and British archives.
Uluslararası İlişkiler alanında teori, alt temalar ve tartışmalarda olduğu kadar Asya-Pasifik böl... more Uluslararası İlişkiler alanında teori, alt temalar ve tartışmalarda olduğu kadar Asya-Pasifik bölgesi çalışmaları konusundaki önemli ülkelerden biri de Avustralya’dır. Bu bildiride Avustralya’nın önde gelen üniversitelerinde uygulanan uluslararası ilişkiler eğitiminin lisans, yüksek lisans ve doktora aşamalarında öne çıkan yaklaşımlar, müfredat özellikleri, içerikleri ve izlenen yöntemlerin karşılaştırılması hedeflenmektedir. Bu karşılaştırmada söz konusu üniversitelerin uluslararası ilişkiler eğitim ve öğretimindeki benzerlikleri ve farklılıklarının altı çizilmeye çalışılacaktır. Benzerliklerde Avustralya üniversitelerinin uluslararası ilişkiler eğitim anlayışlarında hangi unsurlara ağırlık verdikleri işlenecektir. Bu benzerliklerden başlıcaları; karşılaştırmalı siyasete ve disiplinlerarası çalışmalara verilen önem; uluslararası ilişkilerin sadece belirli konu ve unsurlarında uzmanlaşmış lisans düzeyinde araştırma merkezleri ve yüksek lisans programları; küreselleşme, çevre ve kadın çalışmalarına verilen ağırlık; politika yapıcıları, sivil toplum kuruluşları ve piyasa aktörleri ile öğrenci ve akademisyenleri biraraya getiren çalıştaylar ve ortak projeler; öğretim üyelerinde hem eğitim arka planı hem de etnik ve milliyet esasına dayalı çeşitlilik; lisans programlarının üç yılda tamamlanıyor olması; lisans ve yüksek lisans programlarında teorinin yanısıra çalıştaylar ve araştırma merkezlerinde yürütülen projeler bünyesinde pratiğe de önem veren bir müfredat; lisans - yüksek lisans – doktora geçişlerinde yüksek lisans öncesi tamamlanabilecek olan Honors programı ve Honors’ta sağlanan başarıya göre yüksek lisans yapmadan da doktoraya geçebilme imkanının sağlanması. Farklılıklarda ise birbirleriyle olan rekabette öğrencilerin spesifik beklentilerini karşılamaya dönük yaklaşımları öne çıkmaktadır. Bu şekilde üniversiteler birbirlerinden mezun öğrenci profili çerçevesinde de farklılaşmaya gidebilmektedirler. Farklılıkların başlıcaları; üniversitelerin özel olarak yoğunlaştıkları uluslararası ilişkiler konuları, gelişmeleri, süreçleri (örn. küreselleşme, güvenlik, Çin, Latin Amerika, terör); sahip oldukları merkezler; işbirliği içinde oldukları üniversite dışı aktörler; siyaset bilimi ve uluslararası ilişkiler bölümlerini bir arada veya ayrı ayrı düzenlemeleri, yüksek lisans programlarının sürelerindeki değişiklikler şeklinde belirmektedir. Bu bildiride uluslararası ilişkiler lisans, yüksek lisans ve doktora eğitimlerinin ele alıp karşılaştırılacağı üniversiteler şunlardır: Avustralya Ulusal Üniversitesi, Sydney Üniversitesi, Monash Üniversitesi, Melbourne Üniversitesi, New South Wales Üniversitesi, Queensland Üniversitesi, Deakin Üniversitesi, Adelaide Üniversitesi, Western Australia Üniversitesi, La Trobe Üniversitesi, Wollongong Üniversitesi, Curtin Üniversitesi, South Australia Üniversitesi, Macquarie Üniversitesi, Tasmania Üniversitesi. Bildiri, Avustralya’nın ön plandaki üniversitelerinin uluslararası ilişkilerdeki yaklaşımları, müfredat ve yöntemlerinden benzerlik ve farklılıklardan hareketle ülkemizde aynı çerçevede ne tür değişikliklerin yapılabileceği konusundaki tartışmalara katkıda bulunma amacını taşımaktadır.
Türkiye-Britain Relations: Two Hundred Years of an Intertwined Conflict and Cooperation studies a... more Türkiye-Britain Relations: Two Hundred Years of an Intertwined Conflict and Cooperation studies all aspects of Turkish-British relations. Türkiye’s relations with Britain, including those in the Ottoman era, followed a peculiar pattern of cordial bilateralism. There was continuous correspondence and a certain level of understanding even during the very times of hostility, i.e., the Anglo-Turkish War (1807-1809) and the First World War (1914-1918). While the Ottoman Empire considered Britain a great power to be allied with; Britain treated the Ottoman Empire as a counterbalance in its “Great Game” against Russia and its competition with France throughout the 19th century. After the proclamation of the Republic of Türkiye in 1923, Britain continued to be a bilateral partner with Türkiye during the Second World War, Ankara’s membership to NATO, relations with the Middle East, the Cyprus issue, relations with the European Union, and the United States. Almost at every turning point of this bilateral relationship, conflict and cooperation walked hand in hand and without demolishing the above-stated understanding and consideration.
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Papers by Gurol Baba
for the GEP with its “dialogue partner” status in the SCO, “Middle Corridor” initiative for the BRI, and well-established links in Central Asia. Originating from potential mutual interests, this study applies a theoretical perspective underlining the commonalities of various regionalism categories to analyze the GEP’s amalgamated nature and highlight its significance for Turkey’s political-economic priorities without undermining its traditional ties with the West.
Milletler Cemiyeti’ne üyelik sürecinde Bağdat, Kürtlerin haklarını tanıyacağı vaadinde bulunsa da kayda değer bir adım atmamıştır. 1950’li ve 1960’lı yıllarda ise muhalif gruplar, Irak’ta iktidarı ele geçirince Kürtlerle aralarına mesafe koymuşlardır. Kürtler son olarak, İran’dan destek almış fakat Bağdat ve Tahran arasında yapılan bir antlaşmayla bu destek sona erince, Irak Kürt hareketi dağılma noktasına gelmiştir. İran-Irak Savaşı ve Körfez
Savaşı’nın yaşandığı 1980’ler ve 1990’lar çalışmada ele alınan ikinci dönemdir. Kürtler, İran-Irak Savaşı sırasında Tahran’ın desteğiyle bazı bölgelerde kontrolü ele geçirseler de Bağdat’ın bu işbirliğine tepki olarak başlattığı operasyonlar ve uluslararası toplumun bu
operasyonlara yeterli duyarlılığı göstermemesi sonucunda ciddi bir yıkım yaşamışlardır. Her seferinde reel-politikle acı bir şekilde yüzleşmenin yol açtığı hayal kırıklıkları devam ederken Körfez Savaşı sonrası yaşanan gelişmeler, Iraklı Kürtlerin önüne fiili olarak özerk bir bölgeyi yönetme fırsatı çıkarmıştır. Ancak, yoğun Kürt nüfusa sahip bölge ülkelerinin reel-politik kaygıları ve Kürtlerin kendi içindeki rekabeti, daha güçlü bir statü elde etmeyi imkânsız kılmıştır. 2003’te Saddam Hüseyin’in devrilmesi sonrasındaki dönem, çalışmanın üçüncü bölümünü oluşturmaktadır. Irak Kürt bölgesinin anayasal bir nitelik kazandığı ve Kürt liderlerin başka ülkelerde diplomatik teamüllere uygun bir şekilde ağırlanmaya başladığı bu dönemde, merkezi hükümetle gelirlerin paylaşımı ve tartışmalı bölgelerin durumu konusunda yaşanan gerilimler, önemli bir sorun alanı olarak kalmıştır. Çalışmada son olarak 2014’teki DAEŞ saldırıları sonrası başlayan ve 2017’deki bağımsızlık referandumuyla sona eren sürece değinilmektedir. Uluslararası toplumun desteğiyle bu tehdinin bertaraf edilmesi, Irak Kürtlerini bağımsızlık konusunda cesaretlendirse de Bağdat ve bölgede etkin olan diğer güçlerin söz konusu referanduma karşı çıkmaları bu süreci akamete uğratmıştır. Tüm bu süreçler, bölge içi ve bölge dışı aktörlerin reel-politik yaklaşımlarının, Kürtlerin bağımsızlık taleplerinin gerçekleşmesinin önündeki en önemli engel olduğunu göstermektedir.
Spring. Iran’s strategies to maintain this balance have shown similarities with the assumptions of balancing, which is a sub-element of the balance of power theory. In addition to these assumptions, the motivational aspect of balancing significantly resembles the circumstances that urge Iran’s balancing strategies in Iraq. This study utilizes various conceptualizations of the balance of power to emphasize that balancing is a foreign policy strategy. This emphasis it argues that Iran’s relations with the Iraqi Kurds are an example of ensuring balance of power via balancing. To clarify this argument, case study methodology is used mainly for examining the political developments after 2011. The most important of these
was the rivalry between the Kurdish parties after the Arab Spring. Another was the ISIS attacks on Kurdish regions and lastly, the northern Iraqi independence referendum September 2017.
Turkey was one of the few countries that remained neutral during World War II. It was a big test for the government in Ankara since the rights of the wartime neutrals (particularly that of the small powers) were often ignored and they were labeled by the belligerents with such derogatory terms as “immoral free riders” or “war profiteers”. This article argues that, Turkish ruling elite’s choice of neutrality was not taken based on
simple calculations of profiting from the trade with the belligerents, but it was their number one priority due to a national security psyche deeply ingrained in their past
experiences. To this end, this article will firstly re-unfold the roots of Turkish neutrality philosophy. Secondly it will give a deeper analysis of the diplomatic methods undertaken by the Turkish ruling elite (balancing, bridging alignments, evasion, procrastination,
downplaying countries strategic value, exhibiting pro-status quo tendencies, etc..) to counter the developments (i.e. changing perceptions/war aims of belligerents) that would lead to its belligerency.
for the GEP with its “dialogue partner” status in the SCO, “Middle Corridor” initiative for the BRI, and well-established links in Central Asia. Originating from potential mutual interests, this study applies a theoretical perspective underlining the commonalities of various regionalism categories to analyze the GEP’s amalgamated nature and highlight its significance for Turkey’s political-economic priorities without undermining its traditional ties with the West.
Milletler Cemiyeti’ne üyelik sürecinde Bağdat, Kürtlerin haklarını tanıyacağı vaadinde bulunsa da kayda değer bir adım atmamıştır. 1950’li ve 1960’lı yıllarda ise muhalif gruplar, Irak’ta iktidarı ele geçirince Kürtlerle aralarına mesafe koymuşlardır. Kürtler son olarak, İran’dan destek almış fakat Bağdat ve Tahran arasında yapılan bir antlaşmayla bu destek sona erince, Irak Kürt hareketi dağılma noktasına gelmiştir. İran-Irak Savaşı ve Körfez
Savaşı’nın yaşandığı 1980’ler ve 1990’lar çalışmada ele alınan ikinci dönemdir. Kürtler, İran-Irak Savaşı sırasında Tahran’ın desteğiyle bazı bölgelerde kontrolü ele geçirseler de Bağdat’ın bu işbirliğine tepki olarak başlattığı operasyonlar ve uluslararası toplumun bu
operasyonlara yeterli duyarlılığı göstermemesi sonucunda ciddi bir yıkım yaşamışlardır. Her seferinde reel-politikle acı bir şekilde yüzleşmenin yol açtığı hayal kırıklıkları devam ederken Körfez Savaşı sonrası yaşanan gelişmeler, Iraklı Kürtlerin önüne fiili olarak özerk bir bölgeyi yönetme fırsatı çıkarmıştır. Ancak, yoğun Kürt nüfusa sahip bölge ülkelerinin reel-politik kaygıları ve Kürtlerin kendi içindeki rekabeti, daha güçlü bir statü elde etmeyi imkânsız kılmıştır. 2003’te Saddam Hüseyin’in devrilmesi sonrasındaki dönem, çalışmanın üçüncü bölümünü oluşturmaktadır. Irak Kürt bölgesinin anayasal bir nitelik kazandığı ve Kürt liderlerin başka ülkelerde diplomatik teamüllere uygun bir şekilde ağırlanmaya başladığı bu dönemde, merkezi hükümetle gelirlerin paylaşımı ve tartışmalı bölgelerin durumu konusunda yaşanan gerilimler, önemli bir sorun alanı olarak kalmıştır. Çalışmada son olarak 2014’teki DAEŞ saldırıları sonrası başlayan ve 2017’deki bağımsızlık referandumuyla sona eren sürece değinilmektedir. Uluslararası toplumun desteğiyle bu tehdinin bertaraf edilmesi, Irak Kürtlerini bağımsızlık konusunda cesaretlendirse de Bağdat ve bölgede etkin olan diğer güçlerin söz konusu referanduma karşı çıkmaları bu süreci akamete uğratmıştır. Tüm bu süreçler, bölge içi ve bölge dışı aktörlerin reel-politik yaklaşımlarının, Kürtlerin bağımsızlık taleplerinin gerçekleşmesinin önündeki en önemli engel olduğunu göstermektedir.
Spring. Iran’s strategies to maintain this balance have shown similarities with the assumptions of balancing, which is a sub-element of the balance of power theory. In addition to these assumptions, the motivational aspect of balancing significantly resembles the circumstances that urge Iran’s balancing strategies in Iraq. This study utilizes various conceptualizations of the balance of power to emphasize that balancing is a foreign policy strategy. This emphasis it argues that Iran’s relations with the Iraqi Kurds are an example of ensuring balance of power via balancing. To clarify this argument, case study methodology is used mainly for examining the political developments after 2011. The most important of these
was the rivalry between the Kurdish parties after the Arab Spring. Another was the ISIS attacks on Kurdish regions and lastly, the northern Iraqi independence referendum September 2017.
Turkey was one of the few countries that remained neutral during World War II. It was a big test for the government in Ankara since the rights of the wartime neutrals (particularly that of the small powers) were often ignored and they were labeled by the belligerents with such derogatory terms as “immoral free riders” or “war profiteers”. This article argues that, Turkish ruling elite’s choice of neutrality was not taken based on
simple calculations of profiting from the trade with the belligerents, but it was their number one priority due to a national security psyche deeply ingrained in their past
experiences. To this end, this article will firstly re-unfold the roots of Turkish neutrality philosophy. Secondly it will give a deeper analysis of the diplomatic methods undertaken by the Turkish ruling elite (balancing, bridging alignments, evasion, procrastination,
downplaying countries strategic value, exhibiting pro-status quo tendencies, etc..) to counter the developments (i.e. changing perceptions/war aims of belligerents) that would lead to its belligerency.
This paper aims to explore Ankara’s multifaceted foreign policy from emerging middle powers perspective. In this framework, the paper elaborates possible implications of Turkey’s, which is currently a dialogue partner, SCO membership regarding the balance of power in Central Asia. For this elaboration the paper aims to answer two main questions: how could Turkey manage the prospects of Central Asian states in order to harvest their support and secondly under what circumstances and conditions could Turkey transmogrify Chinese and Russian non-commitment for its membership?
Benzerliklerde Avustralya üniversitelerinin uluslararası ilişkiler eğitim anlayışlarında hangi unsurlara ağırlık verdikleri işlenecektir. Bu benzerliklerden başlıcaları; karşılaştırmalı siyasete ve disiplinlerarası çalışmalara verilen önem; uluslararası ilişkilerin sadece belirli konu ve unsurlarında uzmanlaşmış lisans düzeyinde araştırma merkezleri ve yüksek lisans programları; küreselleşme, çevre ve kadın çalışmalarına verilen ağırlık; politika yapıcıları, sivil toplum kuruluşları ve piyasa aktörleri ile öğrenci ve akademisyenleri biraraya getiren çalıştaylar ve ortak projeler; öğretim üyelerinde hem eğitim arka planı hem de etnik ve milliyet esasına dayalı çeşitlilik; lisans programlarının üç yılda tamamlanıyor olması; lisans ve yüksek lisans programlarında teorinin yanısıra çalıştaylar ve araştırma merkezlerinde yürütülen projeler bünyesinde pratiğe de önem veren bir müfredat; lisans - yüksek lisans – doktora geçişlerinde yüksek lisans öncesi tamamlanabilecek olan Honors programı ve Honors’ta sağlanan başarıya göre yüksek lisans yapmadan da doktoraya geçebilme imkanının sağlanması.
Farklılıklarda ise birbirleriyle olan rekabette öğrencilerin spesifik beklentilerini karşılamaya dönük yaklaşımları öne çıkmaktadır. Bu şekilde üniversiteler birbirlerinden mezun öğrenci profili çerçevesinde de farklılaşmaya gidebilmektedirler. Farklılıkların başlıcaları; üniversitelerin özel olarak yoğunlaştıkları uluslararası ilişkiler konuları, gelişmeleri, süreçleri (örn. küreselleşme, güvenlik, Çin, Latin Amerika, terör); sahip oldukları merkezler; işbirliği içinde oldukları üniversite dışı aktörler; siyaset bilimi ve uluslararası ilişkiler bölümlerini bir arada veya ayrı ayrı düzenlemeleri, yüksek lisans programlarının sürelerindeki değişiklikler şeklinde belirmektedir.
Bu bildiride uluslararası ilişkiler lisans, yüksek lisans ve doktora eğitimlerinin ele alıp karşılaştırılacağı üniversiteler şunlardır: Avustralya Ulusal Üniversitesi, Sydney Üniversitesi, Monash Üniversitesi, Melbourne Üniversitesi, New South Wales Üniversitesi, Queensland Üniversitesi, Deakin Üniversitesi, Adelaide Üniversitesi, Western Australia Üniversitesi, La Trobe Üniversitesi, Wollongong Üniversitesi, Curtin Üniversitesi, South Australia Üniversitesi, Macquarie Üniversitesi, Tasmania Üniversitesi.
Bildiri, Avustralya’nın ön plandaki üniversitelerinin uluslararası ilişkilerdeki yaklaşımları, müfredat ve yöntemlerinden benzerlik ve farklılıklardan hareketle ülkemizde aynı çerçevede ne tür değişikliklerin yapılabileceği konusundaki tartışmalara katkıda bulunma amacını taşımaktadır.
treated the Ottoman Empire as a counterbalance in its “Great Game” against Russia and its competition with France throughout the 19th century. After the proclamation of the Republic of Türkiye in 1923, Britain continued to be a bilateral partner with Türkiye during the Second World War, Ankara’s membership to NATO, relations with the Middle East, the Cyprus issue, relations with the European Union, and the United States. Almost at every turning point of this bilateral relationship, conflict and cooperation walked hand in hand and without demolishing the above-stated understanding and consideration.