campbell2017
campbell2017
campbell2017
(2017),"Minimizing counterproductive work behaviors: the roles of self-determined motivation and perceived job insecurity in
organizational change", Journal of Organizational Change Management, Vol. 30 Iss 1 pp. -
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Introduction
Organizational red tape, defined as ‘‘rules, regulations, and procedures that remain in force and
entail a compliance burden, but do not advance the legitimate purposes the rules were intended to
serve’’ (Bozeman 2000, 12), is a pathological organizational phenomenon linked to negative
outcomes at both the organization and individual level (Bozeman and Feeny 2011; Brewer and
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Walker 2009; DeHart Davis and Pandey 2005). Rules may be dysfunctional from their inception
or lose their effectiveness over time (Bozeman 1993; Bozeman and Anderson 2016), however
their status as dysfunctional is derived as much from their social context as their objective
character (Bozeman and Feeny 2011). By building on this insight and conceptualizing red tape as
a stakeholder-based experience (Bozeman 1993), interesting paths of inquiry may be opened to
address the origins of red tape and its consequences in new ways (Bozeman and Anderson 2016;
Kaufmann and Feeney 2014; Scott and Pandey 2005; Walker and Brewer 2008). Crucially, the
stakeholder conception of red tape implies that evaluations of red tape are not fully dependent on
interactions with objective rules but rather also on a broader spectrum of organizational
phenomena that frame how employees perceive their work context. While rules are often
imposed on the organization from without as instruments of control (Stazyk, Pandey, and Wright
2011; Wilson 1989), better understanding how the organizational context shapes employee
perception of rules can help leaders promote positive work attitudes and performance.
Transformational leadership is closely linked with organizational culture (Bass and Avolio
1993), interpersonal dynamics (Campbell, Im, and Lee 2015; Kim 2012), and perceived support
for innovation (Moynihan, Pandey, and Wright 2011). While these outcomes suggest that
transformational leadership may be linked with rule perception in organizations, leadership has
thus far played little role in red tape research (Moynihan, Wright, and Pandey 2012). A value-
based managerial approach that raises goal salience and fosters creativity in the face of
organizational challenges (Paarlberg and Lavigna 2010), transformational leadership can
influence the perception of red tape via a variety of indirect mechanisms (Moynihan et al. 2012).
1
At the same time, research suggests that context can shape the effects of transformational
leadership (Dust, Resick, and Mawritz 2014), and public organizations are hierarchical
environments with varying responsibilities and objectives at different echelons (Walker and
Brewer 2008). Whereas employees on the front lines have tasks and duties that are often clearly
defined and susceptible to measurement, at higher levels the link between individual
performance and outcomes is less linear (Bozeman and Rainey 1998; Aiken and Hage 1968;
Thompson 1963). As such, job context is relevant to job perception, and this study argues that
the internal cultural heterogeneity of public organizations can determine how leadership shapes
the experience of red tape.
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Building on insights from organizational echelons theory (Walker and Brewer 2008; Walker and
Enticott 2004), this study asks whether the civil service grade determines the impact of
transformational leadership on the perception of red tape. Using a unique survey dataset gathered
from central government employees across a range of job grades in South Korea, a model of red
tape perception is developed in which transformational leadership interacts with civil service
grade. The Korean public sector provides an interesting context in which to test the hypotheses
of this study, given its relatively form and uniform civil service grade system, as well a work
culture conducive to transformational-type leadership behaviors (Campbel, Im, and Lee 2014;
Kim 2012). The results of the analysis suggest that the relationship between transformational
leadership and red tape requires qualification. By merging these two streams of theory, this study
contributes to the public management literature in a number of ways that are discussed in the
final section of the article.
Red tape is one of the few concepts native to the field of public administration (Bozeman and
Feeney 2011) and while an early conception of red tape recognized the multi-perspective,
relative nature of judgments about rule quality and purpose (Kaufman 1977), Bozeman’s (1993)
position that the term red tape should be applied exclusively to categorically pathological rules or
processes has gained traction with scholars. Bozeman and Anderson (2014) point out that the
2
majority of red tape research focuses on the measurement and outcomes of red tape rather than
its origins, and most research suggests that red tape has a largely negative impact on a number of
important outcomes. Red tape compromises organizational effectiveness (Pandey, Coursey, and
Moynihan 2007), frustrates communication with clients (Walker and Brewer 2008), and more
generally undermines the willingness to take risks (Bozeman and Kingsley 1998). From a citizen
perspective, encountering redundant, gratuitous rules erodes satisfaction with government
(Tummers et al. 2015). For employees red tape is associated with reduced commitment and
motivation (Moynihan and Pandey 2007; Stazyk, Pandey, and Wright) and increased alienation
(DeHart-Davis and Pandey 2005). These harmful and non-trivial outcomes suggest that a better
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understanding of how to prevent the introduction red tape into public organizations as well as
how to cope with it when this fails is necessary.
While some have looked at the effects of red tape in the private sector (de Jong and van
Witteloostuijn 2014), and government efforts to reduce red tape often focus on its economic
impact (for example, Canada’s Red Tape Reduction Act (Government of Canada 2015)), for
public management scholars the phenomenon is usually studied as an affliction of executive
branch organizations. Several sources of red tape have been identified. Fundamentally, rules are
linked to control (Bozeman 1993), and red tape may emerge as a result of the legislative branch
attempting to control their executive agents (Wilson 1989; Stazyk et al. 2011; Brewer et al.
2012). However, as a counterexample, red tape may also originate from inside the organization
as managers seek to use rules to limit the control that outside forces may exercise, insulating
themselves against interference from the environment (Moynihan 2012). Alternatively, red tape
may emerge in the aftermath of a singular event (Bozeman and Anderson 2016), or conversely
functional but static rules may devolve into red tape over time relative to changing situational
characteristics (Bozeman 1993). However, whatever its origins, generally a rule can be
considered red tape if it is deemed ineffective by stakeholders either within or outside of the
organization (Bozeman and Feeney 2011).
For employees, evaluations of rule quality and value are closely linked with more general
attitudes about the organization. However, while the objective character of rules (such as their
quantity, the time it takes to clear them, etc.) has implications for how the quality of rules are
evaluated and other outcomes (Tummers et al. 2016; de Jong and van Witteloostuijn 2014),
3
evaluations of the utility and value of rules by stakeholders also derives from the valence of the
goals they are intended to serve as well as their perceived instrumental quality (Moynihan et al.
2012; Kaufmann and Feeney 2014). Such criteria are not intrinsic to a given rule but are instead
grounded in personal values and organizational experience. This dual intrinsic-extrinsic basis for
rule evaluation suggests that a model of perceived red tape should incorporate predictors that
capture characteristics from both bases. Elaborating on this insight, the next section discusses the
potential contribution of transformational leadership to rule evaluation, and is followed by a
discussion of the how civil service grade may moderate this impact.
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Rules are a socially embedded phenomenon (Bozeman and Feeny 2011), and as such factors that
affect how employees process their experiences at work are related to evaluations of the quality
of organizational rules and the severity of rule burden. Leadership is closely related to
organizational culture (Bass and Avolio 1993) and thereby how employees view their work, their
organization, and its purpose. The theory of transformational leadership suggests that by
appealing to followers’ higher-order needs, that is, their sense of purpose and need for meaning
at work, leaders can foster an attachment to the values and goals of the organization and induce
higher levels of performance (Bass 1985; Bass and Riggio 2006; Paarlberg and Lavigna 2010).
Transformational leaders provide a compelling vision of the future, work to set a good example,
and stimulate creativity, all while providing individualized consideration to followers (Bass
1985). Such leaders provide a value-based motivational framework against which organizational
phenomena and behavior can be evaluated that is distinct from the material incentive system
offered by organizations (Campbell, Im, and Lee 2015). In general, transformational leadership
behaviors are associated with “change in deep structures, major processes, and overall culture”
(Van Wart 2003, 218) as well as performance beyond the expectations embedded in traditional
bureaucratic incentive systems (Bass 1985). In the empirical public administration literature,
transformational leadership has been linked variously with commitment, mission valence,
citizenship behavior, performance, and other organizationally beneficial phenomena (Belle 2013;
Campbell, Im, and Lee 2015; Im, Campbell, and Jeong 2016; Kim 2012; Wright, Moynihan, and
Pandey 2012), suggesting that the construct has particular relevance for public organizations.
4
The sector-specific relevance of transformational leadership underlies Moynihan et al.’s (2012)
argument that its impact may include the perception of organizational red tape. The authors
argue that this influence is exerted largely indirectly, sharpening goal clarity as well as
improving the internal communication climate of the organization. Such mechanism lead to an
increased understanding understanding of the organizational context and the willingness to
challenge its embedded assumptions. Greater goal clarity can alleviate perceptions of red tape by
encouraging individuals to ask questions of their environment and better respond to novel
challenges. Clear goals can shape organizational behavior by acting as alternative criteria for
purposive behavior (Campbell 2015), and by enhancing self, group, and creative efficacy (Gong,
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Huang, and Farh 2009; Mittal and Dhar 2015; Walumbwa, Avolio, and Zhu 2008; Walumbwa etl
al. 2004) and providing a clearer line of sight between job context and contribution (Paarlberg
and Lavigna 2010), transformational leaders foster a sense the employees can overcome
obstacles to performance, such as malformed organizational rules. Motivation can be damaged
when employees are unable to make a connection between their work and their organization’s
goals (Scott and Pandey 2005), and through enhancing goal clarity and promoting ownership of
organizational goals, transformational leadership is likely to be associated a greater attribution of
legitimacy to organizational rules and processes, and accordingly with less severe perceptions of
red tape.
Much of the quantitative leadership literature in public sector studies focuses exclusively on
high-level civil servants such as agency leaders (for example Moynihan et al. 2012). However,
while the theoretical link between transformational leadership and red tape is compelling,
implicit in this relationship are assumptions about the job context that are not necessarily
universal to all employees in public organizations. A rich literature suggests that the effects of
transformational leadership on employee and organizational outcomes are not independent of the
organizational context in which leadership is embedded (Bass and Avolio 1993; Jansen, Vera,
and Crossan 2009; Osborn, Hunt, and Jauch 2002), and some organizational contexts are
inherently more transformational and conducive to the effects of transformational leadership than
5
others (Dust et al. 2013). However, distinct micro-cultures also exist within organizations, and
employees at different organizational strata can have distinct beliefs about innovation and reform
(Crozier 1964; Walker and Enticott 2004). Public organizations are organized hierarchically,
with employees on the front lines experiencing a higher level of stability and routineness in the
rules and procedures that they encounter (Thompson 1963). Responsibilities, functions, and
levels of authority differ across organizational echelons (Walker and Brewer 2008), and as one
moves down the organizational hierarchy, job and program specificity increases, and at the front
lines attention is focused primarily on processes directly related to clientele (Brewer 2005). At
the highest levels of the hierarchy, responsibilities are substantially removed from these concerns
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and the focus is on broader goals and tasks that have less precise performance criteria (Bozeman
and Rainey 1998; Thompson 1963).
These different job contexts are relevant to the relationship between transformational leadership
and red tape. Specifically, the inherently less structured job roles of those at higher levels of the
organization may provide a more conducive context for transformational leadership, a conjecture
that is implied by empirical findings. For instance, transformational leadership fosters employee
empowerment in organic organizational contexts and has less effect in mechanistic contexts
(Dust, Resick, and Mawritz 2014). Additionally, transformational leadership effects affective and
behavioral outcomes to a greater degree in contexts with more intense performance challenges
and difficult goals (Lim and Ployhart 2004; Peterson et al. 2008; Whittington, Goodwin, and
Murray 2004). In general, such job characteristics are more prevalent at higher levels of the
organizational hierarchy and characterize less the work of frontline workers. By their nature,
positions at lower levels of the organizational hierarchy have by less formal autonomy in terms
of behavior and decision-making. Based on this, at this level, perceptions of red tape may be
more inherently grounded in everyday job tasks than psychological factors, and accordingly
there will be less room for leadership to alter perceptions. Conversely, the work of managers is
less uniform (Mintzberg 2009), and thus the types of rules encountered may be more diverse and
less concrete, thereby making them more susceptible to perceptual influence.
6
Data and methods
Data
To test the hypotheses of study, a survey was administered to central government employees
working across 16 South Korean ministries in the summer of 2014. A quota of 40 responses for
each of the 16 ministries was set, and employees of a professional survey company visited each
ministry and selected respondents randomly until the quota was met. In total, 640 responses were
obtained. The average length of tenure of respondents is about 10.5 years, and 31.5 percent of
respondents are female. High-ranking public servants (respondents at service grade 5 or lower)
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make up 34 percent of the sample. Additional data relating to the size and composition of the
ministries, obtained from Korea’s National Assembly Budget Office and Office of Personnel
Management, supplements the perceptual data. More information about the appropriateness of
the Korean context as a venue in which to test the hypotheses proposed above follows in the next
section.
Given that civil service grade functions in this study as a key proxy variable used to capture
incrementally differing job contexts at different organizational strata, a brief overview of Korea’s
civil service structure is appropriate. Korea's civil service structure is notable for its formal
hierarchical structure and corresponding competitive entrance examination system, as well as the
symbolic value attached to hierarchical rank both within the bureaucracy in the wider national
culture (Im, Campbell, and Cha 2013). Positions in the Korean civil service are divided into 9
grades with politically appointed ministers and director-generals comprising grades 1 and 2,
employees at grades 3 and 4 consisting mostly division directors, and those at grade 5 in the role
of deputy directors. The lowest grades, 6 through 9, comprise general, frontline staff (Ministry of
Personnel Management; Kim 2012). Entrance into the civil service is determined primarily by
the country’s civil service examinations, which have no prerequisites but are highly competitive
and often attract some of the brightest students in the country. Examinations are administered for
entrance at levels 9, 7, and 5, and while an open position system was introduced in 1999 in order
7
to attract high quality applicants from the private sector, still few are recruited in this way, and
most open positions are filled through internal promotion (Kim 2012; Song et al. 2016). The
status of civil servants is guaranteed by law, and thus government employees in Korea generally
have a stable, life-long career path within the public bureaucracy.
While there is within-grade variation in terms of job types, goals, and supervisory
responsibilities, generally higher levels of civil service grade are associated with incrementally
greater levels of autonomy and authority, as well as higher levels of abstraction in terms of job
goals. For instance, the grade 5 civil service exam is understood to be an order of magnitude
more difficult than those for grades 7 and 6, and accordingly successful candidates at level 5 are
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normally fast tracked to managerial positions which those who enter at lower grades rarely reach
(Kim 2012). Employee performance appraisal and pay systems also differ substantially across
the different grades, with high-ranking employees subject to broader performance contracts and
frontline employees evaluated using a checklist-style inventory of job relevant criteria (Lee and
Moon 2012). Generally, these differing attributes characterizing work at different service grades
makes the Korean civil service rank a reasonable proxy to test an organizational echelons-based
theory of transformational leadership's effect on perceived red tape.
How red tape is measured is relevant, and Feeney (2012) has suggested that, due to the strongly
negative connotations associated with the term “red tape,” the term itself should be eliminated
from survey questions intended to measure it. Core to the concept of red tape is rule burden
(Kaufmann and Feeney 2012), and in this study two questions capture this sense for rules and
processes. The two questions are “Our organization has many cumbersome administrative rules”
and “… many complex procedures.” Both questions are answered on a 10-point scale.
Cronbach’s alpha for the scale is a high .92.
Transformational leadership was measured using a 5-item scale popular in the public
administration literature (e.g. Wright et al. 2012). Respondents were asked to rate the extent to
which their leader "clearly articulates his/her vision of the future," "leads by setting a good
example," "challenges me to think about old problems in new ways," "says things that make
8
employees proud to be part of the organization," and "has a clear sense of where our organization
should be in five years." The scale has an internal consistency value of .90.
Service grade is measured by the self-reported service grade of all respondents. The scale runs
from 3, capturing grade 3, or the most senior grade of respondent in the sample, through 9,
capturing the lowest service grade. To aid in the interpretation of the analysis, the scale was
reversed, so that higher numbers correspond to higher, more senior service grades.
To better isolate the effects of transformational leadership, service grade, and their interaction on
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the dependent variable, additional controls are included in the empirical model. First, a strong
emphasis on internal efficiency has consequences for employee attitudes (Campbell, Im, and
Jeong 2014), and in the literature red tape is inversely associated with efficiency (Rainey,
Pandey, and Bozeman 1995). Moreover, ‘cutting’ red tape in order to improve efficiency has
been central to the public administration reform agenda since at least the 1990s (Gore 1993;
Hood 1991; Osborne and Gaebler 1993). In this study efficiency orientation is controlled for
using the mean value of three items: "Our organization strives to reduce costs," "…tries to
eliminate unnecessary procedures and functions," and "…is constantly working to improve
productivity." Cronbach’s alpha for the 3-item scale is .80.
While managers can be a source of organizational red tape (Moynihan 2012), more generally the
political environment in which a given public organization operates can use a variety of tools to
exert control and political support is a key variable in the performance of public organizations
(Brewer et al. 2012; Moynihan and Pandey 2005; Wilson 1989). The model thus controls for
9
political support by including the following, reverse-coded item: “At election time, politicians
always criticize the inefficiencies of our ministry.”
Additionally, three variables at the organization level are included as controls. The first and
second capture different dimensions of organizational size, namely total budget and total
employees for the year 2014 (log transformed versions of these variables are included in the
analysis). Additionally, an organization-level variable capturing the percentage of high-ranking
staff is also included. This variable is related to managerial capital and may be related to the
implementation of performance enhancing innovations (Walker 2014). Data for these variables
was gathered from the National Assembly Budget Office and Office of Personnel Management.
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The dataset used in this study contains observations drawn from 16 central government
ministries. As such, observations from the same ministry may not be independent, with red tape
perceptions correlated more strongly between members of the same ministry compared to those
in other organizations. Hierarchical linear modeling (HLM) is thus used to estimate the model.
HLM with random intercepts is a multilevel approach that corrects for the “design effect” of
nested data (Hox 2010, 5). In the present sample, the interclass correlation coefficient for red
tape is a relatively large .17, which provides statistical motivation for the use of HLM in addition
to the theoretical assumptions relevant to nested data.
Analysis results
Table 1 provides descriptive statistics for the variables used in the analysis. The average level of
red tape is slightly above the scale midpoint at 6.09 with a standard deviation of 1.67.
Transformational leadership is also above the scale midpoint at 3.51. The last column of the table
shows correlations between red tape and each of the other variables. As expected,
transformational leadership and other control variables measured at the individual level are all
negatively correlated with red tape at statistically significant levels, while service grade shows
now significant correlation with red tape. Female respondents report significantly higher levels
of red tape than their male counterparts, while tenure is related to weaker perceptions of red tape.
Finally, organizations with more employees appear to have higher levels of perceived red tape,
10
however organizations with a higher percentage of high-level civil servants generally perceive
less.
Significant differences in terms of red tape across ministries were found. The Ministry of
Employment, Ministry of Justice, and the Ministry of Foreign Affairs reported the highest levels
of red tape (7.14, 7.10, and 7.01, respectively), while the Ministry of Trade, Industry, and
Energy, the Ministry of Unification1, and the Ministry of Agriculture, Forestry, Livestock were
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Principle analysis: Red tape, transformational leadership, and civil service grade
Table 2 shows the results of the principle HLM analysis. In step 1, red tape is regressed on the
independent variables. In step 2, an interaction term is added to the model in order to test the
interaction effect (Aiken and West 1991; full model coefficients for step 2 are available in
Appendix 1). For step 1, the Snijders-Bosker pseudo r-square (Bosker and Snijders 1999)
suggests that the model variables explain about 21% of the variance in red tape perceptions. The
results suggest that transformational leadership is negatively related to perceptions of red tape,
which is consistent with hypothesis 1. Civil service status has no statistically significant
relationship with the dependent variable. Similar to the bi-variate analysis, additional factors are
significant in the model, including efficiency and performance orientation, and political support.
These results are largely consistent with existent research. As at the bi-variate level, females are
more likely to perceive higher levels of red tape than males. No organization-level variables are
significant in the model.
In step 2, an interaction term is included in the model to test hypothesis 2, namely, that the effect
of transformational leadership on red tape perceptions is dependent on civil service grade. The
negative, statistically significant coefficient here suggests that transformational leadership has a
stronger effect on red tape perceptions at higher levels of the organizational hierarchy, which is
1
A ministry unique to South Korea that focuses on the potential unification of North and South
Korea.
11
consistent with the hypothesis. Figure 1 shows this relationship graphically, and the included
statistics estimate the effect of transformational leadership on red tape perceptions at each civil
service grade. The graph and corresponding quantitative estimates suggest that transformational
leadership has little effect on the perception of red tape for frontline employees. However,
moving up the hierarchy, the effect of transformational leadership increases and becomes
significant for employees at grade 6 and above.
Figure 1: Service grade conditional effect of transformational leadership on red tape perceptions
This study argued that the effects of transformational leadership on perceptions of red tape are
dependent on the organizational echelon occupied by the follower. The results suggest that
transformational leadership has a negative influence on red tape perceptions for high ranking
civil servants, but little influence on the perceptions of frontline employees. This study
contributes to the literature in a number of ways, including addressing a call by Moynihan et al.
(2012) to verify the relationship between transformational leadership and red tape across
organizational levels and by using different samples of respondents. The results suggest that the
relationship needs qualification. Before discussing the contributions of this study and paths for
future research in more detail, however, it should be noted that, like Moynihan et al.’s (2012)
original article, this study uses variables drawn from a single cross sectional survey dataset to
test a key hypothesis. This is a limitation of the analysis, as cross sectional, single source data
both precludes a more rigorous demonstration of causality as well as introduces the threat of
biased results based on common method variance (Meier and O’Toole 2013). While testing the
theory in an alternative context demonstrates a level of external validity for the original results,
future studies should adopt a research approach that allows for stronger causal inferences to be
made.
12
The present study found that transformational leadership is a significant predictor of rule quality
evaluations for high-level civil servants but has little impact for those working lower levels of
the organizational/service hierarchy. A number of reasons were suggested for this differential
role, including that the relatively routine and circumscribed nature of work that lower level
employees are responsible for is potentially less compatible with the message of meaningfulness
that transformational leadership brings about. This finding suggests further that there may be a
potential context-leadership fit problem that has as yet been unexplored by public administration
scholars. Dust, Resick, and Mawritz (2013) have suggested that where an organization ranks on
the mechanistic-organic typology can moderate the effect of transformational leadership at the
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organization level. However, as the present study has argued, even within a single organization,
distinct sub or micro-cultures may act as filtering mechanism shaping leadership outputs. Some
of these cultures will inevitably be more conducive to the particular effect of transformational
leadership.
13
This study also has implications for the study of transformational leadership in the public sector.
Public management scholars have largely embraced transformational leadership as a positive
phenomenon, linking it in various ways to public service motivation (Im, Campbell, and Jeong
2016; Paarlberg and Lavigna 2010), as well as more conceptually remote behaviors such as
performance information use (Moynihan, Pandey, and Wright 2011). However, in the general
management literature, the potentially darker side of transformational leadership has long been
recognized, being associated with dependency (Kark, Shamir, and Chen 2003) or, more
worryingly, organizationally beneficial unethical behavior (Effelsberg, Solga, and Gurt 2013).
While a reduction in the negative effect associated with perceived red tape should have positive
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employee outcomes, on the other hand some have suggested that red tape simultaneously
constrains and stimulates innovation in the public sector (Moon and Bretschneider 2002).
Transformational leadership is connected to innovative behavior among followers (Eisenbeiss,
van Knippenberg, and Boerner 2008), however, to the extent that leaders provide
psychologically-based relief from red tape, it may also undermine the perceived need to address
dysfunctional organization practices objectively. Of course, while this conjecture should be
subjected to empirical evaluation, still managers should be cognizant of the need to encourage
change-orientated initiatives among followers and avoid facilitating complacency with red tape.
The hypotheses tested in this study were derived from theoretical and empirical work on red
tape, transformational leadership, and organizational/job structure. However, as a majority of this
foundational work was undertaken in the Western context, it is reasonable to provide some
remarks about the generalizability of the study. As argued above, the Korean civil service
gradation system is a reasonable proxy for the underlying job characteristics that are principally
relevant to this study's analysis. However, more generally, Korean public organizational culture,
while exhibiting similarities with other, especially East Asian, administrative cultures,
nevertheless has deep and unique historical roots (Frederickson 2002; Im et al. 2013). In
particular, a collective orientation, interpersonal power relationships that go beyond formal
compliance, and employee adoption of organizational identity are key characteristics of Korean
organizational culture. Moreover, scholars have suggested that transformational leadership
behaviors are native to Korean organizational culture, while alternatively a culture of “saving
face” can make rigid adherence to organizational rules an attractive option for employees
seeking to insulate themselves from blame (Im et al. 2013; Kim 2012; Campbell et al. 2015).
14
Generally, based on the unique development experience of the country and its transition from an
economically-driven authoritarian government system to the more open and inclusive, multi-
issue governance system used today, both citizens and civil servants in Korea have a relatively
unique understanding of the role of government in society (Kim and Campbell 2015). Again,
while there is evidence that core transformational leadership is culturally portable (Bass 1997;
Den Hartog et al. 1999) and secondly the hypotheses tested in this study are theory-based and do
not take into account in any a priori way the cultural context of the study, future work focusing
on the intersection of red tape and leadership may still secure deeper insights by formally
incorporating cultural characteristics beyond job grade into the research design. For this, a more
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This study tested the proposition that the heterogeneous job characteristics at different
organizational strata are relevant to the impact of transformational leadership on employee
perception of red tape. The findings suggest that transformational leadership influences
subjective rule evaluation only among employees at higher echelons of the organization, with the
perception of red tape among those closer to the frontlines determined by other, potentially less
subjective factors. While public management research has understandably focused largely on the
leadership strata of public organizations, agency performance does not depend exclusively on the
actions of managers, and approaches that can foster performance and innovation at multiple
levels of the organization should also be explored. This study suggests that future research on
transformational leadership in the public sector should also seek to understand its limitations in
order to obtain a more complete picture of its impact.
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Table 1: Descriptive statistics and correlations
Variable Coefficient SE
Step 1
Transformational leadership (TL) -.30** (.09)
Service grade .02 (.06)
Efficiency orientation -.50*** (.10)
Performance orientation -.28** (.10)
Political support -.19* (.08)
Sex (Female = 1) .48*** (.13)
Tenure .00 (.01)
Ministry budget (log) -.01 (.13)
Number of employees (log) .29 (.23)
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Variable Coefficient SE
Transformational leadership (TL) .29 (.31)
Service grade .54* (.26)
TL x Service grade -.15* (.07)
Efficiency orientation -.48*** (.10)
Performance orientation -.27** (.10)
Political support -.19* (.08)
Sex (Female = 1) .49*** (.13)
Tenure .00 (.01)
Ministry budget (log) -.00 (.13)
Number of employees (log) .30 (.23)
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