Global Justice Program

The paper presents the two-fold intuitive idea regarding the meaning of being human in the philosophy of Martha Nussbaum which is anchored on Karl Marx's concept of human dignity and Aristotle's eudaimonia, as applied to the concept of human development which was first developed by Amartya Sen in his Capability Approach.

This paper will attempt to explain the relationship between disaster and human deprivation and trace the ills that result from it to institutional or policy failures. It then proposes grassroots leadership as a way of bridging the gap that faulty and undemocratic structural mechanisms make. The paper argues that democratic leadership is crucial in creating resilient and sustainable communities.

This paper examines the involvement of the Catholic Church in Philippine political affairs, and questions whether there is legitimate justification for such crucial engagement. To shed light into this, I bring into dialogue John Rawls and Jurgen Habermas, most specifically their idea of civil society. This dialogue shows a possibility for the reconciliation of politics and religion in Philippine democracy.

The most promising frontier in
modern medicine is genetic research. Genetic science
finds its modern origin in Gregor Mendel, who in 1866
discovered the laws of heredity. The heart of this hard
science comes from the secret of the nucleus. The
nucleus of an organism possesses the chromosomes,
which has the DNA (deoxyribonucleic acid) that serves
as the very building blocks of life. The study of the DNA
has propelled the advances made in genetic research.
These advances have opened doors to many
possibilities in medicine and patient care. But there are
moral issues to consider.

In this paper, I will question Peter Singer’s position
on the moral equality of all species. In order to highlight
how mistaken he is, I will apply this issue on the use of
animals in medical research. Lastly, I will offer a softer
position compared to Singer that advances animal well-being
without Singer’s prejudice against the other
members of the human species.

This essay applies Amartya Sen's Capability Approach to the way democracy is practiced in the Philippines by Filipinos. The author has reached the conclusion that negative freedom does not secure for people their well-being. Thus, even after the removal of the dictator Ferdinand Marcos, the Philippines still remains poor In this essay, the author argues that Filipinos should empower themselves morally in terms of their positive freedoms or capability, and the Church can be at the frontlines of this initiative, in order to achieve national development.

Development as freedom, in the words of Amartya Sen (1999), a renowned Indian political economist and philosopher, means that development is not reducible to income satisfaction. Rather, it is about what people are “able to do and be”. But beyond Sen, this paper makes the argument that human development, based on the notion of moral choice, possesses an existential character. This means that full human development, anchored on the idea of being free, has an existential meaning. Deeply embedded values ultimately govern how a person makes choices. Thus, while human well-being goes beyond mere material or need satisfaction, a more holistic account of human development should consider the human person‟s quest for love, meaning and self-realization.

Whose responsibility is justice? John Rawls's social contract theory is anchored on the idea of impartiality. I will argue, using Iris Marion Young's politics of difference that an impartial starting point may not work in view of hegemonic positions in the social hierarchy which gives undue advantages to those who are in positions of power. Brian Barry's notion of desert is not fair insofar as it neglects the concrete historical situations that people may be born into. For Young, democratic inclusion means sensitivity to the concrete situated and historical contexts that people are born since addressing structural injustice means favoring the marginalized and oppressed. But beyond Young, I would argue that social justice deems as imperative that we hold people fully accountable for structural abuses. As an improvement of Young's position, it is my position that structural reform is meant to advance the claim that people who are disadvantaged in society deserve more than others.

This study discusses Paul Ricoeur's critical analysis of the dual-nature of the State. It also seeks to explain the dissolution of human persons in the phenomenon of mass civilization. According to Leovino Ma. Garcia, this can be observed on three levels – the technical, the socioeconomic and the cultural. The author thinks that the subjugation of individuals in modern society comes from a colonial logic. In order to restore our humanity in the midst of all violence, people are called to live as true Christians – ethical and just.

What is the role of liberation theology in the Philippines today? This paper examines the relevance of Marxism in the “theologies of struggle” in Philippine society and highlights the important mission of the Catholic Church in democratic and political engagements. The paper argues that the Church should not be neutral on political questions. Using the context of the problem of peace in Muslim Mindanao, this study explores the difficult task of liberation theology in the perpetual struggle for social justice.

In this paper, I will argue for a virtue-based disaster ethics based on the principles expounded by Takao Takahashi. Grounded in the idea of the "reverence for life," I aver that climate justice may be achieved using the holistic approach, although this has to be linked to the recognition of responsibilities in the terms of burden sharing on the part of affluent societies.

The rise to power of Rodrigo Duterte is perhaps one of the most astonishing political developments in our time. It is a radical revolution that is rooted in the language of dissent of the Bisaya. However, the critics of the president insist on the sociology of power as the real motive behind the man. Using Chantal Mouffe's theory of modern democracy, it will be argued that Duterte's radicalism is symptomatic of the political tensions in nation-states. Mouffe believes that the logic of identity in the modern state has disappeared. This approach to politics does not arise out of a consensus, but in the necessity of conflict and antagonism that characterizes the politics of nation-building in post-colonial Philippines. Drawing from the intent to pursue the Mindanao agenda, it is argued that critics misunderstand the nature of Duterte's radical politics.

The advent of terrorism in the midst of political conflict requires an understanding of local context and history. Anti-establishment leaders like President Rodrigo Duterte expose the limits of liberalism. By applying the critical distinction between " politics " and the " political, " we can imagine an alternative framework in our desire to unravel the narrative of Duterte's communitarian style. Disruption is not simply meant to put into question the status quo. The goal of progressive leadership is to transform society in ways that will improve the difficult lives of the people. While the president's critics say that he is authoritarian, it will be argued that radical means are needed to overcome the failures of Philippine democracy.

The poor continues to struggle in the midst of their powerlessness. What does it mean to be the 'Church of the Poor' in our time? Pope Francis recognizes the challenges and dangers in the mission to protect the powerless. In the face of conflicts, the Catholic Church believes that its evangelizing mission involves a moral as well as a difficult political task. The Church contributes to the realization of social justice. But decades after Vatican II, secularism threatens the important position of the Church in human society. A Church that is silent about violence and oppression is morally troubling. In a way, protecting the dignity of persons is a type of commitment that calls for radical engagement. The question is, how can the Church remain significant in the struggle of the people against injustice? The paper argues that the universal Church should pursue its evangelizing mission of emancipating the oppressed from institutional forces that threaten the dignity of persons through the radical power of Christ's message of love.

This paper investigates the proximate relation between religion and morality through the shared features of the philosophy of F. Nietzsche, Zen Buddhism, and the psychologist Jordan Peterson. Peterson associates the concept of multiple hierarchies in the evolution of life and society to the behavior of lobsters, also drawing from religion, psychology, and Nietzsche's thought. While finding a common theme between Eastern and Western philosophy appears difficult if we follow Peterson's concept of an ethos, this study will reveal that transcendence as self-overcoming is a dominant idea that can be found in all three perspectives.

Much of the literature dealing with impairment, autism in particular, discusses the medical nature of the condition but does not deepen its social dimension. John Rawls, for instance, is criticized for postponing the issue of disability. Persons with mental disability are often discriminated. The reason is that society imposes its will in terms of rules, laws, and policies. People are expected to be rational agents and productive members of society. This rigid requirement undermines the equal dignity of human persons. This paper seeks to address the above gap by explaining the social nature of impairment. To do so, it will propose systems modeling as the appropriate means in improving the situation of an individual with autism. Persons with cognitive impairment can live meaningful lives. They have so much to contribute in terms of a productive and integrated society in which individuals are valued for their moral worth. Social inclusion is crucial in this regard. To broaden the implication of systems modeling to social policy, the Philippine disability law will be analyzed.

The merit system is based on a person’s ability to achieve. The concept of merit hence rejects a process that awards any particular entitlement explicitly based on disability. Brian Barry says that under the merit principle, people can compete for positions or advantage. This paper argues that the idea of merit, as explained by Barry, is unjust. Iris Marion Young points out that a person with cognitive disability faces a different situation compared to other people. Under normal circumstances, persons can have skills that enable them to do things with ease, something that is not readily available to individuals with autism or Asperger’s syndrome. The problem is also exacerbated by policies that do not recognize the diverse needs of individuals with impairment. In this regard, practical ethics demands that a law or national policy must ensure a level playing field for everyone.

The radical approach to politics in the Philippines did not begin with President Rodrigo Duterte. Rather, such can be traced to the struggles of past revolutionary leaders that include the likes of Macario Sakay, Julian Montalan, and Luciano San Miguel. But a deeper plot needs to be uncovered since the Philippine Revolution was not the kind of struggle that it must be-it was predominantly Tagalog and middle-class, as correctly claimed by Orlino Ochosa. In this sense, Duterte is that act of defiance of the Bisaya. It will be argued that the president's radical anti-establishment attitude is symptomatic of the Bisaya's resistance to the traditional centers of power. An alternative narrative to the Western-bred view of liberal critics is necessary. This study theorizes that Duterte's method or style is rooted in some form of tribal politics meant to liberate the Filipino from elite rule.

Modern liberal theory has a solid philosophical as well as historical grounding. I will examine the historical basis for the moral necessity of the defense of human freedom, one that has aroused as a consequence of the atrocities committed by the Nazis during the Second World War. The rise to power and subsequent downfall of totalitarian regimes have firmed up the moral commitment of people on the importance of freedom as constitutive of the moral worth of every human being. However, this commitment faces persistent challenges in terms of its theoretical presuppositions, noticeably from identity politics and the reality of political domination. Membership in a political community can mean the exclusion of others that often results to resentment and violent conflict. Public reason is meant to substantiate the role of justice in society. The urgent task of an ethics of justice is to find the common ground that pays due respect to individual freedom and the values of the community.