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General Editors
ASTRID B. BECK
DAVID NOEL FREEDMAN
Editorial Board
HAROLD W. ATTRIDGE, History and Literature of Early Christianity

ADELA YARBRO COLLINS, New Testament
JOHN HUEHNERGARD, Ancient Near Eastern Languages and Literatures
PETER MACHINIST, Ancient Near Eastern Languages and Literatures
JOHN P. MEIER, New Testament
SHALOM M. PAUL, Hebrew Bible
STANLEY E. PORTER, New Testament Language and Literature
JAMES C. VANDERKAM, History and Literature of Early Judaism
Available
John J. Collins, The Apocalyptic Imagination, Second Edition

Frank Moore Cross, Jr., and David Noel Freedman,
Studies in Ancient Yahwistic Poetry
S. R. Driver, A Treatise on the Use of the Tenses in Hebrew
and Some Other Syntactical Questions
Joseph A. Fitzmyer, S.J., The Semitic Background of the New Testament
(combined edition of Essays on the Semitic Background
of the New Testament and A Wandering Aramean)
Joseph A. Fitzmyer, SJ., To Advance the Gospel, second edition
Birger Gerhardsson, Memory and Manuscript and
Tradition and Transmission in Early Christianity
Roland de Vaux, Ancient Israel: Its Life and Institutions
TO
ADVANCE
THE
GOSPEL
New Testament Studies
SECOND EDITION
JOSEPH A. FITZMYER, SJ.
WILLIAM B. EERDMANS PUBLISHING COMPANY

GRAND RAPIDS, MICHIGAN I CAMBRIDGE, U.K.
DOVE BOOKSELLERS
LIVONIA, MICHIGAN
Originally published 1981 by
The Crossroad Publishing Company, New York
© 1981 Joseph A. Fitzmyer, S.J.
Second edition © 1998 Joseph A. Fitzmyer, S.J.

Published jointly 1998 by
Wm. B. Eerdmans Publishing Company
255 Jefferson Ave. S.E., Grand Rapids, Michigan 49503 I
P.O. Box 163, Cambridge CB3 9PU U.K.
and by
Dove Booksellers
30633 Schoolcraft Road, Suite C, Livonia, Michigan 48150
Printed in the United States of America
02 01 00 99 98 5 4 3 2 1
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Fitzmyer, Joseph A.
To advance the Gospel: New Testament studies / Joseph A. Fitzmyer.
— 2nd ed.
p. cm. — (The biblical resource series)
Includes bibliographical references and indexes.
ISBN 0-8028-4425-1 (pbk.: alk. paper)
1. Bible. N.T. — Criticism, interpretation, etc.
I. Title, n. Series.
BS2395.F58 1998
225.6 — dc21 97-51670
CIP
CONTENTS
Preface to the Second Edition vii

Preface to the First Edition ix
Abbreviations xi
I. Gospel Topics
1. The Priority of Mark and the "Q" Source in Luke 3
2. The Virginal Conception of Jesus in the New Testament 41
3. The Matthean Divorce Texts and Some
New Palestinian Evidence 79
4. Aramaic Kephä* and Peter's Name in the New Testament 112
5. Crucifixion in Ancient Palestine, Qumran Literature,
and the New Testament 125
II. Pauline Topics

6. The Gospel in the Theology of Paul 149
7. Reconciliation in Pauline Theology 162
8. Paul and the Law 186
9. 'To Know Him and the Power of His Resurrection" (Phil 3:10) 202
10. New Testament Kyrios and Maranatha
and Their Aramaic Background 218
11. Habakkuk 2:3-4 and the New Testament 236
v
Vi CONTENTS
III. Lucan Topics

12. Jesus in the Early Church through the Eyes of Luke-Acts 249
13. The Ascension of Christ and Pentecost 265
14. The Use of the Old Testament in Luke-Acts 295
15. The Designations of Christians in Acts and Their Significance 314
16. "A Certain Sceva, a Jew, a Chief Priest" (Acts 19:14) 332
IV. Further Pauline Topics

17. KE<\>akr\ in 1 Corinthians 11:3 341
18. The Consecutive Meaning of e<|>' <S in Romans 5:12 349
19. The Resurrection of Jesus Christ according to the New Testament 369
Appendix 382
Indexes
Subjects 385
Modem Writers 390
Scripture References 401
Other Ancient Writings 416
PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION
WHEN EERDMANS PUBLISHING COMPANY asked about the possibility of reprinting

To Advance the Gospel, I was only too happy to comply. The book was originally
published by The Crossroad Publishing Company of New York in 1981 and has
been out of print for a number of years. My editor at Eerdmans also asked that
I consider adding some further New Testament studies to the eleven that were
in the original publication. Again, I was happy agree to the suggestion, and the
reader will find eight further topics treated in this reprint edition.
The original eleven studies are simply reprinted as they first appeared, but
the reader will find in the appendix some further notes, bibliographic and
otherwise, that deal with some aspects of the articles as they first appeared. The
eight new articles, which are being added in this reprint edition of TAG, have
been slightly revised and updated. In the first printing of TAG, the original eleven
articles dealt with Gospel Topics and Pauline Topics; the eight new articles
discuss further Pauline Topics and some Lucan Topics, i.e., matters that deal
with the Lucan Gospel and the Acts of the Apostles.
In the Preface of TAG acknowledgement was duly made to the editors of
periodicals and publishers of books in which the eleven original articles first
appeared. There is no need to repeat that acknowledgement here. I am further
indebted to the editors of periodicals and publishers of books in which the eight
new articles have first appeared. Grateful acknowledgement is hereby expressed
to the following sources of these articles:
12. "Jesus in the Early Church through the Eyes of Luke-Acts," Scripture
Bulletin 17 (1987)26-35.
13. "The Ascension of Christ and Pentecost," TS 45 (1984) 409-40.
14. "The Use of the Old Testament in Luke-Acts," SBL Seminar Papers 1992
(ed. E. H. Lovering, Jr.; Atlanta, GA: Scholars, 1992) 524-38 (with the
permission of Scholars Press).
vn
Vlll PREFACE TO THE SECOND EDITION
15. "The Designations of Christians in Acts and Their Significance," Unite et

diversite dans VEglise: Texte officiel de la Commission Biblique Pontificale
et travauxpersonnels des membres (Vatican City: Libreria Editrice Vaticana,
1989) 223-36 (with permission of Libreria Editrice Vaticana).
16. " 'A Certain Sceva, a Jew, a Chief Priest' (Acts 19:14)," Der Treue Gottes
trauen. Beiträge zum Werk des Lukas. Für Gerhard Schneider (ed. C. Buss-
mann and W. Radi; Freiburg im B.: Herder, 1991) 299-305 (with the per-
mission of Verlag Herder).
17. "Kephale in I Corinthians 11:3," Interpretation 47 (1993) 52-59.
18. "The Consecutive Meaning of e<t>' co in Romans 5.12," NTS 39 (1993)
321-39 (with permission of Cambridge University Press).
19. "The Resurrection of Jesus Christ according to the New Testament," The
Month 258 (No. 1439, November 1987) 402-10.
Finally, I want to express my thanks to Michael Thomson and Charles Van Hof
of Eerdmans for their help in bringing all these studies into a new book form.
JOSEPH A. FITZMYER, SJ.
Professor Emeritus, Biblical Studies
The Catholic University of America
Resident at:
Jesuit Community, Georgetown University
P.O. Box 571200
Washington, DC 20057-1200
PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION
". . . what has happened to me has really

served to advance the gospel..."
PHILIPPIANS 1:12
THE ELEVEN ESSAYS which are gathered together in this book were written over
a period of thirteen years and present reflections on a number of important New
Testament problems. They fall into two main categories, which have been the
object of my research and investigation over the years, the Synoptic Gospels
and the Pauline corpus. Some of the essays in Part I, devoted to "Gospel Topics,"
make use of new Palestinian evidence that has recently come to light to aid in
the interpretation of old Gospel problems; others (chaps. One and Two) are
attempts to reformulate older problems in the light of modern Gospel research.
Topics such as the Marcan priority and the Lucan use of "Q," the virginal
conception of Jesus, the Matthean form of the divorce prohibitions, the play on
Peter's name in Matt 16:18, and the question of crucifixion in ancient Palestine
are of continual interest to modern readers. Among "Pauline Topics" those
dealing with the meaning of the gospel, the law, reconciliation, the power of
Jesus' resurrection, the meaning and origin of kyrios, and the use of Hab 2:3-4
are of perennial concern. These two bodies of essays may not be a closely knit
unit, but they seem to be of sufficient interest to present them together between
the covers of one volume.
None of these essays repeats those in either of the two previous volumes
of my collected essays, either Essays on the Semitic Background of the New
Testament (London: Chapman, 1971; reprinted, Missoula, MT: Scholars Press,
1974) or A Wandering Aramean: Collected Aramaic Essays (SBLMS 25; Mis-
soula, MT: Scholars Press, 1979). [Note: these two works have now been
IX
X PREFACE TO THE FIRST EDITION
reprinted in one volume (Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1997).] One essay, however,
''New Testament Kyrios and Maranatha and Their Aramaic Background," gives
a resume of the discussion of the Kyrios-title in A Wandering Aramean, but
presses further in the contextual discussion of Maranatha. Hence its inclusion
here.
In gathering these essays for republication in this volume, I have made some
slight alterations. I have made references uniform, and have called attention to
new material bearing on the topics; I have also introduced a number of minor
changes in wording and occasionally a paragraph or two in the interest of clarity.
On a few occasions, I have added a postscript to discuss views of those who
might have commented on earlier forms of the essays. Apart from such changes
the essays remain substantially as they originally appeared; the basic thesis in
none of them has changed.
Grateful acknowledgement is hereby expressed to the editors of the follow-
ing periodicals who have granted permission for the reprinting of the essays
which originally appeared as articles in their publications: Catholic Biblical
Quarterly, Interpretation, The Jurist, Perspective, and Theological Studies. My
gratitude is also hereby expressed to Cambridge University Press for permission
to reprint "Aramaic Kepha and Peter's Name in the New Testament" from the
Festschrift for Matthew Black; to the Institute for Antiquity and Christianity,
Claremont, for permission to reprint "Reconciliation in Pauline Theology" from
the Festschrift for John L. McKenzie; to Editions J. Duculot of Gembloux,
Belgium, for permission to reprint " To Know Him and the Power of His
Resurrection' (Phil 3:10)" from the Festschrift for Beda Rigaux; to the editor
for permission to reprint "New Testament Kyrios and Maranatha and Their
Aramaic Background" from the Festschrift destined for Bo Reicke; and to
Editions Desclee of Paris for permission to reprint "Habakkuk 2:3-4 and the
New Testament" from De la Loi au Messie, Melanges for Henri Cazelles. Full
details about the credits will be given in the asterisked footnote at the beginning
of each chapter.
Finally, I must express sincere thanks to my colleague, Juan B. Cortes, S.J.,
who has helped me in many ways in the production of this book; and to Richard
Ressa and Joseph Wysocki for furnishing me with the Hebrew text of the
passages quoted.
JOSEPH A. FITZMYER, S.J.
The Catholic University of America
Washington, DC 20064
ABBREVIATIONS
A Alexandrinus (New Testament Greek MS)

AAS Acta apostolicae sedis
AB Anchor Bible
Ag.Ap. Josephus, Against Apion
AHR American Historical Review
ALBO Analecta lovaniensia biblica et orientalia
ALUOS Annual of the Leeds University Oriental Society
AnBib Analecta biblica
Ant. Josephus, Antiquities of the Jews
ANTF Arbeiten zur neutestamentlichen Textforschung
AOS American Oriental Series
AP A. E. Cowley, Aramaic Papyri of the Fifth Century B.C. (Oxford:
Clarendon, 1923)
ASAE Annales du service des antiquites de l'Egypte
ASNU Acta seminarii neotestamentici upsaliensis
AsSeign Assemblies du Seigneur
ASTI Annual of the Swedish Theological Institute
ATR Anglican Theological Review
B Vaticanus (New Testament Greek MS)

BA Biblical Archaeologist
B-A W. Bauer, Griechisch-deutsches Wörterbuch zu den Schriften des
Neuen Testaments und der frühchristlichen Literatur (rev. K. and
B. Aland; Berlin: de Gruyter, 1988)
BAC Biblioteca de autores cristianos
BAG W. Bauer, A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament (tr. W. F.
Arndt and F W. Gingrich; Chicago, IL: University of Chicago, 1957;
2d ed., rev. F. W. Danker, 1979)
BASOR Bulletin of the American Schools of Oriental Research
BBezC Bulletin of the Bezan Club
BDF F. Blass and A. Debrunner, A Greek Grammar of the New Testament
(tr. R. W. Funk; Chicago, IL: University of Chicago, 1961)
XI
xii ABBREVIATIONS
BDR F. Blass and A. Debrunner, Grammatik des neutestamentlichen

Griechisch (rev. F. Rehkopf; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht,
1976)
BETL Bibiotheca ephemeridum theologicarum lovaniensium
BEvT Beiträge zur evangelischen Theologie
BGU Ägyptische Urkunden aus den königlichen Museen zu Berlin,
Griechische Urkunden (11 vols.; ed. W. Schubart et al.; Berlin:
Weidmann, 1895-1976)
BHT Beiträge zur historischen Theologie
Bib Biblica
BibLeb Bibel und Leben
BibOr Biblica et orientalia
BJRL Bulletin of the John Rylands (University) Library (of Manchester)
BLE Bulletin de litterature ecclesiastique
BMAP E. G. Kraeling, Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri (New Haven, CT:
Yale University, 1953)
BNTC Black's New Testament Commentaries
BR Biblical Research
BSac Bibliotheca Sacra
BSOAS Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies
BTB Biblical Theology Bulletin
BVC Bible et vie chretienne
BWANT Beiträge zur Wissenschaft vom Alten und Neuen Testament
BZ Biblische Zeitschrift
BZNW Beihefte zur ZNW
CB Cultura biblica
CBQ Catholic Biblical Quarterly
CBQMS Catholic Biblical Quarterly — Monograph Series
CC Corpus Christianorum
CCLat Corpus Christianorum, Latin Series
CD Cairo (Genizah) Damascus (Document)
ChrC Christian Century
ChrT Christianity Today
CIG Corpus inscriptionum graecarum
CIS Corpus inscriptionum semiticarum
CNT Commentaire du Nouveau Testament
col(s). column(s)
CP Classical Philology
CRAIBL Comptes-rendus de VAcademie des Inscriptions et belles-lettres
CSCO Corpus scriptorum christianorum orientalium
CSEL Corpus scriptorum ecclesiasticorum latinorum
CTM Concordia Theological Monthly
CurTM Currents in Theology and Mission
D Codex Bezae (New Testament Greek MS)

DACL Dictionnaire d'archeologie chretienne et de liturgie
Abbreviations Xlll
DBS Dictionnaire de la Bible, Supplement

Did. Didache
DJD Discoveries in the Judaean Desert
DS Denzinger-Schonmetzer, Enchiridion symbolorum
E English (added to a biblical reference) = in English versions

EBib Etudes bibliques
EDNT H. Balz and G. Schneider, Exegetical Dictionary of the New
Testament (3 vols.; Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1990, 1991, 1993)
EKKNT Evangelisch-Katholischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament
EMar Ephemerides mariologicae
ESBNT J. A. Fitzmyer, Essays on the Semitic Background of the New
Testament (London: Chapman, 1971; Missoula, MT: Scholars, 1974;
repr. in The Semitic Background of the New Testament [Grand
Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1997])
EstBib Estudios biblicos
EstEcl Estudios eclesiästicos
ETL Ephemerides theologicae lovanienses
ETR Etudes theologiques et religieuses
EvQ Evangelical Quarterly
EvT Evangelische Theologie
ExpTim Expository Times
frg. fragment
FRLANT Forschungen zur Religion und Literatur des Alten und Neuen
Testaments
G Boernerianus (New Testament Greek MS)

GCS Griechischen christlichen Schriftsteller
GGA Göttinger gelehrte Anzeiger
Greg Gregorianum
GuL Geist und Leben
HAW Handbuch zum Altertumswissenschaft

HNT Handbuch zum Neuen Testament
HNTC Harper's New Testament Commentaries
HTKNT Herders theologischer Kommentar zum Neuen Testament
HTR Harvard Theological Review
ICC International Critical Commentary

IDB Interpreter's Dictionary of the Bible (4 vols.; Nashville, TN:
Abingdon, 1962)
IDBSup Supplementary volume to IDB (1976)
IEJ Israel Exploration Journal
Int Interpretation
ITQ Irish Theological Quarterly
XIV ABBREVIATIONS
j- Jerusalem Talmud (prefixed to name of tractate)

JAAR Journal of the American Academy of Religion
JB Jerusalem Bible (ed. A. Jones et al.; Gaiden City, NY: Doubleday,
1966)
JBC R. E. Brown et al. (eds.), The Jerome Biblical Commentary
(Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1968)
JBL Journal of Biblical Literature
JES Journal of Ecumenical Studies
JJS Journal of Jewish Studies
JPS Jewish Publication Society
JQR Jewish Quarterly Review
JR Journal of Religion
JSS Journal of Semitic Studies
JTS Journal of Theological Studies
J.W. Josephus, Jewish War
KAI H. Donner and W. Röllig, Kanaanäische und aramäische Inschriften

(3 vols.; Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz, 1962)
KJV King James Version
"L" Lucan private source (in the Third Gospel)

LCL Loeb Classical Library
LD Lectio divina
Les Lesonenu
LQ Lutheran Quarterly
LTK Lexikon für Theologie und Kirche (11 vols.; 2d ed.; ed. J. Höfer and
K. Rahner; Freiburg im B.: Herder, 1957-67)
LXX Septuagint
"M" Matthean private source (in the First Gospel)

m. Mishnah (prefixed to name of tractate)
MeyerK H. A. W. Meyer (ed.), Kritisch-exegetischer Kommentar über das
Neue Testament
MGWJ Monatsschrift für Geschichte und Wissenschaft des Judentums
Midr. Midrash
MM J. H. Moulton and G. Milligan, The Vocabulary of the Greek
Testament (London: Hodder and Stoughton, 1930)
MNT Brown, R. E. et al. (eds.), Mary in the New Testament (New York:
Paulist; Philadelphia, PA: Fortress, 1978)
MS(S) manuscript(s)
MT Masoretic Text (Old Testament in Hebrew)
MTZ Münchener theologische Zeitschrift
Mur Murabba'at (see p. 181 n. 18)
N_A
E. Nestle and K. Aland, Novum Testamentum graece (27th ed.;
Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelgesellschaft, 1993)
NAB New American Bible
Abbreviations xv
NCB New Century Bible (commentary series)

NEB New English Bible
NIC New International Commentary
NIV New International Version
NJBC R. E. Brown et al. (eds.), The New Jerome Biblical Commentary
(Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1990)
NovT Novum Testamentum
NovTSup Supplements to NovT
NRSV New Revised Standard Version
NRT La nouvelle revue theologique
NTAbh Neutestamentliche Abhandlungen
NTD Das Neue Testament Deutsch
NTS New Testament Studies
NTT Norsk Teologisk Tidsskrift
NTTS New Testament Tools and Studies
P Papyrus
PCTSA Proceedings of the Catholic Theological Society of America
PG J. Migne (ed.), Patrologia graeca
PL J. Migne (ed.), Patrologia latina
PNT R. E. Brown et al. (eds.), Peter in the New Testament (New York:
Paulist; Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg, 1973)
POxy Papyrus Oxyrhynchus
PSI Pubblicazioni della societä italiana per la ricerca dei papiri greci e
latini in Egitto (15 vols.; ed. G. Vitelli et al.; Florence: Ariani,
1912-57)
PVTG Pseudepigrapha Veteris Testamenti graece
PW Pauly-Wissowa, Real-Encyclopädie der classischen
Altertumswissenschaft
The Q-Source in the Synoptic Gospels (see p. 35)
RAC Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum

RB Revue biblique
REB Revised English Bible
RechBib Recherches bibliques
RES Revue des etudes semitiques
RevExp Review and Expositor
RevQ Revue de Qumran
RGG Religion in Geschichte und Gegenwart (3d ed.; 7 vols.; ed.
K. Galling et al.; Tübingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 1957-65)
RHPR Revue d'histoire et de philosophic religieuses
RivB Rivista biblica
RivBSup Supplements to RivB
RNT Regensburger Neues Testament
RSR Recherches de science religieuse
RSV Revised Standard Version
XVI ABBREVIATIONS
RTAM Recherches de theologie ancienne et medievale

RTL Revue theologique de Louvain
RTF Revue et theologie et de philosophie
SANT Studien zum Alten und Neuen Testament

SBFLA Studii biblici franciscani liber annuus
SBLMS Society of Biblical Literature Monograph Series
SBLRBS Society of Biblical Literature Resources for Biblical Study
SBLSBS Society of Biblical Literature Sources of Biblical Study (now =
SBLRBS)
SBM Stuttgarter biblische Monographien
SBS Stuttgarter biblische Studien
SBT Studies in Biblical Theology
SC Sources chretiennes
Scr Scripture
SE I, II, III, Studia evangelica /, //, ///, etc. (TU 73 [1959], 87 [1964], 88 [1964],
etc. etc.)
SEÄ Svensk exegetisk Ärsbok
SEG Supplementum epigraphicum graecum
Sem Semitica (Paris)
SJLA Studies in Judaism in Late Antiquity
SJT Scottish Journal of Theology
SNTS Studiorum Novi Testamenti Societas
SNTSMS Studiorum Novi Testamenti Societas Monograph Series
ST Studia theologica
STDJ Studies on the Texts of the Desert of Judah
Str-B [H. Strack and] P. Billerbeck, Kommentar zum Neuen Testament aus
Talmud und Midrasch (6 vols.; Munich: Beck, 1926-65)
SUNT Studien zur Umwelt des Neuen Testaments
TAG J. A. Fitzmyer, To Advance the Gospel; New Testament Studies (New

York: Crossroad, 1981 [this book in its original printing])
TBT The Bible Today
TCGNT B. M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament
(London/New York: United Bible Societies, 1971; 2d ed., 1994)
TD Theology Digest
TDNT G. Kittel and G. Friedrich (eds.), Theological Dictionary of the New
Testament (10 vols.; Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1964-76)
TF Theologische Forschung
Tg. Targum (prefixed to name of an Aramaic translation of Old Testament
books)
TGl Theologie und Glaube
TLZ Theologische Literaturzeitung
TP Theologie und Philosophie
TPQ Theologisch-Praktische Quartalschrift
TQ Theologische Quartalschrift
TRE Theologische Realenzyklopädie
Abbreviations xvii
TrinJ Trinity Journal

TS Theological Studies
TSK Theologische Studien und Kritiken
TTijd Theologische Tijdschrifl
TTZ Trierer theologische Zeitschrift
TU Texte und Untersuchungen
TynBull Tyndale Bulletin
TynNTC Tyndale New Testament Commentary
77 Theologische Zeitschrift
UBSGNT United Bible Societies, Greek New Testament (3d ed., 1975; 4th ed.,
1993)
VD Verbum Domini
VT Vetus Testamentum
VTSup Supplements to VT
WA J. A. Fitzmyer, A Wandering Aramean: Collected Aramaic Essays

(SBLMS 25; Missoula, MT: Scholars, 1979; repr. in The Semitic
Background of the New Testament [Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans,
1997])
WMANT Wissenschaftliche Monographien zum Alten und Neuen Testament
WTJ Westminster Theological Journal
WUNT Wissenschaftliche Untersuchungen zum Neuen Testament
ZAW Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft

ZKG Zeitschrift für Kirchengeschichte
ZKT Zeitschrift für katholische Theologie
ZNW Zeitschrift für die neutestamentliche Wissenschaft
ZRGG Zeitschrift für Religions- und Geistesgeschichte
ZTK Zeitschrift für Theologie und Kirche
Part I
GOSPEL
TOPICS
One
THE PRIORITY OF MARK
AND THE "Q" SOURCE IN LUKE
T H E STEERING COMMITTEE for the Pittsburgh Festival on the Gospels,

held in April 1969 to celebrate the 175th anniversary of the Pittsburgh
Theological Seminary, asked m e to prepare a survey of the state of the
question of Luke's dependence on Mark and " Q . " This question is part
of the so-called Synoptic Problem, a vast area of New Testament study.
I had been asked to do this because I once espoused the priority of
Mark. 1 T o admit the priority of Mark over Luke and the use of " Q "
would be to adopt a form of the Two-Source Theory as a solution to the
Synoptic Problem. 2 This solution has been called in question from time
to time; indeed, recently there has been a call for the reopening of the
entire Synoptic question. 3 My task is, obviously, not to re-examine the
problem itself ab ovo, even with respect to the limited part with which I
have been asked to deal. It is rather a survey of the current scene, as
this is known to me.
Before I begin the survey proper, several preliminary remarks seem
to be called for. First of all, the Synoptic Problem has been debated for
over 150 years, during which time the corporate effort of scholars has
come a long way, and yet no wholly satisfying solution has been found.
Indeed, the literary source analysis of the Synoptic Gospels has long
since yielded to other phases of gospel study: to form criticism and to
Redaktionsgeschichte, to mention only the two most important phases.
These advances have all been the result of critical study of the Gospels,
carried on with the developing philological tools of literary and
historical research. Sometimes the advances were made in one phase or
another because of previous misdirected or even false steps, as we can
recognize today when we view the process with hindsight. To admit
this, however, does not mean that one who accepts elements of past
4 TO ADVANCE THE GOSPEL
solutions necessarily agrees with all the presuppositions that were in

vogue at the time. T h e subsequent recognition of false steps does not
necessarily imply that the whole process has been somehow vitiated,
unless, of course, one subscribes to some sort of determinism in history.
Thus, few will support today the priority of Mark because this Gospel is
judged to serve as a better bridge to the historical Jesus than the
Gospels of Matthew or Luke, which are considered to be more artificial
On the other hand, if arguments used in the past seem to have
been inadequate or weak, it does not necessarily mean that they are
such today; presuppositions affecting them may have changed, or
the arguments may have received further analysis, confirmation, or
support.
Second, the history of Synoptic research reveals that the problem is
practically insoluble.* As I see the matter, we cannot hope for a definitive
and certain solution to it, since the data for its solution are scarcely
adequate or available to us. Such a solution would imply a judgment
about the historical genesis and literary relationship of the first three
Gospels, whereas the data for a historical and literary judgmen t of this
nature are so meagre and of such a character as to preclude certitude.
It is in this general context that I believe Β. Η. Streeter's oft-quoted
statement ought to be repeated (and not apropos of some specific
difficulty). Streeter wrote, ". . . we cannot possibly know, either all the
circumstances of churches, or all the personal idiosyncrasies of writers
so far removed from our own time." 5 I stress this point at the outset,
because one finds often enough in recent discussions a straining after
what is called "the truth" of the matter. 6 I submit, however, that "the
truth" of the matter is largely inaccessible to us, and that we are forced
to live with a hypothesis or a theory. This means too that there are
loopholes in the theory, and that the value of the hypothesis may have
to be judged by criteria other than its sheer truth.
Third, because the corporate critical study of the Synoptic Problem
has resulted only in a theory or theories about its solution, there are at
least two other criteria that have been operative in this work, and I am
speaking of criteria that involve critical judgment, not "non-scientific"
or "extra-scientific" factors. One of these is appeal; the other is
usefulness. T h e Two-Source Theory has certainly appealed to the
majority of twentieth-century scholars. 7 In saying this, I do not intend
"an appeal to authority," as if the sentiment of the majority closed the
issue. It is a simple statement of fact. Opponents complain of "the
consensus" or the "collective bias," and subtly contrast the majority to
"all careful students of the Synoptic Problem" and to the "perceptive
critic," as if these appellations were proper only to those who criticize
The Pnority of Mark and the "Q" Source in Luke 5
the theory. Little is obviously gained by this sort of approach; and it

certainly does not d o away with the fact itself of the appeal of the Two-
Source Theory to the critical j u d g m e n t of many scholars. As for its
usefulness—its Brauchbarkeit (to repeat a word used by G. Strecker and
W. Marxsen that has become a sort of tag, even in English discus-
sions)—who can deny that the Two-Source Theory has served as the
springboard for both the form criticism of the Gospels and later on for
Redaktionsgeschichte} In the latter case it is almost a fundamental prop. I
am, however, aware that neither of these methods of critical gospel
study is organically or necessarily tied to the Two-Source Theory. In
the former case, the method was derived from Old Testament Gat-
tungsgeschichte. Yet, historically, it was applied to the Gospels on the
basis of the Two-Source Theory, as the works of M. Dibelius and
R. Bultmann manifest on almost every page. I know of no comparable
form-critical studies that operate on the basis of another theory and
have commanded the attention of scholars which can claim to rival the
Dibelius-Bultmann approach. 8 As for Redaktionsgeschichte, this method
of gospel study could theoretically be carried out on the basis of
another theory of Synoptic relationships. But it has not really been
done. 9 Until it is, the Brauchbarkeit argument is a valuable, but extrinsic,
criterion forjudging the worth of the hypothesis.
These preliminary remarks do not touch the real issue. But they have
been made to clear the air on certain aspects of the problem before we
confront the major task.
I. The Priority of Mark
This survey of the study of the relationship of the Lucan Gospel to

the Synoptic Problem may be begun with the priority of Mark. I
propose to set forth briefly the main arguments that have normally
been proposed for it and comment on them from the standpoint of
some recent developments.
First of all, the priority of Mark over Luke (and Matthew) has been
espoused in recent times because the bulk of Mark is found in Luke (55
percent of it, according to Streeter) and in Matthew (90 percent of it). 10
This common agreement in subject-matter is often referred to as the
Triple Tradition. In itself, the mere common possession of the same
matter does not argue for the priority of Mark. T h e situation could be
due to Mark's dependence on Luke (and/or Matthew), as Augustine
once held with reference to Matthew {De consensu evangelistarum, 1.2,4),
and as J. J. Griesbach, 11 and more recently W. R. Farmer, 1 2 have held
with reference to both Matthew and Luke. In other words, "Mark is

necessarily the connecting-link between Matthew and Luke in these
passages, but not necessarily the source of more than one of them." 13
Thus stated theoretically and abstractly as a propositional argument
(often with the aid of diagrams and arrows), the intermediary position
of Mark is certain, but the priority of Mark over the other two is still to
be shown.
When the argument is thus left on the theoretic level, as it often is,
the priority of Mark appears to be more of an assumption than a
conclusion. But the retort is made that the priority of Mark over
Matthew and Luke depends as well on the concrete comparison of
individual texts and on the complex of subsidiary questions related to it
that must be answered. For instance, in the case of the latter one may
ask a series of questions: (1) Why would anyone want to abbreviate or
conflate Matthew and Luke to produce from them a Gospel such as
Mark actually is? (2) Why is so much of Matthew and Luke omitted in
the end-product? Why is so much important gospel material that would
be of interest to the growing and developing church(es) eliminated by
Mark? Why, for example, has he omitted the Sermon on the Mount
and often encumbered narratives in the retelling with trivial and
unessential details (e.g., the cushion in the boat, Mark 4:38; the "four
men" in Mark 2:3; etc.). In other words, given Mark, it is easy to see why
Matthew and Luke were written; but given Matthew and Luke, it is
hard to see why Mark was needed in the early Church. (3) How could
Mark have so consistently eliminated all trace of Lucanisms? If he were
a modern practitioner of Redaktionsgeschichte, the elimination might be
conceivable. But was he so inclined? (4) What would have motivated
Mark to omit even those elements in the infancy narratives of Matthew
and Luke that are common? His alleged interest in narratives, rather
than teaching, would have led him instead to present a conflated and
harmonized infancy narrative. (5) Mark's resurrection narrative, even
if it be limited to 16:1-8, is puzzling. Can it really be regarded as an
abbreviation or conflation of the Matthean and/or Lucan accounts? (6)
What sort of early theologian does Mark turn out to be if his account is
based on Matthew and Luke? Having behind him the certainly more
developed christologies and ecclesiologies of Matthew and Luke, what
would be his purpose in constructing such a composition? There is an
unmistakable Marcan theology, with which one has to cope, as is now
evident from the study of the Redaktionsgeschichte of the second Gospel.
But that this was produced by an abbreviation or conflation of Mat-
thean and/or Lucan theologies is incomprehensible to most students of
the Synoptics.
The Priority of Mark and the "Q" Source in Luke 7
T h e s e considerations a r e a d m i t t e d l y subsidiary; b u t they d o affect

the a r g u m e n t t h a t is based o n t h e b u l k of t h e materia l that is
c o m m o n to t h e T r i p l e T r a d i t i o n . It m i g h t even be a d m i t t e d that no
o n e of these r e a s o ns is in itself c o g e n t o r sufficient to p r o v e the
priority of Mark.
T h i s d o e s not m e a n t h a t t h e r e have b e e n n o a t t e m p t s to answer such
questions from o t h e r points of view. 1 4 But d o e s t h e conviction t h a t
these o t h e r a t t e m p t s have c a r r i e d o u t w e i g h t h e m o r e c o m m o n inter-
pretation?
A second reason usually given for asserting t h a t L u k e d e p e n d s o n
M a r k is t h e o r d e r o r s e q u e n c e of e p i s o d es in t h e T h i r d Gospel t h a t is so
similar to t h a t of M a r k , even w h e n o t h e r material is i n t e r s p e r s e d in
L u k e . T h i s s e q u e n c e is, m o r e o v e r , even m o r e strikingly c o m p a r e d to
Mark's, w h e n M a t t h e w 's o r d e r is taken into a c c o u n t , for M a t t h e w a n d
L u k e a g r e e in s e q u e n c e only to t h e e x t e n t t h a t they a g r e e with M a r k .
W h e n o n e d e p a r t s from t h e M a r c a n s e q u e n c e a n d p u r s u e s a n i n d e p e n -
d e n t c o u r s e , t h e o t h e r still a g r e e s with t h e M a r c a n o r d e r . O r , to p u t it
a n o t h e r way, within t h e T r i p l e T r a d i t i o n , M a t t h e w a n d L u k e n e v e r
a g r e e with o n e a n o t h e r against M a r k in r e g a r d to t h e o r d e r of episodes.
As far as t h e c o m m o n s e q u e n c e of material in L u k e a n d M a r k is
c o n c e r n e d , o n e sees it best in t h e five blocks of m a t e r i a l set forth below:
(1) Mark 1:1-15 - Luke 3:1-4:15 (five episodes) 15

(2) Mark 1:21-3:19 = Luke 4:31-6:19 (eleven episodes)
(Luke's Little Interpolation, 6:20-8:3)
(3) Mark 4:1-9:40 = Luke 8:4-9:50 (twenty episodes)
(At 9:17, Luke's Big Omission, Mark 6:45-8:26)
(At 9:50, Luke's Little Omission, Mark 9:41-10:12)
(Luke's Big Interpolation, 9:51-18:14)
(4) Mark 10:13-13:32 = Luke 18:35-21:33 (twenty-two epi-
sodes)
(5) Mark 14:1-16:8 = Luke 22:1-24:12 (sixteen episodes)
Within t h e s e major blocks of m a t e r i a l c o m m o n in s e q u e n c e to M a r k

a n d L u k e , t h e r e a r e occasional insertions from t h e D o u b l e T r a d i t i o n o r
from L u k e ' s special s o u r c e t h a t fill o u t a n e p i s o d e . Yet they d o not affect
t h e c o m m o n o r d e r , for d e s p i t e t h e m t h e blocks of materia l in M a r k a r e
still seen as u n i t s in L u k e . S u c h insertions c a n b e f o u n d at L u k e 3 : 7 - 1 4
( J o h n ' s p r e a c h i n g ) ; 3 : 2 3 - 3 8 (the genealogy of J e s u s ) ; 4 : 2 b - 1 3 (the
t e m p t a t i o n ) ; 1 9 : 1 - 2 7 (Zacchaeus a n d t h e p a r a b l e of t h e p o u n d s ) ;
1 9 : 4 1 - 4 4 (lament over J e r u s a l e m ) ; 2 2 : 2 7 - 3 2 , 3 5 - 3 8 (the discourse at
the Last S u p p e r ) ; 2 3 : 2 7 - 3 2 (the r o a d to Calvary); 2 3 : 3 9 b - 4 3 (two
criminals o n crosses); 2 3 : 4 7 b - 4 9 (Calvary).
Moreover, within these large blocks smaller units are confirmed by

the same order or sequence in Matthean episodes:
Matt 9:1-8, 9-13, 14- Mark 2:1-12, 13-17, Luke 5:17-26, 27-32,
17 18-22 33-39
Matt 12:1-8, 9-14, 15- Mark 2:23-28, 3:1-6, Luke 6:1-5, 6-11, 17-
21 7-12 19
Matt 13:1-9, 10-17, Mark 4:1-9, 10-12, Luke 8:4-8, 9-10, 11-
18-23 13-20 15
Matt 16:13-23, 24-28, Mark 8:27-33, 8:34- Luke 9:18-22, 23-27,
17:1-9 9:1, 9:2-10 28-36
Matt 22:15-22, 23-33, Mark 12:13-17, 18-27, Luke 20:20-26, 27-40,
34-40, 41-46 28-34, 35-37 41-44
Once again the query is in order, whether the sequence of sections

and incidents in Matthew and Luke over against Mark argues for
anything more than the intermediary position of Mark, or for anything
more than Mark as a connecting-link between Matthew and Luke. 16 To
assert that it actually proves the priority of Mark would be to fall into
the so-called Lachmann Fallacy.17 Yet again, one has to make a
distinction between the theoretic and abstract presentation of this
argument, and the concrete application of it in the Triple Tradition.
For many students the telling factor is not simply the comparison of
Luke with Mark, but also with Matthew, and the more plausible reasons
that can be assigned for the Lucan omission and addition of material
within the Marcan order.
It is undoubtedly this argument more than any other that has been
assailed as "inconclusive or fallacious.'* T h e "fallacious" character of it
has been stressed by E. W. Lummis, H. G. Jameson, B. C. Butler, and
W. R. Farmer, to cite only the main names. 18 It was especially Butler
who insisted on the intermediary position of Mark and maintained that
Mark "was not necessarily the source of more than one of them." But
H. G. Wood put his finger on a difficulty in Butler's own solution, which
argues from this intermediary position, viz., "that Mark is a source only
for Luke, and the knowledge of Matthew's order comes to Luke
through Mark. This is very strange because Dom Butler claims to have
proved that Luke is also dependent on Matthew. Why, having Matthew
in his hands, Luke should follow Matthew's order only when it
reappears in Mark is difficult to understand and explain. If Dom
Butler's thesis were true, there should be numerous agreements in
order between Matthew and Luke against Mark, and admittedly there
are none or next to none." 19 Wood also criticizes Butler for not having
examined the question of order "in detail;" he devotes a large part of
his short article precisely to the refutation of Butler in the matter of
sequence or order. Unfortunately, it cannot be reproduced here, but
many of his points are quite telling; his article should not be over-
looked.
One last remark in this matter of order pertains to the so-called
Lucan transpositions. In at least five places Mark and Luke do not have
the same order of episodes, where they might have: (1) T h e imprison-
ment of John the Baptist (Mark 6:17-18) is found in Luke 3:19-20. (2)
Jesus' visit to Nazareth (Mark 6:1-6) is found at the beginning of the
Galilean ministry in Luke 4 : l 6 - 3 0 . (3) T h e call of the four disciples
(Mark 1:16-20) appears later in Luke 5:1-11. (4) T h e choosing of the
Twelve (Mark 3:13-19) and the report of the crowds that followed
Jesus (Mark 3:7-12) are presented in an inverted sequence in Luke
6:12-16, 17-19. (5) T h e episode about Jesus' real relatives (Mark 3 : 3 1 -
35) is found after the parables in Luke 8:19-20. Of less significance are
two other episodes that appear in a different order: the parable of the
mustard seed (Mark 4:30-32), which is found in Luke 13:18-19 (in this
instance an independent Lucan source may be involved); and the
betrayal of Jesus (Mark 14:20-21 and Luke 23:21-23, an episode of
the passion narrative). In any case, a more plausible reason can be
assigned for the transposition of the five episodes by Luke than for
their transposition by Mark. 20 This would again argue for the priority
of Mark over Luke.
Third, the priority of Mark has been espoused because of the actual
wording of the passages within the Triple Tradition, which is frequently
the same. This affects even the collocation of words and the structure of
sentences. Yet from this observation, baldly stated, one might wonder
how one can conclude to the priority of Mark. What makes the
difference, however, for many scholars is the concrete comparison.
Streeter suggested using different colors to distinguish the words that
agree in all three, and those that agree in Matthew and Mark, or in
Luke and Mark. Such a comparison is facilitated by the use of W. G.
Rushbrooke's Synopticon or by the more recent book of W. R. Farmer
with the same title. 21 Rushbrooke's work openly espoused the Two-
Source Theory and presented the matter in colored columns accord-
ingly; Farmer's Synopticon presents the text of each of the first three
Gospels in its entirety, and not in parallel columns, and highlights the
agreements between the various compositions in different colors. It is
thus better designed to assist the student to determine the nature and
extent of the verbatim agreements without reference to any particular
source-theory. Yet even the use of Farmer's book pushes one in the
direction of the Two-Source Theory. I cannot help but still be im-
pressed by that part of the argument that singles out the agreement of
Matthew or Luke with Mark, when the other disagrees. This aspect
must be taken into account in conjunction with the agreement of all
three. When it is so considered, I find it hard to see Mark as a mere
connecting-link. And even less can I find a plausible reason for saying
that Mark borrowed from Matthew or Luke.
A fourth reason for espousing the priority of Mark over Luke (and
Matthew) has been found in the more primitive character of the
narrative of the second Gospel, or what has been called its "freshness
and circumstantial character." This refers to the greater quantity in
Mark of vivid, concrete details, phrases likely to cause offense, rough-
ness of style and grammar, and the preservation of Aramaic words.
These traits abound in Mark and are present in Matthew and Luke to a
less degree. One cannot regard them as evidence for Mark's "greater
historical candour," 22 since they do not really support such a judgment.
Again, they are not found solely in the so-called Petrine passages in
Mark, but in others as well.23
Streeter's analysis of the details of this Synoptic feature is well known;
he regards the differences in Matthew and Luke as improvements and
refinements of Mark's version. For instance, he maintains that "the
difference between the style of Mark and of the other two is not merely
that they both write better Greek. It is the difference which always exists
between the spoken and the written language. Mark reads like a
shorthand account of a story by an impromptu speaker—with all the
repetitions, redundancies and digressions which are characteristic of
living speech." 24 He cites as further evidence the "context-supple-
ments" of J. C. Hawkins, those enlargements of the narrative which add
nothing to the information conveyed by it,25 the majority of which are
omitted by Matthew, and a large number of which are omitted by Luke
as well.
Butler also treated this material, and he admitted that this point was
the only one of Streeter's five arguments that tended "to support the
theory of Marcan priority to the exclusion of all other solutions . . . ,
an argument deserving serious attention." 26 Faced, however, with a
mass of data on this point, Butler sought a solution in Mark's depen-
dence on Matthew, by insisting that the references in Mark to Peter's
remembering (11:21) reveal him to have been a preacher who "was
using Matthew as his aide-memoire."21 "Peter made use of Matthew as the
source-book for his own 'instructions', he selected passages which his
own memory could confirm and enlarge upon, he omitted incidents
that occurred before he met our Lord, and most of Matthew's dis-
course-material, as not suitable for his purpose and not such as he
could reinforce with a personal and independent recollection. He
The Pnarity of Mark and the "Q" Source in Luke 11
altered his Palestinian-Jewish source in various ways to make it more
palatable to his Gentile audience." 28 T h u s Butler returned to a form of
Augustine's solution, but apparently he has had little following in such
an opinion. It is noteworthy that Butler had to interpose between
Matthew and Mark a preacher, in effect, an oral source. As such, this
becomes another stage in his solution of the Synoptic Problem, which
he does not formally acknowledge. It is a hypothetical element that is
really devoid of any control, and this is its deficiency.
A more frontal attack on this argument, however, was made by
Farmer, who pointed out several defects in the argument as it was used
by Streeter. Indeed, he turns the usual argument around and main-
tains that precisely those things that point to the "primitivity" of Mark's
language are indications of the Gospel's lateness. It is understandable
that Farmer is critical of Streeter's facile distinction between character-
istics of spoken and written languages, of his idea that Mark has
resulted from dictation, and of his assigning of the second Gospel to
John Mark of Acts.29 But Farmer's attribution of the "interesting and
picturesque" details to the "well-attested tendency in the church to
make the tradition more specific by the addition of just such details"
goes undocumented.
What is really needed in this argument is a set of independent
criteria. T h e more recent book of E. P. Sanders, The Tendencies of the
Synoptic Tradition,30 has addressed itself to this question in some detail.
But whereas the Synoptic and pre-canonical tradition of what Jesus did
and taught was formerly studied in comparison with the tendencies of
folk tradition, or of rabbinical tradition, or of the early church as
revealed in the epistles, Sanders seeks criteria from the post-canonical
tradition. Under three main headings (increasing length, increasing
detail, and diminishing Semitism, as possible tendencies of the tradi-
tion) he compares the post-canonical tradition and the Synoptic Gos-
pels. From the standpoint of increasing length, Sanders finds that the
evidence "weighs against the two-document hypothesis, and especially
against Mark's priority, unless it can be offset by the redaktionsgeschich-
tlich consideration that Matthew and Luke were abbreviators." 31 Under
the second heading Sanders concludes that "the simple priority of any
one Gospel to the others cannot be demonstrated by the evidence of
this chapter [i.e., increasing details]. It is clear, rather, that the questions
which finally emerge from this section concern redactional method and
the relation of Mark to the eyewitness period. T h e categories which
argue for Matthew's priority to Mark are just those which some would
explain as containing material which Mark owes to his eyewitness
source." "In summary, we must conclude that the principal lesson to be
learned from the study of details is that of caution,. . . the criterion of

detail should not be used too quickly to establish the relative antiquity
of one document or another." 32 Finally, Sanders concludes that "Se-
mitic syntax and grammar do not necessarily prove a tradition to be
either relatively or absolutely early," and that Mark is richer in
parataxis, asyndeton, and the use of the historic present. "It certainly
suited Mark's redactional style to write vernacular Greek more than it
did the style of Matthew or Luke, but we cannot thereby prove Mark to
be the earliest of the Gospels." 33 T h e study of Sanders deserves greater
attention than this one paragraph I have devoted it, since it bears on a
vital aspect of what has been called "an argument deserving serious
attention." 34 But the book significantly ends in a non liquet: "While
certain of the useful criteria support Mark's priority, some do not. Both
Matthean priorists and Lukan priorists can find some support in this
study." 35 Sander's study may be important, but it is really limited in
scope; it has to be considered alongside of other comparative studies of
the Synoptic and similar tendencies. Yet even this detailed study has not
really undermined the primitive character of the Marcan Gospel.
Undoubtedly the weakest point in the usual line-up of reasons set
forth for the Two-Source Theory is Streeter's fifth point. When it is
scrutinized today from the vantage-point of hindsight, his presentation
is seen to be not so much an argument as a preliminary statement and a
preoccupation to answer two objections: (1) Why did Matthew and
Luke both omit certain sections of Mark (viz., Mark 1:1; 2:27; 3:20-21;
4:26-29; 7:2-4, 32-37; 8:22-26; 9:29, 48-49; 13:33-37; 14:51-52)?
These represent a total of some thirty verses. (2) How can we explain
certain minor verbal agreements (omissions or alterations) of Matthew
and Luke against Mark in the Triple Tradition? 3 6
To explain the omitted sections of Mark, Streeter appealed to a
variety of reasons which were not always cogent. To explain the minor
verbal agreements of Matthew and Luke against Mark, Streeter
classified the passages and offered reasons for the independent
changes. In the main, his classification used these headings: 37 (a)
Irrelevant agreements: Since unnecessary of unimportant Marcan words
were often omitted by Matthew or Luke in their compression of details,
"coincidence in omission" in these parallel passages proves nothing.
Similarly, the common shift in some parallel passages from the historic
present to imperfects or aorists, the common substitution of de for kai,
the common insertion of noun-subjects in sentences where Mark
merely has "he" or "they," and the common introduction of idau in five
parallel passages (whereas Mark never uses it in narrating). In all of
these details Streeter's point was that changes were otherwise wide-
The Pnonty of Mark and the "Q" Source in Luke 13
spread in Matthew or Luke and inevitably led to coincidental, and
hence irrelevant, cases of agreement, constituting "considerably more
than half the total number of the Minor Agreements." 38 (b) Deceptive
agreements: "When Mark uses a word which is linguistically inadmissible,
the right word is so obvious that, if half-a-dozen independent correc-
tors were at work, they would all be likely to light upon it. For instance
Mark uses pherein of animals or persons as objects, and every time
Matthew and Luke concur in altering it to agein (or some compound of
it).39 Similarly, common corrections are made for krabbaton, thygatrion,
kentyriön, basileus (used of Herod), etc. Streeter applied the same
judgment to "coincidences" that extended beyond single word agree-
ments (e.g., the five-word sequence in Matt 9:7; Luke 5:25 over against
Mark 2:12—showing that four of the five words are derived from the
immediate Marcan context); cf. Mark 16:8; Matt 28:8; Luke 24:9;—
Mark 3:1; Matt 12:9-10; Luke 6:6—Mark 4:10; Matt 13:10; Luke
8:9—Mark 4:36; Matt 8:23; Luke 8:22; etc. (c) The Influence of "Q";
Certain phrases were commonly introduced into passages derived from
Mark by Matthew and Luke because of the overlapping of "Q" and
Mark (i.e., because "Q" also contained versions of John's preaching, the
baptism of Jesus, the temptation, the Beelzebul controversy, etc.). Yet
Streeter used this influence to explain the agreements in Matthew and
Luke in their parallels to only three Marcan passages:
Mark 4:21 = Matt 5:15 = Luke 8:16 = Luke 11:33

Mark 4:22 = Matt 10:26 = Luke 8:17 = Luke 12:2
Mark 8:12 = Matt 12:38 = Matt 16:4 = Luke 11:29
(d) Textual corruption: ". . . in nearly every case where a minute

agreement of Matthew and Luke against Mark is found in Β Χ it is
absent in one or more of the other early local texts." From this Streeter
concluded, "A careful study of the MS. evidence distinctly favours the
view that all those minute agreements of Matthew and Luke against
Mark, which cannot be attributed to coincidence, were absent from the
original text of the Gospels, but have crept in later as a result of
'assimilation* between the texts of the different Gospels." (e) Some
Residual Cases: Here Streeter treated chiefly Mark 14:65, Matt 26:67-68
and Luke 22:64: the plural participle legontes and the phrase tis estin ho
paisas se, "the most remarkable of the minor agreements." To handle it,
Streeter appealed to the addition of the phrase in the Marcan text of
MSS W, Θ, 13, etc., 579, 700, and after a rather lengthy discussion
concluded that the phrase is really "an interpolation into Matthew from
Luke." 40
T h e fifth point in Streeter's presentation has often been criticized,
and this loophole in the Two-Source Theory has been exploited by its
opponents. 41 For instance, in seeking to dispense with "Q," A. M. Farrer
drew an argument precisely from Luke's "small alterations in the
wording of his Marcan original" which were made in common with
Matthew. 42 Though Farrer admits that Luke worked directly "upon the
more ancient narrative of St. Mark," yet his alterations of Mark were
owing to "Matthean echoes," because Luke was after all acquainted
with Matthew. Farrer's premise is that the Two-Source Theory was
erected "on the incredibility of St. Luke's having read St. Matthew's
book,"—a presupposition that has undergone a change in recent times
and that enables Farrer simply to assert to the contrary. Farrer criticizes
Streeter for classifying the minor agreements and for finding a distinct
hypothesis for each class of them (such as scribal error assimilating
Luke to Matthew or Matthew to Luke, or scribal error subsequently
effacing the text of Mark, or stylistic and doctrinal changes, or
dependence on a "Q" parallel). "Thus the forces of evidence are
divided by the advocate, and defeated in detail." 43 Farrer's criticism of
Streeter on this point was, however, analyzed by R. McL. Wilson, who
retorted with the observation that his criticism was written "with the
balance tilted against it from the beginning"—an admirable "example
of the demolition of one's opponent by means of the gentle art of
ridicule." 44 (To another aspect of Farrer's argument I shall return
below.)
T h e one more or less valid point of criticism that Farrer levelled
against Streeter—that of classifying the minor agreements and then
finding a distinct hypothesis of each—was subsequently developed by
W. R. Farmer, who labelled Streeter's procedure as "the atomization of
the phenomena." 45 By this he means the separate classification and
discussion of the phenomena in one group at a time, which obscured
the total concatenation of agreements in a given Synoptic passage. So
treated, the reader would scarcely become aware of the "web of minor
but closely related agreements" of Matthew and Luke against Mark in
any given passage. 46 Farmer analyzes in great detail the arguments of
Streeter under four main headings; many of his analyses have detected
historical defects in Streeter's presentation, and some of them unveil a
rather cavalier procedure.
Yet not all of Farmer's remarks are as telling as they might seem to
be. For instance, his claim that the readers of Matthew and Luke "were
used to a Greek upon which the influence of Latin had long been felt.
At least this is a presumption that would follow naturally from the
historic and cultural realities of the times. . . ."47 One would have
expected a little documentation here instead of a presumption. Or
again, Farmer's comment on the common Lucan and Matthean shift
from the Marcan leget (an historic present) to eipen in 20 passages:
"Possibly all twenty instances of this particular agreement are irrele-
vant. In each case, however, it is necessary to see this particular
agreement in the context of all related phenomena in the concrete
passage in which the agreement occurred." 48 In this regard Farmer
seems to be uncovering a defect in the process of atomization; indeed,
in the abstract it appears to be a point well made. However, if one fishes
out the 20 passages (which are undocumented) and compares them,
even using Farmer's new colored Synoptkon, it is difficult to see what the
telling "web of minor but closely related agreements" is in most of these
passages. True, one will find in these passages other words than eipen
highlighted in red, i.e., common to Matthew and Luke. Sometimes a
few significant words are common, but at times a common kai or de or
idou (e.g., Matt 8:1-4; 9:3-4; 12:48) might be the words, in such cases it
is hard to discern what the "web11 really is. Consequently, until Farmer
spells out what is meant by this "web of closely related agreements," one
may have to live with the atomizing explanation. In most instances, to be
sure, Streeter's explanations still command stronger assent than
Farmer's alleged web.
Concerning these common minor agreements of Matthew and Luke
against Mark in the Triple Tradition, one should recall that they
represent only a small fraction of the data to be considered in the
Synoptic Problem. They constitute a problem which cannot be denied;
they are one of the loopholes in the Two-Source Theory. Whatever
explanation (or explanations) may account for this phenomenon, it
scarcely weighs as evidence that completely counterbalances the other
data pointing to a dependence of Luke (and of Matthew) on Mark.
Furthermore, the distinction made long ago between significant and
insignificant agreements of Matthew and Luke against Mark is still
valid. T h e longest list of significant agreements, constructed from four
earlier attempts to collect them, numbers only 46. And when these are
further examined, they can be reduced to six: Matt 26:68, 75; 17:3, 17;
9:7, 20 (and parallels). 49 T h e last word on this issue has not been said,
and unfortunately what has at times been written about it has been
laced with more emotion than reason.
These are the main reasons that have been proposed for the priority
of Mark over Luke (and Matthew). They are not without their
difficulties, but some of them are less cogent than others. But, as I see
the situation, the day has not yet come, even in 1980, "when the
absolute priority of Mk [is] regarded as an a priori position in an
obsolete stage of criticism."50
Before leaving the topic of the priority of Mark, a word should be said
about the form of Mark that is thought to underlie Matthew and Luke.
If the majority consensus seems to favor the priority of Mark over Luke
(and Matthew), it can be said to be largely against the idea of Ur-
Markus, i.e., against a form of Mark that Matthew and Luke would have
used which was earlier than and slightly different from canonical Mark.
V. Taylor, in his commentary The Gospel according to St. Mark, surveyed
the various forms in which this hypothesis had been proposed u p to
that time and felt "compelled to reject all known forms of the Ur-
Markus hypothesis"; yet he admitted that "there is something unseemly
in an investigation which ends with Requiescat Ur-marcus."51 Unfortu-
nately, the hypothesis has not quite died. Some of the earlier forms in
which it had been proposed have, indeed, proved inadequate; but
some recent studies have been supporting one or other aspect of it.
Aside from the problems of the commonly omitted Marcan passages in
Matthew and Luke and the minor verbal agreements, there is also the
problematic ending of Mark, the textual evidence for a "Western" (or
perhaps "Caesareari") form of Mark, and the textual evidence for a
second-century revision of Mark. 52 These are, in the main, the reasons
invoked for the Ur-Markus hypothesis. None of this evidence, however,
is as cogent as the other factors favoring the Two-Source Theory, and
this is basically the reason for the reluctance of many to accept it. Then,
too, there is the more recent emphasis on Redaktionsgeschichte, which
may allow for some of the differences that the hypothesis itself was
seeking to handle. To my way of thinking, the possibility of Ur-Markus
is still admissible.53
II. Luke's Use of "Q"
Once again it is almost impossible to discuss the hypothesis of Luke's

use of "Q" without bringing in the question of Matthew's use of it too,
since by definition "Q" is the postulated Greek written source underly-
ing some 230 verses common to Matthew and Luke and not found in
Mark. This non-Marcan material in Matthew and Luke is usually
referred to as the Double Tradition. Such common non-Marcan
material could be owing to Matthew borrowing from Luke, or to Luke
borrowing from Matthew, or to their common use of an earlier source.
Today, very few would consider it likely that Matthew has derived such
material from Luke. 54 A number of Gospel commentators, however, do
maintain that Luke has used Matthew, but the majority rather insist on
their common use of a postulated Greek, written source, called "Q." 55
The Primity of Mark and the "Q" Source in Luke 17
To establish the independent existence of this source is more difficult
than to establish the priority of Mark. Moreover, it is to be noted that
some commentators who admit the priority of Mark over Luke 56 deny
the existence of the postulated second source (maintaining either the
priority of Matthew over both Mark and Luke, or at least that Luke
depends on both Mark and Matthew).
Before the survey of the reasons for the postulated "Q" is begun, the
more general question of Luke's dependence on Matthew has to be
posed. 57 For Luke's dependence on Matthew is an issue that is not
restricted only to the Double Tradition. We have already noted Farrer's
contention that the Two-Source Theory was erected on "the incredibil-
ity" of Luke having used Matthew. Some of the main reasons for
denying such use must now be reviewed, before we proceed to the
more specific questions of "Q." They can be summed u p under the
following five headings.
First, the apparent reluctance of Luke to reproduce typically Mat-
thean "additions" within the Triple Tradition. In thus phrasing the
matter, I may seem to be prejudging the issue. I am only trying to refer
to the fuller Matthean formulation of parallels in Mark, such as the
exceptive phrase on divorce (Matt 19:9; cf. Mark 10:11);58 Jesus'
promise to Peter (Matt 16:16b—19; cf, Mark 8:29);59 Peter's walking on
the waters (Matt 14:28-31; cf. Mark 6:50); 60 and the peculiar Matthean
episodes in the passion narrative. When Matthew and Mark are
considered alone, it may be difficult to decide the dependence or
priority in such cases. To my way of thinking, they are more readily
intelligible as Matthean "additions" than as Marcan excisions. But the
real issue is to explain Luke's failure to adopt the extra Matthean
materials in his parallels, or at least some of them, if he has written in
dependence on Matthew—or used Mark as his main source and
quarried Matthew only for such material as would suit his own edifice.61
The few examples cited above, having to do with pericopes, do not give
a full picture of this phenomenon; it is necessary to compare a whole list
of smaller Matthean additions to Mark, which are absent in Luke. 62 For
instance,
Luke 3:22 Matt 3:17 (the public proclamation) Cf. Mark 1:11
5:3 4:18 ("who is called Peter") 1:16
5:27 9:9 ("Matthew") 2:14
6:4-5 12:5-7 (plucking grain on the 2:26-27
Sabbath)
8:18b 13:12a (being given in excess) 4:25
8:10-11 13:14 (quotation of Isa 6:9-10) 4:12
9:1-5 10:7 (nearness of the kingdom) 6:7-11
9:20b 16:16b (Peter's confession) 8:29b
Similar instances could still be added. T h e question is how to account

for the Lucan omission of such Matthean material in the hypothesis that
Luke used Matthew. It is not convincing merely to state that he
preferred the simpler Marcan form. 63
Second, it is difficult to explain adequately why Luke would want to
break up Matthew's sermons, especially the Sermon on the Mount, in
order to incorporate a part of it in his Sermon on the Plain and scatter
the rest of it in an unconnected and disjointed fashion in the loose
context of the travel account. Even though one must admit that this
central portion of Luke is redactionally very important in the composi-
tion of the Third Gospel and that it constitutes a "mosaic" in its own
right, yet the tension between its matter and its form (i.e., between its
loosely connected or almost unconnected episodes or Sayings and its
unifying preoccupation with Jesus' movement toward Jerusalem that
appears from time to time [Luke 9:51, 53; 13:22; 17:11; 19:28]) has
always been a problem. 64 Whatever explanation is to be given for it and
for Luke's redactional purpose in constructing this central section, the
explanation that he has quarried the material from Matthew's sermons
is the least convincing.
Third, aside from 3:7-9, 17 and 4:2-13 Luke has never inserted the
material of the Double Tradition into the same Marcan context as
Matthew. If he derives such material from Matthew—and otherwise
manifests such respect for a source that he is following, as his
dependence on Mark would suggest 65 —it is surprising that at least
some of the remaining Double Tradition material does not occur in
contexts that parallel Matthew, which are often quite appropriate to
this material. T h e frequent disagreement with the Matthean order in
this regard is crucial to any judgment about Luke's dependence on
Matthew; in fact it suggests that he does not depend.
Fourth, an analysis of the Double Tradition material in Matthew and
Luke shows that sometimes Matthew, sometimes Luke has preserved
what can only be described as the more original setting of a given
episode. 66 This would seem to be scarcely the case if Luke were always
dependent on Matthew within this tradition. It is, however, readily
intelligible in the hypothesis that both of them have been following and
editing a common source.
Fifth, if Luke depends on Matthew, why has he almost constantly
omitted Matthean material in episodes where there are Matthean, but
no Marcan parallels, e.g., in the infancy and resurrection narratives?
These are the five main reasons for denying Luke's dependence on
Matthew. They have to be coped with in a real way whenever the
contrary thesis is maintained. They form, moreover, the background
for the more specific discussion of the Lucan and Matthean use of "Q."
T h a t Matthew a n d Luke both used a c o m m o n source is a partial

hypothesis of the Two-Source T h e o r y . Farrer has maintained that this
"is its weakness/' and that the Lucan use of Matthew is not "a contrary
hypothesis." 67 This view of the situation was exposed by F. G. Downing,
who maintained "that Luke used Matthew m u s t in t h e n a t u r e of the
case remain as m u c h an hypothesis as the one-time existence of Q." 6 8 It
is but another reason for my own preliminary r e m a r k about the "truth
of the matter 1 ' a n d the hypothesis with which one must deal in this
matter. " Q " is admittedly a hypothetical entity, b u t it r e m a i n s to be seen
whether it is "an unnecessary and vicious hypothesis," as Butler has
labelled it, or "a nebulosity, a capriciousness, an intractability," as S.
Petrie has called it. 69
T h e following a r e t h e m a i n reasons for t h e postulated Greek written
source "Q," 7 0 First, the n u m b e r of crucial texts in which Matthew and
Luke agree almost with identical wording, at times even word-for-
word, is such that c o m m o n d e p e n d e n c e on a source is called for. 71 T h u s
in passages such as these:
Matt 3:7b-10 Luke 3:7b-9 (The speech of John the Baptist; 60

out of 63 words are identical and two
of the differences are clearly Lucan
stylistic improvements [arxesthe for dox-
ete; an added adverbial kai]).
Matt 6:24 Luke 16:13 (The saying about serving two masters;
27 out of 28 words are identical)
Matt 7:3-5 Luke 6:41-42 (On judging; 50 out of 64 words are
identical)
Matt 7:7-11 Luke 11:9-13 (The efficacy of prayer; 59 out of 74
words are identical)
Matt 11:4-6, Luke 7:22-23, (Jesus' answer and testimony about
7b-11 24b-28 John the Baptist; 100 out of 121 words
are identical)
Matt 11:21-23 Luke 10:13-15 (Woes against the towns of Galilee; 43
out of 49 words are identical)
Matt 11:25-27 Luke 10:21-22 (Jesus' praise of the Father; 50 out of
69 words are identical)
Matt 12:43-45 Luke 11:24-25 (Return of the evil spirit; 53 out of 61
Matt 23:37-38 Luke 13:34-35 (Lament over Jerusalem; 46 out of 55
Matt 24:45-51 Luke 12:42-46 (Sayings about vigilance; 87 out of 104
T h e differences in the above list may seem at times a little high; but
one would have to look at the concrete cases, which often e n o u g h
involve stylistic variants (e.g., L u k e eliminating a paratactic kai that
Matthew has preserved).
Second, it is scarcely coincidental that the material of the Double

Tradition inserted into the First and Third Gospels in different
contexts manifests a common general underlying sequence or order.
This can hardly be due to oral tradition and seems rather to argue for a
written source. Most of this material is inserted in Matthew into Marcan
contexts and sermon blocks, whereas in Luke it scarcely ever appears in
Marcan contexts but is generally grouped in separate, interpolated
blocks—or, as Streeter once put it, "Matthew conflates his sources, Luke
alternates them." 72 Given this situation, one would scarcely expect a
common sequence of any sort in the Double Tradition. And yet, there
is a trace of such a sequence.
One way of detecting this common sequence is found in the two-
column line-up of parallels of the Double Tradition frequently pre-
sented in Introductions to the New Testament (e.g., in that of W. G.
Kümmel 73 ). This list begins with the order of the Lucan material and
compares the Matthean with it; the common order is more apparent at
the beginning and the end of the list than in the middle. A better way,
however, has been discovered by V. Taylor, 74 who at first set forth the
Double Tradition in seven columns: the first of which presented the
Lucan order, the next five columns the common material as it appears
in each of the five great Matthean sermons, and the seventh as it
appears in Matthew outside of the sermons. Taylor's method respects
the Matthean scattering of the material, mainly in the sermons, and
beyond them. In his first discussion of this matter Taylor had elimi-
nated certain questionable material; but he returned to the issue later
and did a more comprehensive study, comparing the Lucan order in
detail with each of the sermons in Matthew and the extra-sermon
passages. What is striking in this detailed comparison is the amount of
agreement in sequence that is revealed, not in the over-all order, but in
the individual Matthean sections when they are compared with Luke.
When there is lack of agreement, it frequently occurs because Matthew
inserts Double Tradition material into blocks of his own special
material ("M"), and strives for a topical arrangement. At times this
argument from the order of the Double Tradition material has been
impugned, but I have so far uncovered no real attempt to cope with or
refute the Taylor presentation of it.75
A third reason for postulating "Q" is found in the doublets in Luke
(and in Matthew). By "doublet" is meant here an account of the same
event or a saying occurring twice in either Luke or Matthew and related
in such wise that they seem to be part of the Triple Tradition, on the
one hand, and of the Double Tradition, on the other—or to put it
another way, that one belongs to a tradition parallel to Mark and one to
The Priority of Mark and the " ( Γ Source in Luke 21
a tradition not parallel to Mark. T h e conclusion d r a w n from this

p h e n o m e n on is that Matthew a n d Luke have retained in their Gospels
the double accounts of the same event or double sayings as they
inherited them independently from Mark a n d from " Q . " T h u s , in Luke
we note the following doublets:
From the Marcan Source From the "Q" Source

8:16 (= Mark 4:21) 11:33 ( = Matt 5:15)
8:17 (= Mark 4:22) 12:2 (= Matt 10:26)
8:18 (= Mark 4:25; Matt 13:12) 19:26 (= Matt 25:29)
9:3^5 (= Mark 6:8-11) 10:4,5-7,10-11
( - Matt 10:1,10-12,14)
9:23-24 (= Mark 8:34-35; Matt 16:24-25) 14:27 (= Matt 10:38-39)
9:26 (= Mark 8:38; Matt 16:27) 12:9 (= Matt 10:33)76
T h e s e are the t h r e e main reasons for postulating " Q . " Admittedly,

no one has even seen this source isolated; attempts to ferret it out have
certainly not been able to c o m m a n d universal agreement. 7 7 It may
never have been the literary unit that Mark is (or that U r - M a r k u s was).
Part of the problem e n c o u n t e r e d h e r e is the lack of a g r e e m e n t as to
how m u c h really belongs to " Q " ; this is the loophole in this part of the
theory. T h e r e is also the difficulty of passages that, considered globally,
would seem to belong to t h e " Q " source and yet display such a
disagreement in word o r d e r a n d vocabulary that one hesitates to label
them clearly as derived solely from Q . Taylor lists seven such passages:
Luke 10:25-28 Malt 22:34-39 (Saying about the great commandment)

Luke 12:54-56 Matt 16:2-3 (Saying about signs of the times)
Luke 13:23-24 Matt 17:13-14 (Saving about the narrow gate)
Luke 13:25-27 Matt 7:22-23;
25:10-12 (Saying about the shut door)
Luke 14:15-24 Matt 22:1-10 (Parable of the great supper)
Luke 15:4-7 Man 18:12-14 (Parable of the lost sheep)
Luke 19:22-27 Matt 25:14-30 (Parable of the pounds) 78
How can one account for the verbal disagreement in such passages?
Is it owing to t h e simultaneous d e p e n d e n c e of such passages on a n o t h er
source which had a parallel to " Q " (e.g., on "L" or "M")? Is it owing
simply to the redactional work of Matthew or Luke? Is it owing to t h e
fact that " Q " existed in different forms? Was " Q " possibly a composite
document? Taylor believes that t h e r e is a "wide consent" that Matthew
is d e p e n d e n t on a second source other than " Q " and would apparently
ascribe such verbal disagreement to the conflation of "M " and "Q." 7 9 A
common u n d e r s t a n d i n g of " Q " maintains that Luke presents substan-
tially the original o r d e r of " Q , " while the m o r e original wording is
found in Matthew, since Luke has undoubtedl y modified " Q " stylisti-
cally, as he has done Mark. Sometimes the verbal disagreement can be

ascribed to a known Lucan or Matthean characteristic; yet this does not
account for all of it. It is precisely this difficulty of the verbal
disagreement in certain Lucan and Matthean passages that one would
otherwise be inclined to label as "Q" that hampers scholars from
agreeing on the extent of "Q."
It is sometimes argued that "Q" existed in different forms that were
used independently by Matthew and Luke. T h u s C. K. Barrett would
distinguish two written forms of it.80 This suggestion, however, might be
acceptable, if it meant that a passage in the written source was from
time to time replaced by a better form of the same story or saying which
was derived from oral tradition. So revised, the "Q" source might have
been used at different times by Matthew and Luke. Plausible though
this suggestion is, it is quite speculative.
Some writers have suggested that "Q" represents only layers of
tradition that existed largely in an oral, catechetical, or liturgical form. 81
To admit such a multiple form of "Q," however, fails to account for the
almost word-for-word identical phrasing which is met at times and
which we have mentioned above. It would mean, in effect, a return to a
form of the Traditionshypothese with all its consequent difficulties.
An objection to "Q" has often been derived from its content, that it
consist almost entirely of sayings of Jesus, contains very few narratives
(e.g., the temptation, the cure of the centurion's servant, the disciples of
John the Baptist), and lacks a passion narrative. This last defect is
claimed to be crucial, for how could the early church have composed an
evangelical text that lacked the kerygmatic proclamation of the saving
Christ-event itself? This objection, however, stems from a modern,
preconceived idea of what euangelion was in the early church. No one
will deny that euangelion was related to kerygma, but the two are not
necessarily co-extensive terms. Moreover, regardless of the position one
takes about the origin of the sayings ascribed to Jesus in the Coptic
Gospel according to Thomas—whether they are to be regarded as derived
from the canonical sources, from Gnostic composition, or from an
independent ancient oral tradition—the significant thing is that this
collection of 114 sayings was frankly labelled "Gospel" in antiquity.
Save for a few small sections (No. 13, No. 22, No. 100, which contain
the tiniest bit of narrative), the logoi ascribed to Jesus in this text are
devoid of contextual settings, and there is no passion narrative. And yet
it was entitled peuaggelion pkata Thaman.82 This apocryphal Gospel,
then, shows us at least that the argument against "Q" drawn from its
content is not necessarily valid. To argue thus, however, does not mean
that one ascribes a link between "Q" and the Coptic apocryphal Gospel;
if there be a relation, it must be established on other grounds. Finally,
to my way of thinking, the postulated "Q" source may not represent a
kerygmatic document of the early church at all. It may rather have
been part of the didache of some early community or communities,
representing mainly a collection of sayings of Jesus gathered from
various oral traditions and formulated anew in view of various Sitze im
Leben (e.g., preaching, controversy, casuistry, catechetics, liturgy).
Anyone who has made use of the Two-Source Theory in Synoptic
Gospel study is aware of the difficulties and the inadequacies of the "Q"
hypothesis. Part of the problem is, as Farrer has rightly recognized, that
it is a hypothetical entity. That it is unnecessary is another matter; this is
still to be established. In my opinion, the "Q" source will continue to
command the attention of students, despite its difficulties, until a more
useful hypothesis is convincingly proposed—one that is freer of serious
objections to it than is "Q."
A subsidiary question involving "Q" must finally be mentioned,
before this section is brought to a close. It is the so-called overlapping of
"Q" and Mark in the Gospels of Matthew and Luke. This refers to the
suggestion that some episodes or sayings were found in both Mark and
"Q" and have been combined in passages basically related to the Triple
Tradition. For instance, the preaching of J o h n the Baptist (Luke 3 : 1 -
18), the baptism of Jesus (Luke 3:21-22), the temptation of Jesus (Luke
4:1-13), the parables of the mustard seed (Luke 13:18-19) and of the
leaven (Luke 13:20-21). In these cases there is evidence of
conflationary composition, Streeter's view was that Mark and "Q"
represent independent traditions in these passages; this seems to be
commonly accepted, and only a few would maintain that Mark depends
on "Q" or has incorporated part of "Q." 83
III. Other Solutions
Before finishing this survey of the question of Luke's dependence on

Mark and "Q," a few words ought to be added concerning other recent
theories about the composition of the Third Gospel which differ from
the Two-Source Theory. Some remarks have already been made above
about such solutions, but there is room for further comment. I restrict
myself to the question of Luke's dependence on sources in the theories
of L. Vaganay, X. Leon-Dufour, and W. R. Farmer. 84
T h e solutions of L. Vaganay and X. Leon-Dufour have in common a
desire to give more play to oral tradition in the formation of the
Synoptic Gospels. 85 Vaganay also seeks to allow for some of the early
church's tradition or extrinsic testimony about the Gospels. He distin-

guishes seven steps in the formation of the Synoptic Gospels: (1) T h e
stage of oral, Aramaic and Greek, tradition about what Jesus said and
did (marked by mnemonic devices of oral style as parallelism, rhythm,
catchwords, and inclusion). (2) T h e stage of early attempts to record
the oral tradition in writing, Aramaic and Greek, for different local
churches. (3) T h e Aramaic Gospel of Matthew (M), attested to by
Papias, and its Greek translation (Mg), postulated because of long
passages in the Triple Tradition having the same systematic sequence,
common Old Testament citations, traces of a five-book division, and
agreements of Matthew and Luke against Mark. (4) T h e collection of
sayings-material in a secondary, supplementary Synoptic source (S),
originally composed in Aramaic, but eventually translated into Greek
(Sg), corresponding roughly to the sayings in the Lucan travel account
and some 145 verses of Matthew; this is in no way the same as "Q" in
content or order. (5) T h e canonical Mark, composed in ignorance of S,
but based on Peter's catechesis, especially at Rome, and also on Mg. (6)
T h e canonical Matthew, a reworking of Mg, Sg, and Mark (changing
the order of Mg, displacing the sayings in Sg, and condensing the three
sources). (7) T h e canonical Luke, using Mark as its principal source and
both Mg and Sg as secondary and complementary sources (respec-
tively).86
Vaganay's solution is thus much more complicated than the Two-
Source Theory. With respect to Luke, it differs mainly in postulating a
dependence on the Greek translation of Aramaic Matthew and in
assigning a different content to Sg than would be in "Q." Significant is
Vaganay's conviction that Luke was composed independently of canon-
ical Matthew. 87
T h e major difficulty in Vaganay's solution is the assignment of Lucan
dependence on both Mark and Mg, when the latter is not really
sufficiently distinguished from Mark. Vaganay himself senses the
difficulty.88 Again, the solution is quite conjectural in spots. Vaganay
seems to think that his Μ contained the Sermon on the Mount; but then
there is a major problem (already mentioned above) to convince us that
Mark, even as an abbreviator, would omit such a section from Mg.
Moreover, his view of Sg encounters the same difficulties as "Q," for it
admits word-for-word identity in some places, but considerable verbal
disagreement in others. This is scarcely an improvement on the *'Q"
hypothesis. There is, further, a host of small passages about which one
wonders, when one reads Vaganay's solution and his assignment of them
to one or other source (e.g., the preaching of the Baptist in Matt 3:7-10
and Luke 3:7-9 as a part of Mg). Though I find certain elements in
Vaganay's solution intriguing, I cannot regard it as a more successful
rival to the Two-Source Theory.
X. Leon-Dufour emphasizes the tell-tale evidence of oral style in the
Synoptics (parallelism, rhythm, catchwords, and inclusion), verbal shifts
which are scarcely due to simple editing, and the context-supplements of
Mark. He maintains, moreover, that the detailed argumentation usu-
ally based on the similarity between Matthew, Mark, and Luke "proves
hardly more than the existence of literary contacts between the
respective sources." 89 He accordingly abandons "the rigid system of
literary interrelationships," 90 or dependence of one canonical Gospel on
another, and insists that his solution is not a return to the facile
hypothesis of oral tradition alone. Rather, it is a via media that seeks to
allow for both oral tradition and literary dependence. Oral tradition
has been at work both at the beginning of the gospel tradition and at its
end, just before the definitive form of the three Gospels, between the
literary contacts and the final redaction. Literary contacts occurred, not
between the Gospels as such, but "within a presynoptic documentation
already more or less systematized." 91 He would thus postulate five
stages of formation: (1) T h e stage of crystallized oral tradition. (2) The
first systematization in Aramaic Matthew. (3) Successive written docu-
ments, at least three in number, which enjoyed literary contacts. (4)
Oral modifications in the various communities of these documents. (5)
T h e definitive Gospels of Matthew, Mark, and Luke. T h u s there is no
dependence of Luke on Mark or on Matthew (as we know them), but
only an undefined literary contact between them in an early stage, and
modifications from subsequent oral tradition.
T h e difficulties that such a theory encounters are several. First, Leon-
Dufour himself admits that it "rests on partial analysis."92 Second, it
cannot wholly escape the charge of being somewhat aprioristic and
speculative. Third, the presentation of this solution is built up too much
on objections voiced against the Two-Source Theory (as if none of these
have an answer) and on opponents to it who do not agree among
themselves in their own solutions. 93
The thesis of W. R. Farmer departs from that of Vaganay and Leon-
Dufour in not being concerned with the influence of oral tradition on
the formation of the Synoptics. Succinctly put, Farmer's thesis is a
renewed appeal for the Griesbach hypothesis: "Matthew is in many
respects secondary to the life situation of Jesus, and the primitive
Christian community, but . . . this Gospel was nonetheless copied by
Luke, and . . . Mark was secondary to both Matthew and Luke, and
frequently combined their respective texts." 94 Farmer would date Mark
at the beginning of the second century, regarding it as a composition
written in Alexandria, or possibly Rome, where a need was felt for a

shorter Gospel for some liturgical event in the Church's life in which
the whole of Mark was to be read and "in which the worshipper's
powers of concentration and his eschatological expectations were
sharply focused on the words of the Lord of the cult: 'What Ϊ say to you
I say to all: Watch!,' followed immediately by a dramatic representation
of the final acts in the redemptive drama of universal salvation through
the Passion of the Son of God." 95 This shorter Gospel was needed in
"mixed" congregations, i.e., in congregations such as at Alexandria or
Rome in which Christians lived who had come from different places
and were accustomed to different Gospels (e.g., either Matthew or
Luke). Mark was fashioned as a text from Matthew and Luke and was
to be read on "high liturgical occasions where it would have been
particularly important to the adherents of the various Gospels for their
favorite Gospel to be read—by creating a new Gospel largely out of
existing Gospels concentrating on those materials where their texts
bore concurrent testimony to the same Gospel tradition." 96 T h u s it is
that Farmer has returned to the Griesbach thesis: that Matthew was the
first Gospel composed, then Luke in dependence on it, and finally
Mark as a conflation or an abridgment of Matthew and Luke.
Farmer's thesis is preceded by a lengthy expose of Synoptic studies,
accompanied by a detailed analysis of certain Gospel parallels, and set
forth in a series of sixteen propositions, which unfortunately cannot be
reproduced here because of their length. They are, however, essential
to his thesis. Finally, he caps his discussion with notes for a history of the
redaction of Synoptic Tradition in Mark. T h u s it is that Farmer's main
preoccupation is with the Marcan Gospel, which for him represents the
term of the Synoptic development. Many of the arguments that others
have proposed for the primitive character of Mark are cleverly turned
by him into reasons for its late date. Farmer's thesis is provocative, even
if it has not commanded much assent.
When it is critically viewed, Farmer's thesis raises a number of serious
difficulties. Though it sets out to "investigate the history of the Synoptic
problem," 97 the number of American, English, French, and German
writers who have dealt with some phase of the Synoptic question and
who are passed over in silence is surprising. Farmer proposed to write a
"critical review of the history of the Synoptic problem," 98 but it has
turned out to be a sketch interlaced with value judgments and remarks
of a "non-scientific" or "extra-scientific" character (to use his own
terms). 99 In the course of the above discussion I have already com-
mented on some aspects of his thesis, as they were concerned with the
Two-Source Theory (e.g., on Mark as an abridgment or conflation of
The Pnonty of Mark and the "Q" Source in Luke 27
Matthew and Luke, or on Luke as dependent on Matthew—admittedly
a secondary issue for Farmer). 100 A few more specific remarks, how-
ever, may be in order.
First of all, it seems to be an argument from order on which Farmer
ultimately depends in his attempt to justify the creation of Mark. T h e
dominant reason for his contention that Mark is an abridgement or a
conflation of Matthew and Luke is precisely the agreement, not in
subject matter, but in order. If it were true that Mark was composed by
a concentration "on those materials where their [i.e., Matthew's and
Luke's] texts bore concurrent testimony to the same Gospel tradition,"
then why has Mark not copied at least some of the so-called Double
Tradition? In this case, the order of the material differs greatly in
Matthew and Luke. This seems to mean, then, that the mixed congre-
gations of Alexandria or Rome, for which Mark was allegedly com-
posed, were interested on the great liturgical feast-days not only in
listening to concurrent parts of the Gospel to which they had been
accustomed in the places from which they originally came, but were
demanding that the selected episodes from Matthew and Luke be read
to them in the same order. Only thus can one account for the omission of
the Double Tradition in Mark. Accordingly, we must assume that even
though these Christians all knew of the stories of Jesus' triple tempta-
tion, they were content with the Marcan abridgment. Even though they
knew of the Beatitudes, the Lord's Prayer, and a host of other common
Gospel episodes, they were apparently so fixed on the order and
sequence of episodes as to prefer an abridged form of the Gospel in
accustomed sequence to other common and concurrent material in
Matthew and Luke. 101
Second, to cite some difficulties in the details of Farmer's argumenta-
tion, no convincing reason has been given why Mark should have
omitted the preaching of John the Baptist (Matt 3:7-10; Luke 3:7-9),
which not only is an element to which Matthew and Luke bear
"concurrent testimony," but even in the same place in the Synoptic
tradition. Similarly, the account of the triple temptation of Jesus (Matt
4:1-11; Luke 4:1-13); in this case the inversion of the last two
temptation scenes cannot be alleged as a factor for not using them.
Third, Farmer cites a "classic example" of an inconclusive theological
or christological argument for the primitive character of Mark: the idea
of the virginal conception of Mary, found in the Matthean and Lucan
infancy narratives, and the absence of a birth narrative in Mark; from
this it would appear that Mark had been written "before this idea had
been accepted in the Church." 102 He prefers rather to follow S.
Davidson, in thinking that Mark 6:3, which identifies Jesus as "a
carpenter, the son of Mary," reflects a later formulation and one

stemming from a community in which the idea of Mary's virginal
conception was already accepted. Roman Catholics are often said to
misinterpret Mark 6:3, and so I hesitate to comment on it. But in this
case I find it very difficult to think that the sole meaning of Mark's
phrase, "the son of Mary," is a clear and obvious reference to her
virginity. I can readily understand how this phrase might have been the
seedbed for the belief passed on in the Matthean and Lucan infancy
narratives; but to regard that cryptic, and possibly innocuous, Marcan
phrase as a factor "weighing in favor of a date for Mark after this
development" 103 [i.e., of a belief in the virginal conception] is asking too
much.
Unfortunately, this catalogue of disagreements with details in the
Farmer presentation of the matter could go on for a long time. Farmer
has sought to propose alternate reasons to answer objections often
levelled against the Griesbach hypothesis. Some of them are ingenious
and challenging; but in the long run they are not convincing.
I have now come to the end of this survey of the question of Luke's
dependence on Mark and "Q." As is to be hoped, it represents largely
the present state of the question and the chief reactions to it. There are
undoubtedly items that should have been included, for one reason or
another. Conceivably, the most recent attempts to solve the Synoptic
Problem might be on the right track or might be more valid than the
Two-Source Theory. However, they are deficient in so many details—
some of which I have pointed out above—and raise at least as many
problems as the ones they seek to resolve. Until a more convincing way
is found to present one or the other of them, the Two-Source Theory is
still the most attractive hypothesis.
By the latter I mean chiefly the priority of Mark and the postulated
source "Q" as the chief documents underlying the Gospels according to
Matthew and Luke. However, I am inclined to allow for the influence
of oral tradition, even at the redactional level which is responsible for
the canonical form of these Gospels. Indeed, I would be more inclined
to admit this for Luke than for Matthew, i.e., for "L" than for "M." My
only hesitation is that one has to distinguish between what might be "L"
and what migh be Lucan redaction. This distinction is not easily made.
Recent studies, however, have made all of us more aware of Lucan
characteristics and Lucan compositional devices. Allowance for these
must be made in any re-evaluation of the sources "Q" and "L."
The Priority of Mark and the "£)" Source in Luke 29
This sketch has been intended to spark discussion on the Synoptic
Problem which has been something of a moribund issue in gospel
studies; there are undoubtedly some who think that it should remain in
that state because we have moved on to the more important tasks of
studying the Gospels in and for themselves. This has been due in large
part to the phases of Form Criticism and Redaktionsgeschichte that have
succeeded Source Analysis. It remains to be seen whether the re-
opening of the entire Synoptic question would yield better fruit.1?4
Postscript (1980)
Since the above essay was composed, a few articles have appeared
touching on the issue with which it deals, A few comments on one or
other of them may be in order here.
First of all, in the volume in which the essay first appeared one finds
another by D. L. Dungan, "Mark—the Abridgement of Matthew and
Luke." 105 It deals with the same arguments drawn from Streeter which
I sought to support anew. Since it appears earlier in the volume than
my article, it has seemed to some that I had a copy of Dungan's essay
and sought to refute the work of this younger scholar. My article,
however, was written in complete independence of his. I did not even
know of it until we were sent copies of the page-proofs of the volume
prior to the Pittsburgh Festival. I shall leave it to others to judge
whether my arguments meet Dungan's objections.
Second, a colloquy was held at Trinity University in San Antonio,
Texas, 26-29 May 1977, on the relationships among the Gospels. 106 It
was an attempt at an interdisciplinary approach to problems of such
interrelationships, discussing them from the viewpoints of oral tradi-
tional literature, classical studies (especially of ancient rhetoric), Judaic
studies (especially in rabbinic parallels), and literary criticism. Though
the colloquy brought the methods of these other disciplines to bear on
the study of the Gospels, it scarcely contributed anything to the classic
problem of the Synoptic interrelationships. I cannot agree with the
conclusion of the last seminar leader, J. B. Tyson, that "most partici-
pants in the seminar concluded that the Griesbach Theory had now
achieved a position of respectability, that it is at least a possible
solution."107 It has always been a possible solution (otherwise it would
not have been proposed), but a respectable one. . . ? As a result of that
colloquy, the Two-Source Theory, as a modified form of the Two-
Document Hypothesis has suffered no real set-back; "the Colloquy in
no way contributed to any alleged 'eroding* of t h e d o m i n a n c e of the

Two-Source Theory" 1 0 8 —an allegation h e a r d at times d u r i n g the
colloquy on the lips of convinced Griesbachians.
T h i r d , about the same time W. R. F a r m e r in a review article entitled
" M o d e r n Developments of Griesbach's Hypothesis," 1 0 9 included a sec-
tion, "Objections to Griesbach's Hypothesis." 1 1 0 In it he took u p nine
objections that I have formulated in the above essay a n d sought to
answer t h e m . T h e y a r e too long (occupying almost 10 pages) to
r e p r o d u c e here or try to r e s p o n d to t h e m here. T h a t will have to await
a n o t h e r occasion. But even the lapse of seven years did not enable him
to c o m e u p with m o r e t h a n feeble answers, in almost every para-
g r a p h of which t h e r e is r o o m for an i n c r e d u l o u s expostulation.
NOTES
* Originally published in Jesus and Man's Hope (Perspective Books, 1; 2 vols.;

Pittsburgh: Pittsburgh Theological Seminary, 1970), 1. 131-70.
1
"The Aramaic Qorbän Inscription from Jebel Hallet et-Türi and Mark 7:11/
Matt 15:5" JBL 78 (1959) 60-65; reprinted, ESBNT, 93-100. I realize that the
admission of having espoused the priority of Mark in the past leaves me open to
the charge of beginning with an assumption. I suppose I shall have to live with
it; my intention is to survey the current situation, as I see it.
2
There is a slight difficulty in the topic assigned, which is that of Luke's
dependence on Mark and "Q." Formally, it does not include Matthew's
dependence. But since what is really at stake in this discussion is the Two-Source
Theory, I shall be forced to include the Matthean aspect from time to time for
the sake of the argument. In any case, I leave aside the discussion of reasons for
modifications of the classic theory (e.g., the special sources, "L" and "M," and
their respective natures; possible multiple sources underlying Mark; the rela-
tion of "Q" to an Aramaic collection of logia; Proto-Luke; etc.). Unfortunately,
this means leaving aside some important Synoptic studies such as that of P.
Parker, The Gospel Before Mark (Chicago: Chicago University, 1953).
3
See S. Petrie, " 'Q' Is Only What You Make It" NovT 3 (1959) 28-33; W. R.
Farmer, The Synoptic Problem: A Critical Analysis (New York: Macmillan, 1964) vii;
J. Bligh, CBQ 31 (1969) 390: E. P. Sanders, The Tendencies of the Synoptic Tradition
(SNTSMS 9; Cambridge: University Press, 1969) 279.
4
I would qualify this opinion to admit that there may be some as yet
undreamed-of application of data-processing by computers to the problem, i.e.,
some method not tied to the usual sort of literary judgments which have marked
the history of Synoptic research so far.
5
The Four Gospels: A Study of Origins, Treating of the Manuscript Tradition,
Sources, Authorship, Dates (4th impr.; New York: Macmillan, 1930) 169.
6
See W. R. Farmer, Synoptic Problem, viii, 200. From a different point of view,
cf. also W. Marxsen, Introduction to the New Testament: An Approach to Its Problems
(Philadelphia: Fortress, 1968) 118: "This Two-Source theory has been so widely
The Pnority of Mark and the " Q " Source in Luke 31
accepted by scholars that one feels inclined to abandon the term "theory" (in the
sense of'Hypothesis')."
7
This includes at present many Roman Catholic scholars. Perhaps the most
significant recent contribution from this quarter to Synoptic study has been the
work of B. de Solages, A Greek Synopsis of the Gospels: A New Way of Solving the
Synoptic Problem (Leiden: Brill, 1959). His application of a mathematical method,
involving statistical analysis, combinatory analysis, and the calculus of the
probability of causes to word occurrences within pericopes, plus an independent
graphic method of demonstration of the common order of pericopes in
Matthew, Mark, Luke, again with the aid of combinatory analysis, has resulted
in an unexpected confirmation of the Two-Source Theory. De Solages labelled
his sources Mk and X; and even though his work is limited in character, it
appears as a support for the classic theory.
T h e significance of the book was not lost on K. Grayston and G. Herdan (NTS
1 [1960-61] 97-98), who wrote, " T h e outcome of this laborious study is that the
two-document hypothesis is systematically established; and it is worthy of note
that the book has an approving preface by Cardinal Tisserant, President of the
Biblical Commission." What is not expressed here, however, is the voltaface that
this work, so prefaced, represents in the history of the Biblical Commission and
in the realm of Roman Catholic Synoptic studies in this century. O n e need only
recall the Commission's negative responsum of 26 J u n e 1912 to the (quite
loaded!) question posed about the Two-Source Theory (see DS 3578; or
Enchiridion biblicum [7th ed.; Naples: M. D'Auria, 1961], 400; ox Rome and the
Study of Scripture [7th ed.; St. Meinrad, IN: Grail, 1962] 132). I personally
find it difficult today to rid myself of the impression that the Commission's
earlier opposition to the Two-Source Theory was basically the reason why an
older generation of Roman Catholic scholars sought for solutions to the
Synoptic Problem that differed considerably from the Two-Source Theory.
While there were some who espoused modifications of it that m a d e it possible
to live with the responsum (e.g., by insisting that Aramaic Matthew was at the
basis of "Q," or by adopting other modifications—cf. A. Wikenhauser, New
Testament Introduction [New York: H e r d e r and Herder, 1958] 2 5 2 - 5 3 ; J.
Levie, "L'evangile arameen de saint Matthieu est-il la source de l'evangile de
saint Marc?"iV/?T 76 (1954) 6 8 9 - 7 1 5 , 8 1 2 - 4 3 [reprinted separately, Tournai:
Casterman, 1954]; M. M e i n e m , Einlalung in das Neue Testament [Paderborn:
Schöningh, 1950], most of the other attempts at a solution subconsciously at
least proceeded from the responsum (e.g., J. C h a p m a n , Matthew, Mark and
Luke [London: Longmans, Green, 1937]; B. C. Butler, The Origirmlity of St.
Matthew: A Critique of the Two-Document Hypothesis [Cambridge: University
Press, 1951]; L. Vaganay, Le probleme synoptique: line hypothese de travail (Bib-
liotheque de theologie, 3/1; Paris: Desclee, 1954) 139-310.
T h e occasion for the volta face came with the semi-official clarification
provided by the two secretaries of the Biblical Commission in 1955, when they
reviewed the new edition of the Enchiridion biblicum and admitted that the
responsa that dealt with literary questions were by and large outdated and that
the "interpreter of Sacred Scripture can pursue his scientific investigations with
full liberty and accept the results of these investigations. . ." (see A. Miller,
Βenediktinische Monatschrift 31 [1955] 4 9 - 5 0 ; Α. Kleinhaus, Antonianum 30 [1955]
6 3 - 6 5 ; cf. E.. F. Siegman, CBQ 18 [1956] 23-29).
For a Roman Catholic reaction to de Solages' book, see P. Benoit, RB 67
(I960) 93-102; cf. the a u t h o r s rejoinder, BLE 61 (1960) 2 8 7 - 3 1 1 . See also L.

Hartman, "Synoptica," $£/* 31 (1966) 133-35.
In still more recent times the stauchest defender of the Two-Source Theor y
has been the Belgian Roman Catholic, F. Neirynck. H e has d o n e this in
numerous publications, some of which will be cited below at appropriate places.
8
Perhaps an exception could be m a d e for some of the form-critical work of P.
Benoit and L. Cerfaux.
9
Presumably, chap. VII in W. R. Farmer's book Synoptic Problem is an attempt
along these lines; but even he admits the incompleteness of the notes in this
chapter.
10
The Four Gospels, 151, 159-60. See also G. B o r n k a m m , "Evangelien,
synoptische," RGG, 753-66. See further F. Neirynck, "La matiere marcienne
dans l'evangile de Luc," L'Evangile de Luc: Problhnes litteraires et theologiques:
Memorial Luden Cerfaux (ed. F. Neirynck; B E T L 32; Gembloux: Duculot,
1973) 157-201. This is a detailed analysis of T. Schramm, Der Markus-Stoff bei
Lukas: Eine lüerarkritische und Redaktionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung (SNTSMS
14; Cambridge: University Press, 1971).
" C S E L , 43.4; PL, 34.1043-44. Cf. X. Leon-Dufour, " T h e Synoptic Prob-
lem," Introduction to the New Testament (ed. A. Robert and A. Feuillet; New York:
Desclee, 1965) 266.
12
Synoptic Problem, 199-232.
13
B. C. Butler, Onginality, 65.
14
See, for instance, W. R. Farmer, Synoptk Problem, 2 7 8 - 8 3 , 2 3 0 - 3 2 , 253,
227-28, et passim; X. Leon-Dufour, " T h e Synoptic Problem," 2 6 9 - 7 4 .
15
T h e numbering of the episodes differs with the way various scholars divide
u p the blocks of material. T h e exact numbering is immaterial. It is intended
merely to give a general indication of incidents involved.
16
O n e could also argue that all three evangelists copied an earlier source
independently and thus account for the c o m m o n order. This a r g u m e n t for a
sort of Urevangelium has been used. But it is of little concern today, and we need
not pursue this possibility further.
17
This title for the error in logic involved was first coined by B. C. Butler
(Originality, 62-71), even though he was careful not to ascribe directly to
Lachmann what he calls a "schoolboyish e r r o r of elementary reasoning." This
has been m a d e clear in the article of Ν. Η. Palmer, "Lachmann's Argument,"
NTS 13 (1966-67) 368-78 , which provides an abridged English translation of
Lachmann's article. Farmer {Synoptic Problem, 66) traces the fallacy itself to F. H.
Woods, " T h e Origin and Mutual Relation of the Synoptic Gospels," Studia biblica
et ecclesiastka: Essays Chiefly in Biblical and Patristic Criticism (Oxford: Clarendon,
1890), 2. 59-104. More recently he has pointed out that the first person in the
English-speaking world to attribute the error to Lachmann was F. C. Burkitt in
his Jowett Lectures for 1906 ("The Lachmann Fallacy,"NTS 14 [3 9 6 7 - 6 8 ] 4 4 1 -
43).
18
See E. W. Lummis, How Was Luke Written: Considerations Affecting the Two-
Document Theory with Special Reference to the Phenomena of Order in the Non-Marcan
Matter Common to Matthew and Luke (Cambridge: University Press, 1915); H. G.
Jameson, The Origin of the Synoptic Gospels: A Revision of the Synoptic Problem
(Oxford: Blackwell, 1922); Β. C. Butler, Onginality,. 6 2 - 7 1 . W. R. Farmer is
content to remark, "Since Streeter's first three reasons for accepting the priority
ΟΪ Mark were exposed as fallacious by Jameson in 1922 and again by Butler in
1951, there is no need to give them further consideration" {Synoptic Problem,
The Priority of Mark and the " Q " Source in Luke 33
169). Ο. Ε. Evans, however, still considers the argument from order to be of

"decisive importance" (ExpTim 72 [1960-61] 296). And in this he is not alone.
19
"The Priority of Mark," ExpTim 65 (1953-54) 17-19; cf. Ο. Ε. Evans,
ExpTim 72 ( 1 9 6 0 - 6 1 ) 2 9 6 .
20
In each case Matthew has preserved the Marcan order of these five
"transpositions," except for a partial transposition of his own in Matt 10:1-4.
Luke moves u p the report of the Baptist's imprisonment in an effort to finish off
the story of the Baptist before the baptism and before the ministry of Jesus is
begun, because either J o h n does not belong to the period of Jesus (Con-
zelmann) or he represents a separate preparatory period within the time of
fulfillment (W. Wink). T h e visit to Nazareth is transferred to the beginning of
the ministry for a programmatic purpose, to present in capsule-form the theme
of fulfillment and to symbolize the rejection that marks the ministry of Jesus as a
whole. T h e call of the four disciples is given a more plausible, psychological
position by Luke in its later appearance, when it is narrated after a certain
portion of Jesus' ministry; it makes the response to the call more intelligible than
in Mark. T h e inversion of the choosing of the Twelve and the report of the
crowds again produces a more logical setting for the Sermon on the Plain (6:20-
49). And the shifting of the episode about Jesus' real relatives provides an
illustration of who the real hearers and doers of the word of God are (8:19-20).
See further my commentary on Luke (AB 28; Garden City, NJ: Doubleday,
1981).
On this whole question of Lucan transpositions, see now F. Neirynck, " T h e
Argument from O r d e r and St. Luke's Transpositions," in The Minor Agreements
[see n. 49 below], 2 9 1 - 3 2 2 ; cf. ETL 49 (1973) 784-815.
21
See W. G. Rushbrooke, Synophcon: An Exposition of the Common Matter of the
Synoptic Gospels (London: Macmillan, 1880?); W. R. Farmer, Synoptican: The
Verbal Agreement between the Greek Texts of Matthew, Mark and Luke Contextually
Exhibited (Cambridge; University Press, 1969).
22
See D. Guthrie, New Testament Introduction: The GospeL· and Acts (London:
Tyndale, 1965) 127.
23
See V. Taylor, The Gospel according to St. Mark (London: Macmillan, 1953)
102, 44-66 .
24
The Four GospeL·, 162-64. Cf. B. C. Butler, Onginality, 147-56.
25
J. C. Hawkins, Horae synopticae: Contributions to the Study of the Synoptic Problem
(2d ed.; Oxford: Clarendon, 1909), 114-53, esp. p p . 125-26.
26
Originality, 68.
27
Ibid., 168.
28
Ibid., 168-69.
29
Synoptic Problem, 170-71.
30
(SNTSMS 9; Cambridge: University Press, 1969).
31
Ibid., 87.
32
Ibid., 188.
33
Ibid., 255.
34
T h e book came into my hands unfortunately only at a date when the
original form of this sketch was practically finished.
35
Ibid., 276.
36
See the lists in E. A. Abbott, The Corrections of Mark Adopted by Matthew and
Luke (Diatesserica II; London: Black, 1901) 307-24; or J. C. Hawkins, Horae
synopticae, 143-53, 208-212; B. de Solages, A Greek Synopsis, 1052-66.
37
The Four GospeL·, 179-81, 2 9 3 - 3 3 1 .
38
Ibid., 298.
39
This point has been discussed in my article, " T h e Use oiAgein and Pherein
in the Synoptics," Festschrift to Honor F. Wilbur Gingrich (ed. E. H. Barth and R. E.
Cocroft; Leiden: Brill, 1972) 146-60.
40
The Four Gospels, 3 2 5 - 2 9 . Cf. W. R. Farmer, Synoptic Problem, 2 8 4 - 8 6 (and
148-51).
41
See A. W. Argyle, "Agreements between Matthew and Luke," ExpTim 73
(1961-62) 19-22; N. T u r n e r , " T h e Minor Verbal Agreements of Mt. and Lk.
against M k . / ' S £ / , 2 3 3 - 3 4 ; X. Leon Dufour, " T h e Synoptic Problem," 2 7 1 - 7 4 .
Cf. L. Vaganay, Le probleme synoptique, 6 9 - 7 4 , 4 0 5 - 2 5 ; J. Schmid, Matthäus und
Lukas: Eine Untersuchung des Verhältnisses ihrer Evangelien (Freiburg im B.:
Herder, 1930).
42
"On Dispensing with Q," Studies in the Gospels; Essays in Memory of R. H.
Lightfoot (ed. D. E. Nineham; Oxford: Blackwell, 1957), 5 5 - 8 8 , esp. p . 6 1 .
43
Ibid., 62.
44
"Farrer and Streeter on the Minor Agreements of Mt and Lk against Mk,"
SE /, 2 5 4 - 5 7 .
45
Synoptic Problem, 118.
46
Ibid., 125.
47
Ibid., 124.
48
Ibid.
49
See S. McLoughlin, "Les accords mineurs Mt-Lc contre Mc et le probleme
synoptique: Vers la theorie des Deux Sources," De Jesus aux Evangiles: Tradition et
redaction dans les evangiles synoptiques (BETL 25; D o n u m natalicium I. Coppens,
II; Gembloux: Duculot, 1967) 17-40. This article must be used, however, with
caution. It is cited here only because it indicates some of the lines along which
one may have to proceed in evaluating the thrust of these minor agreements in
the Two-Source Theory. See further now F. Neirynck, "Minor Agreements
Matthew—Luke in the Transfiguration Story," Orientierung an Jesus: Zur Theo-
logie der Synoptiker für Josef Schmid (ed. P. Hoffmann et ah; Freiburg im B.:
Herder, 1973) 253-66. cf. F. Neirynck (in collaboration with T. Hansen and F.
van Segbroeck), The Minor Agreements of Matthew and Luke against Mark with a
Cumulative List (BETL 37; Louvain: Leuven University; Gembloux: Duculot,
1974).
50
X. Leon-Dufour, " T h e Synoptic Problem," 277.
51
Mark (see n. 23 above), 6 8 - 7 7 .
52
See T. F. Glasson, "Did Matthew and Luke Use a 'Western' Text of Mark?"
ExpTim 55 (1943-44) 180-84 (and the debate that ensued with C. S. C. Williams,
ExpTim 55 [1944-45] 4 1 - 4 5 ; 57 [-1945-46] 5 3 - 5 4 ; 58 [1946-47] 251; 77
[1965-66] 120-21); J. P. Brown, "An Early Revision of the Gospel of Mark,"
JBL 78 (1959) 2 1 5 - 2 7 (and the note by T. F. Glasson with the same title, JBL
85 [1966] 231-33); O. Linton, "Evidences of a Second-Century Revised
Edition of St. Mark's Gospel," ATS 14 (1967-68) 3 2 1 - 5 5 ; A. F. J. Klijn, "A
Survey of the Researches into the Western Text of the Gospels a n d Acts,"
NovT ?> (1959) 162.
53
R. Bultmann {Form Criticism: . A New Method of New Testament Research
[Chicago: Willett Clark, 1934] 13-14) has m a de use of this hypothesis; see
also G. Bornkamm, RGG, 2. 756. T h e arguments commonly brought against
it can be found in W. G. Kümmel, Introduction to the New Testament (rev. ed.;
Nashville: Abingdon, 1975) 4 9 - 5 0 . See further now F. Neirynck, "Urmarcus
redivivus? Examen critique de l'hypothese des insertions mattheenes dans

Marc," in L'Evangile selon Marc: Tradition et redaction (BETL 34; Gembloux:
Duculot, 1974) 103-45.
54
See the discussion in L. Vaganay, Le prohleme synoptique, 294-95. A nuanced
position is found in the article of H. P. West, Jr., "A Primitive Version of Luke in
the Composition of Matthew," NTS 14 (1967-68) 75-95.
55
For attempts to trace the origin of this siglum, see W. F. Howard, " T h e
Origin of the Symbol 'Q," ExpTim 50 (1938-39) 379-80. See further now
H. K. McArthur, " T h e Origin of the 'Q' Symbol," ExpTim 87 (1976-77) 119-
20; F. Neirynck, " T h e Symbol Q (= Quelle)," ETL 54 (1978) 119-25; "Once
More: T h e Symbol Q," ibid., 55 (1979) 382-83 (writing against L. H. Silber-
man, "Whence Siglum Q? A Conjecture,' JBL 98 [1979] 287-88). T h e cus-
tom of referring to the Double Tradition as " Q " is traced to J o h a n n e s Weiss
(1891).
For recent studies of " Q , " see M. Devisch, De geschiedene van de Quelle-
hypothese: L Inleiding; IL Van J.-G. Eichhorn tot Β. Η. Streeter; III. De recente
Exegese (2 vols.; Louvain: Katholiek Universiteit te Leuven, 1975); D. Lühr-
mann, Die Redaktion der Logienquelle (WMANT 33; Neukirchen-Vluyn:
Neukirchener-V., 1969); P. Hoffmann, Studien zur Theologie der Logienquelle
(NTAbh ns 8; Münster: Aschendorff, 1972); S. Schulz, Q: Die Spruchquelle der
Evangelisten (Zürich: Zwingli-V., 1972); R. A. Edwards, A Concordance to Q
(SBLSBS 7; Missoula, MT: Scholars Press, 1975); A. Polag, Die Christologie der
Logienquelle ( W M A N T 33; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener-V., 1977); P.
Vassiliadis, He peri tes peges tön logiön theöria (Athens: University of Athens
Theological School, 1977).
56
E.g., Β. C. Butler, A. M. Farrer.
57
It has been espoused by J. H. Ropes, The Synoptic Gospels (2d ed.; London:
Oxford, 1960); H. G. Jameson,Origin, 6; B. C. Butler, Originality, 22; "St. Luke's
Debt to St. Matthew," HTR 32 (1939) 237-308; W, R. Farmer, Synoptic Problem,
221-25; R. T. Simpson, " T h e Major Agreements of Matthew and Luke against
Mark," NTS 12 (1965-66) 273-84; W. Wilkens, "Zur Frage der literarischen
Beziehung zwischen Matthäus und Lukas,"NovT 8 (1966) 4 8 - 5 7 ; A. W. Argyle,
" T h e Methods of the Evangelists and the Q Hypothesis," Theology 67 (1964)
156-57; K. H. Rengstorf, Das Evangelium nach Lukas ( N T D 3; 9th ed.;
Göttingen: Vandenhoeck 8c Ruprecht, 1962) 8-9; A. Schlatter, Das Evangelium
des Lukas: Aus seinen Quellen erklärt (2d ed.; Stuttgart: Calwer, 1960) 4 7 2 - 5 6 1 .
58
W. R. Farmer treats this passage in the Synoptic Problem (pp. 255-57), using
it as a prime example for the Griesbach solution. He regards the Lucan text
(16:18) as "a conflation" of Matt 19:9 and 5:32 and is mainly concerned with the
genuine problems of the assumed remarriage of the divorced woman and of the
Roman practice that is reflected in the Marcan version. But he devotes little time
to what seems to be a crucial problem: What would have led Luke to excise the
exceptive phrase in Matthew? An appeal to Paul's absolute formulation of the
prohibition of divorce in 1 Cor 7:10 scarcely solves the problem, because it only
raises the larger one whether Luke was acquainted with Paul's letters at all.
Again, to picture Mark twice confronted with the exceptive phrase in Matt 5:32
and 19:9 and twice excising it because he was more influenced by Luke's version
from which it is absent is not a convincing argument. For another view of this
passage, see A. Isaksson, Marriage and Ministry in the New Temple (ASNU 34;
Lund: Gleerup, 1965) 96-104. See further pp. 8 2 - 9 9 below.
59
See Farmer's treatment of this passage in " T h e Two-Document Hypothesis
as a Methodological Criterion in Synoptic Research, 11 ATR 48 (1966) 3 8 0 - 9 6 .
B. C. Butler {Originality, 168) sought to defend the Matthean priority of
Matthew 16:16ff. But his explanation that Peter, in "telling the Caesarea
Philippi incident" and using Matthew as his aide-memoire, tore out "the story
of the high praise of himself and the promise of his peculiar status vis-ä-vis
the Church, while leaving the stinging rebuke," because he had learnt "the
lesson of Christian humility" is too rhetorical to be convincing. I personally
see no difficulty in understandin g this passage as a Matthean addition, along
with the stories about the coin in the m o u t h of the fish that Peter is to catch
and his walking on the waters. They are three episodes in the First Gospel
that were a d d e d to the so-called ecclesiastical section to enhance Peter's role.
See further R. E. Brown et al. (eds.), Peter in the New Testament (New York:
Paulist; Minneapolis, MN: Augsburg, 1973) 8 3 - 1 0 1 .
60
In the hypothesis of Luke's d e p e n d e n ce on Matthew, the problem of his
apparent reluctance to reproduce Matthean material can also be illustrated in
the Double Tradition (e.g., the fuller form of the Beatitudes [Matt 5:3; cf. Luke
6:20; Matt 5:6; cf. Luke 6:21]; the fuller form of the Lord's Prayer [Matt 6 : 9 -
13; cf. Luke 11:2-4]). See J. Dupont, Les beatitudes (rev. ed.; Bruges: Saint-
Andre, 1958), 4 3 - 1 2 8 . What seems to be at issue here is a Matthean pattern of
additions m a d e to dominical sayings, a pattern that accounts readily for his
differences from Mark and Luke in the Triple Tradition and from Luke in the
Double Tradition.
61
T o paraphrase the words of A. M. Farrer, " O n Dispensing with Q," 65.
62
See F. G. Downing, "Toward the Rehabilitation of Q," NTS 11(1964-65)
1969-81 (arguing against Farrer); E. L. Bradby, " I n Defence of Q," ExpTim 68
(1956-57) 3 1 5 - 1 8 (despite its title, this article really deals with this issue). Pace
N. T u r n e r ("The Minor Verbal Agreements of Mt, and Lk. against Mk.," SE I,
223-34), this evidence is not all the result of a subjective approach, or the use of
the English text alone; nor does it really involve the minor agreements of
Matthew and Luke against Mark. Several a r g u m e n t s are confused by him. Cf. J.
Schrhid, Matthäus und Lukas, 25ff.
63
Perhaps one should also consider the converse p h e n o m e n on in Luke, i.e.,
his apparent failure to follow Matthew in omitting Marcan passages (e.g., Luke
4:34-37 = Mark 1:23-28 [Jesus in the synagogue of C a p e r n a u m ] ; Luke 9 : 4 9 -
50 = Mark 12:41-44 [the widow's mite]). Farrer has sought to offset this and
other arguments which bear on Luke's omission of Matthean material by
implying that they are based on an antiquated view of Luke as a collector of
Jesus' sayings and a failure to realize that he is really "building an edifice" ("On
Dispensing with Q," 63). In one form or another he continually comes back to
this line of argumentation: Luke as using a Marcan skeleton, clothed with
material cut from Matthew; or Luke as the gardener, expressing his preference
for his own new arrangement over that which his predecessor has left him (p.
65). T o describe Luke's edifice, Farrer indulges in ingenious typological
eisegesis. T h e major part of his article is given over to establishing a pattern
between Luke (and Matthew) and the Hexateuch. With the advance of
Redaktionsgeschichte it is certainly wrong to say that Luke is r e g a r d ed simply as a
collector of Jesus' sayings; most of the m o d e r n commentators who espouse the
Two-Source Theory would reject this and insist on the theological "edifice" in
the Third Gospel as much as Farrer does. T h a t this edifice was constructed,
The Pnarity of Mark and the "Q" Source in Luke 37
however, as Farrer sketches it is another matter. In typological interpretation

one must always ask the question: Who is seeing the connections and patterns,
Farrer or the Evangelist? In this regard one would d o well to consult the
estimate of Farrer's work on Mark by no less a literary critic than Helen L.
Gardner•, The Business ofCriticism (Oxford: Clarendon, 1959) 108-22.
64
See W. C. Robinson, Jr., " T h e Theological Context for Interpreting Luke's
Travel Narrative (9:51ff.)/' JBL 79 (1960) 2 0 - 3 1 ; L. Vaganay, Le probleme
synopäque, 106-8.
65
For some observations on this problem, see T. R. Rosche, " T h e Words of
Jesus and the Future of the 'Q' H y p o t h e s i s / ' / ^ / , 79 (1960) 210-20.
66
See L. Vaganay, Le probleme synoptique, 295-99; Β. Η. Streeter, The Four
Gospels, 183.
67
"On Dispensing with Q," 66.
68
"Towards the Rehabilitation of Q," 180 n. 5. See also W. H. Blyth Martin,
"The Indispensability of Q," Theology 59 (1956) 182-88, esp. p. 182.
69
B. C. Butler, Originality, 170; S. Petrie, "Q' Is Only What You Make It,"
NovT 3 (1959) 28-33^.
70
For an attempt to make " Q " out to be a "written Aramaic source," see
F. Bussby, "Is Q an Aramaic Document?" ExpTim 65 (1953-54) 2 7 2 - 7 5 .
71
Strictly speaking, one might object that such data argue only for the
dependence of Luke on Matthew, or m o r e generically, of one on the other. This
would have to be admitted, if this argument stood alone. It must, however, be
considered against the background of the general issues already discussed
above, which rule out the dependence of Luke on Matthew.
72
The Four Gospeb, 187.
73
Introduction, 65-66.
74
" T h e O r d e r of Q" JTS 4 (1953) 2 7 - 3 1 ; " T h e Original O r d e r of Q," New
Testament Essays: Studies in Memory of Thomas William Manson 1893-1958 (ed.
A . J . B. Higgins; Manchester: University Press, 1959) 2 4 6 - 6 9 .
75
Cf. C. K. Barrett, " Q : A Re-examination," ExpTim 54 (1942-43) 3 2 0 - 2 3
(for an earlier denial of the validity of this argument). Taylor quotes some of the
results of the investigation of P. Parker {The Gospel before Mark, 30) to support his
contention: "Since Q has not been assimilated to Matthean types of expression"
and "the style of Q does not pervade M, therefore Q and Μ have different
origins" and "Q is really from an autonomous source" (p. 269). Ο. Ε. Evans
{ExpTim 72 [1960-61] 298) is also favorably impressed by Taylor's argument.
76
See further J. C. Hawkins, Horae synopticae, 99-106. Matthew has about 20
doublets (ibid., pp. 82-99). T h e "doublet" is not a gospel feature derived solely
from Mark, since this Gospel has only one of them, or possibly two (see 9 : 3 5 -
37-10:43-44 and possibly 6 : 3 1 - 4 4 - 8 : 1 - 1 0 ) . T h e occurrence of this feature
in Mark raises a different issue, which is not related to that of the Matthean and
Lucan "doublets."
77
See the attempts of B. H. Streeter, The Four Gospels, 197ff.; A. (von)
Harnack, The Sayings ofJesus: The Second Source of St. Matthew and St. Luke (New
York: Putnam, 1908). Cf. J. Moffatt, An Introduction to the Literature of the New
Testament (3d ed.; Edinburgh: Clark, 1918), 194-204, for a survey of 16
attempts to reconstruct "Q." Many of these attempts, however, go back to the
pioneer days of the investigation; the astronomical figures sometimes found in
them for " Q " verses have in large measure been reduced in recent studies. Even
though one cannot cite a consensus, recent writers tend to count the common
verses of the Double Tradition in the neighborhood of 230. Redaktionsgeschichte

in the study of Matthew and Luke has affected this question too; there is the
tendency to allow more for the compositional work of the evangelists in this
area.
78
" T h e O r d e r of Q," 28.
79
ibid. Cf. his older article, "Some Outstanding New Testament Problems: I.
T h e Elusive Q," ExpTim 46 (1934-35) 6 8 - 7 4 . J. P. Brown ("The Form of 'Q'
Known to Matthew," NTS 8 [1961-62] 27-42) has suggested a combination of
" Q " and "M" sayings (without the parables) as the form of " Q " which Matthew
used along with Mark, i.e., a "larger sayings-document Q m t ." If Taylor's
suggestion has any merit, then perhaps Brown's suggestion may prove to be an
interesting refinement of it. Leon-Dufour criticizes this blending of " Q " and
"M" into Q m t , admitting that "all this solves the difficulty, but at the cost of
raising u p two logical entities that transform the Two-Source T h e o r y into a
Four-Source theory." So what? Such a transformation may be needed as a
refinement of the Two-Source theory. Moreover, if "M" or "L" were r e g a r d e d
merely as an oral source, then the modification of " Q " by such material would
allow for the influence of later oral tradition on the gospel formation, such as
Leon-Dufour himself argues for.
80
ExpTim 54 (1942-43) 3 2 0 - 2 3 ; cf. W. Bussmann, Synoptische Studien (3 vols.;
Halle/S.: Buchhandlung des Waisenhauses, 1931),2. 110-56. Also R. S. Cherry,
"Agreements between Matthew and Luke," ExpTim 74 (1962-63) 63.
81
See J. Jeremias, "Zur Hypothese einer schriftlichen Logienquelle Q," ZNW
29 (1930) 147-49; M. Dibelius, From Tradition to Gospel (New York: Scribner,
1935), 76.
82
See H. Koester, "Gnomai diapharoi: T h e Origin and N a t u r e of Diversification
in the History of Early Christianity," HTR 58 (1965) 2 7 9 - 3 1 3 , esp. pp. 2 9 3 -
299; reprinted in Trajectories through Early Christianity (ed. J. M. Robinson and
H. Koester; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1971) 114-57. Cf. J. M. Robinson, "Logoi
sophon: O n the Gattung of Q," Trajectories, 7 1 - 1 1 3 , esp. pp. 7 4 - 8 5 .
83
See Τ Ε. Floyd Honey, "Did Mark Use Q7"JBL 62 (1943) 3 1 9 - 3 1 ; Β. Η.
Throckmorton, Jr., "Did Mark Know Q?" JBL 67 (1948) 3 1 9 - 2 9 ; J. P. Brown,
"Mark as Witness to an Edited Form of Q" JBL 80 (1961) 2 9 - 4 4 ; M. Devisch,
"La relation entre Γ evangile de Marc et le document Q," L evangile selon Marc:
Tradition et redaction (BETL 34; Louvain: Leuven University, 1974) 5 9 - 9 1 ;
W. Schenk, "Der Einfluss der Logienquelle auf das Markusevangelium," ZNW
70 (1979) 141-65.
84
For another attempt to explain Luke, see L. Cerfaux, "Luc (Evangile selon
saint)," DBS 5 (1953) 564-72 ; "A propos des sources d u troisieme Evangile,
proto-Luc ou p r o t o - M t , " i T L 12 (1935) 2 3 - 2 6 . For still another attempt, mostly
by M.-E. Boismard, see P. Benoit and M.-E. Boismard, Sy?wpse des quatre evangiles
en jratals avec paralleles des apocryphes et de p'eres (3 vols.; Paris: Cerf, 1965, 1972,
197 ). An assessment of this attempt has been written by F. Neirynck (with the
collaboration of others), Jean et les Synoptiques: Examen critique de Vexegese de M.-E.
Boismard (BETL 49; Louvain: Leuven University, 1979). See also F. Neirynck,
"Une nouvelle theorie synoptique (A propos de M c , I, 2 - 6 et par): Notes
critiques," ETL 44 (1968) 141-53 (= ALBO 4/41).
85
See also J. W. Doeve, "Le röle de la tradition orale dans la composition des
evangiles synoptiques," LaJortnation des evangiles (RechBib 2; Bruges: Desclee de
Brower, 1957), 70-84.
86
Le probleme synoptique, 4 2 - 3 1 3 .
"Reviews of Vaganay's book can be found in the following places: M.-E.
Boismard, RB 61 (1954) 453-54; B. Botte, BVC 2 (1954) 116-22; RTAM 21
(1954) 150; L. Cerfaux, NRT 76 (1954) 494-505 ; A. Gelin, L'ami du clerge 64
(1954) 3 7 3 - 7 5; X. Leon-Dufour,ßS/? 42 (1954) 557-72; J. Levie,NRT 6 (1954)
689-715, 812-43 (to which Vaganay replies in ETL 31 [1955] 343-56; see
Levie's rejoinder,ETL 31 [1955] 619-36); J. L. McKenzie, TS 15(1954) 639-44;
Κ. Η. Schelkle, TQ 134 (1954) 479ff.; C. S. C. Williams, Theology 57 (1954) 4 3 0 -
32.
88
"A notre avis Lc devait avoir pour source principale M c , pour source
secondaire Mg, pour source complementaire Sg, sans qu'il soit possible de faire
le partage entre les deux premieres" (p. 313).
89
" T h e Synoptic Problem," 276. -
90
Ibid., 282.
91
Ibid., 286.
92
Ibid., 285.
93
In thus criticizing Leon-Dufour's position, I am not espousing what he calls
"la securite dogmatique du grand nombre de ses partisans" [i.e., of the Two-
Source Theory]; nor do I agree that "les chercheurs qui le [the Two-Source
Theory] contestent sont l'objet d'une pitie dedaigneuse de la part de la majorite"
("Interpretation des evangiles et probleme synoptique," De Jesus aux evangiles, 5 -
16, esp. p. 5) Part of the difficulty which I find with his criticism of various
defenders of the Two-Source Theory is his inability to allow them to modify the
theory itself. Suppose one does realize that room should be made in it to allow
for the influence of some oral tradition (and, in fact, allows for it in the form of
"L" or "M," which may be partly oral, partly written); this does, indeed, mean a
departure from the classic form of the theory. T h e r e is no reason why the
proponents of the Two-Source theory today have to be tied to the rigid
interrelationships of earlier investigators. Compar e too his treatment of the so-
called "Marcan" sections in which the arrangement of Mark is respected beyond
the three usually mentioned, this scarcely undermines the argumentation of the
theory. And why must all three elements (content, order, expression) concur at
once?
94
Svioptk Problem, 277.
95
Ibid., 279.
96
Ibid., 280.
97
Ibid., viii.
98
Ibid., 121.
99
See further "A 'Skeleton in the Closet' of Gospel Research," BibRes 6 (1961)
18-42; " T h e Two-Document Hypothesis as a Methodological Criterion in
Synoptic Research," ATR 48 (1966) 380-96; " T h e Synoptic Problem and the
Contemporary Theological Chaos: T h e New Testament Parable's Image of
Jesus is More Camouflaged than Clarified by the Hypothesis that Mark was the
First-Written Gospel," ChrC 83 (1966) 1204-6; "Some Thoughts on the
Provenance of Matthew," The Teacher's Yoke: Studies in Memory of H. Trantham
(Waco, T X : Baylor University, 1964) 109-16.
Reviews of Farmer's book, The Synoptic Problem, can be found in the following
places: F. W. Beare J f i L 84 (1965) 295-97; T. A. Burkill, ChrC 81 (1964) 1430;
S. Cutt, Theology 69 (1966) 225-27; F. C. Grant, Int 19 (1965) 352-53; W. E.
Hull, RevExp 65 (1968) 490-92 ; R. Leivestad, NTT 68 (1967) 16-28; W. C.
Linss,Lß 18 (1966) 9 0 - 9 1 ; J. Η. Ludlum, ChrT 9 (1964-65) 306; H. Meynell,

Theology 70 (1967) 3 9 1 - 9 6 ; C. L. Mitton, EspTim 11 (1965-66) 1-3; M. Rese,
Verkündigung und Forschung 12/2 (1967) 3 4 - 3 8 ; W. Schmithals, TLZ 92 (1967)
4 2 4 - 2 5 ; J. Reumann, Dialog 4 (1965) 3 0 8 - 1 1 ; H. Rhys, ATR 48 (1966) 9 2 - 9 4 ;
H. C. Snape, Modern Churchman 10 (1966) 1 8 4 - 9 1 .
100
See p p . 16, 17-18 above.
102
See further W. E. Hu\\, ExpTim 65 (1968) 4 9 0 - 9 2 .
102
Synoptic Problem, 2 3 1 .
103
Ibid., ρ, 232. Farmer completely passes over the textual problem of Mark
6:3, about which many commentators have been exercised for a long time. I
would not defend as more original the reading ho tou tektonos huios which is
usually relegated to the apparatus crilicus. But no less a commentator on Mark
than V. Taylor has done so: "It is best to conclude that Mark wrote ho tou tektonos
huios and that an early scribe replaced this reading by ho tektön and added ho
huios tes Manas" {Mark, 300). This is only an example of the way in which
Farmer has sometimes presented the evidence. See further R. E. Brown et al.,
Mary in the New Testament (New York: Paulist; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1978) 5 9 -
64; p. 49 below.
104
See further B. Reicke, "Griesbach und die synoptische Frage," TZ 32
(1976) 341-59; M.-E. Boismard, " T h e Two-Source T h e o r y at an Impasse," NTS
26 (1979-80) 1-17; R. H. Fuller, "Die neuere Diskussion ü b e r das synoptische
Problem," TZ 34 (1978) 129-48; F. Lentzen-Deis, "Entwicklungen in der
synoptischen Frage?" TP 55 (1980) 559-70.
105
Jesus and Man's Hope (see p . 30 above), 1. 5 1 - 9 7 .
106 ψ ο Walker, J r . (ed.), The Relationships among the Gospels: An Interdiscipli-
nary Dialogue (Trinity University Monograph Series in Religion, 5; San Antonio,
T X : Trinity University, 1978).
107
Ibid., 3 4 0 - 4 1 .
108
My comment, ibid., 257; see also p. 11.
™NTS 23 (1976-77) 2 7 5 - 9 5 .
110
Ibid., 2 8 3 - 9 3 .
Two
THE VIRGINAL CONCEPTION OF JESUS
IN THE NEW TESTAMENT*
T H E VIRGINAL CONCEPTION of Jesus by Mary has recently become the

topic of discussion in American Roman Catholic circles. There have
been comments in diocesan newspapers and reports of the "dismay"
of the Mariological Society in the U.S.A., 1 and there have been
references to the discussion of this topic in many and varied Roman
Catholic circles in Europe, in technical theological periodicals, and in
not a few specifically devoted to mariology. T h e discussion ranges far
at times, involving systematic theologians as well as exegetes, and in
at least one instance a national conference of bishops.
The issue involves the virginal conception of Jesus, i.e., whether he
was historically conceived by Mary who was and remained bodily a
virgin in the process, or, in other words, whether he was conceived
without the intervention of human seed. It is necessary to be precise
about this, because in popular writing and sometimes in Protestant
theological treatments or in Roman Catholic discussions in other
modern languages the question has been referred to as the "virgin
birth." This mode of reference may be defensible, for it is based on
early credal formulas, such as natus ex Maria virgine. But it should be
avoided in technical discussions, because it is often ambiguous. T h e
ambiguity comes from a different notion in Catholic tradition which
asserts that Mary remained a virgin even at the time of Jesus' birth (i.e.,
that his birth was miraculous, or caused no rupture of the hymen or
other bodily lesions). T h e notion of the virginal parturition has no basis
in Scripture and comes from post New Testament and patristic
writings; it even acquired status in mariology. 2 Because of this develop-
ment it is better to avoid the term "virgin birth" and to insist that the
topic under discussion is the virginal conception of Jesus by Mary, or

what has often been called her virginitas ante partum.
To broach the question, one has to realize that it is multifaceted and
has all sorts of ramifications. Since the problem in the modern
discussion begins with the biblical data, though it is not restricted to that,
I should like to reconsider the New Testament material that bears on
the topic. T h o u g h I shall be primarily interested in the modern
interpretation of that material, other aspects of the problem will have to
be touched on. Consequently, I should like to do four things: (1)
explain the varied background of the recent discussion among Roman
Catholics; (2) survey the discussion briefly in order to highlight the
problem; (3) consider the New Testament data on the virginal concep-
tion of Jesus; and (4) suggest a mode of interpretation that may prove
palatable.
I. The Varied Background of the Recent Discussion
Various factors have given rise to the discussion of this topic in recent
times. First of all, there is the shift in emphasis in Roman Catholic
mariology that has taken place since the Second Vatican Council. It was
decided not to issue a separate schema on Mary, after one had actually
been prepared by the preparatory theological commission, but rather
incorporate the conciliar treatment of her into the dogmatic constitu-
tion on the church, as its last chapter—in effect, as an appendage to
Lumen gentium.3 Moreover, within the chapter the Council fathers did
not hesitate to profess the "subordinate role of Mary," 4 acknowledging
that her maternal duty toward human beings in no way obscured or
diminished the "unique mediation of Christ." 5 In thus setting forth the
role of Mary with reference to her Son and to all Christians, the Council
stressed it precisely in relation to the church. 6 This conciliar stance has
created a shift in emphasis in Roman Catholic mariological thinking.
True, in chapter 8 of Lumen gentium Mary is referred to as the
"Blessed Virgin," and one finds there the repetition of traditional titles:
"in the mystery of the Church, herself rightly called mother and virgin,
the Blessed Virgin stands out in eminent and singular fashion as
exemplar of both virginity and motherhood." 7 T h e passing references
to her as virgin are there couched in stock formulas; this is readily
intelligible, because the Council was more interested in affirming her
maternal role with reference to Jesus and the church. 8
Second, this shift in emphasis in mariological thinking must also be
understood in terms of another affirmation of the Council. In the
The Virginal Conception of Jesus in the New Testament 43
Decree on Ecumenism it is admitted that "in Catholic teaching there
exists an order or 'hierarchy' of truths, since they vary in their
relationship to the foundation of the Christian faith." 9 T h i s admission,
though not without some b a c k g r o u n d in the theological past, consti-
tuted an official recognition of the centrality or noncentrality of certain
ideas in Catholic teachings. 1 0 T h o u g h the Council fathers gave no
instance in the d e c r ee itself of what truths they had in mind or of their
relative position in the hierarchy, it escaped no one's attention that in
rejecting the idea of a separate schema on Mary, in m a k i n g their
mariological affirmations in the concluding chapter on the c h u r c h , and
in not hesitating to "profess the subordinate role of Mary," they
were supplying a concrete e x a m p l e of a t r u t h that may have to be
j u d g e d in terms of this hierarchy.
Against such a b a c k g r o u n d since the Council, the m o d e r n R o m a n
Catholic discussion of the virginal conception of Jesus has taken place.
But there is another factor that has to be considered. Since it is usually
thought that this is a m a t t e r of Catholic faith, one may w o n d e r how
there could be a discussion of it in recent times. N o little reason,
however, for the discussion comes precisely from the theological status
of this notion within R o m a n Catholic teaching. S t a n d a r d m a n u a l s on
mariology have normally assigned a theological note of at least de fide to
the thesis of Mary's virginity ante partum.11 But systematic theologians
have recently been stating that theological status with m o r e precision
and great caution. Michael Schmaus, who can scarcely be b r a n d e d for
liberal views, recently s u m m e d it u p t h u s:
. . . Mary conceived Jesus of the Holy Spirit without a male principle

of generation. It is the constant teaching of the Church from the begin-
ning12 that she gave birth to Jesus without violation of her integrity and
that she remained ever virgin. Though there has been no formal
definition on the subject, but only non-infallible declarations of the
Church in the course of Christological assertions13. . . , the perpetual
virginity of Mary is certainly part of the faith and preaching of the
Church." 14
T h o u g h Schmaus recognizes the virginal conception as "part of the

faith and preaching of the C h u r c h , " he puts his finger on t h e problem :
there have been only non-infallible declarations of the c h u r c h , a n d
these in the course of christological assertions. We are thus confronted
with a teaching that is said to be of faith because of a long-standing
affirmation in the ordinary magisterium. T h i s immediately involves it in
the m o d e r n theological question about t h e b i n d i ng character of the
ordinary magisterium. 1 5 T h i s thorny question has itself been debated
ever sinceHumani generis in 1950, a n d to try to discuss its pros and cons
here would distract from t h e p u r p o s e of this p a p e r . But it has to be

m e n t i o n e d since it too forms p a r t of t h e b a c k g r o u n d of t h e recent
discussion of Mary's virginal conception.
II. Recent Roman Catholic Biblical and Theological Discussions
In the Protestant traditions of Christianity the virginal conception of

J e s u s has not b e e n universally affirmed. O n e discerns, in fact, a t h r e e -
fold position: (1) a n affirmative position, often e x p r e s s e d as t h e "Virgin
Birth," and clung to as a historical fact as tenaciously as is the virginal
conception in most R o m a n Catholic circles; 1 6 (2) a negative position,
which questions it; 17 a n d (3) a n agnostic position, which sees little
relevance in it for Christian faith. 18 While some R o m a n Catholic
mariological tenets have constituted g e n u i n e p r o b l e m s in recent ecu-
menical dialogues (e.g., the I m m a c u l a t e Conception, t h e Assumption),
Mary's virginal conception has normally not b e e n such an issue.
Moreoever, it is h a r d to say to wha t e x t e n t t h e u n d e r s t a n d i n g of this
matter a m o n g Protestants has really been operative or influential in the
recent R o m a n Catholic discussion of it. For this reason I shall not try to
include Protestant views on t h e m a t t e r in this brief survey. 1 9
T h o u g h one can trace the beginnings of t h e R o m a n Catholic
discussion back to about 1970, 20 it gained notoriety in Holland about
the time of the publication of t h e Dutch Catechism in 1966, 21 for which
the bishops of the N e t h e r l a n d s had written a foreword, a n d in which it
was stated that J e s u s
was born wholly of grace, wholly of promise—"conceived of the Holy

Spirit." He was the gift of God to mankind.
This the evangelists Matthew and Luke express when they proclaim
that Jesus' birth was not due to the will of a man. They proclaim that this
birth does not depend on what men can do of themselves—infinitely less so
than in other human births. That is the deepest meaning of the article of
faith, "born of the Virgin Mary". . . . Mankind has ultimately no one to
thank but the Holy Spirit for the coming of this promised one. His origin is
not of blood nor of the will of the flesh nor of the will of man, but from
God: from the Most High.22
W h a t is said h e r e seems to b e beyond cavil. 23 But wha t is not said

caused a notable reaction, for nothing had been included about Jesus'
conception by Mary w h o was a virgin. A clarifying statement was
subsequently issued by the D u t c h bishops, a n d a R o m a n commission of
cardinals suggested various corrections for the Cathechism, a m o n g
which was a note reaffirming the virginal conception. 2 4
But the matter has not rested there. Roman Catholic writers in
Germany and elsewhere in Europe have continued to debate the issue.
In Germany, in particular, they have referred to the virginal concep-
tion of Jesus in the Matthean and Lucan infancy narratives as a
theologoumenon, 25 i.e., a theological assertion that does not directly
express a matter of faith or an official teaching of the Church, and hence
is in itself not normative, but that expresses in language that may
prescind from factuality a notion which supports, enhances, or is
related to a matter of faith.26 T h e German writers who have been using
this term to designate the Matthean and/or Lucan affirmation of the
virginal conception do not mean by it a mere mythologoumenon. It is
not just a way of expressing in mythical language what transcends our
limited human notions or judgments. They refer to the virginal
conception as theologoumenon because they find it a convenient way
of labeling an assertion in the infancy narratives, which they are
convinced says nothing about the historical or biological aspects of
what they affirm. T h e German exegetes, in particular, have made
use of this term, 27 because they are concerned to stress what is the
real christological message in the Matthean and Lucan annunciation
scenes and because they are aware of the diversity of the New
Testament data in this area.
Discussions of this matter, however, have not been limited to Holland
and Germany. T h e Spanish mariological periodical Ephemerides Mariolo-
gicae has carried extended surveys of the debate and even recorded a
dialogue between its editor, J. M. Alonso, and the Dutch theologian
Piet Schoonenberg entitled "The Virginal Conception of Jesus: History
or Legend?" 28 No one misses the import of such a dialogue between a
Dutchman and a Spaniard, and the entire survey reveals the problems
that the topic has raised for Roman Catholic theologians today. T h e
Spanish editor's introductory note speaks of "libertas theologica" in a
context fraught with meaning. Issues involved in the problem have
been discussed in France and Belgium as well.29 T h e first noteworthy
discussion of the problem in the English-speaking world was begun by
R. E. Brown, in his article "The Problem of the Virginal Conception of
Jesus." 30 Careful never to deny it and even to admit that "for some 1600
years of Christian existence (A.D. 200-1800) the virginal conception of
Jesus in a biological sense was universally believed by Christians," 31 he
surveyed the problem from many theological angles, both biblical and
systematic. From his discussion there emerge two areas in which
further study is needed: the extent to which the virginal conception has
actually been taught in the Church's tradition and the nature of the
New Testament affirmations themselves.
This brief survey of the issues that have been raised in the modern
Roman Catholic discussion has highlighted the main problems. 1
should now like to turn to the biblical data, which constitute the starting
point of the discussion.
III. The Biblical Data Concerning the Virginal Conception
Mary is not mentioned in the Old Testament. T h e one text that may
seem to bear on this question, because it is used in the Matthean
annunciation scene (Matt 1:18-25), is Isa 7:14, "Therefore the Lord
himself will give you a sign: Behold, a young woman (is) pregnant and
bearing a son, and you/she will call his name Immanuel. 1 ' 32 T h o u g h Old
Testament commentators debate about whose son is concerned, there
is, in general, no longer any hesitation among them that the original
sense of the text had nothing to d o with a virginal conception. Neither
in Diaspora Judaism prior to Christianity 33 nor in Palestinian Judaism
prior to or contemporary with the rise of Christianity was this text
understood either of the Messiah or of a virginal conception.34 We find it
first so used in the Matthean infancy narrative, and the evangelist's
intention is clear. However, the question that has arisen so often today
is which came first, a biological fact that was seen as the fulfillment of an
Old Testament passage, or a reflection on an Old Testament passage
that served as an explanation of the character of the special child to be
born and of the gratuitous and divine origin of the messianic era now
dawning. 35 It is thus that the modern debate about the use of Isa 7:14 in
the Matthean infancy narrative takes shape.
In treating the New Testament data, one notes at the outset that only
two passages bear on the topic, the two annunciation scenes in the
Matthean and Lucan Gospels: the annunciation to Joseph (Matt 1:18—
25) and the annunciation to Mary (Luke 1:26-38). T h e matter scarcely
finds an echo elsewhere in the Matthean and Lucan Gospels, and it is
surrounded with silence in the rest of the New Testament. When one
further considers the genre of the infancy narratives in which these
annunciation scenes occur, one realizes the complicated nature of the
question. Moreover, what is generally admitted today as the early
Christian kerygma, preserved in various New Testament passages,
never includes a formulation such as we find in the latter creeds,
"conceived by the Holy Spirit and born of the Virgin Mary." 36 Given
this general situation, one can understand how Roman Catholic theolo-
gians and exegetes have queried whether this notion was really part of
the "constant teaching of the Church from the beginning." 37 In
treating the New Testament data that bear on the topic, one has to
consider four bodies of material: (1) Pauline passages, (2) the Marcan
Gospel, (3) the Johannine data, and (4) the annunciation scenes in
Matthew and Luke. I have listed the material here more or less in the
accepted chronological order and shall treat it in this way.
(1) Paul, The first theologian of the Christian church never men-
tions Mary in any of his writings. 38 This is only part of the general
puzzle why Paul manifested so little concern about the origins, life,
and ministry of Jesus of Nazareth. 39 Only two texts in his letters
bear directly on the topic, and two others are related to it indi-
rectly.40
(a) In a passage that is often regarded as pre-Pauline and keryg-
matic, Rom 1:3,41 the Apostle refers to Jesus as "born of the seed of
David according to the flesh." This assertion is part of a parallelism in
which the major theological affirmation bears on Jesus as the "Son of
God set up in power according to a spirit of holiness as of the
resurrection." But in it Paul does assert Jesus' Davidic descent. T h e
phrase "of the seed of David" (ek spermatos David) is obviously meant in
the figurative sense of "descent from David"; only a fundamentalist
interpretation of it would insist on sperma being used to suggest male
seed. Actually, it means no more than what Paul means by "the seed of
Abraham," used of Jesus in Gal 3:16.42 At face value, it implies that
Jesus had Davidic blood in his veins, and nothing suggests that this was
to be taken in a fictive, putative, legal sense alone. On the other hand, it
clearly says nothing about his virginal conception. 43
(b) T h e second Pauline text that bears on the matter is the Apostle's
assertion that Jesus was sent forth by God as his Son, "born of woman,
born under the law" (Gal 4:4). It is part of Paul's affirmation about the
fulness of time and the beginning of a new phase of salvation-history,
in which the role of the unnamed woman is clearly motherhood, without
the slightest hint of virginity. While it may be idle to insist that Paul did
not actually say "born of a virgin," as did Ignatius of Antioch some
decades later,44 the issue for him was really something else: to affirm
the redemption and the adoptive sonship of all Christians in v. 5. To do
so, he asserts the abasement and the common humanity shared by Jesus
and those redeemed, even though he was the Son sent by the Father. 45
Here Paul at least alludes to Jesus' divine pre-existence, as he mentions
this mission. But once again there is no awareness of the virginal
conception. 46
(c) Indirectly related to these two texts is Phil 2:6-7, part of a pre-
Pauline hymn derived from some early Christian liturgy and used by
Paul to assert again Jesus' pre-existence, his kenosis and abasement, and
finally his exaltation to glory. 47 What is important here is to note that
Paul saw no contradiction in this affirmation of the divine pre-existence

of Jesus and his descent from the line of David according to the flesh
(Rom 1:3).48 No reference is made to the virginal conception, and it is
not seen as a necessary or indispensable prop for the incarnation. Fully
human, with Davidic blood in his veins, he could still be the Son of God,
the exalted Kyrios.49
(d) T h e last Pauline text that bears on the question indirectly has
nothing to do with Jesus or Mary but contains a formula that may shed
some light on our subsequent discussion. To emphasize the freedom of
Christians from the law, Paul introduced into Galatians 4 an allegory of
the Old Testament story of Sarah and Hagar. 50 Because of her
barrenness, Sarah gave her Egyptian slave-girl, Hagar, to her husband,
Abraham, so that he might have a son by her; but God intervened and
promised Abraham a son from Sarah, his real wife (Gen 16:1-15; 21 Τ -
Η ) . Paul insists that Christians "like Isaac are children of promise 1 ' (Gal
4:28), born to be free, not to be slaves. He continues: "But as at that
time he who was born according to the flesh [Ishmael] persecuted him
[Isaac] who was born according to the Spirit, so it is now" (Gal 4:29).
Here one encounters again Paul's contrast, "according to the flesh . . .
according to the Spirit." He considers Ishmael born to Abraham from
Hagar as "born according to the flesh," and Isaac born to him from the
barren Sarah as a result of God's promise as "born according to the
Spirit." This is, indeed, Paul's allegorical interpretation of the Genesis
story, where there is a promise, but no mention of the Spirit. Thus, Paul
invokes the influence of the Spirit in Isaac's birth to explain how
Sarah's sterility was overcome; but it is not an influence of the Spirit
that substitutes for human intercourse. 51 Though the allegory has
nothing to do with the virginal conception of Jesus, it does attest a
biblical sense in which the Spirit intervened in the birth of a child
without implying virginal conception. It is noteworthy, then, that
Paul makes no similar affirmation about the generation of Jesus
"according to the Spirit," either in Rom 1:3-452 or in Gal 4:4.
In these Pauline passages we note his silence about the virginal
conception of Jesus. It raises the question whether he believed in it,
cared about it, or just did not know about it. His silence obviously does
not exclude it, and by itself or in isolation it would mean perhaps
nothing at all. But when it is considered against a larger pattern, it
makes its own significant contribution. 53
(2) Mark,54 In the earliest New Testament writing in which an

attempt was made to record who Jesus was and what he did and said,
we find the same silence about his origins. 55 In Mark 1:1 "the beginning
The Virginal Conception ofjesits in the New Testament 49
of the gospel of Jesus Christ'' is related to a starting point in salvation-
history and commences with the ministry of John the Baptist. T h e
Marcan Gospel slightly post-dates the composition of the major Pauline
letters; it is known to contain all sorts of details about Jesus that later
Evangelists, who worked with it as a base, tended to excise or to censor
in order to bring their picture of Jesus more into harmony with the
developing christology of their day. 56 And in this sort of comparison
Mark's Gospel has again and again revealed traces of its more primitive
character.
Only in Mark 6:3 do we find a phrase that might seem pertinent to
the topic at hand: "Is not this the carpenter, the son of Mary and brother
of James and Joses and Judas and Simon, and are not his sisters here
with us?" We are not concerned with the latter part of the verse,
which speaks of Jesus' "brothers" and "sisters," for that is involved in
the discussion of Mary's virginity post partum.57 What is of interest is
the identification of Jesus as "the carpenter, the son of Mary." Such
an identification of a Palestinian Jew by a matronymic instead of a
patronymic is unusual. It might seem to suggest that Mark did have
some idea of the virginal conception. But this is to read into a cryptic,
and possibly innocuous, Marcan phrase a meaning that is really derived
from the Matthean or Lucan infancy narratives. If we did not have the
latter compositions, of definitely later vintage, would the idea of
virginal conception suggest itself to the reader of Mark 6:3?58 What is
significant in this regard is the way in which the Matthean Gospel
changes what it borrows from Mark. Despite its infancy narrative, it
rephrases the query of Jesus' townspeople thus: "Is not this the
carpenter's son? Is not his mother called Mary? And are not his
brothers James and Joseph and Simon and Judas?" (Matt 13:55).
Though one can explain the phrase "the carpenter's son" in the
putative or.legal sense and thus harmonize the data in Matthew, the
more significant aspect is that the assertion of the virginal conception
in the Matthean annunciation scene finds no echo here in the later
chapter. 59
Even if one were to insist that Mark purposely used the phrase "son
of Mary," one would still have the problem of specifying the purpose.
Did it refer to Mary as a widow? (Joseph is never mentioned in the
Marcan Gospel.) Did it echo an ancient accusation of illegitimacy? Such
questions may strain the imagination; but they are answered only by
speculation.
The upshot of the investigation of the earliest Gospel is that it too has
no clear affirmation of a Christian belief in the virginal conception of
Jesus. 60 In this, its data agree with those of Paul.
(3) John. If I introduce the Johannine data next, it is not because the
Gospel of John was composed before the Matthean or Lucan Gospels,
but because the data are more easily handled next and the Gospel,
despite its late final redaction, has apparently preserved material that is
often as primitive as that of the Synoptics, but from a parallel Christian
setting. 61 In this matter the Johannine tradition may well antedate the
annunciations of the Matthean and Lucan infancy narratives.
Unlike the Marcan tradition, the Johannine Gospel identifies Jesus as
"the son of Joseph" (1:45; cf. 6:42). It makes no attempt to suggest that
this should be understood in a legal, putative, or foster sense. Aside
from these passing references, the only passage that has been intro-
duced into the discussion of Mary's virginal conception is a clause in the
prologue, 1:13: "But to all who received him, who believed in his name,
he gave power to become children of God; who were born, not of blood
nor of the will of the flesh nor of the will of man, but of God" (RSV; the
crucial Greek phrase is hoi ouk egennethesan). T h e plural reading,
referring to Christian believers, is used in the most recent critical
editions of the Greek New Testament, that of the United Bible Societies
and of Nestle-Aland (26th edition), but also in older critical editions in
general. 62 The Jerusalem Bible, however, has preferred to read the
singular in 1:13, hos ouk egennethe, which would mean "But to all who
did accept him he gave power to become children of God, to all who
believe in the name of him who was born not out of human stock or urge
of the flesh or will of man, but of God himelf."63 This singular reading
would suggest that the tradition of the Johannine Gospel was aware of
the virginal conception of Jesus. However, it is really based on wishful
criticism. It runs counter to "the overwhelming consensus of all Greek
manuscripts" 64 and finds support only in patristic citations and a few
isolated Syriac translations (which have a conflated text). T h e scholarly
world has come out strongly against the singular reading, judging it to
"have arisen either from a desire to make the Fourth Gospel allude
explicitly to the virgin birth or from the influence of the singular
number of the immediately preceding autou."65 Despite the backing of
the Jerusalem Bible, this sole support for the virginal conception in the
Fourth Gospel is alleged and without foundation; it cannot be seri-
ously entertained.
T h e Johannine Gospel obviously does not deny the virginal concep-
tion of Jesus, but it does not affirm it either. This is striking in view of
the christological stance that it assumes, presenting Jesus as almost
always speaking from glory, even in statements uttered during his
earthly ministry. 66 T h e Johannine christology has pushed the titles
and the understanding of Jesus back from the primitive stage al-
ready mentioned, where they referred to his future parousiac com-
ing (see Acts 3:20), not only to the ministry itself, but to a stage of
pre-existence that even surpasses that of Paul. It is, as it were, a
reflexive pre-existence that makes the Jesus of the ministry sound as
if he were speaking always from "the glory that I had with you
before the world was made" (John 17:5). It represents but a logical
development of the christological tendencies of other New Testa-
ment writings, and it prepares for the Nicene declaration about
Jesus as "true God from true God" (DS 125). But even so, the
Johannine Gospel can still refer to him as "the son of Joseph" and
can remain silent about his virginal conception. In this the Johan-
nine writings join the Pauline and the Marcan testimony, and wit-
ness to widespread areas in the early church that did not affirm that
which is found in the annunciation scenes of Matthew and Luke.
This silence from three distinct local church traditions again raises
the modern question about the "constant teaching of the Church
from the beginning."67
(3) The Annunciation Scenes in Matthew and Luke. In contrast to the data
in Paul, Mark, and John, there are two passages in the Matthean and
Lucan Gospels which deal with the virginal conception of Mary. These
are the annunciation scenes: in Matt 1:18-25, in which the "angel of the
Lord" announces to Joseph, in a dream, that Mary is already pregnant
by the Holy Spirit; and in Luke 1:26-38, in which the "angel of the
Lord" (1:11), now identified as Gabriel (1:19, 26), promises to Mary a
conception through the intervention of the Holy Spirit. Since, however,
these annunciation scenes occur in the infancy narratives, some prelim-
inary comments about the nature of these gospel parts are in order for
a proper understanding of them.
First of all, it is generally agreed today that the infancy narratives
represent the latest part of the gospel-tradition to develop. 68 T h e
earliest Gospel, Mark, has no such introductory section; the Johannine
Gospel substitutes a largely hymnic prologue for its introduction. 69 And
the tendency manifested here, in this late stage of gospel-formation,
became full-fledged when infancy gospels as such emerged in their own
right, such as the apocryphal Protevangelium lacobi or the Infancy Story of
Thomas the Israelite Philosopher (actually an account of the childhood of
Jesus ascribed to Thomas). 70
Second, it is significant that none of the so-called kerygmatic passages
of the New Testament ever allude to details of the infancy of Jesus, as
we have already noted in part. T h e most that one finds is the reference
to his Davidic descent in the kerygmatic fragment of Rom 1:3-4. Even
the most expanded form of such kerygmatic preaching, as claimed by

some commentators to be found in Acts 10:37-43, refers only to the
"word which was proclaimed throughout all Judea, beginning from
Galilee after the baptism which John preached." 71 Whatever one wants
to say about these so-called kerygmatic passages in Acts, it is noteworthy
that Luke, who is said to have preserved several of them, never so
formulates them as to include details from his own infancy narrative,
let alone anything specifically connected with the virginal conception in
them.
Third, the historicity of details in the infancy narratives has always
been a problem, and it has been frankly discussed by Roman Catholic
commentators in recent years. In this regard a certain consensus of
opinion has arisen: (a) Matthew and Luke do not depend on each other, not
only in the composition of their Gospels as a whole, but specifically in
the writing of their infancy narratives. 72 (b) Both of them make use of
prior early Christian tradition in some details at least. 73 (c) Despite their
mutual independence, the radically different structure of their narra-
tives, and their basically different stories about the infancy of Jesus,
they have certain details in common—details which both may have
inherited from the previous tradition and in which one is disposed to
find a historical nucleus (Matthew would seem to be a control for Luke,
and vice versa). We shall return to the common details; but for most of
the scenes in the infancy narratives there simply is no control, biblical or
extrabiblical, such as a historian would consider necessary for a
judgment about the historical character of long-distant happenings. 74
(d) There is a liberal sprinkling in these narratives of folklore, astrol-
ogy, christological, titles, and interpretation of the Old Testament,
which makes the reader realize that he/she is confronted with a
literarily embellished account. T h e extent to which either narrative can
be regarded as "midrashic" is debated and need not detain us now.75 7/"
the narratives could ever be accorded the label of historiography, that
label would have to be qualified with some adjective like "imitative"—
i.e., imitative historiography. 76 For both Matthew and Luke recount
their infancy stories in imitation of other traditions, biblical and
extrabiblical. In Matthew, the story of Jesus* infancy is modeled in part
on the haggadic development of the birth of Moses in contemporary
Palestinian Judaism; 77 in Luke, the infancy story about Jesus not only
parallels that about John the Baptist (which was probably derived from
an independent earlier tradition), but has unmistakable similarities
with the story of the childhood of Samuel in the Old Testament (1
Samuel 1-2).78
Fourth, the christology of the Matthean and Lucan Gospels differs
from that of Mark in that, like the Pauline and Johannine presentation,
it represents a form of the three-stage christology of the early church.
Mark's christology was two-staged in that it reflects the retrojection of
the titles and the understanding of the risen Christ back to the Jesus of
Nazareth in the account of the ministry. Both Paul and John pushed
the titles and the understanding back to a third stage, viz., that of pre-
existence (each in his own way). But Luke and Matthew, who never
allude to Jesus' pre-existence, have a three-stage christology of their
own, in which the understanding of Jesus as Messiah, Savior, Lord, Son
of David, etc. is pushed back to the infancy period. 79 It represents in
reality a stage in the developing understanding of him who is the
Christian Lord. These evangelists thus seek in the overtures to their
Gospels to strike the chords that will orchestrate their presentation;
from the beginning of their Gospels they identify this person as if all
that is to be said about him were actually patent from the very
beginning of his earthly existence. Their major affirmations in these
Gospel introductions bear then on his christological identification:
He is born of God, son of Abraham, son of David, Messiah, Savior,
Lord, and Son of God. To fail to perceive this is to miss the thrust
of the infancy narratives. 80
Against the background of these four generic observations about the
infancy narratives we may look at some specific details, and above all at
the elements in them that are common to Matthew and Luke despite
their great diversity. These have been noted as the following nine
points: (1) the principal characters, Jesus, Mary, Joseph; (2) the dating
of the stories in the days of Herod the king (Matt 2:1; Luke 1:5); (3) the
engagement of Mary a virgin to Joseph (Matt 1:18; Luke 1:27; 2:5); (4)
the Davidic descent of Joseph (Matt 1:16, 20; Luke 1:27; 2:4); (5) the
involvement of God's Holy Spirit in the conception of Jesus (Matt 1:18,
20; Luke 1:34); (6) the birth of Jesus from Mary in Bethlehem (Matt
1:25; 2:1; Luke 2:7); (7) the heavenly imposition of the name of Jesus
prior to the birth (Matt 1:21; Luke 1:31); (8) Jesus' Davidic descent
(Matt 1:1; Luke 1:32); (9) the final settlement of the family in Nazareth
(Matt 2:23; Luke 2:51).
Some commentators would add to this list two further elements: (a)
Mary's virginal conception (appealing to Matt 1:18-20; Luke 1:34); (b)
and this precisely at a time when she was still only engaged to Joseph
(Matt 1:18; Luke 1:27; 2:5). These common details I have taken from a
Roman Catholic commentator, Josef Schmid, who definitely included
the last two elements in his list of I960. 81 However, a more recent
discussion by J. Riedl, who refers to Schmid's list, restricts what it calls
the "historical facts" in the two narratives to the following: Mary's
engagement to Joseph, the Davidic descent of Jesus via Joseph, the

imposition of the name of Jesus, the birth of Jesus from Mary, the birth
in Bethlehem, and the final settlement in Nazareth. Though Riedl has
telescoped some of the elements that are listed separately above, he has
significantly omitted from his list of "historical facts" all mention of the
intervention of the Spirit and of the virginal conception. 82 In itself, this
may seem merely like a difference of opinion; but it points up the
attitude of Roman Catholic commentators today, when they are con-
fronted with the question of the historical character of the Matthean
and Lucan infancy narratives.
What lies behind the mode of interpreting the annunciation scenes
of the infancy narratives in such a way? Several things are involved.
First, the difference in the treatment of the conception of Jesus in the
Matthean and Lucan stories. Matthew leaves no doubt that the concep-
tion has already taken place, and without the intervention of Joseph.
He was on the point of repudiating his fiancee because "she was found
to be with child" (Matt 1:18).83 But he is reassured: "That which is
conceived in her is of the Holy Spirit" (1:20). Matthew never indicates
how the conception came about; there is no hint of intercourse of any
sort, and he uses no language that would suggest a hierogamy or a
theogamy after the manner of Greek and Egyptian myths about the
births of heroes as the result of the intercourse of a god and a human. 84
Whatever Matthew inherited in this matter from prior Christian
tradition he has unmistakably presented as virginal conception, even
with defensive, apologetic nuances. Thus, there is no doubt about
the Matthean assertion of virginal conception as something that has
already taken place.
Does Luke do the same? If he does, it is less clear, and herein lies the
difficulty.
The interpretation of the Lucan annunciation is complicated by
several things. First of all, it is clearly a parallel to the annunciation
made to Zechariah, the father of John the Baptist (1:5-23) and the
husband of Elizabeth who was barren, "and both were advanced in
years." By contrast, Mary is said to be a "virgin engaged to a man whose
name was Joseph" (1:27). Second, she was Λ young Galilean girl, who
was still a virgin, and who was not only contemplating marriage but
was already engaged. Mary's youth and virginal status stand in con-
trast to the old age and the barrenness of Elizabeth. Third, the
angel's greeting that startles Mary and the subsequent indication to
her that she has been favored by God to become the mother of the
Davidic Messiah refer to a future conception, but it is not immedi-
ately understood. Moreover, the question has to be asked whether it
really rules out h u m a n intercourse. A n d t h e r e may be the further

question whether, in r e a d i n g it as if it did rule it out, one is not
importing a Matthean n u a n c e into the story. T h i s may seem sur-
prising, but listen to the Lucan text itself (in the RSV r e n d e r i n g ):
28
And he [Gabriel] came to her and said, "Hail, Ο favored one, the Lord is with
you!" 29But she was greatly troubled at the saying, and considered in her mind
what sort of greeting this might be. 30And the angel said to her, "Do not be
afraid, Mary, for you have found favor with God. 31And behold, you will
conceive in your womb and bear a son, and you shall call his name Jesus. 32He
will be great and will be called the Son of the Most High; and the Lord God will
give to him the throne of his father David, 33and he will reign over the house of
Jacob for ever; and of his kingdom there will be no end/' 34 And Mary
said to the angel, "How can this be, since 1 have no husband?" 35 And
the angel said to her, "The Holy Spirit will come upon you, and the
power of the Most High will overshadow you; therefore the child to be
born will be called holy, the Son of God."
Eventually Mary says: "I am the Lord's servant; let it h a p p e n to m e as you

say."
W h e n t h e account in these eight verses is r e a d in a n d for itself—
without the overtones of the Matthean annunciation to Joseph—every
detail in it could be u n d e r s t o o d of a child to be b o r n of Mary in the
usual h u m a n way, a child e n d o w ed with God's special favor, b o r n at the
intervention of the Spirit of G o d , and destined to be acknowledged as
the heir to David's t h r o n e as God's Messiah a n d Son. C h a p . 2 in the
Lucan Gospel support s this u n d e r s t a n d i n g even further with its refer-
ences to Mary and J o s e p h as J e s u s ' "parents " (2:41) or as "your father
and I" (2:48). A n d in these references no attempt is m a d e on the part of
the evangelist to qualify J o s e p h ' s fatherhood as foster or legal.
However, four points may seem to militate against such an u n d e r -
standing of the annunciation scene in Luke. T h e first is Mary's query,
which I shall translate literally from the Greek: "How will this be, since
I do not know a m a n ? " (1:34). Or, to p a r a p h r a s e it with the p r o p e r
Semitic connotation, "since I have no relations with a m a n (or with a
husband)." 8 5 T h i s query has b e e n subjected to m a n y explanations over
the centuries. It has been said to express a vow, a resolve, or an
intention not to have marital intercourse; 8 6 or a protest because she has
not known a man; 8 7 or surprise because she is not yet married (which
implies that Mary u n d e r s t o o d the angel's words to m e a n a conception
that was already u n d e r way, as in parallel angelic communications in the
Old Testament, and one which the further words of the angel clarify
and refer to the future); 8 8 or even some contorted explanations. 8 9 T h e
one thing that is clear is that there is no u n a n i m o u s or "Catholic"
interpretation of this question. 90 Of the three mentioned, the least

forced explanation seems to be the third, surprise at the announcement
that is understood in the Old Testament sense that conception is
already under way. But the real solution to this problematic verse lies in
the realization, as J. M. Creed has expressed it, that "a narrative of this
kind ought not to be subjected to the strain of such questions" (i.e.,
whether Mary's words imply a vow or a resolve of virginity). 91 T h e
purpose of Mary's question to the angel is to give the evangelist an
opening for the further angelic communication about the real charac-
ter of the child to be born: He will not only be the Davidic Messiah to
rule over the house of Jacob, but He 4'will be called holy, the Son of
God" (1:35).92 The main affirmation in the angelic declaration to Mary
is thus wholly christological.93 Mary's query is merely a Lucan stage-
prop for the dramatization of the identification of the child; the trouble
is that Luke's dramatization has made it sound like a historicization,
and the conversation of Mary with the angel has borne the weight of
centuries of re-presentation of the scene in Christian art, especially of
the sort of Fra Angelico. Unfortunately, such re-presentation does not
make history out of what may not have been intended to be such.
A second difficulty for this interpretation comes from the angelic
declaration that the "Holy Spirit will come upon you, and the power of
the Most High will overshadow you" (1:34). T h e language used by the
angel is highly figurative, but neither verb, eperchesthai ("come upon")
or epukiazein ("overshadow"), has in itself any connotation of concep-
tion, let alone of sexual implication. They are otherwise unattested in a
context that would suggest either of these nuances. 94 They are, at most,
figurative expressions for the mysterious intervention of God's Spirit
and power which will be responsible for the divine and messianic
character of this child. The figurative use of these verbs here obviously
does not exclude the idea of a miraculous conception; but they do not
say it either, least of all in an exclusive sense implying no human
intervention. In this regard, we may recall here that the birth of Isaac
"according to the Spirit" (Gal 4:29), which we discussed earlier, 95 did
not imply a virginal conception of him. It was simply Paul's way of
accounting for the child so cared for in God's providence and for his
role in salvation-history. In the Lucan infancy narrative, then, the real
question that has to be asked is whether the Spirit's "coming upon"
Mary and its "overshadowing" of her are intended to explain the child's
special relation to God (as His Son) or her bodily, virginal integrity. If
we had only these eight verses of the Lucan infancy narrative, would
this passage be read as it often is—in terms of the virginal conception of
Jesus? It may have been so interpreted because of the harmonization of
its detail with the Matthean account. But the modern query is raised
about this as a "common" element. At most, it is only a possible
understanding of the Lucan annunciation scene, not one that is
unquestionably such. (See the postscript.)
The third point that may seem to cause a difficulty for this interpreta-
tion of the Lucan annunciation scene is Luke 2:5, where we are told
that Joseph went to Bethlehem to be enrolled in the census "with Mary,
his betrothed, who was with child" (syn Mariam te emnesteumene auto, ouse
enkyö). This verse has long been a problem and it still remains one, no
matter how one interprets 1:26-38, whether of Mary's virginal concep-
tion or not. Its description of Mary is dependent on 1:27, "a virgin
engaged to a man named Joseph" (parthenon emnesteumenen andri ho
onoma Iöseph). And the question is still, what is Mary doing in the
company of Joseph on a journey if she is still only "engaged"? T h e
participle emnesteumene would imply that she had not yet cohabited with
him. Ancient versions (Vetus Itala, Sinaitic Syriac) easily solved the
problem by changing the reading from "his betrothed" to "his wife."
And the Koine tradition of Greek MSS (together with some Latin
versions) introduced the word gynaiki (or uxori), which would mean "his
engaged wife," but this is clearly a harmonizing gloss that solves
nothing. Which was she? His wife or his finacee? T h e lectio difficilior
preferenda is that with which we began; 96 it might seem to be a
formulation made in the light of the virginal conception, but it is not
per se clear, and nothing else in chap. 2 favors it. No hint is given about
the cause of Mary's pregnancy, 97 and the original independence of
chap. 2 from chap. 1 may suggest that this verse is not even to be
thought of in terms of virginal conception.
T h e last point of difficulty for the interpretation being used here is
derived from outside the infancy narrative itself, from Luke 3:23,
where we read that "Jesus, when he began his ministry, was about thirty
years of age, being the son (as was supposed) of Joseph, the son of
Heli," etc., and the genealogy continues backward through some
seventy names to "the son of Adam, the son of God." Aside from the
details of ancestors in the Lucan genealogy that differ from the
Matthean list, Luke significantly traces Jesus' pedigree back not only to
Adam but to God himself. Some commentators see in the termination
of the genealogy (in God himself) a subtle way in which Luke again
affirms the divine sonship of Jesus. 98 Yet, as it begins, the genealogical
list says "as was supposed" (hos enomizeto)y the son of Joseph. It sounds
as if the evangelist is correcting the impression suggested by the
(inherited?) genealogy that Jesus was actually the son of Joseph, and
correcting it in the light of the infancy narrative's annunciation
scene. Leaving aside the strained interpretations of the phrase that

have often been proposed in attempts to harmonize the two geneal-
ogies of Jesus," we may note that, whatever way the phrase is going
to be understood, it will affect not only the paternity of Joseph (in a
real sense? in a putative, legal sense?) but also the climax of the
genealogy as well. If one opts for the interpretation that Luke sug-
gests here Joseph's "legal" or "putative" paternity, what does that
say about the divine filiation at the end? On the other hand, if one
were to insist that it refers merely to the beginning of the geneal-
ogy, then there is a significant corrective to it in the light of chap. 1.
This would then shed some light on the infancy narrative and indi-
cate that the evangelist did want 1:26-38 to be understood of vir-
ginal conception. This possibility cannot be excluded. But in the
long run, the Lucan Gospel does not assert the virginal conception
of Jesus as clearly as does the Matthean annunciation scene.
These, then, are the problems that face one when one tries to read the
Matthean and Lucan infancy narratives in terms of the virginal
conception of Jesus.
IV. A Palatable Interpretation of the New Testament Data
Because of such problems in the Lucan annunciation scene in

particular, and because of the isolated testimony to the virginal
conception of Jesus in the Matthean and Lucan infancy narratives,
Roman Catholic interpreters, both exegetes and theologians, have
asked a further question about the virginal conception. Given the
silence of the New Testament outside of the two annunciation scenes, is
it possible that the real thrust of the infancy narratives is to affirm
something other than the historical, biological virginity of Mary? Is the
affirmation of these scenes to be found in something else? For instance,
in the divine and gratuitous creativity of a new age of salvation-history,
inaugurated by the birth of this extraordinary child who will in time be
recognized as God's agent of salvation and as the fulfillment of Old
Testament promises, the heir to sit on David's throne, the Christian
Messiah, the Son of God, the Savior and Lord proclaimed to all men?
In other words, is the virginal conception of Jesus, which is clearly
asserted in the Matthean infancy narrative, and less so in the Lucan
annunciation scene, anything more than a theologoumenon? One has
to recognzie that the New Testament data are not unambiguous; they
do not necessarily support the claim that this was a matter of faith
"from the beginning." When one looks at the complicated assertion in
the Lucan annunciation scene, there is a real reason to raise the
question whether the evangelist's assertion is anything more than a
theological expression in language that may prescind from factuality
about a notion which is related to a matter of faith, without being such
itself. Roman Catholic exegetes and theologians who so phrase the
question are concerned with three things. First, how explain the
isolated assertion of the virginal conception in Matthew 1 over against
the general thrust of the Matthean infancy narrative, which is more
concerned to tell us who Jesus is and whence he comes, "Quis et
unde?" 100 Similarly, the less clear Lucan assertion of it is embedded in a
twofold angelic announcement, the thrust of which is more concerned
with Jesus' messianic or Davidic role and his divine filiation than with
Mary's virginal status.
Second, they are concerned to reckon with the "open" character of
the two isolated New Testament passages which deal with the question,
when they are compared with the striking silence about it in the rest of
the Synoptic Gospels and in the remainder of the New Testament itself.
Even if one were to say that in this matter Matthew and Luke have
inherited traditional material and did not fabricate it themselves out of
whole cloth, one has still to ask whether they present it asGlaubensgut,101
as an affirmation of faith, or merely as a theologoumenon. Because this
hesitation arises—and not merely because of modern hesitations about
the miraculous, but rather because of the difficulties which the texts
themselves raise—the assertion, such as it is in the Matthean and
Lucan annunciation scenes, is "open," i.e., open to further understand-
ing and/or development.
Third, as in the case of other matters in the New Testament, which
are judged today from an exegetical point of view to be open-ended
assertions—"open" in the sense that they could develop genuinely
within the Christian dogmatic and theological tradition in one direction
or another—the New Testament assertion has to be understood for
what it really is and not interpreted anachronistically. As less controver-
sial, I may be permitted to cite the example of Paul's assertion of the
universal causality of Adam's sin in Rom 5:12-21. That this is somehow
related to the dogma of original sin is a commonplace since Trent (DS
1512). What Paul asserts there about it is not exactly the same as the
formulation or conception of the matter in the Councils of Orange or
Trent. It could actually have developed as it did, or not. In this case the
opennesss of the assertion has been removed; what Trent affirms may
be regarded as the sensus plenior of Romans 5.102 So too with the
assertions of Matthew and Luke on the matter of the virginal concep-

tion. If it eventually were to be judged that the traditional understand-
ing of the virginal conception in a historical, biological sense is a matter
of faith, then one would still have the obligation of asking whether that
is the clear affirmation of the New Testament data. Here one must learn
to distinguish between a New Testament assertion and the legitimate
development of it within the Christian tradition. This is complicated.
For what I said at the beginning of my discussion about the so-called
traditional teaching among Roman Catholics in the reiterations of the
ordinary magisterium for centuries obviously colors one's assessment of
the normative character of such a development. Should dogmatic
theologians agree on the normative character or binding force of the
constant and ordinary magisterium—which does not seem to be the
case at the moment—the Roman Catholic commentator could live with
it. But he would still insist on taking the critical position that his
discipline demands about the affirmation of the New Testament text
itself. T h e Matthean annunciation scene asserts indeed the virginal
conception of Jesus, and the Lucan may do so less clearly, but whether
they make of that assertion an affirmation of faith or a theologoumenon
is still a vital question.
In summary, then, the "open" character of the assertion of the
virginal conception of Jesus in the New Testament is seen in (a) the
isolated declaration of it in the annunciation scenes of Matthew and
Luke over against the silence of the rest of the New Testament data,
which raises the question whether it was really a matter of Christian
faith "from the beginning"; (b) the different treatment of the matter in
the Matthean and Lucan annunciation scenes, where it is clearly
asserted in the former and only figuratively so in the latter; (c) the
hesitation about whether it is affirmed as a historical fact or asserted as a
theologoumenon to support some affirmation of faith. These, then, are
the issues in the modern debate.
Finally, it must be stressed that the exegetes and theologians who
have been involved in this debate have not denied the virginal concep-
tion of Jesus; in fact, in many instances, they have not even questioned
it. They have indeed raised questions about it and have been honestly
seeking to draw the lines between what is of the essence of Catholic
faith and what has been uncritically associated with it in unquestioning
assumptions. They have been concerned to ascribe critically to the
biblical sources only what they affirm, and to dogmatic or systematic
development what it has interpreted. Lastly, they have been seeking
honestly to assess the entire matter with the sophisticated attitude of
their own generation. This may make of them minimalists in the
mariological debate. But who says that the maximalists have the corner
on the truth? 103
Postscript (1980)
After the original form of the above article was published, R. E.

Brown contributed a note to the same publication in which he took
issue with my presentation of an aspect of the virginal conception of
Jesus in the Lucan Gospel. 104 He mentioned the four points in the
Lucan account in which I found a certain ambiguity, 105 and added a
fifth argument, which clinches the matter for him and which I did not
take into account. It concerns the step-parallelism between the annun-
ciation of the conception of John the Baptist and that of Jesus.
Brown stresses that one annuciation is clearly patterned on the other
and that Luke used this step-parallelism not merely to compare John
and Jesus but to underline the superiority of Jesus over John. One
element in this parallelism is precisely the "how" questions: "How shall
I know this? For I am an old man, and my wife is advanced in years"
(1:18); and "How shall this be, since I have no husband?" (1:34). An
extraordinary conception is involved in both annunciations; and Mary's
faith in the divine intervention in the conception of Jesus is rewarded
because it involves an intervention greater than that in the conception
of John—a conception which overcomes her lack of sexual relations. 106
Brown's point is well taken, and I accept the correction that he offers
with a slight modification. I do not agree with him that the account of
the annunciation of John's conception (and birth) has been fashioned
by Luke in dependence on that of Jesus. It is just the other way round.
Luke had inherited a Baptist tradition, which recounted the conception
(and birth) of J o h n in imitation of Old Testament models; and he
fashioned the annunciation of Jesus' conception (and birth) in imita-
tion of it.107 In any case, the step-parallelism calls for the great
intervention of the divine in the conception of Jesus, even though
the phrasing of individual verses in the account of Jesus' conception
remains ambiguous, as I have already pointed out.
I also accept this correction for another reason. When the twelve
of us who were involved in the discussion of the Marian passages of
the New Testament as a preparation for Mary in the New Testament
came to the Lucan scene of the virginal conception of Jesus, my
view of the matter as set forth in the above essay surfaced and was
discussed. Eventually, the other eleven members of the task force
voted against my interpretation of the matter, mainly because of the
step-parallelism j u s t mentioned.108 So I conclude d that such a peer-

v o t e in this m a t t e r s h o u l d b e g i v e n p r o p e r a t t e n t i o n . H e n c e this
postscript. 1 0 9
NOTES
* This paper was delivered as a lecture at the fifth annual seminar of the
Catholic Bishops of the United States, "Theological Developments in Postconci-
liar Years," at the Catholic University of America, Washington, DC (June 9-12,
1973). Originally published in TS 34 (1973) 541-75.
1
"Virgin Birth Controversy Stirs Convention: Mariological Society Dis-
mayed," Tablet (Brooklyn) 65/51 (Jan. 11, 1973) 4; "Mariologists Discuss Virgin
Birth Controversy," Catholic News (New York) 87/2 (Jan. 11, 1973) 7; "Shadow
over Mary," Catholic Review (Baltimore) 37/44 (Jan. 12, 1973) 1; "Defend
Dogma of Virgin Birth," New World (Chicago) (Jan. 12, 1973) 2.
2
See, among others, K. Rahner, "Virginitas in partu," Theological Investigations
4 (Baltimore: Helicon, 1966) 134-62. Even though it is affirmed in various
Church documents (see, e.g., Pius IV, Cum (juorundam [DS 1880]: "B. V. Mariam
. . . perstitisse semper in virginitatis integritate, ante partum scilicet, in partu et
perpetuo post partum"), Μ. Schmaus can still state: "From the 3rd century on,
the general doctrine of the Fathers of the Church and the theologians was that
the birth took place without pangs and without bodily lesions in Mary. But this
cannot be regarded as dogma" ("Mariology," Sacramentum mundi: An Encyclopae-
dia of Theology 3 [New York: Herder and Herder, 1969] 379).
3
AAS 57^(1965) 58-67. See W. M. Abbott and J. Callagher (eds.), The
Documents of Vatican II (New York: America, 1966) 85-9 6 (chap. 8: T h e Role of
the Blessed Virgin Mary, Mother of God, in the Mystery of Christ and the
Church). See especially the introduction and notes by A. Dulles, pp. 13, 85, 91,
94 (nn. 256, 279, 285). Cf. F. Lakner, "Hat die Mariologie nach dem Vatikanum
II wesentliche Fortschritte gezeitigt? Ein Literaturbericht," ZKT 90 (1968)
462-75; R. Laurentin et al., La Vierge Marie dans la constitution sur Veglise (Etudes
mariales, 22; Paris: Vrin, 1965); G. Philips, "Le Saint-Esprit et Marie dans
Teglise: Vatican II et prospective du probleme," Le Saint-Esprit et Marie (Etudes
mariales, 25 [1968] 7-37); Manologia conciliar (L. G. cap. 8) (Estudios marianos,
3 0 - 3 1 ; Madrid: Coculsa, 1968); R. Laurentin, Court traue sur la Vierge Marie:
Edition postconciliaire (Paris: Lethielleux, 1968) 90-100; C. W. Neumann, " T h e
Decline of Interest in Mariology as a Theological Problem," Marian Studies 23
(1972) 12-38. For a preconciliar harbinger of this shift in emphasis, see A.
Müller, "Contemporary Mariology," in Theology Today 1: Renewal in Dogma
(Milwaukee: Bruce, 1965 [tr. of Fragen der Theologie heute, 1957]) 109-28.
4
Lumen gentium, §64. This was explicitly stated to safeguard the unique
mediation of her Son, but the implications of the statement are obvious.
5
Ibid., §60.
6
This notion received further stress in the address of Pope Paul VI as he
closed the third session of Vatican II, declaring Mary to be the "most holy
Mother of the Church" {AAS 56 [1964] 1015).
7
Lumen gentium, §63.
8
Aside from titles like "the Virgin Mary" (§52, 53, 65), the "most Holy
Virgin" (§65), the "Blessed Virgin" (§54, 58, 60, 61, 62, 63, 66, 67), the "Virgin
of Nazareth" (§56), the "Immaculate Virgin" (§59), references to the virginal
conception are found in §55 (identifying Mary as "the Virgin who is to conceive
and bear a son, whose name will be called Emmanuel [cf. Isa 7:14]") and §57
(referring to "Christ's virginal conception" and his not diminishing "his
mother's virginal intergrity" at birth [with a note referring to the Lateran Synod
of A.D. 649, can. 3]). T h a t these references were made only in passing is readily
seen from the intent of the Council Fathers: " T h e Synod does n o t . . . have it in
mind to give a complete doctrine on Mary, nor does it wish to decide those
questions which have not yet been fully illuminated by the work of theologians.
Those opinions therefore may be lawfully retained which are freely pro-
pounded by schools of Catholic thought concerning her who occupies a place in
the Church which is the highest after Christ yet very close to us" (Lumen gentium,
§54).
9
Unitatis redintegratio, § 11 (AAS 57 [1965] 90-112, esp. p. 99; The Documents of
Vatican II, 354).
10
Note that the Council here seems to use the word in the sense of "higher-
archy." For a discussion of this notion since the Council, see H. Mühlen, "Die
Bedeutung d e r Differenz zwischen Zentraldogmen u n d Randdogmen für den
ökumenischen Dialog: Zur Lehre des zweiten vatikanischen Konzils von der
'hierarchia veritatum,'" in Freiheit in der Begegnung: Zwischenbilanz des ökumeni-
schen Dialogs (ed. J.-L. Leuba u n d H. Stirnimann; Stuttgart: Evangelisches
Verlagswerk, 1969) 191-227; "Die Lehre des Vaticanum II über die 'hierarchia
veritatum' und ihre Bedeutung für den ökumenischen Dialog," Theologie und
Glaube 56 (1966) 3 0 3 - 3 5 ; L. Jaeger, Α Stand on Ecumenism: The Councils Decree
(New York: Kenedy, 1965) 112-18; G. Thils, Le decret sur roecumenisme du
deuxi'eme Concile du Vatican (Bruges: Desclee de Brouwer, 1966); J, Feiner,
"Decree on Ecumenism: Commentary on the Decree," in Commentary on the
Documents of Volk an II (New York: Herder and Herder, 1968), 2. 57-164, esp.
pp. 118-21; U. Valeske, Ηierarchia veritatum: Theologiegeschichtliche Hintergründe
und mögliche Konsequenzen eines Hinweises in Okumenümusdekret des II. Vatikanischen
Konzils zum zwischenkirchlichen Gespräch (Munich: Claudius, 1968) 66; G. H.
Tavard, " 'Hierarchia veritatum*: A Preliminary Investigation," TS 32 (1971)
278-89. Cf. "Report of the Lutheran-Roman Catholic Study Commission on ' T h e
Gospel and the C h u r c h ; " Worship 46 (1972) 3 2 6 - 5 1 , esp. p. 333 (§24-25).
11
For example, J. M. Herve, Manuale theologiae dogmaticae (Paris: Berche et
Pagis, 1935), 2. 648; "de fide divina et catholica" (J. A. de Aldama, "Mariolo-
gia," Sacrae theologiae summa [BAC; Madrid: Editorial catolica, 1953], 3. 394); "Es
ist Glaubenssatz . . ." (Μ. Schmaus, KatMische Dogmatik 5: Mariologie [Munich:
Hueber, 1955] 107); "catholicae fidei dogma" ("commissiocardinalitia de 'Novo
Catechismo' ('De nieuwe Katechismus')," AAS 60 [1968] 6 8 5 - 9 1 , esp. p. 687.
Few, however, would agree today with P.J. Donnelly, ("The Perpetual Virginity
of the Mother of God," Mariology [ed. J. Carol; Milwaukee: Bruce, 1957], 2.
228-96) that "it is a solemnly denned dogma," appealing to the Lateran Synod
of A.D. 649 u n d e r Pope Martin I (p. 228); or with L. Lercher, Institutiones
theologiae dogmaticae (3d ed.; Innsbruck: Rauch, 1942), 3. 288 ("de fide
definita").—See K. Rahner, "Dogmatische Bemerkungen zur Jungfrauenge-
burt," in Zum Thema Jungfrauengeburt (ed. K. S. Frank et al.; Stuttgart:
Katholisches Bibelwek, 1970) 121-58.
12
My italics; see further below, pp. 46, 48, 51, 59.
13
He refers to the Lateran Synod of A.D. 649 (DS 503) and Pius I V s
Constitution Cum quorundam (DS 1880). Appeal is likewise often made to the
Symbolum apostolicum in its different forms (DS 11, 30); Tomus Damasi (DS 158);
First Council of Toledo (DS 189); Tomus Leonis (DS 294); Second Council of
Constantinople, can. 2 (DC 422); Eleventh Council of Toledo (DS 533); T h i r d
Council of Constantinople (DS 555); Fourth Lateran Council (DS 801); Second
Council of Lyons, Profession of Faith of Michael Palaeologus (DS 852); Council
of Florence (DS 1337). But it has long since been recognized that in most of
these texts the major affirmation is christological, not mariological, and that the
passing affirmations about Mary bear on the birth of Jesus from her as "ever
virgin," a stock phrase (semper virgo, aeiparlhenos).
14
"Mariology," Sacramentum mundi, 3. 379.
15
See Pius XlltHumanigeneris (AAS 42 [1950] 568; DS 3885). What was said
there produced considerable immediate discussion; some of the more recent
treatments of the topic reveal the real problems involved. See B. Schüller,
"Bemerkungen zur authentischen Verkündigung des kirchlichen Lehramtes,"
TP 42 (1967) 534-51 (see TD 16 [1968] 328-32). G. Baum, " T h e Magisterium
in a Changing Church," Concilium 21 (1967) 6 7 - 8 3 ; A. B. Vaughan, "The Role
of the Ordinary Magisterium of the Universal Episcopate," PCTSA 22 (1967) 1-
19; J. J. Heaney, "Catholic Hermeneutics, the Magisterium and Infallibility,"
Continuum 7 (1969-70) 106-19; P. Fransen, " T h e Authority of the Councils," in
Ρ r obieins of Authority (ed.J. M. Todd; Baltimore: Helicon, 1962) pp. 43-78, esp.
pp. 61-62 ("the ordinary magisterium, which, even in a Council, remains
fallible" [p. 61]). What is really at issue here is the role of dogma and of the
magisterium in an era of change within the Roman Catholic Church. See A.
Dulles, The Survival of Dogma (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1971) 108-24, 146,
158-62; P. Schoonenberg, Die Interpretation des Dogmas (Düsseldorf: Patmos,
1969; = Tijdschnfi vow Theologie 8 [1968] 243-347); R. A. McCormick, "The
Teaching Role of the Magisterium and of Theologians," PCTSA 24 (1970) 2 3 9 -
54; K. Rahner, "Theology and the Church's Teaching Authority after the
Council," Theological Investigations 9 (New York: Seabury, 1972) 83-100. T h e
question is further complicated by the recent discussions about the relationship
of "dogma" to the "gospel" or the "word of God." See W. Kasper, Dogma unter
dem Wort Gottes (Mainz: Matthias Grünewald, 1965); "Evangelium u n d Dogma,"
Catholka 19 (1965) 199-209. Moreover, it should be recalled that Vatican II
clearly stated, in a historic "first," that "the living teaching office [magisterium] of
the Church . . . is not above the word of God, but serves it" (Dei verbum, § 10).
T h e expression "word of God" has to be understood in the full sense in which it
is used earlier in the Dogmatic Constitution, which, though it is not restricted to
or identified with the written word of God, does not exclude that form of it.
Hence for the first time the Council fathers admitted that the Scriptures stand
over the magisterium in some sense (eidem ministrat; AAS 58 [1966] 822). Its
privileged character as the inspired word of God is also something that the
magisterium serves, "listening to it devoutly, guarding it scrupulously, and
explaining it faithfully by divine commission and with the help of the Holy
Spirit" (ibid.).
16
E.g., H. A. Hanke, The Validity of the Virgin Birth: The Theological Debate and
the Evidence (Grand Rapids: Zondervan, 1963); J. G. Machen, The Virgin Birth of
Christ (New York; Harper 8c Bros., 1930; reprinted 1967); D. Edwards, The
Virgin Birth in History and Faith (London: Faber & Faber, 1943). In such
Protestant circles it is often feared that the denial of the virginal conception
implies the denial of the divinity of Jesus Christ; or it is stoutly asserted as the
touchstone of orthodoxy against rationalist criticism. J. Ratzinger {Introduction to
Christianity [New York: Herder and Herder, 1970] 208) notes apropos of such a
position that "according to the faith of the Church the Sonship of Jesus does not
rest on the fact that Jesus had no human father; the doctrine of Jesus' divinity
would not be affected if Jesus had been the product of a normal human
marriage. For the Sonship of which faith speaks is not a biological but an
ontological fact, an event not in time but in God's eternity; the conception of
Jesus does not mean that a new God-the-Son comes into being, but that God as
Son in the man Jesus draws the creature man to himself, so that he himself 'is'
man."
17
With varying nuances, T. Boslooper, The Virgin Birth (London: SCM,
1962); R. Bultmann, The History of the Synoptic Tradition (Oxford: Blackwell,
1968) 295-96; W. Marxsen, "Jungfrauengeburt (exegetisch)," RGC, 3. 1068-
69.
18
See F. V. Filson,/i New Testament History (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1965)
86.
19
A. Vögtle ("Offene Fragen zur lukanischen Geburts- und Kindheitsge-
schichte,'* in Das Evangelium und die Evangelien: Beiträge zur Evangelienforschung
[Düsseldorf: Patmos, 1971] 4 3 - 5 6 , esp. p. 43) does make some reference to this
aspect of the problem. See further J. M. Alonso, "Cuestiones actuales: La
concepcion virginal d e Jesus: 1. En autores protestantes," EMar 21 (1971) 6 3 -
109.
20
See F. J. Schierse, "Weihnachtliche Christusverkündigung: Zum Ver-
ständnis der Kindheitsgeschichten, , , BibLeb 1 (1960) 217-22 .
21
A New Catechism: Catholic Faith for Adults (New York: Herder and Herder,
1967) 74-75. This is a translation of De Nieuwe Katechismus: Geloofsverkondiging
voor volwassenen (Hilversum: Brand, 1966), published with the imprimatur of
Card. B. Alfrink. T h e 1970 edition of A New Catechism contains "the Supple-
ment to a New Catechism," written by E. Dhanis and J . Visser on behalf of the
Commission of Cardinals appointed to examine the Dutch Catechism (pp. 5 1 1 -
74; see especially pp. 538-40).
22
T h e Dutch bishops subsequently mad e it clear that they intended no
ambiguity on Mary's bodily virginity; see De Tijd (Amsterdam), Aug. 19, 1966;
De nieuwe Gids, Aug. 2 0 - 2 1 , 1966. Cf. " T h e Dutch Catechism Controversy,"
Herder Correspondence 4 (1967) 156-59; J. M. Alonso, "El catecismo holandes: El
tema mariano," £ M a r 19 (1969) 119-43, 457-66 . See further W. Bless, Witboek
over de Nieuwe Katechismus (Utrecht: Ambo, 1969).
23
It is worth noting that the usual criticism of the Dutch Catechism in this
matter passes facilely over a position that it assumed; it blithely ascribes to "the
evangelists Matthew and Luke" phrases that sound biblical but were never
penned by either of them: "Jesus* birth was not d u e to the will of a man," or
"His origin is not of blood nor of the will of the flesh nor of the will of man, but
from God." Such phrases, biblical indeed, are derived from the J o h a n n i n e
prologue (John 1:13), from a passage that has its own problems (see further
below, p. 50).
24
"Commissio cardinalitia de 'Novo Catechismo' ('De nieuwe Katechismus'),"
AAS 60 (1968) 6 8 5 - 9 1 : " 3 . De profitenda Iesu conceptione ex Maria Virgine.
Petitum est a Commissione Cardinalium ut Catechismus aperte profkeretur

Beatam Verbi Incarnati Matrem virginali semper floruisse honore et ut clare
doceret factum ipsum virginalis conceptionis Iesu, quod cum mysterio In-
carnationis maxime congruit; proindeque ut nullam ansam deinceps daret ad
hoc factum—contra Ecclesiae Traditionem in Sacris Litteris fundatam—dere-
linquendum, servata tantum aliqua eius significatione symbolica, verbi gratia
de summa gratuitate doni quod Deus nobis in Filio suo largitus est" (p. 688).
25
See R. Pesch, "Der Gottessohn im matthäischen Evangelienprolog (Mt 1-2):
Beobachtungen zu den Zitationsformeln der Re flex i on szi täte," Bib 48 (1967)
395-420, esp. p. 410; J. Michl, "Die Jungfrauengeburt im Neuen Testament,"
Mariologische Studien 4 (Essen, 1969) 145-84, esp. p. 183 ("The question raised
was: Is the conception of Jesus by a virgin to be considered a historical fact or a
theologoumenon? A critical investigation can bring forth reasons that suggest
the position of a historical fact; but it must also grant that there are circumstan-
tial details that favor the opposite thesis of a mere theologoumenon. T h e
limitations of historico-critical exegesis are manifest here, which stand in the
way of a decisive view"); O. Knoch, "Die Botschaft des Matthäusevangeliums
über Empfängnis und Geburt Jesu vor dem Hintergrund der Christusverkündi-
gung des Neuen Testaments," Zum Thema Jungfrauengeburt, 3 7 - 5 9 , esp. pp. 5 7 -
58 ("The reticence of the Fourth Gospel [in this matter] suggests the conclusion
that the tradition about the virginal conception and birth of Jesus was either not
generally known and admitted in the church of the first century or was not
regarded as decisive for belief in Christ and for a Christian profession of faith
. . . . If this observation is correct, then it lends support to what is today
generally admitted in Catholic teaching, that belief in Jesus Christ as true man
and true God does not necessarily entail the virginal conception and birth of
Jesus"). Cf. A. Vögtle, "Offene Fragen," 43; also his "Die matthäische Kind-
heitsgeschichte," VEvangile selon Matthieu: Redaction et theologie (BETL 29; ed.
M. Didier; Gembloux: Duculot, 1972) 153-83.
26
T h e term "theologoumenon" is not alway used in the same sense; what is
given here as the sense is a slightly modified form of that given by K. Rahner
("Theologoumenon," LTΚ 10 [2d ed.; Freiburg: Herder, 1965] 80-82): "A
statement which makes a theological assertion that cannot be immediately
considered as an official teaching of the Church, or as a dogmatic proposition
that is binding in faith, but rather that is first of all the result and expression of
a striving for an understanding of faith through the establishment of connec-
tions between binding faith-statements and the confronting of (them with) the
dogmatic thinking of a person (or a given period)" (col. 80). Further on, Rahner
continues: "Revelation that takes place in h u m a n awareness must necessarily
make use (at least 'between the lines') of theologoumena. But these are not
the process of understanding that is affirmed along with the statement itself,
in which what is meant is correctly understood but with perspective" (col. 81,
with a cross reference to his article on "Perspektivismus").
27
See n. 25 above; cf. R. E. Brown, TS 33 (1972)-5 η. 8; Μ. Dibelius,
Jungfrauensohn und Krippenkind: Untersuchungen zur Geburtsgeschichte Jesu im
Lukas-Evangelium (Sitzungsberichte der Heidelberger Akademie der Wissen-
schaften, Phil.-hist. Kl., Abh. 4, 1932; reprinted in Botschaft und Geschichte:
Gesammelte Aufsätze 1 [Tübingen: Mohr (Siebeck), 1953] 1-78, esp. p. 35 n. 46.
28
"La concepcion virginal de Jesus: ^Historia ο leyenda? Un dialogo teolo-
gico," EMar 21 (1971) 161-206; P. Schoonenberg, "Eine Antwort;* ibid., 2 0 7 -
16. See further P. Schoonenberg, "God concurreert niet," Theologie en Zielzorg 61

(1965) 1-10; "Gods oorzakelijkheid en Christus' voortkomst," Theologie en
Pastoraat 63 (1967) 3 5 - 4 5 , esp. p. 42.
29
See L. Evely, VEvangile sans mythes (Paris: Editions universitäres, 1970); The
Gospeh without Myth (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1971) 80-82. From a
different standpoint, P. Grelot, "La naissance d'Isaac et celle de Jesus," NRT 94
(1972)462-87, 5 6 1 - 8 5 .
30
7S 33 (1972) 3-34. This article surveys some of the same material from a
different viewpoint. It has now appeared in an expanded form in his book The
Virginal Conception and Bodily Resurrection of Jesus (New York: Paulist, 1973) 2 1 -
68. I am indebted to him for a numbe r of leads that he has given to me beyond
his original article and for certain sources that he kindly put at my disposal. For
other discussions of this matter in the English-speaking world, see Brown's n. 7.
For light-weight reactions to Brown's article, see J. S. Brusher, "Waffling
Theologians: A Problem for the People of God" Η omiletic and Pastoral Review 73
(1972) 2 2 - 2 8 ; T. C. Lawner, "Some Observations on the Brown Article on the
Virginal Conception of Jesus," ibid., pp. 61-66. In the same category of
reactions belong the remarks of J. B. Carol, Marian Studies 24 (1973) 9 and 96.
31
TS 33 (1972) 11.
32
This is my literal translation of the Hebrew text, taken yitten ^ädönäy hu
läkem *öt hinneh häcalmäh häräh weyöledet ben weqärä^t semö Hmmänu-'EL 1t
preserves the participial/adjectival form of häräh and ybledet; lQIsa 0 6:29
reads wqr\ "and he will call." For recent Roman Catholic discussions of this
text in the context of the virginal conception, see R. Kilian, "Die Geburt des
Immanuel aus d e r J u n g f r a u, Jes 7, 14," Zum Thema Jungfrauengeburt, 9 - 3 5 ;
H. Haag, "Is 7, 14 als alttestamentliche Grundstelle der Lehre von der
Virginitas Mariae," Jungfrauengeburt gestern und heute, (ed. H. J. Brosch and J.
Hasenfuss; Mariologische Studien, 4; Essen, 1969) 137-44; M. Rehm, "Das
Wort "almäh in Is 7, 14," BZ ns 8 (1964) 89-101.—JB translates: " T h e
maiden is with child"; RSV: "A young woman shall conceive a n d bear a son";
NEB: "A young woman is with child and she will bear a son." T h e NAB,
however, has: " T h e Virgin shall be with child, and bear a son." But cf. the
note on this verse in the NAB. Similarly, the NIV: " T h e virgin will be with
child and will give birth to a son." Cf. A. M. Dubarle, "La conception
virginale et la citation d'Is., VII, 14 dans fevangile de Matthieu," RB 85
(1978) 362-80.
33
It is, of course, well known that the so-called Septuagint rendered the
Hebrew ha-calmäh, "a young (marriageable) girl," by he parthenos, which is usually
taken to m e a n "a virgin" or "the virgin." In this form Matt 1:23 quoted Isaiah in
Greek. Part of the problem here is that the existing MSS of the LXX date from
Christian times, and no one is sure that the parthenos. of Isa 7:14 actually
belonged to the pre-Christian Greek translation of Isaiah or whether the reading
has been influenced by Matthew's text. O n e LXX MS does use neanis instead of
parthenos; this would mean "young girl" and would be the exact equivalent of
Hebrew calmah. Moreover, neanis is used in other Greek translations of the Old
Testament (Aquila, Symmachus, Theodotion), as well as in one or other patristic
citation of Isa 7:14. See J. Ziegler, Isaias (Septuaginta Vetus Testamentum
graecum, 14; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1939) 147. Another aspect
of the problem is the meaning οι parthenos in the LXX. In 45 out of 52 instances
it translates betuläh, the proper Hebrew word for "virgin," and in these instances
its own natural Greek meaning covers precisely the nuance of the Hebrew. But
Greek parthenos was apparently not as precise as the Hebrew betüläh, for
sometimes in the LXX it renders calmäh (Gen 24:43) or nacärahy "young girl"
(Gen 24:14; 34: 3). See further P. Benoit, "La Septante est-elle inspiree?" in Vom
Wort des Lebens: Festschrift für Max Manertz (NTAbh 1, Ergänzungsband;
Münster: Aschendorff, 1961) 45. Even granting that the Septuagintal reading
of parthenos does genuinely mean "virgin" and does really go back to Diaspora
Jewish circles, it still does not affirm "virginal conception" in the sense in which
this is usually understood of Jesus (i.e., excluding a male, human progenitor).
One has to reckon with the possibility that the Greek text of Isaiah is not loaded
with all the connotations that it has in Matthew. For an attempt to explain the
shift from calmah to parthenos as the result of influence from Egyptian myths
about the god Amon and a virgin, see E. Brunner-Traut, "Die Geburtsge-
schichte der Evangelien im Lichte ägyptologischer Forschung," ZRGG 12 (1960)
97-111. This has been too facilely adopted as plausible by Kilian, "Die Geburt
des Immanuel," 32-34. The Egyptian myth does not refer to parthenogenesis,
but rather to a hieros gamos, involving intercourse of the god with the woman
who was a virgin. See further T. Boslooper, "Jesus' Virgin Birth and Non-
Christian 'Parallels,'" Religion in Life 26 (1956-57) 87-97; J. Hasenfuss, "Die
Jungfrauengeburt in der Religionsgeschichte,' in Jungfrauengeburt gestern und
heute, 11-23.
34
To date at least there is no indication in Palestinian Jewish literature of Isa
7:14 being so understood. SeeStrB, 1. 75. T h e later Targum of Jonathan on the
Prophets does not introduce a messianic nuance here. A Davidic (and hence
indirectly messianic) sense of the passage is admitted by some commentators,
who relate chap. 7 to Isa 9:1-6 and 11:1-9; but to admit this is still a far cry
from the "virginal conception" of the Messiah.
35
See Vögtle, "Offene Fragen," 46-47.
36
Not even the maximal approach to the early Christian kerygma that is taken
by C. H. Dodd (The Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments [London: Hodder 8c
Stoughton, 1950] 7-35) would include this. See further M. Dibelius, From
Tradition to Gospel (New York: Scribner, n.d.) 17; R. Ruhmann ,Theology of the Νeiv
Testament (London: SCM, 1956), 1. 33-52; B. van Iersel, "Saint Paul et la
predication de l'eglise primitive," Studiorum paulinorum congressus internationalis
catholkus, 1961 (AnBib 17-18; Rome: Biblical Institute, 1963) 433-41; C. F.
Evans, "The Kerygma/'/TS 7 (1956) 2 5 - 4 1 ; W. Baird, "What Is the Kerygma?
A Study of I Cor 15:3-8 and Gal 1:11-17," JBL 76 (1957) 181-91.
37
Schmaus, quoted above, p. 43.
38
Not even in Rom 16:6. For a fuller discussion of the Pauline passages, see
now MNT, 33-39.
39
As is well known, his concern was with the interpretation of the Christ-
event, the explanation of the significance for mankind in the complex of the
final events of Jesus' existence: His passion, death, burial, resurrection, exalta-
tion to glory, and heavenly intercession. See further my Pauline Theology: A Brief
Sketch (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1967) 12-14. Even Paul's rare
references to "words'Or "commands" (1 Thess 4:15; 1 Cor 7:10; 11:23; 14:37)
are ascribed not to the historical Jesus but to the risen "Lord," thus indicating his
concern with the present influence of the risen Christ rather than with the
historical Jesus. Cf. D. L. Dungan, The Sayings ofJesus in the Churches of Paul: The
Use of the Synoptic Tradition in the Regulation of Early Church Life (Philadelphia:
Fortress, 1971) xvii-xxix.
40
Paul's reference to Jame s as "the brother of the Lord" (Gal 1:19) raises
another problem, but we cannot treat it here. See J. Blinzler, Die Brüder und
Schwestern Jesu (SBS 2 1 ; Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwek, 1967) 17, 23, 92, 96,
107, 119, 121, 132-33, 137-38; MNT, 65-67.
41
On Rom 1:3-4 as "kerygmatic," see my commentary inJBC, art. 53, § 1 5 -
16. Cf. Ο. Michel, Der Brief an die Renner (MeyerK 4; 13th ed.; Göttingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1966) 3 8 - 3 9; O. Kuss, Der Römerbrief übersetzt und
erklärt: Erste Lieferung (Rom 1, 1, bL· 6, 11) (2d ed.; Regensburg: Pustet, 1963)
4-9, 12-15; M.-E. Boismard, "Constitue fils de Dieu (Rom., I, 4)," RB 60
(1953) 5-17; H. Schlier, "Zu Rom 1, 3f.," in Neues Testament und Geschichte
(Festschrift O. Cullmann; Tübingen : Mohr [Siebeck], 1972) 207-18.
42
T h e phrase is, of course, derived from the Old Testament in this sense; see
Ps 89:3-4; cf. 2 Sam 7:12; J o h n 7:42; 2 T i m 2:8.
43
Even such a commentator as H. Schürmann, who traces the virginal
conception back to a "historisches Faktum," has to admit that "Paul would have
formulated things differently here, had he known of the Virgin Birth" (Das
Lukasevangelium: Erster Tai [ H T K N T 3; Freiburg im Β: Herder, 1969] 61). T h e
further question is sometimes raised whether Paul may have derived the parallel
kerygmatic affirmation from early Christian tradition which already knew of the
genealogies of Matt 1:1-16 and Luke 3:23-38. However, the real question is
whether the genealogies were part of the early tradition or not. T h e more
frequent understanding of this matter is to regard them as attempts to spell out
the Davidic (and divine) relationships attested in the earlier Pauline passages,
and not the other way r o u n d . See Vögtle, "Offene Fragen," 49.
44
Ad Smyrn. 1, 1 (alethös onta ek genous Dauid kata sarka, huion theou kata thelema
kai dynamin theou, gegennemenon alethös ek parthenou). T h e dependence of Ignatius'
wording here on Rom 1:3 is unmistakable; his addition of "truly b o r n of a
virgin" is significant, but it still has not clearly enunciated virginal conception.
Did Paul actually write Gal 4:4-5? J. C. O'Neill (The Recovery of Paul's Letter to the
Galatians [London: SPCK, 1972] 58) regards these verses as "not originally
written by Paul," but introduced later as a gloss from "Jewish Christian liturgy."
If they were introduced later, they would almost surely have been formulated
otherwise.
45
Years ago J. B. Lightfoot (The Eputle of St. Paul to the Galatians [reprinted,
Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1967] 168) perceived the force of these verses
expressed in Paul's chiasmus: " ' T h e Son of God was born a man, that in Him all
men might become sons of God; He was born subject to law, that those subject
to law might be rescued from b o n d a g e . '" T h e attempts of T. Zahn (Der Bnef des
Paulus an die Galaier [2d ed.; Kommentar zum Neuen Testament, 9; Leipzig:
Deichen, 1923] 201-2) to interpret this text as evidence for the virginal
conception, because no father is named in it, has convinced no one. More
recently, W. C. Robinson ("A Re-Study of the Virgin Birth of Christ: God's Son
Was Born of a Woman: Mary's Son Prayed 'Abba Father,'" EvQ_ 37 [1965] 1-15)
has tried to draw an argument from Paul's use of genomenon for Jesus, "born" of
a woman in contrast to Ishmael or Isaac, who were "begotten" (gegennitai)
according to the flesh or the Spirit. T h e trouble with his view is that genesthai can
mean either to "be born" or "be begotten" (see BAG, 157) and gennan can mean
either to "beget," i.e., become the father of, or to "bear," i.e., become the
m o t h e r of (ibid., 154). So the distinction p r o p o s e d by Robinson breaks
down.
46
M. Dibelius (Jungfrauensohn, 29 η. 47) r e m a r k s appositely: "If the text
read genomenon ek parthenou [born of a virgin], the words would be stripped of
their m e a n i n g " in the Pauline context.
47
T h e literature on this Pauline passage is vast; for a recent t r e a t m e n t of it,
see J. T. Sanders, The New Testament Christological Hymns: Their Historical Religious
Backgi-ound (SNTSMS 15; C a m b r i d g e : University Press, 1971) 5 8 - 7 4 ; R. P.
Martin, Carmen Christi: Philippians ii.5-11 in Recent Interpretation and in the Setting
of Early Christian Worship (SNTSMS 4; C a m b r i d g e : University Press, 1967).
48
Some authors have even asked whether, if one were to take Paul at his
word about kenosis and humiliation, the idea of virginal conception would not
introduce a Docetic notion a n d thus really weaken his a r g u m e n t . See H.
Räisänen, Die Mutter Jesu im Neuen Testament (Suomalaisen T i e d e a k a t e m i an
Toimituksia, Annales academiae scientiarum fennicae, ser. B, nide-Tom 158;
Helsinki: Academy of Sciences, 1969) 24; Vögtle, ' O f f e n e Fragen," 49.
W h e t h e r the query is all that important, t h e m o r e significant thing is that Paul
inherits here an early Christian (Hellenistic? Jewish?) h y m n that affirms Jesus'
pre-existence (and incarnation) and feels no concern to correct it in terms of
virginal conception.
49
See further R o m 8:32. T h e ideas of pre-existence (or incarnation) that are
implied in these texts are notions that Paul seems to have derived from the early
Christian community which he j o i n e d as a convert. Yet these notions scarcely
reHect the earliest levels o f t h a t community's christological beliefs. R e m n a n t s of
still earlier christologies, in which notions and titles were applied to J e s u s in
terms of his parousiac coming, are found in the New Testament . T h e s e were
then first retrojected back to his earthly ministry; in Paul's writings we see some
of t h e m being p u s h e d back to t h e stage of pre-existence. See further R. E.
Brown, TS 33 (1972) 1 7 - 1 9 .
50
See my commentary on Galatians in JBC, art. 49, §28.
51
Cf. Dibelius, Jungfrauensohn, 4 2 - 5 2 . See E. Schweizer, " P n e u m a , " TDNT,
6. 429.
52
In Rom 1:3-4 Paul does use the p h r a s e "according to the spirit of
holiness," but thoug h this may be equated with the "Holy Spirit'' in the Old
Testament sense, it is strikingly related by Paul to Jesus' resurrection, not his
birth. See further MNT, 3 8 - 3 9 .
53
C o m m e n t i n g on the argumentum ex silentio, H. von C a m p e n h a u s e n {The
Virgin Birth in the Theology of the Ancient Church [Naperville, IL: Allenson, 1964]
17-18) admits that it "must not be pressed in relation to an isolated text or
d o c u m e n t ; it may be that in one case or another t h e silence is a matter of p u r e
chance. But as r e g a r d s Paul such qualifications are not relevant; his legacy is too
big for that, and too rich in Christological assertions and formulae. . . . In any
case, a generation 'according to t h e Spirit' is not t h o u g h t of in his writings, even
remotely, as a physiological miracle. In this he was certainly no exception. T h e r e
is nothing to indicate that, for example, the letters composed later u n d e r his
name, or the other writings of the New Testament, knew and put forward
anything m o r e than h e did in this matter." Von C a m p e n h a u s e n does not include
the infancy narratives in these "other writings of the New Testament"; see the
context of his discussion.
54
Mary appears in the Marcan Gospel only in 6:3. It is highly unlikely that
the "Mary the m o t h e r of J a m e s the younger and of Joses" (15:40; cf. 15:47;
16:1) refers to her. It is inconceivable that the evangelist would have used such a
circumlocution to indicate the presence of Jesus' own mother near the cross. See
further MNT} 6 8 - 7 2 , also 65-67.
55
If one were to prefer the postulated " Q " source as earlier than Mark, the
situation would still be the same; nothing in it about the virginal conception. For
a fuller discussion of the Marcan material, see now MAT, 51-72.
56
See, among other discussions, R. E. Brown,Jesus God and Man (Milwaukee:
Bruce, 1967) 4 5 - 4 6 ; A. Robert and A. Feuillet, Introduction to the New Testament
(New York: Desclee, 1965) 179, 2 1 2 - 1 3 .
57
On this issue see J. Blinzler, Die Brüder und Schwestern Jesu (η. 40 above); J. J.
Collins, " T h e Brethren of the Lord and T w o Recently Published Papyri," TS 5
(1944) 484-94. It should be noted, however, that a Roman Catholic interpreter
of Mark 6:3 has maintained that the four "brothers" and the "sisters" of Jesus
mentioned there are actually blood brothers and sisters. See R. Pesch, Das
Markusevangelium, I. Tai ( H T K N T I I / l ; Freiburg im Β.: Herder, 1976) 322-24.
58
T h e text of Mark, as we have given it above, is found in all the chief Greek
MSS; see Β. Μ. Metzger, A Textual Commentary on the Greek New Testament (New
York: United Bible Societies, 1971) 8 8 - 8 9 . Some inferior MSS, however,
identified Jesus rather as "the carpenter's son," which seems to be a harmoniza-
tion of the Marcan text with Matt 13:55. Yet such an astute commentator on the
Marcan Gospel as Vincent Taylor preferred this reading as the original (Mark,
300). But see J. Blinzler, Die Brüder und Schwestern Jesu, 2 8 - 3 0 ; H . J . Vogels, "Die
'Eltern'Jesu," BZ 11 (1913) 3 3 - 4 3 ; E. Stauffer, "Jeschu ben Mirjam: Kon-
troversgeschichtliche A n m e r k u n g e n zu Mk 6:3," in Neotestamentica et semitica:
Studies in Honour of Matthew Black (ed. Ε. Ε. Ellis and M. Wilcox; Edinburgh:
Clark, 1969) U9-2S\ Jesus and His Story (New York: Knopf, 1960) 2 3 - 2 5 , 1 6 5 -
66; and mor e recently Η. Κ. McArthur, "Son of Mary," NovT 15 (1973) 3 8 -
58 ("the phrase had no special connotation," 58).
59
A similar situation is found in the Lucan Gospel; see "Joseph's son" (4:22);
cf. 2:41, 48; and see further p p . 5 4 - 5 8 above. Luke completely omitted the
Marcan episode (6: l - 6 a ) .
60
It should not be overlooked that this Marcan passage and the phrase "son of
Mary" have been taken by W. R. Farmer as a "classic example" of an inconclusive
theological or christological argument for the primitive character of the Marcan
Gospel. See p p . 2 7 - 2 8 above. Cf. MNT, 6 2 - 6 3 .
61
See C. H. Dodd, Historical Tradition in the Fourth Gospel (Cambridge:
University Press, 1963) 1-18, 4 2 3 - 3 2 ; R. E. Brown, The Gospel according to John
(i-xii) (AB 29; Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1966) xli-li; A . J . B. Higgins, The
Hhtorwity of the Fourth Gospel (London: Lutterworth, 1960) 6 3 - 8 2 .
62
It is the reading adopted in The Greek New Testament (ed. K. Aland et al.; 3d
ed; New York: United Bible Societies, 1975) 321; Nestle-Aland, Novum
Testamentum graece (26th ed.; Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelstiftung, 1979) 247; Ε.
Nestle, Novum Testamentum graece (24th ed.; Stuttgart: Württembergische Bibel-
anstalt, 1960) 230; Α. Merk, Novum Testamentum graece et latine (9th ed.; Rome:
Biblical Institute, 1964) 306; [G. D. Kilpatrick], He kaine Diatheke (2d ed.;
London: British and Foreign Bible Society, 1958) 276; R. V. G. Tasker, The Greek
New Testament (London: Oxford University, 1960) 140 [the Greek text presup-
posed in the NEB New Testament]; H. J. Vogels, Novum Testamentum graece et
latine 1 (3d ed.; Freiburg: H e r d e r , 1949) 287; J. M. hover.Novi Testamenti biblia

graeca et latino, (3d ed.; Madrid: Consejo superior d e investigaciones cient'ificas,
1953) 2 7 1 ; B. F. Westcott and F. J. A. H o n , The New Testament in the Original
Greek 1 (London: Macmillan, 1890) 187; C. Tischendorf, Novum Testamentum
graece 1 (8th ed.; Leipzig: Giesecke 8c Devrient, 1869) 7 4 3 - 4 4 ; H. von Soden,
Griechisches Neues Testament: Text mit kurzem Apparat (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck 8c
Ruprecht, 1913) 182. I have not been able to find a critical edition of the Greek
New T e s t a m e n t that has p r e f e r r ed the singular r e a d i n g to the plural.
03
The Jerusalem Bible 2 (Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1966) 146. For the
worth of this English translation one should not fail to consult the pointed
review of W. J. H a r r i n g t o n , an Irish confrere of the French Dominicans who
p r o d u c e d the r e m a r k a b le French original. His review is published in French, to
spare the sensibilities of English-speaking r e a d e r s e n a m o r e d of this English
version (RB 75 [1968] 4 5 0 - 5 2 ) . In this case, however, the fault lies not with the
English version, for it reflects the Frenc h original of J o h n 1:13: "lui qui ni sang,
ni vouloir de chair, ni vouloir d ' h o m m e , rnais Dieu a engendre"(L a sainte Bible
[de Jerusalem]: Uevangile . . . de saint Jean [2d ed.; Paris: Cerf, 1960] 69). T h e
note reads: "Allusion a la generation eternelle d u Verbe, mais sans d o u t e aussi,
vu rinsistance sur I'exclusion d u sang et d e la chair, ä la naissance virginale d e
Jesus. . . ." It seems rathe r obvious that the Dutch Catechism derived its
questionable formulation of what "the evangelists Matthew and Luke " said from
this r e a d i ng of t h e j o h a n n i n e Gospel (see n. 23 above). A good instance of how a
well-meaning, p o p u l a r version of the Bible can lead the u n t u t o r e d astray!
64
Metzger, A Textual Commentary, p. 197. T h e patristic evidence stems mainly
from Latin Fathers or versions (e.g. Vetus Itala 6 , I r e n a e u s [Latin], Tertullian,
Origen [Latin], Ambrose , Augustine, Pseudo-Athanasius). Metzger lists the
following m o d e r n scholars who have a r g u e d for the originality of the singular:
T. Zahn, A. Resch, F. Blass, A. Loisy, R. Seeburg , C. F. Burney, F. Büchsel, M.-E.
Boismard, J. Dupont, F.-M. B r a u n . H e could also have listed D. Mollat, the
translator of J o h n in La sainte Bible [de J e r u s a l e m ] , a n d J. Galot {Etre ne de Dieu:
Jean 1:13 [ A n B i b 3 7 ; R o m e : Biblical Institute, 1969]). But see J. Schmid, "Joh 1,
13," BZ ns-1 (1957) 1 1 8 - 2 5 ; A. Hossiau, "Le milieu theologique de la legon
egennethe ( J o . I. 13)," in Sacra pagina 2 (ed. J. C o p p e n s et al.; B E T L 12-13;
Gembloux: Duculot, 1959) 1 7 0 - 8 8 ; G. D. Fee, " T h e T e x t of J o h n in the
Jerusalem Bible: A Critique of the Use of Patristic Citations in New Testament
Textual C r i t i c i s m / ' / ß L 90 (1971) 1 6 3 - 7 3 , esp. p p . 1 6 6 - 6 7 : "It is quite another
[thing] to reconstruct this primitive r e a d i n g on a purely eclectic basis, so that by
a process of picking and choosing one 'creates' an original reading that is
supported in toto by no single piece of evidence. Yet this is precisely the nature of
Boismard's resultant text for such passages as J o h n 1:12-13" (Fee refers to
Boismard's article, "Critique textuelle et citations patristiques," RB 57 [1950]
3 8 8 - 4 0 8 , esp. pp. 4 0 1 - 8 , an article that greatly influenced D. Mollat in his
translation of J o h n for La sainte Bible [de Jerusalem]).
65
Metzger, A Textual Commentary, 197.
66
See R. E. Brown, Jesus God and Man, 92.
67
Schmaus, q u o t e d above, p . 4 3 .
68
See, e.g., V. Taylor, The Formation of the Gospel Tradition (London : Macmillan,
1959) 168-89; Bultmann, The History of the Synoptu Tradition, 354; O. Cullmann,
"Infancy Gospels," in Hennecke-Schneemelcher, NTA, 1. 3 6 3 - 6 9 ; J. Riedl, Die
Vorgeschichte Jesu (Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1968) 1 1 - 1 3 . T h e r e a d er
will find a full exposition of all the problems in the interpretation of the infancy
narratives in the excellent work of R. E. Brown, The Birth of the Mesnah: A
Commentary on the Infancy Narratives in Matthew and Luke (Garden City, NY:
Doubleday, 1977). See also MNT, 74-97, 107-62.
69
See, e.g., Brown, John (i-xii), 18-36; R. Schnackenburg, The Gospel accord-
ing to St. John (New York: H e r d e r and Herder, 1968) 2 2 1 - 8 1 .
70
See Hennecke-Schneemelcher, NTA, 1. 370-417.
7i
See above, p. 47. Cf. G. Friedrich, "Kiryssö" TDNT, 3. 710-12. Even if Acts
10:37-43 is basically kerygmatic and pre-Lucan, it also betrays Lucan reworking
(e.g., in the formulation of the "beginning" from Galilee, arxamenos, 10:37; cf.
Luke 3:23; Acts 1:22). Cf. Luke 23:5.
72
See J. Schmid, Matthäus und Lukas: Eine Untersuchung des Verhältnisses ihrer
Evangelien (Freiburg: Herder, 1930); W. G. Kümmel, Introduction to the New
Testament (Nashville: Abingdon, 1966) 64. With reference to the infancy
narratives specifically, s e e j . Ried\,Die Vorgeschichte Jesu, 11-13. See also pp. 1 7 -
28 above.
73
R. Pesch, "Eine alttestamentliche Ausführungsformel im Matthäus-Evange-
lium," BZ 10 (1966) 2 2 0 - 4 5 ; 11 (1967) 7 9 - 9 5 , esp. 8 8 - 8 9 . Also A. Vögtle,
"Offene Fragen," 44; C. T. Davis, "Tradition and Redaction in Matthew 1:18-
2:2V JBL 90 (1971) 4 0 4 - 2 1 ; A. Paul, UEvangile de l'enfance selon saint Matthieu
(Paris: Cerf, 1968) 4 5 - 9 4 . T h e r e is not time to discuss here the amount which
the Matthean or Lucan accounts owe to tradition and to redaction, though this is
an important aspect of one's j u d g m e n t . See C. Burger, Jesus als Davidssohn: Eine
traditionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1970)
91-106, 127-37.
74
It might be good to interject here a consideration from a dogmatic
theological point of view, to forestall an obvious difficulty. T h e events in the
infancy narratives are recounted in the past tense and, like the rest of the gospel
stories, are inspired. From this one might be tempted to conclude to the
guaranteed, inerrant character of the narratives and perhaps even to a
guarantee of their historical character. But this is to ride roughshod over the
literary forms or the types of accounts that one has to deal with in these
narratives. T o offset such a misunderstanding, one should recall what Pius XII
had to say about literary forms in his encyclical Divino afflante Spiritu (§314-16
[DS 3829-30]) and the precisions added by Vatican II in Dei verbum (chap. 3,
§11-12 [The Documents of Vatican II, 118-20]). Moreover, neither official
ecclesiastical documents treating of biblical inspiration and inerrancy nor the
discussions of theologians have ever maintained that the necessary formal effect
of inspiration was historicity. Inspiration does not make a historical statement
out of what was not intended to be such. It would, however, obviously guarantee
the historical character of an intended historical statement, just as it would
guarantee the poetic truth of a poem, the rhetorical truth of a sermon or
oration, the gospel truth of a Gospel. "Biblical inspiration" is thus an analogous
notion; see P. Benoit, " T h e Analogies of Inspiration," in Aspects of Biblical
Inspiration (Chicago: Priory, 1965) 13-35; B. Vawter, Biblical Inspiration (Phila-
delphia, 1972) 119-31; Vögtle, O f f e n e Fragen," 4 4 - 4 5 .
75
See J. Riedl,£>fc? Vorgeschichte Jesu, 8-10; A. G. Wright, " T h e Literary Genre
Midrash," CBQ 28 (1966) 105-38, 417-57, esp. pp. 454-56.
76
This term has been used, in a slightly different way, by E. Burrows, The
Gospel of the Infancy and Other Biblical Essays (London: Burns Oates, 1940) 1-58.
As I am using it, the "imitation" involves the assimilation of details to other

literary accounts.
77
See M. Enslin, " T h e Christian Stories of the Nativity? JBL 5 9 ( 1 9 4 0 ) 3 1 7 -
38; P. Winter, "Jewish Folklore in the Matthaean Birth Story," HibJ 53 (1954)
3 4 - 4 2 ; H. W. Obbink, " O n the Legends of Moses in the H a g g a d a h , " Studia
biblka et semitica Τ C. Vriezen . . . dedicata (Wageningen: V e e n m a n 8c Zonen,
1966) 2 5 2 - 6 4 ; P. J. T h o m p s o n , " T h e Infancy Gospels of St. Matthew a n d St.
Luke C o m p a r e d , " SE I, 2 1 7 - 2 2 ; Μ. Μ. B o u r k e , " T h e Literary Genus of
Matthew 1-2," CBQ_ 22 (1960) 1 6 0 - 7 5 ; S. Munoz Iglesias, "El genero literario
del evangelio de la infancia en San Mateo," EstBib 17 (1958) 2 4 3 - 7 3 (see TD 9
[1961] 15-20). But cf. C. H. Cave, "St Matthew's Infancy Narrative," NTS 9
(1962-63) 3 8 2 - 9 0 .
78
See, e.g., E. Burrows, The Gospel of the Infancy, 1-58; S. M u n o z Iglesias, "El
evangelio d e la infancia en San Lucas y las infancias d e los heroes biblicos,"
EstBib 16 (1957) 3 2 9 - 8 2 ; R. McL. Wilson, "Some Recent Studies in t h e Lucan
Infancy Narratives," SE I, 2 3 5 - 5 3 . T h i s aspect of the Lucan infancy narrative is
strangely neglected by R. Laurentin, Structure et theologie de Luc I-II (Paris:
Gabalda, 1957).
Cf. M. Miguens, " T h e Infancy Narratives a n d Critical Biblical Method,"
Communio 7 (1980) 2 4 - 5 4 [one does not know whether to laugh or to weep over
this article].
79
See, e.g., R. H. Fuller, The Foundations of New Testament Christology (New
York: Scribner, 1965) 1 9 5 - 9 7 ; R. E. Brown, TS 33 (1972) 24.
80
See, e.g., Η. Η. Oliver, " T h e Lucan Birth Stories a n d the Purpose of Luke-
Acts," NTS 10 (1963-64) 2 0 2 - 2 6 ; P. S. Minear, "Luke's Use of the Birth
Stories," in Studies in Luke-Acts: Essays Presented in Honor of Paul Schubert
(Nashville: Abingdon, 1966) 1 1 1 - 3 0 ; A. Vögtle, Mesnas und Gottessohn: Herkunft
und Sinn der matthäischen Geburts- und Kindheitsgeschichte (Düsseldorf: Patmos,
1971); "Die Genealogie Mt 1, 2 - 1 6 u n d die matthäische Kindheitsgeschichte (I.
Teil)," BZ 8 (1964) 4 5 - 5 8 ; "(II. Teil)," ibid., 2 3 9 - 6 2 ; "(Schlussteil)," ibid. 9
(1965) 3 1 - 4 9 ; "Das Schicksal d e s Messiaskindes: Z u r A u s l e g u n g u n d Theologie
von Mt 2," BibLeb 6 (1965) 2 4 6 - 7 9 .
81
Das Evangelium nach Lukas (4th ed.; R N T 3; R e g e n s b u r g : Pustet, 1960) 90.
See further X. Leon-Dufour, Les evangiles et Vhütoire de Jesus (Paris: Editions du
Seuil, 1963) 90; A. Vögtle, "Offene Fragen," 44.
82
Die Vorgeschichte Jesu, 1 2 - 1 3 .
83
In other words, the conception had already taken place w h e n the angelic
a n n o u n c e m e n t was m a d e . W h at should not be missed h e r e is the loaded form of
the statement of the Evangelist (1:18): "She was f o u n d to be with child of the holy
Spirit," and this is given as the basis of J o s e p h ' s consideration of divorce (see
Deut 22:21 for the Old T e s t a m e n t b a c k g r o u n d to his d o u b t i n g ) . See A.
Isaksson, Marriage and Ministry in the New Temple (Lund: G l e e r u p, 1965) 135-42.
N o explanation is given why J o s e p h , a "just m a n , " wanted to divorce someone
who had been found to be with child of the holy Spirit. T h e evangelist's intention is
clear, but his m o d e of formulation raises questions precisely about the thrust of
the narrative and its redaction—issues that cannot be p u r s u e d here. See C. T.
Davis, fBL 9 0 (1971) 4 1 3 . Contrast the treatment of this episode i n j . Danielou,
The Infancy Narratives (New York: H e r d e r and H e r d e r , 1968) 4 0 : " T h e
a n n o u n c e m e n t m a d e to J o s e p h was not intended to inform him that Mary had
conceived virginally—that he already knew. . . ." But this goes against the
plain sense and basic thrust of the story, which states that Joseph was about to
repudiate Mary and had to be informed by the angel to persuade him to the
contrary. However, Danielou is on the right track when he states that "the object
of this account" is not "to defend the virgin birth"; it is rather "to establish how
Jesus can be a descendant of David and the Davidic Messiah despite the virgin
birth which seems so fundamental an objection to his being so" (p. 41). in effect,
this is to affirm the virginal conception as a theologoumenon (see below).
84
For a history-of-religions approach to this question, see W. Marxsen,
"Jungfrauengeburt/' 1068; G. Gutknecht, Das Motiv der Jungfrauengehurt in
religionsgeschichtlicher Beleuchtung (Greifswald: Universitätsverlag, 1952). But
attempts to find extrabiblical parallels for the virginal conception in Greek and
Egyptian literature have not really succeeded, since in almost every instance that
is cited the parallels imply at least sexual intercourse. See R. E, Brown, TS 33
(1972) 30-32 (and the literature that he cites); A. Vögtle, "Offene Fragen," 4 5 -
47; Ε. Schweizer, "Pneuma," TDNT, 6. 397.
85
Contrast the tendentious translation of this verse in the Jerusalem Bible, New
Testament, 9 1 : "since I am a virgin." This is not found in the French original,
"puisque j e ne connais point d'homme."
86
This understanding of the verse has been traced back to Ambrose (Expositio
evang. Lucae 2, 14-15 [CSEL, 32. 49-50]) and Augustine (De sacra virginitate 4, 4
[CSEL, 4 L 237-38]). In one form or another it still has its defenders: R.
Laurentin, Structure et thiologie du Luc /-//, 176-88; G. Grayston, Virgin of All
Virgins: The interpretation of Luke 1:34 (Rome: No publisher, 1968). Cf. J. F.
Craghan, Mary: The Virginal Wife and the Married Virgin: The Problematic of Mary s
Vow of Virginity (Rome: Gregorian University, 1967) 4 2 - 4 8 .
87
This understanding is found in many ancient versions which rendered the
verb ginöskö in the past tense and implied that Mary understood the angel to
mean that she was already pregnant. See H. Quecke, "Lk 1, 34 in den alten
Übersetzungen und im Protevangelium des Jakobus," Bib 44 (1962) 499-520;
"Lk 1, 34 im Diatessaron," Bib 45 (1964) 8 5 - 8 8 ; "Zur Auslegungsgeschichte von
Lk 1, 34," Bib 47 (1966) 113-14.
88
See Gen 16:11; J u d g 13:3. This interpretation is widely used today; see,
e.g., A. Plummer, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Gospel according to S.
Luke (5th ed.; Edinburgh: Clark, 1964) 24 ("The words are the avowal of a
maiden conscious of her own purity; and they have been drawn from her by
the strange declaration that she is to have a son before she is married"). For
ou in the sense of oupö that this interpretation involves, see Mark 8:17-18.
89
E.g., that of J . - P Audet, " L A n n o n c e ä Marie," RB 63 (1956) 364-74. This
interpretation has "not received great support" (J. F. Craghan, " T h e Gospel
Witness to Mary's'Ante Partum' Virginity," Marian Studies 21 [1970] 2 8 - 6 8 , esp.
p. 56). It is vitiated by an idea that is often repeated, that Luke's annunciation
scene is influenced by Isa 7:14. Aside from superficial parallels in the Greek
wording of Luke 1:26-38 and the LXX of Isa 7:10-17, there is little evidence
that Luke has fashioned his annunciation in dependence on Isaiah. It is
necessary to insist on this, because otherwise critical commentators tend at times
to gloss over it (see A. Vögtle, "Offene Fragen," 46; Η. Schürmann, Das
Lukasevangelium, 6 2 - 6 3 ; G. Voss, Die Christologie der lukanischen Schriften in
Grundzügen [Bruges: Desclee de Brouwer, 1965] 65-81). T h e possible parallel
phrases are seven: oikou Dauid (Luke 1:27)—oikos Dauid (Isa 7:12); ho kyrios
(Luke 1:28)—kyrios (Isa ΊΑ0); parthenon (Luke \:21)—he parthenos (Isa 7:14);
syllempse en gastn (Luke 1:31)—en gas hi hexei (Isa 7:14 [cf. apparatus cnticus]);
texe huion (Luke 1:31)—texetai huion (Isa 7:14); kai kaleseis to onoma autou (Luke
1:31)—kai kaleseis to onoma autou (Isa 7:14); epi ton oikon (Luke 1:33)—epi ton
oikon (Isa 7:17). But in those Lucan phrases that seem to be similar to Isa 7:14
in this list one should not miss the parallels that are found elsewhere in the Old
Testament (e.g., Gen 16:11). T h e difficulty here is once again the harmonization
of the Lucan and Matthean narratives. It is noteworthy that R. Laurentin, for all
his discussion of the Old Testament background of Luke 1-2 (Structure et
theologie de Luc / - / / ) , does not treat Isa 7:14 as part of it.
90
J. M. Creed {The Gospel according to St. Luke: The Greek Text with Introduction,
Notes, andlndices [London: Macmillan, 1953] 19) thinks that Mary's "vow" is the
"usual interpretation of Roman Catholic exegetes."
91
Ibid. This is also acknowledged by H. Schürmann, Das Lukasevangelium,
49; he traces the idea back to H. J. Holtzmann and others (n. 68). J. Gewiess
("Die Marienfrage, Lk 1,34," BZ 5 [1961] 221-54, esp. pp. 242-43) calls
attention to the literary device of the question that Luke often uses (Luke
13:23; 16:5,7; 17:37; Acts 8:30-31; 10:14; 16:30).
92
Or possibly "the holy one to be born will be called the Son of God." This
verse (1:35) and v. 32 have recently been found to echo Aramaic phrases that
have come to light in pseudo-Danielic apocalyptic fragments from Qumran Cave
4, which J. T. Milik is to publish. "He will be said to be the son of God, and they
will call him the son of the Most High" (see WA, 90-94). The text is apocalyptic
and has nothing to do with an infancy narrative; unfortunately, it is fragmen-
tary and no hint is given about the person who is the subject of the titles used.
93
See G. Voss, Die Christologie, 75-76: "The Virgin Birth is regarded in the
Lucan presentation not under its biological point of view, but as a theological
statement." Also K. H. Rengstorf, "Die Weihnachtserzählung des Evangelisten
Lukas," in Stat crux dum volvitur orbu: Eine Festschrift für Landesbischof D. Hanns
Lilje (ed. G. Hoffmann and Κ. Η. Rengstorf; Berlin: Lutherisches Verlagshaus,
1959) 15-30.
94
The verb eperchesthai is used in Luke 11:22; 21:26; Acts 1:8; 8:24; 13:40;
14:19; Eph 2:7; Jas 5:1. Only in the programmatic verse of Acts 1:8 is it again
used of the Spirit, as the risen Jesus promises the apostles "power" for the
ministry of witnessing to him. Luke's use of the verb in 1:35 is often thought to
be influenced by the LXX of Isa 32:15, heös an epelthe epK hymas pneuma apK
hypselou, "until the Spirit comes upon you from on high." Here it is used to
explain the fertility of the land (in the LXX: of Carmel), but it does not
transcend the figurative sense. For other combinations of the verb with pneuma,
see Num 5:14; Job 1:19; 4:15 (but one must be careful of the sense of pneuma).
The verb ephkiazein has a literal sense in Acts 5:15; the use of it in the
transfiguration scene (Mark 9:7; Matt 17:5; Luke 9:34) may be literal, but a
symbolic connotation cannot be completely ruled out. In the Lucan infancy
narrative the use of the verb is wholly figurative, symbolical of God's presence
(and power) to Mary and the child to be born of her. It may well reflect the
symbolism of Exod 40:35 or Ps 91:4, although this is sometimes contested (see
G. Voss, Die Christologie, 73-76).
95
See p. 48 above.
96
In the recently published critical edition oiThe Greek New Testament (UBS,
206) these ancient tamperings with the text are not even noted; and in his
commentary on the text Metzger (A Textual Commentary, 132) passes over them
in silence. See now Nestle-Aland, 26th ed., 156.
97
Not only here, but also in connection with the earlier passages discussed
above, a distinction has often been proposed between the fact of the virginal
conception and its possible literary embellishment in a presentation stemming
from a later period of gospel-formation—as if the latter could be admitted to
have been freely introduced, whereas the former is really the firm datum. At the
end of an excursus, "Jungfrauengeburt—ein Theoiogoumenon?" Ε. Neilessen
(Das Kind und seine Mutter [SBS 39; Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk., 1969]
109) sought to explain why the data about the conception arose only in the later
period of the gospel-tradition: "It should be recalled, however, that an explicit
investigation into the peculiar circumstances of the conception and birth of
Jesus would only then have recommended itself when the beginnings of Jesus'
human life would have become the object of a narrative presentation. Outside
of the Matthean and Lucan Gospels that is scarcely the case, and certainly not in
Paul, who speaks of the beginnings of Jesus' life only in short confessional
formulas (Rom 1:3; Gal 4:4)." T o which A. Vögtle ( O ffe ne Fragen," 48)
appositely remarked : "But that is to put the cart before the horse! A claim is
made for a probative argument out of something that cries out for an
explanation. T h e problem is why the idea of a virginal conception appears only
in narrative presentations which make use of Old Testament annunciation
forms and in declarations that p r e p a r ed for these (Matt 1:16) or reflect on them
(Luke 3:23), but have no reference to the incarnation of Jesus such as the
Pauline passages suggest." T h e real problem is expressed by Vögtle (ibid., 47):
"Without a basic declaration of the original witness, in this case above all of Mary
herself, an authentic tradition could not have been established," and it strains
the imagination to try to explain it, all pious suggestions about intimate family
traditions etc. notwithstanding. See further his "Offene Fragen," 50: Α. Weiser,
"Überblick über den Verlauf der Diskussion [der Beuroner Tagung]," in
Jungfrauengeburt gestern und heute (Mariologische Studien, 4) 205-14, esp. pp.
211-12.
98
See, e.g., Η. S c h ü r m a n n , Das Lukasevangelium, 188; Ε. Ε. Ellis, The Gospel of
Luke (London: Oliphants, 1966) 93.
" S e e H. Schürmann, Das Lukasevangelium,, 198-200.
100
This is the title of a perceptive article on the Matthean infancy narrative by
K. Stendahl, "Quis et Unde? An Analysis of Mt 1-2," in Judentum—Urchristen-
tum—Kirche: FestschHft für Joachim J eremias (BZNW 26; Berlin: T ö p e l m a n n ,
1960) 9 4 - 1 0 5 . T h a t the Matthean emphasis is on Jesus rather than on Mary
is seen in the way the evangelist refers several times over to "the child with
Mary his mother" (2:11) or "the child and his mother" (2:13, 14, 20, 21).
101
This is the term used for what Schürman n calls "das historische Faktum
der jungfräulichen Empfängnis," which he traces to an "intimate family
tradition" (Das Lukasevangelium, 61) and which he claims would have taken time
to be transmitted to great church-centers. In using this terminology, Glaubensgut
and theoiogoumenon, one should recall the distinction m a de by K. Rahner,
quoted above (n. 26). Protestant writers sometimes use similar terminology
with different nuances. T h u s , R. H. Fuller (Foundations, 202) writes: "For those
who are concerned about the historicity of the 'Virgin birth' ('virginal concep-
tion' is a more accurate term), let it be stated that to believe in the Virgin birth is
not to accept the historicity of a biological parthenogenesis but to adhere to the

Christological intention of the narratives, which is to express the transcendental
origin of Jesus' history. See the present writer's essay, The Virgin Birth,
Historical Fact or Kerygmatic Truth? BR 1 (1956), pp. 1-8. In a letter to me, J.
Jeremias proposes to substitute 'Glaubensaussage' ('affirmation of faith') for
'kerygmatic truth', on the ground that the Virgin birth was never actually part
of the kerygma as such. Accepting the correction, we may say that to believe in
the Virgin birth is to adhere to thefaith which the story expresses." As proposed
above, Glaubensgut would not be the same as the Glaubensaussage in this comment
of Fuller. See further A. Weiser, "Mythos im Neuen Testament unter Berück-
sichtigung der Mariologie," in Mythos und Glaube (ed. H. J. Brosch and H. J.
KÖster; Mariologische Studien 5; Essen, 1972) 67-88, esp. pp. 80-84.
102
See further my commentary on Romans in JBC, art. 53, §52-60.
103
See further E. Carroll, "A Survey of Recent Mariology," Marian Studies 25
(1974) 104-42, esp. pp. 125-26; J. A. Saliba, "The Virgin-Birth Debate in
Anthropological Literature: A Critical Assessment," TS 36 (1975) 428-54.
104
See "Luke's Description of the Virginal Conception," TS 35 (1974) 360-62.
105
See pp. 55-58 above.
106
See further Brown's The Birth of the Mesnah, 299-301.
107
See further my commentary, The Gospel according to Luke (AB 28; New
York: Doubleday, 1981).
108
See MAT, 120-21.
109
See further S. Munoz Iglesias, "La concepcion virginal de Cristo en los
evangelios de la infancia," EstBib 37 (1978) 5-28, 213-41; A. Vicent Cernuda,
"La genesis humana de Jesucristo segun San Pablo," EstBib 37 (1978) 57-77,
267-89.
Three
THE MATTHEAN DIVORCE
TEXTS AND SOME NEW
PALESTINIAN EVIDENCE*
T H E RECENT publication of a passage from one of the Qumran scrolls

that may shed some light on the Matthean divorce texts is the occasion
for a fresh consideration of those controverted verses. 1 T h e Matthean
passages are but two among several in the New Testament which record
sayings attributed to Jesus about the prohibition of divorce. Four
writers, in fact, have recorded the prohibition that is traced to him. T h e
earliest form of it is found in 1 Cor 7:10-11, but each of the Synoptic
evangelists has also preserved some form of the prohibition: Mark
10:2-12; Luke 16:18; Matt 5:31-32; 19:3-9. In fact, there are, in all,
five passages with seven sayings about the dissolution of marriage.
Despite the tone of a controversy-setting that surrounds the pro-
nouncement preserved in Mark 10 and Matthew 19, which is some-
times thought to reflect more a later church-synagogue debate 2 than a
discussion of the historical Jesus with the Pharisees, two»features have
often been invoked in favor of the authenticity of the prohibition: the
independent attribution of the saying to Jesus in First Corinthians and
in the Synoptics, and the radical opposition of the prohibition to the
well-known Jewish permission of divorce, usually associated with the
Mosaic legislation reflected in Deut 24:1-4. 3
Likewise introduced at times into the discussion of New Testament
teaching on divorce are texts that do not deal with it explicitly, but that
are instructions sometimes interpreted as implying the prohibition.
These are the regulations set down in the Deutero-Pauline letters that
Christian episkopoi, presbyteroi, and diakonoi are to be mias gynaikos andres,
"husbands of one wife" (1 Tim 3:2, 12; Tit 1:6), and that the widow
who was to be enrolled should have been henos andros gyne, "the wife of
one husband" (1 Tim 5:9). 4 T h e latter Deutero-Pauline instruction
about the widow seems to be merely an extension of what Paul himself
writes in 1 Cor 7:39-40, when, insisting that he has "God's Spirit," he
recommends, "In my opinion she is happier if she remains as she is" (1
Cor 7:40). T o this recommendation some also relate the illustration that
Paul uses in Rom 7:2-3, "A married woman is bound by law to her
husband as long as he lives; but if her husband dies, she is discharged
from the law concerning the husband." 5 However, none of these texts
bears directly on the question of divorce; and if they d o have any
pertinence, it is only indirect. T h o u g h they contribute to the complex-
ity of the New Testament data that bear on the question of divorce, they
are not of concern to us now.
T h e problems connected with the prohibition of divorce in the first
set of texts mentioned, however, are multiple and notorious. Some of
these problems arise from the Synoptic relationships of Matthew,
Mark, and Luke; some from form-critical and redaction-critical consid-
erations. Consequently, before discussing the Q u m r a n material that
bears on the exceptive phrases in the Matthean passages, I shall have to
state briefly how I view these various New Testament texts that treat of
divorce. Once the Q u m r a n material has been presented, I shall draw
from it the consequences for the Synoptic passages and discuss further
theological implications in all of them. My discussion, then, will fall into
four parts: (1) preliminary remarks about certain aspects of the New
Testament divorce passages; (2) the Q u m r a n material that bears on the
Matthean exceptive phrases; (3) consequences to be drawn for the
Marcan and Matthean passages; and (4) theological implications of
all this for the current debate about divorce.
I. Preliminary Remarks
T h e preliminary remarks about certain aspects of the New Testa-

ment divorce-passages are intended to set forth my understanding of
the relation between the five main texts and some of the details in them
as a background for the Palestinian evidence tö be considered in
part II. T h e remarks will be seven in number.
(I) 1 Cor 7:10-11. T h e earliest attestation of an attitude of Jesus

toward divorce is preserved in the Pauline corpus, in the First Letter to
the Corinthians (written ca. A.D. 57), where the prohibition is attributed
by Paul to "the Lord." 6 What he has almost certainly derived from prior
The Matthean Divorce Texts and Some New Palestinian Evidence 81
Christian tradition, he invests with the authority of the risen Kyrios,

clearly stating that it does not originate with him (in contrast to
7:12,25):
l9a
Tois de gegamekosin parangellö, mouk egö alia ho Kyrios, 10c gynaika apo
andros me charisthenai—Uaean de kai charisthe^ nbmenetö agamos e tö andri
katallagetö—Uckai andra gynaika me aphienai.
10a
To the married I give charge, 10bnot I but the Lord, 10cthat the wife
should not separate from her husband lla (but if she does, llblet her
remain single or else be reconciled to her husband)—ucand that the
husband should not divorce his wife (RSV).
Here in indirect discourse Paul formulates the prohibition (which may
reflect the pronouncement preserved in Mark 10:4 and Matt 19:7).
The RSV has translated the charge gynaika apo andros me charisthenai
(with an aorist passive) by the intransitive verb "separate": "that the
wife should not separate from her husband." It thus takes the passive of
chörizein and treats it as a middle or intransitive, thus making it an
equivalent of aphienai in v. 1 lb. 7 It casts the prohibition of divorce,
which is attributed to "the Lord," into a form suited more to a
Hellenistic Christian setting than to a Palestinian Christian setting. It
would, moreover, mean that the earliest attested New Testament
prohibition of divorce was already set in an elaborated form reflecting
the Hellenistic ambiance of Paul's missionary activity. Furthermore, v.
13c would seem to support this interpretation: "she should not divorce
him" (me aphietö ton andra). Here it is clear that Paul is envisaging the
Hellenistic world, in which it was otherwise possible for the woman to
divorce her husband. However, it should be noted that vv. 10c and 1 la
could just as easily be translated thus: "that the wife should not be
separated (or divorced) from her husband—but if she is separated (or
divorced). . . ." With such an understanding of the verses, the charge
would reflect the Palestinian Jewish situation in which only the husband
was normally permitted to institute divorce.
The RSV has also set vv. l l a - b between dashes. This probably
reflects the opinion of some commentators, such as H. Baltensweiler, 8
who regard these clauses as a Pauline insert into the charge of the Lord,
which is thus only to be identified with vv. 10c and lie. Paul's insert
would be an explication of the charge about divorce itself in terms of
subsequent marriage with another person. Since, as we shall see below,
other forms of the prohibition do refer to subsequent marriage as well
as to divorce, I prefer to regard v. I l a - b as a reflection of what was in
the original saying, although the present formulation may* indeed be
Pauline.
As H. Conzelmann has put it, "the regulation is absolute." 9 Neither

husband nor wife is to be divorced from the other; if the woman should
be divorced, she should remain agamos, "unmarried," or be reconciled.
As D. L. Dungan has stated, "It is clear that one of the things this word
of the Lord means to Paul is that it forbids additional marriages after
divorce."10 But he also interprets Paul's words in the passage to mean
that Paul "permits the divorce if it has taken place."11 H e finds that "Paul's
application L· in flat contradiction to the command of the Lord, which is a strict
prohibition of divorce."12 O n e wonders, however, whether this is really a
Pauline "permission" or a m e r e concession to a factual situation,
perhaps reported to him from the Corinthian community. In any case,
Paul's attitude in v. 10 is unqualified and envisages no further marriage
for the woman after the divorce. It stands in contrast to what he sets
forth—he himself, not the Lord 13 —in vv. 12-15 about the believing
woman who is "not bound " (ou dedoulötai) if an unbelieving husband
separates from her.
(2) Luke 16:18. A n equally absolute prohibition of divorce is found in

an isolated dominical saying of Jesus in Luke 16:18. A slightly modified
form of it stands the best chance of being regarded as the most
primitive form of the sayings about divorce in the New Testament. In
its present form it r u n s as follows:
18a
Pas ho apolyön ten gytiaika autou 1Shkai gammi heteran moicheuei, 18cÄöi ho
apolelymenen apo andros gamön moicheuei.
18a
Everyone who divorces his wife 18band marries another commits adul-
tery, 18cand he who marries a woman divorced from her husband com-
mits adultery (RSV).
This form of the dominical saying is a declaratory legal statement

which is reminiscent of Old Testament casuistic law. 14 It is related to the
saying preserved in Matt 5:32 (minus the exceptive phrase) and is
derived from the common source "Q." 1 5 In its present Lucan form the
saying is not only a prohibition of divorce but a j u d g m e n t about a
husband's marriage after the divorce relating both to adultery, pro-
scribed by Old Testament legislation (in the Decalogue, Exod 20:14;
Deut 5:18; and elsewhere, Lev 20:10; Deut 22:22; cf. Luke 18:20 and
J o h n 7:53-8:11 [the latter implies that Deut 22:22 was still regarded
as in force]). T h e Lucan form of the saying differs from the Pauline in
that the subsequent marriage mentioned is that of the man, whereas in
1 Corinthians 7 it is the woman's subsequent marriage.
T h e phrase in Luke 16:18b, kai gaynön heteran, "and marrying
another," has been regarded as an addition made by Luke to what is
otherwise the original form of the saying.16 Since, however, that phrase
is present in other forms of the prohibition, whether it be the Pauline
form or the Synoptic forms (Mark 10:11; Matt 19:9), it is almost
certainly part of the original prohibition. 17
The phrase in Luke 16:18c, apo andros, is missing in Codex Bezae;
this variant is in itself insignificant, but its omission may represent the
more original form of the saying. 18
Indeed, the whole third part of the saying (18c) may be only an
extension of the first part (18a-b). It was probably found in the "Q"
source, since it is also present in Matt 5:32b.19 But whether it actually
formed part of the original prohibition may be debated, since it is not
hinted at in Paul or Mark.
When all is said and done, the chances are that the most primitive
form of the logion is preserved here in Luke 16:18a-b, possibly with
18c (but without apo andros): "Everyone who divorces his wife and
marries another commits adultery (and he who marries a divorced
woman commits adultery)."
What should be noted here is that the prohibition is cast completely
from the Old Testament or Jewish point of view, commenting on the
action of the husband who would divorce his wife and marry again (or
who would marry a divorced woman). Underlying it are the notions of
the wife as the chattel of the husband, implied in such passages as Exod
20:17; 21:3, 22; Jer 6:12; Num 30:10-14; Esth 1:20-22; and above all
in Sir 23:22-27; and of the Old Testament allowance of divorce to the
husband (Deut 24:1-4). What is new is the branding of the man's action
as adulterous. Though Paul's form of the prohibition is the earliest
preserved, it represents a certain development beyond what seems to
be the more primitive form of the prohibition preserved here in Luke.
(3) Matt 5:31-32. T h e isolated dominical saying about divorce in

"Q" has become part of the Sermon on the Mount in the Matthean
Gospel, functioning as one of the six antitheses in 5:21-48, where
Jesus is depicted reacting to the righteousness of the scribes. 20
Though some commentators have at times tried to relate Matt 5:31-
32 to Mark 10:11, 21 it is almost certainly a separate tradition that is
reflected here and in Luke 16:18. Both Matt 5:32 and Luke 16:18
have the pas ho apolyön form, whereas Mark 10:11 has hos an apolyse'
(as does Matt 19:9). T h e text of Matt 5:31-32 reads:
Êrrethe de 3lbAos an apolyse ten gynaika autou, doth ante apostanon. 32aegö
de legö hymin hoti 32bpas ho apolyön ten gynaika autou parektos logou porneias
poiei auten moicheuthinai, 32ckai hos ean apolelymenen gamese, moichatai.
31a
It was also said, 31b"Whoever divorces his wife, let him give her a
certificate of divorce." 32aBut I say to you that 32bevery one who divorces his
wife, except on the ground of unchastity, makes her an adulteress;
32c
and whoever marries a divorced woman commits adultery (RSV).
Whereas v. 31a forms Matthew's stereotyped introduction to the

saying, marked with his characteristic errethe de, a shortened form of
similar earlier formulas (vv. 21a, 27a) or of those that follow (vv. 33a,
38a, 43a), v. 31b (hos an apolyse ten gynaika autou, dotö aute apostasion,
"whoever divorces his wife, let him give her a certificate of divorce")
purports to quote Deut 24:1 in part, but it is not a verbatim quota-
tion of the so-called LXX. 22 T h e sense of the quotation, however, is
clear and provides the basis of the antithesis. T h e Matthean form of
the prohibition of divorce recorded here differs from Luke 16:18,
not only because of the added exceptive phrase parektos logou por-
neias, but in two other ways: (a) it lacks the second phrase, Luke
16:18b, kai gamön heteran; and (b) it relates divorce itself, and not
divorce and subsequent marriage, to adultery. Whereas the Lucan
form of the saying also expresses a j u d g m e n t about the husband's
subsequent marriage, the Matthean form regards divorce itself as the
cause of adultery (poiei auten moicheuthenai, lit., "makes her to be
adultered"). This is, I suspect, a Matthean reformulation of the
original " Q " saying, which is found in a more primitive form in Luke
16:18a-b. One reason for regarding the Matthean form as a refor-
mulation is the immediate context in the Sermon on the Mount,
where in v. 27 Jesus' antithesis equates even the lustful look of a man
at a woman with adultery, an antithesis that lacks a parallel in either
Mark or Luke. Hence it is most likely Matthew who relates divorce
itself to adultery. 23 Once again, the prohibition is stated from the
viewpoint of the man, as in the Lucan form of the saying.
(4) Mark 10:2-12. This passage dealing with divorce is composite.

T h e first part (vv. 2-9) is a pronouncement-story or Streitgespräch,
which, having quoted Gen 1:27 and 2:24, ends with the apoph-
thegm "What therefore God has joined together, let not man put
asunder." It is addressed to Pharisees who have asked him whether
"it is lawful for man to divorce his wife" (v. 2). But joined to this
pronouncement-story is a dominical saying, addressed to disciples
later on in a house (vv. 10-12), a saying that echoes the judgmental
form of "Q." This brings it about that there ar e here in Mark 10
two sayings of Jesus about divorce. They r u n as follows:
9
ho oun ho Theos synezeuxen, anthröpos me chmzeto.
nVhat therefore God has joined together, let not man put asunder.
n
*kai legei autois. nbhos an apolyse ten gynaika autou Uckai gamese alien
nd
moichatai ep* auten. l2akai ean aute apolysasa ton andra antes allon, i2hmoichatai.
ua
And he said to them, llb"Whoever divorces his wife uc and marries
another, udcommits adultery against her; 12aand if she divorces her
husband and marries another, 12bshe commits adultery."
In the pronouncement recorded in v. 9 the third person negative

imperative is used and it formulates absolutely Jesus' prohibition of
divorce itself. It involves God himself in the matter and has sometimes
been said to echo a view of marriage that is otherwise found in Tob
6:18 (LXXÄi4:"she was destined for you from eternity"). It is a pro-
nouncement that is not based on Deut 24:1, about which the Phari-
sees had inquired, but rather on Gen 1:27 and 2:24. 24
The dominical saying of vv. 11-12 is again a declaratory legal
statement similar to and related to the "Q" saying of Luke 16:18 and
Matt 5:32. As in the "Q" statement, it expresses a judgment about
divorce and subsequent marriage, which are viewed from the man's
standpoint and regarded as adulterous.
Three things, however, are to be noted about the saying, (a) T h e
reading of v. 12a given above is that of Sinaiticus and Vaticanus
(preferred by Nestle-Aland, 26th ed.). But there are two other forms of
the verse that are attested. 25 {b) V. l i d as given above includes the
words ep' auten; it thus specifies that the divorce and subsequent
marriage are an act of adultery "against her." This would seem
extraordinary from the Jewish point of view. Indeed, this is probably
the reason why it is omitted in some MSS. 26 T h e phrase ep' auten is
almost certainly a Marcan addition made in the light of what is to be
said in v. 12. It is an explicative addition, which makes Jesus' words
express the fact that adultery against a woman is something now to be
considered. 27 (c) V. 12 is a further Marcan extension of the first logion,
introduced to suit the contingencies of Gentile Christian communities
in areas where Roman and Greek law prevailed and where a woman
was permitted to divorce her husband. 28 T h e evangelist Mark has thus
extended the logion to a new situation, whereas it was originally
formulated in terms of the usual Old Testament understanding of the
marriage bond, in which only the man—asba'al—was able to divorce his
wife, although we know that divorce was envisaged as a possibility at
least for Jewish women living in the military colony at Elephantine in

Egypt in the fifth century B.C. A n u m b er of Aramaic marriage contracts
from that place mention it explicitly. 29 But the evidence for such a
practice in Palestine itself is meager indeed, almost nonexistent. 30
Hence the composite Marcan form of the divorce pericope contains
two forms of the prohibition of divorce attributed to Jesus, both of
them unqualified. T h e r e is one aspect of the pericope—the intelligibil-
ity of the Pharisees' question—which will be discussed below.
(5) Matt 19:3-9. Closely related to Mark 10:2-12 is the similar

pericope of Matt 19:3-9. 3 1 In fact, Matthew has derived it from his
"Marcan" source, b u t he has modified it to make it better suit his
Jewish-Christian concerns. First of all, he has cast the controversy
(Streitgespräch) in terms of the Hillel-Shammai dispute, by making the
Pharisees ask whether it is lawful to divorce one's wife "for any cause"
(katapasan aitian). Second, he has built the dominical saying (of Mark
10:11-12, without the phrase ep" auten, which was unsuited to his
concerns) into the controversy itself (19:9), introducing it by the vv. 7 -
8. Like Mark, he too has thus preserved for us two forms of the saying
about divorce:
%> oun ho Theos synezeitxen, anthropos me chorizeto.

6
What therefore God has joined together, let not man put asunder.
9
Hegö de kymin hoti 9bhos an apolyse ten gynaika autou me epi porneia 9c
kai
gamese allen, 9ämoichatai.
Ând 1 say to you: ^Whoever divorces his wife except for unchastity,
ând marries another, ^commits adultery (RSV).
Aside from the exceptive phrase, to which I shall r e t u r n , the first saying
(v. 6) repeats the absolute prohibition of divorce that is found in Mark,
and the second takes over only that which would suit Matthew's Jewish-
Christian concerns.
T h e real problem with this interpretation of Matt 19:3-9 is that it
presupposes the Two-Source T h e o r y of Synoptic relationships, at least
a modified form of it.32 Some commentators, who admit such a solution
to the Synoptic Problem in general, think at times that the episode
preserved here is more primitive than its counterpart in Mark 10 and
that the evangelist was here dependent on a tradition independent of
Mark and actually more primitive than the Marcan source (e.g., "M"). 3;
Still others point to this passage in particular as one of the best reason;
for abandoning the Two-Source Theory entirely. 34 Part of the reasor
for such views is the composite character of Mark 10:2-9 and 10:11-12,
already mentioned, which is regarded as secondary. Part of it is the
double audience or double setting in the Marcan form (an answer to
the Pharisees, v. 2, followed by an answer to the disciples, v. 10).
Moreover, the question posed in Matthew 19, "Is it lawful to divorce
one's wife for any reason?" is regarded as more primitive, because it
seems to reflect a dispute between the schools of Hillel and Shammai
and would thus have a more plausible matrix in a well-known Palestin-
ian Jewish setting. 35 But the question as posed in Mark 10:2 is said tobe
incomprehensible in such a setting, because divorce was in fact permit-
ted in Palestinian Judaism. T h e new material that I should like to
consider in part II bears directly on this problem; my further com-
ments on the problem will be presented in part III. At the moment I
only wish to say that this form of the Matthean prohibition of divorce
(minus the exceptive phrase) has to be regarded as derived from Mark
10 and adapted by Matthew for the sake of Christians living in the
mixed community for which he was principally writing. 36
(6) Matthean Exceptive Phrases. T h e major problem in the Gospel

divorce texts is the Matthean exceptive phrases. O n the one hand, the
judgmental saying in Matt 5:32 relates divorce itself to adultery (and not
simply divorce with remarriage, as in Mark 10:11, Matt 19:9, Luke
16:18) and levels its accusation against the man. 37 On the other hand,
the prohibition of divorce is accompanied by an exceptive phrase in
both Matthean passages: parektos logon porneias, "except in the matter of
porneia" (5:32), and me epiporneia, "except forporneia" (19:9). 38 Though
the phrases differ in their formulation, they both have to be understood
as expressing an exception. 39
Three aspects of the problem which these exceptive phrases create
have to be distinguished, (a) Are they possibly part of the authentic
logion? Attempts have been made to maintain that the Matthean
exceptive phrases go back to Jesus himself, or at least that they are part
of the primitive form of the prohibition. 40 However, few critical
commentators would go along with such a solution today. There are
two main reasons for the reluctance: (i) the greater difficulty in
explaining how the more absolute forms of the prohibition in Paul,
Mark, and Luke would then have arisen (especially difficult in 1 Cor
7:10: to think that Paul would so record the absolute, unqualified form
of the prohibition as a saying of the Kyrios in a context in which he
himself makes an exception); 41 (ii) the tendency otherwise attested in
Matthew of adding things to the sayings of Jesus (e.g., two extra
petitions in the Our Father [6:10b, 13b; cf. Luke 11:2-4]; additions to
the Beatitudes [5:3a, 6a; cf. Luke 6:20b-21]; Peter's secondary confes-
sion [16:16b-19; cf. Mark 8:29]; Matt 13:12b [cf. Mark 4:25, Luke
8:18]; Matt 25:29 [cf. Luke 14:26]). 42 These two considerations make it
almost certain that the exceptive phrases stem from the pen of the
evangelist, faced with a problem to resolve in the community for which
he was writing. 43
(b) What is meant by porneia? Elsewhere in Matthew the word occurs
only in 15:19, where it is listed among other evil machinations of the
human mind, "murder, adultery, fornication" (RSV), lined u p side-by-
side withmoicheia, "adultery," and obviously distinct from it. Etymologi-
cally, it means "prostitution, harlotry, whoredom," being an abstract
noun related to porne, "harlot," and to the verb porneuein, "to act as a
harlot." Generally speaking, it means "fornication," but, as Bauer-
Arndt-Gingrich note, it is actually used "of every kind of unlawful
sexual intercourse." 44 T h o u g h it is differentiated from moicheia in Matt
15:19; Mark 7:21-22; 1 Cor 6:9; Heb 13:4, it is used of a variety of
sexual activity: 1 Cor 5:1 (incest), 6:13 (prostitution), 2 Cor 12:21
(parallel toakatharsia andaselgeia); see further Col 3:5 and Eph 5:3. 45 In
Acts 15:20, 29 (cf. 21:25) porneia is used, however, in a specific sense,
since it is lined u p with several dietary tabus, 46 which early Gentile
Christians, living in close contact with Jewish Christians (i.e., in pre-
dominantly Jewish-Christian communities), were being asked to avoid:
"what has been sacrificed to idols, blood, and what is strangled." T h e
letter of James to the local churches of Antioch, Syria, and Cilicia
forbids, in fact, four of the things proscribed by the Holiness Code of
Leviticus 17-18, not only for "any m a n of the house of Israel" but also
for "the strangers that sojourn among them" (umin hagger ^äser yägür
betökäm, 17:8). These were the meat offered to idols (Lev 17:8-9), the
eating of blood (Lev 17:10-12), the eating of strangled, i.e., not
properly butchered, animals (Lev 17:15; cf. Exod 22:31), and inter-
course with close kin (Lev 18:6-18). 47
Now which of these various meanings of porneia can be intended in
the Matthean exceptive phrases? For many commentators, porneia is
simply understood as "adultery." 48 This interpretation is open to the
obvious objection that if Matthew had meant that, he would have
written moicheia, a word that he otherwise knows and uses. It has also
been pointed out on several occasions that Matthew keeps moicheia and
porneia distinct (15:19). 49 T h e r e is the further difficulty that Matthew is
speaking about something that he in effect equates with adultery; so he
seems to mean something different from adultery. 50 By another group
of commentators the word is understood in the generic sense of
prostitution or harlotry, as it seems to be used in most of the Pauline
passages quoted above. This meaning, while not impossible, would be
imposing on the word a predominantly Pauline and Hellenistic mean-
ing in a passage which may have more Palestinian and Jewish con-
cerns. 51 A third group of interpreters prefers to use the specific
meaning oiporneia that is used in Acts 15:20, 29,52 understanding it to
mean illicit marital unions within the degrees of kinship proscribed by
Lev 18:6-18. This is preferred because of the Jewish-Christian prob-
lem envisaged in Acts 15 and the concerns of the Matthean Gospel
itself. Of these three main positions 53 I think that the last-mentioned is
the one to be preferred, since there is now further evidence from
Qumran literature to support it. This will be seen in Part II.
(c) Why would Matthew add the exceptive phrases? We have already
implied the answer to this third aspect of the problem: because he was
seeking to resolve a casuistic problem in early Jewish-Christian com-
munities. T h e destinataires of the Matthean Gospel were a mixed
community, predominantly Jewish-Christian, and one of its purposes
was precisely to explain to them the sense of the Christian message and
why it was that the Gentile Christians were taking over the kingdom
preached in it.54 But another aspect of the exceptive phrases was
undoubtedly to handle the situation of Gentiles who were coming into
it and already found themselves in the marital condition proscribed for
Jews by Lev 18:6-18, Just as the letter of James enjoined certain
matters on the Gentile Christians of the local churches of Antioch,
Syria, and Cilicia, so Matthew's exceptive phrases solve a problem for
Gentile Christians living in the same community with Jewish Christians,
who were still observing Mosaic regulations.
(7) Greek Words for Divorce in the New Testament. T h e last preliminary
remark has to do with the Greek words for "divorce1' which are used in
the various New Testament passages dealing with it. T h e diversity of
vocabulary for it is surprising, and attempts to solve some of the
foregoing problems have often involved strained explanations of the
vocabulary itself. Hence a need to clarify certain matters.
Paul uses the verb charizein (1 Cor 7:10) of the woman. It is often used
of divorce in the strict sense in Greek writers of the classical and
Hellenistic periods (e.g., Isaeus 8.36; Euripides,Frg. 1063.13; Polybius,
Hist. 31.26,6), as well as in Greek marriage contracts. 55 But it is
unattested in the Greek of the so-called LXX. Yet it does turn up
precisely in the apophthegm (or pronouncement) of Mark 10:9 and
Matt 19:6: "let not man put asunder" {me charizetö). It is true that in the
middle-passive charizein does occasionally mean "depart," but this can
hardly be taken as the basis of translating me chöristhinai as "let her not
desert." 56 I have already discussed the problem of the aorist passive

infinitive above, but what is stressed here is that the verb should
properly be translated "be divorced."
Of the m a n , Paul uses the expression gynaika me aphienai (7:11),
"should not divorce his wife" (RSV). Again, this verbaphienai is used for
"divorce" in Greek writers of the classical and Hellenistic periods (e.g.,
Herodotus, Hut. 5.39; Euripides, Andromache 9 7 3 ; Plutarch, Pomp. 44),
but it apparently has not turned u p in the papyri and is unattested in
the LXX. 57
In the dominical saying preserved in the Synoptics the verb is always
apolyein (Mark 10:11-12; Luke 16:18; Matt 5:32; 19:9). It is, moreover,
the same verb that Matthew uses in the infancy narrative to express
Joseph's first decision about Mary (1:19, "to divorce her" because of
suspected unchastity d u r i n g the engagement—cf. Deut 22:20-21).
With the meaning of "divorce," apolyein is found in Hellenistic writers
such as Dionysius of Halicarnassus (Rom. Ant. 2.25,7) and Diodorus
Siculus (Libr. hist. 12.18,1-2). Bauer-Arndt-Gingrich say of it: "This
[use] is in accord not w. Jewish . . . , but w. Greco-Roman custom," 58
even though they cite an instance of the sense used by Josephus (Ant.
15.7,10 §259). 59 Indeed, an attempt has been m a d e to interpret the first
part of the Lucan form of the dominical saying as if apolyein did not
really mean "divorce" at all, because it lacks the pronouncement-story
details of Mark and Matthew. In this view, it would mean rather "leave"
and be understood in the light of Jesus' other sayings about discipleship
which entail the "hating" of wife and children (14:26) or the "leaving"
of house or wife (18:29). T h u s Luke 16:18 would mean nothing more
than "He who would [for the sake of being Jesus' disciple] leave his wife
[without divorcing her] and marries another commits adultery." It is
then maintained that this sense of the logion was lost in time and that it
was subsequently interpreted as a saying against divorce itself.60 Aside
from the far-fetched nature of this explanation of Luke 16:18a, the
word apolyein has now turned u p in the clear sense of "divorce" in a
Greek document of remarriage from Palestine. It occurs in a text from
Murabba c at Cave 2 from the Bar Cocheba period and should put to rest
any hesitation about whether the Greek verb apolyein could have meant
"divorce" in the Greek of Palestine in the period in question. T h e
document attests the remarriage of the same two persons, who had
been divorced, and it is dated to A.D. 124. T h e crucial lines read (Mur
115:3-4): Ep<ei> pro tou synebe tö autö Efaiö Simonos appallagenai kai
apolyein Salomen löanou Galgoula, "since it h a p p e n ed earlier to the same
Elaios (son) of Simon to become estranged and to divorce Salome
(daughter) of J o h n Galgoula. . . ."61 T h e two verbs, appallagenai kai
The Matthean Divorce Texts and Same New Palestinian Evidence 91
apolyein, are probably an attempt to render into Greek the two Aramaic
verbs customarily used in Jewish writs of divorce; these are attested in
another Murabba c at document (Mur 19:2-4, dated A.D. I l l ) : säbeq
xvametärek min re^üü yöma* denäh Jänäk Yehosep bar Naqsan . . . lekt întt
Mirjam berat Yehmätän, "I, Joseph son of Naqsan, repudiate and divorce
you, my wife, Miriam, daughter of Jonathan." 62 T h e significance of this
use of apolyein, then, should not be missed, since Moulton and Milligan
were unable to give any instances of its use in the sense of "divorce" in
the Greek papyri on which they based their famous study of New
Testament Greek vocabulary. 63 Finally, it should be noted that whereas
Mark 10:4^ Matt 5:32, and Matt 19:7 quote Deut 24:1, as if the Greek
translation of the latter had the verb apolyein, it is not found in our
present-day Greek texts of Deuteronomy, which rather have exapostelei,
"he shall send (her) away," translating exactly the Hebrew wesillehäh.64
Now, against the background of these preliminary remarks, we may
turn to the material from the Qumran scrolls and related texts which
shed some first-century Palestinian light on the New Testament divorce
texts and on those of Matthew in particular.
II. The Qumran Material
T h e usual impression that one gets'from commentaries and discus-

sions of the New Testament divorce texts is that Jesus was making a
radical break with the Palestinian tradition before him, and this is
used in a variety of ways to bear on various details mentioned in the
preliminary remarks. 1 shall cite only one modern author who has
formulated such an impression:
. . . Jesus' absolute prohibition of divorce is something quite new in

relation to the view of marriage which prevailed in contemporary Judaism.
Neither in the O.T., the rabbinic literature nor the Qumran documents do
we find any condemnation of divorce as such. Thus Jesus was not
influenced in his view of divorce by any Jewish group.65
So writes a modern author. His impression may seem to be confirmed

by an ancient writer too; for in presenting a summary of Mosaic
legislation, Josephus interprets Deut 24:1-4 (Ant. 4.8,23 §253) and
openly acknowledges that a man "who desires to be divorced (diazeuch-
thenai) from the wife who is living with him for whatsoever cause (kath*
hasdepotoun aitias)—and with mortals many such may arise—must
certify in writing that he will have no further intercourse with her."
Again, in telling the story of the divorce initiated by Salome, the sister
of Herod the Great, in separating from Costobarus, whom Herod had

appointed governor of Idumea, he stressed that she sent him a writ
dissolving their marriage (apolyomene ton gamoii), "which was not in
accordance with Jewish law (ou kata tous Ioudaiön nomous), for it is (only)
the man who is permitted by us to do this" (Ant. 15.7,10 §259). 66 Here
Josephus clearly admits the possibility of divorce in accordance "with
the laws of the Jews," although his main concern was the question of a
Jewish woman's right to divorce her husband. 6 7
Over against this rather widespread impression one has to consider
two Q u m r a n texts which bear on the topic. O n e was only recently made
known, and the interpretation of it is not difficult; the other has been
known for a long time and is difficult to interpret, b u t the light that is
now shed on it by the more recently published text tips the scales
toward one particular interpretation often proposed in the past.
T h e first text is found in the Temple Scroll from Q u m r a n Cave 11, a
lengthy Hebrew document—longer than the scroll of the complete
Book of Isaiah from Q u m r a n Cave 1 (lQIsa a )—which was discov-
ered by Ta c amireh Bedouin in 1956. It is believed to have been in
the possession of Kando, the quondam Syrian cobbler of Bethlehem,
who had been the go-between for the sale of the original seven
scrolls of Q u m r a n Cave 1, from 1956 until the time of the Six-Day
War (1967), when Israel occupied the west bank of the Jordan and
gained control of the Old City of Jerusalem. In some mysterious, as
yet not wholly revealed, way the Templ e Scroll came into the pos-
session of the Department of Antiquities in Israel and was entrusted
to Y. Yadin for publication. T h e full text of the scroll, dating to the
end of the second century B.C., has now been published; but Yadin
had released a preliminary report on it68 and had published a few
lines of it which bear on texts in the Q u m r a n corpus that are well
known and controverted. 6 9 He had also revealed that the Temple
Scroll deals in general with four topics: (1) halakic regulations about
ritual cleanness, derived from the Pentateuch, but presented with
many additions, deletions, and variations; (2) a list of sacrifices and
offerings to be made according to different feasts; (3) details for the
building of the Jerusalem temple—the longest part, occupying more
than half of the 28-foot scroll, from which the name of it has
accordingly been derived; and (4) statutes for the king and the
army. 70 God is depicted in the scroll speaking in the first person
singular and issuing decrees, and Yadin concluded that the author
of the text wanted his readers to consider it virtually as Torah. T h e
fourth section of the scroll, setting forth the statutes, begins with a
direct quotation of Deut 17:14-17, the passage which instructs Is-
rael to set up as king over it one "whom the Lord your God will
choose, one from among your brethren" and which ends with the
prohibition, "He shall not multiply wives for himself lest his heart
turn away; nor shall he greatly multiply for himself silver and gold"
(17:17, RSV).
Now among the statutes for the king is the prohibition both of
polygamy and of divorce. T h e text (HQTemple 57:17-19) reads as
follows:
17
wlwJyqh clyk ^sh ^hrt ky 16ky'h Ibdk tkyk cmw kwlymy hyyh w^m mth ums* 19lzv
^hrt mbyt ^byhw mmsphtiu.
And he shall not take in addition to her another wife, for she alone shall be
with him all the days of her life; and if she dies, he shall take for himself
another (wife) from his father's house, from his clan.71
The first regulation clearly precludes polygamy (probably echoing

Deut 17:17), but the reason that is further added makes it clear that the
king is not to divorce his wife, "for she alone (lebadddh) shall be with
him all the days of her life," T h u s the Temple Scroll goes beyond Deut
17:17, which forbids polygamy, and proscribes divorce as well. It may
be objected that this is a regulation for the "king" (melek of Deut 17:14)
and that it does not envisage the commoner. But the principle behind
such legislation is—to paraphrase an ancient dictum—quod non licet Iovi,
non licet bovi; and it has been invoked apropos of other texts by other
writers.72 Moreover, as we shall see below, what was legislated for the
king in Deut 17:17 is explicitly applied by extension to a non-regal
authority-figure in the Qumran community. Again, if Yadin's opinion
cited above about the intention of the author of the Temple Scroll, that
he wanted it to be regarded virtually as Torah, is valid, then the
regulations in it were undoubtedly to be normative for all for whom it
was a virtual Torah.
Here, then, we find a clear prohibition of divorce in a first-century
Palestinian Jewish text. True, it may reflect the ideas of the sectarian
Jews who formed the Qumran community, normally regarded as
Essenes.73 It may also be a view that was in open opposition to what is
usually regarded as the Pharisaic understanding of the matter. To this I
shall return later.
Another text which bears on the same topic is the much-debated
passage in the Damascus Document (CD 4:12b—5:14a). It has been
known for a long time, having first come to light among the fragments
which S. Schechter recovered from the Genizah of the Ezra Synagogue
of Old Cairo in 1896 and which he published in 1910.74 It has at times
been used in the discussion of the N T divorce texts 75 and has been
considered of little help. But now, because of the above-cited passage of
the Temple Scroll, it needs to be discussed anew.
Fragments of the Damascus Document, as it is commonly called today
because of the regulations that it contains for community camps in
"Damascus," have been found in various Q u m r a n caves; some of these
have been published, but the vast majority of them (from Q u m r a n
Cave 4) still await publication. Some of these fragments make it clear
that earlier forms of the Damascus Document existed and that it has a
considerable literary and compilatory history. T h e form to which we
are accustomed, in MSS of the tenth and twelfth centuries A.D., is
obviously a composite document. Fragments of cols. 4 and 5 are
preserved in the Q u m r a n Cave 4 material, but unfortunately none
of them contains the lines in which the controverted text from the
Cairo Genizah is found. This is merely the result of the poor state
of preservation of the Cave 4 fragments, and there is no reason to
think that cols. 4 and 5 read any differently in the Q u m r a n texts
than they d o in the copy from the Cairo Genizah. 76
T h e text of the Damascus Document in which we are interested
forms part of a section (CD 2:14—6:1) that has been labeled by J.
Murphy-O'Connor as an Essene missionary document. 7 7 This section
seems to have existed independently at one time, before it became
part of the conflated text that we know today. It is an admonition or
exhortation addressed to Palestinian Jews who were not members of
the Essene community. 7 8 It seeks to explain God's attitude toward
mankind as revealed in history, to extol the role of the privileged
remnant to which the writer belonged (the community of the New
Covenant [cf. Jer 31:31; CD 6:19]), and to hold out both a promise
and a threat to Jews to consider joining the community. T h e warn-
ing is part of the immediately preceding context of the passage in
which we are interested. In this passage the author looks at the
current orthodoxy in Palestinian Judaism and levels against it a
harsh indictment. It is ensnared in various traps of Belial. T h e part
of the "missionary document" in which we are interested (CD
4:12b—5:14a) runs as follows:
And in all those years 13Belial will be unleashed against

Israel; as God said through the prophet Isaiah, son of
14
Amoz, "Terror and pit and snare are upon you, Ο inhabitant Isa 24:17
of the Land." The interpretation of it: (These are) 15the
three nets of Belial about which Levi, son of Jacob, spoke,
16
in which he (Belial) has ensnared Israel. He set them
(be)fore them as three kinds of ""righteousness": the first is
unchastity; the second, wealth; the third, 18defilement of the

sanctuary. Whoever rises out of one gets caught in another;
whoever is delivered from one gets caught 19in another.
The builders of the wall, who have gome after Vanity—(now) Ezek 13:10;
"Vanity" is a preacher, 20of whom He said, "They only preach"— Hos 5:11;
have been caught in unchastity in two ways: by taking 2l two Mich 2:6
wives in their lifetime, whereas the principle of creation (is)
"Male and female he created them; 511and those who entered Gen 1:27
(Noah's) ark, "two (by) two went into the ark." And concerning Gen 7:9
the prince (it is) written*. 2"He shall not multiply wivesfor himself " Deut 17:17
Now David did not read the sealed book of the Law,
which was 3in the ark (of the covenant); for it was not
opened in Israel since the day when Eleazar, 4Yehoshuac,
Joshua, and the elders died, when they (i.e., the Israelites)
began to serve Ashtoreth. It remained hidden (and) was
(not) 5 revealed, until Zadok arose. And the deeds of David
mounted up (like a holocaust to God), with the exception
of the blood of Uriah; 6 and God left them to him (for
merit).
Moreover, they defile the sanctuary, since they do not
keep Separate according to the Law, but lie with her who
sees the blood of her flux. Lev 15:19
And they take (as wives), 8each one (of them), the daughter Lev 18:15
of his brother and the daughter of his sister, whereas Moses
said, "You shall not -âpproach (sexually) your mother's sister;
she is your mother's kin." The regulation for incest 10is written
for males, but it applies equally to women; so if a brother's
daughter uncovers the nakedness of u h e r father's brother,
whereas she is his kin. . . .79
Of the t h r e e nets of Belial in which Israel is said to be e n s n a r e d, only

two a r e explained; "unchastity" (haizenut) a n d "defilement of t h e
sanctuary" (tamme^ hammiqdäs); the net of "wealth" (hahön), is com-
pletely passed over, a l t h o u g h it seems t o b e a n allusion t o D e u t 17:17b.
Moreover, two instances oizenut are given: (a) "by taking two wives in
their lifetime , , ( 4 : 2 0 - 2 1 — t h e controverted clause, to which 1 shall
return); a n d (b) " a n d they take (as wives), each one (of them), the
daughter of his brother , a n d the d a u g h t e r of his sister" (5:7-8). T h e s e
two instances explain t h e word bstym, "in two ways," of 4:20. C. Rabin
was apparently the first c o m m e n t a t o r to notice the relevance of this
word and t h e relation that it has to t h e rest of the text. 80 In m o r e recent
times he has been followed by others in what is almost certainly the
correct u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the text. 81
T h e explanations of the two nets are accompanied by Old Testament
passages which cite t h e prohibitions of t h e conduc t characteristic of the
current orthodoxy in Israel which has disregarded t h e m . T h e
"defilement of t h e sanctuary" is explained by t h e failure t o avoid
intercourse with the woman considered unclean in Lev 15:19. The

two forms of "unchastity" are likewise illustrated by Old Testament
passages: (a) "the taking of two wives in their lifetime" is seen to be
contravening Gen 1:27, 7:9, and Deut 17:17—but note that this is
now extended from the "king" of Deut 17:14 to the "prince" (näsf, i.e.,
nest kol häcedäh, "the prince of the whole congregation" [CD 7:20]82); (b)
the taking as wives "the daughter of his brother, and the daughter of
his sister" is seen to be a contravention of Lev 18:13, which prohibits
marriage within certain degrees of kinship.
Now two things above all are to be noted in this text. First, the
controverted meaning of the first form οϊ zenut: "taking two wives in
their lifetime" {laqahat sete nasim behayyehem). The text is controverted
because the pronominal suffix -hem on the word for "lifetime" is
masculine, and ever since Schechter first published the text of the
Damascus Document the meaning of the clause has been debated. Three
main interpretations of it have been proposed: 83 (a) It proscribes both
polygamy and marriage after divorce, (b) It proscribes polygamy alone.
(c) It proscribes any second marriage. The first is the majority
opinion;84 the second has been ably argued by G. Vermes in a recent
article;85 and the third has been defended by J. Murphy-O'Connor. 86 It
was to offset the third interpretation that Yadin published in prelim-
inary form the few lines of the Temple Scroll that I have cited above.
The last line of it makes it perfectly clear that "if she dies, he shall take
for himself another (wife)." Consequently, a second marriage after the
death of the first wife was not forbidden; hence a prohibition of this
should not be read into CD 4:21. 87 But the writers who defend the
second interpretation usually point out that the suffix on "lifetime"
should be feminine if divorce were being proscribed (i.e., "in their
[feminine] lifetime"); the same argument, however, has been used
against the interpretation that it refers merely to polygamy. But now
that HQTemple 57:17-19 speaks out not only against polygamy but
also against divorce, the most natural interpretation of CD 4:20-21 is
that the masculine pronominal suffix is used to refer to both the man
and the woman who are joined in marriage. This is the normal way that
one would express such a reference in Hebrew to the two sexes.88
Hence the first form of zenüt should be understood here as an
ensnarement in either polygamy or divorce—"by taking two wives in
their lifetime," i.e., while both the man and the women are alive, or by
simultaneous or successive polygamy. The text from the Temple Scroll
is thus seen to support the first (or majority) interpretation of CD 4:19-
21.
Second, the controversy that has surrounded the interpretation of
the first form of zenut has normally obscured the recognition that in this
text we have a clear reference to marriage within degrees of kinship
proscribed by Lev 18:13, labeled indeed precisely as zenut. In the Old
Testament zenut is used both of harlotry (e.g., Jer 3:2, 9; Ezek 23:27)
and of idolatrous infidelity (Num 14:33). In the LXX it is translated by
porneia (e.g., Jer 3:2, 9). Whatever one might want to say about the
nuances of the word zenut in the Old Testament, it is clear that among
the Jews who produced the Damascus Document the word had taken on
further specific nuances, so that polygamy, divorce, and marriage
within forbidden degrees of kinship could be referred to as forms of
zenut. Thus, in CD 4:20 and 5:8-11 we have "missing-link" evidence
for a specific understanding of zenüt as a term for marriage within
forbidden degrees of kinship or for incestuous marriage; this is a
specific understanding that is found among Palestinian Jews of the first
century B.C. and A.D.
III. Consequences for the Marcan and Matthean Passages
Now if the interpretation of these two Qumran passages just dis-

cussed is correct, two further important conclusions may be drawn
from them.
First, there is clear first-century Palestinian support for an interpreta-
tion ofporneia in Matt 5:32 and 19:9 in the specific sense of zenüt as an
illicit marital union between persons of close kinship. Matthew, there-
fore, would be making an exception for such marital situations for
Gentile Christians who were living in a mixed community with Jewish
Christians still observing Mosaic regulations. As we have already noted,
this interpretation of porneia is not new, but the evidence that was often
used in the past to support it came from rabbinic literature of a
considerably later period. 89 T h e fact that such a meaning of zenut is also
found in that literature merely strengthens the data presented here,
because it would show that the understanding was not confined to the
Essene type of Judaism.
Second, the prohibition of divorce by the Qumran community would
show that there were at least some Jews in first-century Palestine who
did proscribe it. Several writers have pointed out that at least some
Qaraites of later centuries prohibited divorce; and the relation of the
medieval Qaraites to the Essenes of Qumran is a matter of no little
interest and research. 90 Though we do not know how such an attitude
toward divorce would fit in with what Josephus has called "the laws of
Jews" (Ant. 15.7,10 §259), which permitted it, it at least seems to give
the He to what one reads in Strack-Billerbeck's Kommentar: "dass es in

der mischnischen Periode keine Ehe im jüdischen Volk gegeben hat, die
nicht kurzerhand vom Manne in völlig legaler Weise d u r c h Aushändi-
gung eines Scheidesbriefes hätte gelöst werden können." 9 1
But if some Palestinian Jews did prohibit divorce, then the whole
question of the Sitz im Leben for the debate of Jesus with the Pharisees
must be reconsidered; for the Q u m r a n legislation furnishes precisely
the Palestinian background needed to explain how the question attrib-
uted to the Pharisees in Mark 10:2 is comprehensible. B. Vawter has
said that ''neither the story as Mark tells it (a question over the licitness
of divorce in principle) nor the logion as he has formulated it [i.e., Mark
10:11-12] (envisaging the possibility of a woman's divorcing her
husband) fits into the Palestinian scene presupposed in the life of Jesus
and the conflict-stories of the Gospels." 92 Similarly, D. L. D u n g a n has
stated:
In view of the overwhelming evidence that nothing whatever in the Law

suggests that divorce is illegal [his italics], any commentator who proposes to
defend the primitive historical character of Mark's version of the Pharisees'
question, that it is more original than Matthew's, has no alternative, it seems
to me, but to search for ulterior and sinister motives on the part of the
Pharisees for putting such an obviously phony question to Jesus. . . .The
fact is, Mark's version of the question is inconceivable in a Palestinian
Pharisaic milieu. This is, of course, simply another way of saying that this is
not where it arose. On the other hand, if we simply transpose the whole
story in Mark into the setting of the early Hellenistic Church, everything
immediately fits perfectly.93
Now, in the light of the statute for the king in the Temple Scroll,
which directly forbids polygamy (as does Deut 17:17) and goes beyond
that to give a reason which at least implies the prohibition of divorce,
the question put by some Pharisees to Jesus in Mark 10:2, "Is it lawful
for a man to divorce his wife?" is not as "inconceivable" in a Palestinian
milieu as might be supposed. Knowing about the Essene prohibition of
divorce, a Pharisee could easily have posed the question to see where
Jesus stood in the matter: Do you side with the Essenes or with the
Pharisees? T h e Q u m r a n evidence supplies at least an intelligible matrix
for the question as posed in Mark, and the priority of the Marcan
passage over the Matthean is not an impossible position. T h e form of
the question as it is found in Matt 19:3 ("Is it lawful to divorce one's
wife for any cause?") represents merely that evangelist's reformulation of
the question in terms of an inner-Pharisaic dispute, between the schools
of Hillel and Shammai, perhaps even reflecting a church-synagogue
controversy otherwise manifest in the First Gospel.
Now if there is any validity to the interpretation of these divorce texts
in the light of the Qumran material, we see that it does not support the
position thst the pronouncement-story and the dominical saying, as
they are found in Matthew 19, represent a more primitive form than
that in Mark 10. In my opinion, it merely serves to accord to the Two-
Source Theory its merited place as the most plausible solution to the
Synoptic Problem. 94
IV. Theological Implications
There are further implications in all of this—implications for the

present-day debate about divorce; for the process of gospel-composi-
tion, as we are aware of it today, reveals that the prohibition of divorce
which is recorded in the New Testament writings has gone through
various stages of development. On the basis of form criticism and
redaction criticism it is possible to isolate two sayings about divorce that
may plausibly be regarded as traceable to Jesus himself: "What there-
fore God has joined together, let not man put asunder" (the pro-
nouncement, Mark 10:9, Matt 19:6) and "Everyone who divorces his
wife and marries another commits adultery, and he who marries a
divorced woman commits adultery" (the dominical saying, best pre-
served in Luke 16:18a-b). T h e Marcan additional material (10:12a-b),
the Matthean exceptive phrases (5:32b, 19:9b), and even the Pauline
formulation of the prohibition from the standpoint of the woman (1
Cor 7:10c—if choristhenai really = intransitive "separate" [see above])
are seen to be developments best explained in terms of the contexts in
which the prohibition was repeated.
The Matthean exceptive phrases are particularly of interest. T h o u g h
they scarcely make adultery a basis for divorce between Christians, as
we have argued above, the exception for an illicit union (or for a
marital situation that should not have been entered into to begin with)
may be said not to render the prohibition of divorce less absolute.
What is striking in the modern study of the Gospels and of the
divorce passages in particular is the number of commentators who trace
back to Jesus in some form or other a prohibition of divorce, and
usually in an absolute form. If the sort of analysis in which I have
engaged above has any validity, it leads one to the conclusion of the
absolute prohibition of divorce as coming from Jesus himself. When
one hears today of commentators analyzing gospel texts with the
principles of form criticism or redaction criticism, one more or less
expects to learn from them some more radical or even "liberating"
interpretation. But in this case it has not worked that way. Judged
form-critically, the New Testament divorce texts yield as the most
primitive form of the prohibition one that is absolute or unqualified.
For modern Christians who are inclined to identify as normative for
Christian life and faith only that which Jesus said or did, this logion on
divorce would have to be understood absolutely. But a form of
fundamentalism would thus be associated with it—not the usual
fundamentalism of the biblical text, but an even more naive sort which
surrounds what he might be imagined to have said or done. And that
raises the further problem about "which Jesus" stands behind that
norm. But in reality the norm for Christian life and conduct cannot be
other than the historical Jesus in tandem with the diverse pictures of
him in the New Testament writings.95 Yet that diversity has to be
respected with all its complexity, and the New Testament tradition
about the prohibition of divorce is a good example of the complexity,
since we have not only the attestation of an absolute prohibition (e.g., in
Paul, Luke, Mark) but also the exceptive phrases in Matthew, the
Marcan modification of the prohibition with respect to the woman, and
the further exception that is introduced by Paul in 1 Cor 7:15,
permitting the Christian "brother or sister" to marry after being
divorced by an "unbelieving partner." Even though these exceptions do
not stem from Jesus of Nazareth himself—and Paul stresses that
explicitly in 7:12—they do stand in the inspired writings of the New
Testament, in the inspired portraits of Jesus enshrined there. They
may not have the authority of ipsissima verba Iesu, but they do have the
authority of Scripture.
Now these exceptions and modifications, being found in such an
inspired record of early Christianity's reaction to Jesus, raise the crucial
question: If Matthew under inspiration could have been moved to add
an exceptive phrase to the saying of Jesus about divorce that he found
in an absolute form in either his Marcan source or in "Q," or if Paul
likewise under inspiration could introduce into his writing an exception
on his own authority, then why cannot the Spirit-guided institutional
church of a later generation make a similar exception in view of
problems confronting Christian married life of its day or so-called
broken marriages (not really envisaged in the New Testament)—as it
has done in some situations.96 The question here is whether one looks
solely at the absolute prohibition, traceable to Jesus, or at "the process
of understanding and adaptation" which is in the New Testament itself
and "with which the modern Church can identify only by entering into
the process and furthering it."97
Because one of the Matthean divorce texts (5:31-32) is found in the
Sermon on the Mount, that saying has often been subjected to an
interpretation to which the Sermon as a whole has also been submitted.
Thus, we are told that the prohibition of divorce in the New Testament
is proposed as an ideal toward which Christians are asked to strive,
when in reality it is realized that it is not always achieved. "Jesus
established a moral ideal, a counsel, without constituting it a legal
norm." 98 This, of course, is an ingenious solution. But it is substantiated
only by means of a certain exposition of the Sermon on the Mount as a
whole that once had some vogue. T h e history of the exegesis of that
Sermon has run through an entire gamut of interpretations, and one of
them is the Theory of the Impossible Ideal—a blueprint for Utopia."
And the question has always been whether that theory measures up to
the radical program of Christian morality proposed by the Matthean
Jesus. Alas, it appears to be as ephemeral as many of the others. This
means that distinctions of this sort between "ideal" and "legal norm,"
born of considerations extrinsic to the texts themselves, stand little
chance of carrying conviction. T h e Matthean Jesus' words appeal
beyond Mosaic legislation and any ideal to the divine institution of
marriage itself.
A still further theological question may be asked, about why Jesus
himself might have assumed such an attitude toward divorce as seems
to be enshrined in his prohibition. Here I find myself attracted by a
solution proposed by A. Isaksson, whose interpretation about the
primitivity of the Matthean pericope I otherwise cannot accept. His
explanation of Jesus' attitude is by no means certain, but it is neverthe-
less plausible and intriguing. He presents Jesus' view of marriage as
indissoluble as an extension of an Old Testament attitude towards
members of the priestly families who were to serve in the Jerusalem
temple. "They shall not marry a harlot or a woman who has been
defiled; neither shall they marry a woman divorced from her husband
(geritsäh meîsäh, lit., "driven out from her husband"), for the priest is
holy to his God" (Lev 21:7; cf. Ezek 44:22). Isaksson sees this as the
motivation for the prohibition of divorce: "Jesus taught his disciples
they were chosen for and consecrated to the service of God." 100 His
suggestion fits in with other considerations of the Christian community
as the temple in a new sense (2 Cor 6:14-7:1; 1 Cor 3:16-17; Eph
2:18-22)—a theme not unknown either to the Qumran community or
to the early church. 101 And one might want to add the further
implication of the general priestly character of Christian disciples (Rev
1:6).102
On the other hand, there may be a still further nuance. If it is true

that what is legislated for the king is legislated for the commoner, the
prohibition of divorce for the king in 1 IQTemple 57:17-19 and for the
"prince" of the community in CD 4:20-21 may suggest a kingly reason
for the prohibition as well. Here 1 Pet 2:5, 9 comes to mind: "Like
living stones be yourselves built into a spiritual house, to be a holy
priesthood. . . . You are a chosen race, a royal priesthood, a holy
nation, God's own people. . . ."103 Such ideas may have been in the
minds of the early Christians, ideas derived from their Old Testament
background, but also influenced by such Palestinian Jewish thinking as
we have cited in this paper. Whether we can attribute all of it to the
thinking of Jesus of Nazareth will forever remain a problem. 104
NOTES
* Originally published in TS 37 (1976) 1.97-226.

1
A good bibliography on the divorce texts can be found in A. Myre, "Dix ans
d'exegese sur le divorce dans le Nouveau Testament," Le divorce: LEglise
catholique ne devrait-eile pas modifier son attitude seculaire ä Vegard de l'indissolubilite du
mariage? (Montreal: Fides, 1973) 1 3 9 - 6 3 , esp. p p . 1 5 6 - 6 3 .
2
See R. Bultmann, The History of the Synoptic Tradition, 27.
3
T o be noted, however, are the two prohibitions of divorce in Deut 2 2 : 1 3 - 1 9 ,
28-29.
4
See A. Oepke , "Gyne" TDNT 1 (1964) 7 7 6 - 8 9 , esp. p. 788. Cf. H.
Baltensweiler, Die Ehe im Neuen Testament: Exegetische Untersuchungen über Ehe,
Ehelongkeit und Ehescheidung (Zürich: Zwingli, 1967) 2 3 9 - 4 1 ; R. L. Saucy, " T h e
Husband of O n e Wife," BSac 131 ( 1 9 7 4 ) 2 2 9 - 4 0 .
5
Ibid., 233-34. Cf. J. Murray, "Divorce," WTJ 11 (1948-49) 105-22; M.-J.
Lagrange, Saint Paul: EpUre aux Romains (Paris: Gabalda, 1931) 161; K.
Haacker, "Ehescheidung u n d Wiederverheiratung im N e u e n Testament," TQ
151 (1971) 2 8 - 3 8 , esp. p. 28.
6
For the significance of this formulation, see my discussion in Pauline
Theology: A Brief Sketch (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1967) 13. Cf. D. M.
Stanley, "Pauline Allusions to the Sayings of Jesus," CBQ 23 (1961) 2 6 - 3 9 ; D. L.
Dungan, The Sayings of Jesus in the Churches of Paul: The Use of the Synoptk Tradition
in the Regulation of Early Church Life (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1971) x x x - x x x i ; H.
Baltensweiler, Die Ehe (n. 4 above), 189.
7
Η. Lietzmann (An die Korinther I-II [ H N T 9; 4th ed.; T ü b i n g e n : Mohr
(Siebeck), 1949] 31) says this precisely: "Das chörkümiai muss parallel d e m
aphienai v. 11 die aktive H a n d l u n g der Scheidung bedeuten." Similarly, J.
Dupont (Manage et divorce dans VEvangile: Matthieu 19,3-12 et paralleles [Bruges:
Desclee de Brouwer, 1959] 59) translates chöristhenai as a middle "se separer,"
but he does not justify this interpretation of an aorist passive as middle. In some
MSS (A, D, G, etc.) the present infinitive chörizesthai is found, which could be
taken as middle. But the better reading is the aorist passive. See further K.
Aland, Studien zur Überlieferung des Neuen Testaments und seines Textes (ANTF 2;
Berlin: de Gruyter, 1967) 153 (on the reading of 1 Cor 7:10-11 in Ρ11).
s
Die Ehe (n. 4 above), 187-91.
Μ Commentary on the First Epistle to the Corinthians (Philadelphia: Fortress,
1975) 120. Cf. E.-B. AMo, Saint Paul: Premiereepitre aux Corinthiens (2d ed.; Paris:
Gabalda, 1956) 165.
10
The Sayings of Jesus (n. 6 above), 9 1 . T h e italics are his in this and the
following quotations.
11
Ibid., 92.
12
Ibid., 93.
13
T h e different terms used by Paul in his counsels in 1 Corinthians 7 are
important and should be noted: "I wish" (7:7, 32); "I say" (7:8, 35); "my
opinion" (7:25, 40); "I order" (7:17); the Lord "charges" (7:10, 25). On these
terms, see H. Baltensweiler, Die Ehe (η. 4 above), 188; cf. W. Schräge, Die
konkreten Einzelgebote in der paulinischen Paränese (Gütersloh: Mohn, 1961) 241—
49.
14
See Β. Schaller, "Die Sprüche über Ehescheidung u n d Wiederheirat in d e r
synoptischen Überlieferung," Der Ruf Jesu und die Antwort der Gemeinde: Exegeti-
sche Untersuchungen Joachim Jeremias zum 70. Geburtstag geundmet von seinen
Schülern (ed. E. Lohse et al.; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1970) 245.
Schaller notes that the penalty threatened in the usual casuistic form is missing
here. See further K. Haacker, "Ehescheidung" (η. 5 above), 30.
15
For my understanding of the " Q " source, see p p . 16-23 above.
16
H. Baltensweiler, Die Ehe (η. 4 above), 6 0 - 6 4 .
17
See also F. Neirynck, "De Jezuswoorden over echtscheiding," Mislukt
huwelijk en echtscheiding: Een mulädisciplinaire benadering (ed. V. Heylen; Louvain:
Leuven University, 1972) 127-41, esp. p. 133. T h e principle of multiple
attestation is being used here.
18
Ibid.
19
Ibid., 132.
20
For the relation of Matt 5:32 to Luke 16:18, see J. Dupont, Les Beatitudes: Le
probleme litteraire—Les deux versions du Sermon sur la Montagne et des Beatitudes (new
ed.; Louvain: Nauwelaerts, 1958) 117-18.
21
E.g., G. Delling, "Das Logion Mark. X 11 [und seine Abwandlungen] im
Neuen Testament," ΝονΤ 1 (1956-57) 2 6 3 - 7 4, esp. p p . 2 6 5 - 6 7 .
22
In the LXX Deut 24:1 runs thus: Ean de tis labe gynaika kai synoikese aute, kai
estai ean me heure charin enantion autou, hoti heuren en aute aschemon pragma, kai
grapsei aute biblion apostasiou kai dösei eis tas cheiras autes kai exapostelei auten ek tes
oikias autou . . . , "If someone takes a wife and lives with her, and it happens
that (lit., if) she does not find favor before him, because he (has) found in her
(some) disgraceful deed (or thing), and he writes her a writ of divorce and puts it
into her hands and sends her out of his house . . ." (A. E. Brooke and N.
McLean, The Old Testament in Greek (Cambridge: University Press) I/iii (1911)
630; A. Rahlfs, Septuaginta [8th ed.; Stuttgart: Württembergische Bibelanstalt
1965], 1. 329). T h e newly discovered Greek version of Deuteronomy, dating
from pre-Christian times (Papyrus Fuad 226, frg. 36) has unfortunately only a
few words of Deut 24:1 and they are identical with the reading in Christian
copies of the LXX. See F. Dunand, Papyrus grecs bibliques (Papyrus F. Inv. 266):
Volumina de la Genese et du Deuteronome (Cairo: Imprimerie de l'institut frangais
d'archeologie Orientale, 1966), textes et planches, 105.
23
Η. Greeven ("Ehe nach d e m N e u e n Testament," NTS 15 [1968 39] 3 6 5 -
88, esp. p p . 382-85) argues for Matt 5:32 as the m o r e primitive form of the
sayings than Luke's, but his a r g u m e n t s seem forced and are not convincing.
24
C o m p a r e the similar use of two passages of Genesis (1:27 and 7:9) in the
Damascus Document, to be treated below; cf. NTS 7 (1960-61) 3 1 9 - 2 0 ; ESBNT,
36-38.
25
This is not the place to engage in a lengthy discussion of these variants; see
H. Baltensweiler,/)^ Ehe (η. 4 above), 6 6 - 6 7 . It may be noted, however, that the
UBSGNT lists no variants for this verse, nor does Β. Μ. Metzger (A Textual
Commentary on the Greek New Testament) discuss it.
26
Mss Θ, W, some minuscles of the Lake family, and the Syriac versions. This
evidence, however, is not very significant. See further V. Taylor, Mark (p. 33
above) 4 2 0 - 2 1 .
27
Cf. G. Delling, "Das Logion Mark. X 11" (n. 21 above), 270.
28
See W. Kunkel, "Matrimonium," PW 14/2 (1930) 2 2 5 9 - 8 6 , esp. cols. 2 2 7 5 -
81; T. T h a l h e i m , "Ehescheidung," PW 5/2 (1905) 2 0 1 1 - 1 3 ; F. Raber, "Divor-
tium," Der kleine Pauly: Lexikon der Antike (ed. K. Ziegler a n d W. Sontheimer;
Stuttgart: Druckenmüller) 2 (1957) 109-10; J. Dauvillier, "L'Indissolubilite du
mariage dans la nouvelle Loi," Orient-Syrien 9 (1964) 2 6 5 - 8 9 .
29
AP 15:22-23 reads: "Should Miptahiah rise u p in an assembly tomorrow
[or] some other [da]y and say, *I divorce (lit., I hate) my husband Eshor,' the
divorce fee is on her head. . . ." See my commentary on this text, "A Re-Study
of an Elephantine Aramaic Marriage Contract (AP 15)," Near Eastern Studies
in Honor of William Foxwell Albright (ed. H. Goedicke; Baltimore: J o h n s Hopkins
University, 1971) 1 3 7 - 6 8 ; reprinted, W/ί, 2 4 3 - 7 1 . See further BMAP 2:9; 7:25;
cf. AP 9:8.
30
An attempt has been m a d e by E. Bammel ("Markus 10:11 f. und das
jüdische Eherecht," ZNW 61 [1970] 95-101) to gather evidence that a Jewish
woman had a right to divorce her husband. T h e r e is a text in J o s e p h u s (Ant.
15.7,10 §259) which mentions a case of it, and we shall r e t u r n to it below. T h e
restoration of Mur frg. 20:6 [DJD 2, 110-13] proposed by J. T. Milik is highly
questionable, as even Bammel recognizes; it cannot really be used for evidence.
31
T h e twofold occurrence of the prohibition of divorce in the Matthean
Gospel is a good example of a "doublet" in the Synoptic tradition (see p p . 2 0 - 2 1
above); Matt 5:32 is derived from "Q," and Matt 19:3-9 from the Marcan
source. See E. von Dobschütz, "Matthäus als Rabbi u n d Katechet," ZNW 27
(1928) 3 3 8 - 4 8 , esp. p . 340.
32
T h e modification consists mainly in the admission of private sources which
both Matthew and Luke had, usually designated "M" and *'L", either oral or
written (see p p . 28, 39 above).
33
E.g., R. H. Charles, The Teaching of the New Testament on Divorce (London:
Williams and Norgate, 1921) 1 9 - 3 1 ; Β. Η. Streeter, The Four Gospels (p. 30
above), 259; J. Jeremias./esus aL· Weltvollender (Gütersloh: Bertelsmann, 1930)
65; Μ. R. L e h m a n n , "Gen 2:24 as the Basis for Divorce in Halakhah and New
Testament," LAW 11 (1960) 2 6 3 - 6 7 ; A. Isaksson, Marriage and Ministry in the
New Temple: A Study xoith Special Reference to Mt 19, Π-12 [sic] and I. Cor. 11,3-16
(Lund: Gleerup, 1965) 7 0 - 7 4 ; B. Vawter, " T h e Biblical Theology of Divorce,"
PCTSA 22 (1967) 2 2 3 - 4 3 , esp. p p . 2 3 3 - 3 4 .
34
E.g., D. L. Dungan, The Sayings offesus (n. 6 above), 1 0 3 - 3 1 . Cf. his article,
"Mark—The Abridgement of Matthew and Luke,"/est« and Man's Hope (p. 30
above), 1. 5 1 - 9 7 .
35
See J. Dupont, Manage et divorce (n. 7 above), 28. For parallels to "for any
reason," see the Greek formulas in josephus, Ant. 4.8,23 §253 (katk' hasdepotoun
aitias), and Philo, De spec. leg. 3.5 §30 (kathy hen an tyche prophasin).
36
See further F. Neirynck, "De Jezuswoorden" (n. 17 above), 136.
37
G. Delling, "Das Logion" (n. 21 above), 270.
38
Some MSS (B, D, the Freer and Lake families of minuscules) read parektos
logou porneias in 19:9, but that is obviously the result of harmonization with 5:32.
For an attempt to defend a different form of the Matthean text, see J. MacRory,
"The Teaching of the New Testament on Divorce: A Critical Examination of
Matt. xix. 9," ITQ 6 (1911) 7 4 - 9 1 ; "Christian Writers of the First T h r e e
Centuries and St. Matt. xix. 9," ibid., 172-85. Cf. H. Crouzel, L'Eglise primitive
face au divorce (Theologie historique, 13; Paris: Beauchesne, 1971) 29-34; J. P.
Arendzen, "Ante-Nicene Interpretations of the Sayings on Divorce," JTS 20
(1919) 2 3 0 - 4 1 .
39
Tortuous attempts to read these phrases as other than "exceptive" have to
be recognized for what they really are, subterfuges to avoid the obvious. B.
Vawter ("The Divorce Clauses in Mt 5,32 and 19,9,"C5Q 16[1954] 155-67, esp.
160-62, 163-64) has supplied a list of such attempts and discussed the problems
inherent in them. Cf. G. Delling, "Das Logion" (n. 21 above), 268-69; J.
Dupont, Manage et divorce (n. 7 above), 96-106; H. Baltensweiler,Di^ Ehe (n. 4
above), 8 9 - 9 1 .
40
E.g., A. Schlatter, Der Evangelist Matthäus: Seine Sprache, sein Ziel, seine Selbst-
ständigkeit (Stuttgart: Calwer Verlag, 1929) 568; Η. G. Coiner, "Those 'Divorce
and Remarriage Passages (Matt. 5:32; 19:9; 1 Cor 7:10-16)," CTM 39 (1968)
367-84; A. Isaksson, Marriage and Ministry (n. 33 above) 75—152; J. Schniewind,
Das Evangelium nach Matthäus übersetzt und erklärt (NTD 2; Göttingen: Van-
denhoeck & Ruprecht, 1962) 64.
41
See J. Dupont, Manage et divorce, 88 η. 2.
42
See Ε. von Dobschütz, "Matthäus als Rabbi" (n. 31 above), 339-40, 344; R.
Bultmann,//w/ory of the Synoptic Tradition, 148; J. Dupont, Mariage et divorce, 89.
43
This is the conclusion of many New Testament interpreters today—in fact,
of so many that it is useless to try to document it; see G. Delling, "Das Logion"
(n. 21 above), 274; H. Greeven, "Zu d e n Aussagen des Neuen Testaments über
die Ehe," Zeitschrift für evangelische Ethik 1 (1957) 109-25.
44
BAG, 699.—This is not the place to deal with the question raised by B.
Malina, "Does Porneia Mean Fornication?" NovT 14 (1972) 10-17, whose an-
swer has oversimplified the matter. For criticisms of Malina's views, see
J . J . O'Rourke, "Does the New Testament C o n d e m n Sexual Intercourse outside
Marriage? 7 5 37 (1976) 4 7 8 - 7 9 ; J. Jensen, '"Does Porneia Mean Fornication? A
Critique of Bruce Malina,"NovT 20 (1978) 161-84; cf. M. Zalba, "Declaratio de
quibusdam quaestionibus ad sexualem ethicam spectantibus (AAS 68 [1976]
77-96)," Penodica 66 (1977) 72-115, esp. pp. 9 6 - 9 7 . Nor am I happy with
Malina's approval of K.-G. Kuhn's interpretation of zenut in CD 4:19ff. (see
"The Epistle to the Ephesians in the Light of the Q u m r a n Texts," Paul and
Qumran [ed. J. Murphy-O'Connor; Chicago: Priory, 1968] 115-31, esp. p.
121), as will be made clear in part II of this essay.
45
Rom 1:29 and Gal 5:19 might also be involved, but there are text-critical
problems involved in these passages.
46
For the variants on these passages in different MSS, see H. Baltensweiler,
Die Ehe (η. 4 above), 92; Β. Μ. Metzger, A Textual Commentary on the Greek New
Testament, 4 2 9 - 3 5 .
47
See E. Haenchen, The Acts of the Apostles: A Commentary (Philadelphia:
Westminster, 1971) 449; Str-B, 2. 7 2 9 - 3 9 ; F. Hauck and S. Schulz, "Porni, etc.,"
TDNT 6 (1968) 593; H. Richards, "Christ on Divorce," Scnpture 11 (1959) 2 2 -
32; H. Baltensweiler, Die Ehe, 9 2 - 1 0 3 .
48
So, e.g., F. Hauck and S. Schulz, "Porne, etc.," TDNT 6 (1968) 592; E.
Klostermann, Das Matthäusevangelium (4th ed.; T ü b i n g e n : Mohr [Siebeck],
1971) 46 (quoting B. Weiss); M. Dibelius, From Tradition to Gospel (New York:
Scribner, n.d.) 249; M.-J. Lagrange, Evangile selon saint Μatthieu (4th ed.; Paris:
Gabalda, 1927) 105 ("Le sens est done: 'mis ä p a r t le cas d'adultere 1 "); M.-E.
Boismard, Synapse des quatre evangiles en francais 2: Commentaire (Paris: Cerf,
1972) 308 ( T a d u l t e r e de la femme").
49
See K. Bornhäuser, Die Bergpredigt (Gütersloh: Bertelsmann, 1923) 82; A.
Fridrichsen, "Excepta fornicationis causa," SEA 9 (1944) 5 4 - 5 8 , esp. p. 55 n. 2.
T. L. T h o m p s o n ("A Catholic View on Divorce,"y£S 6 [1969] 5 3 - 6 7 , esp. p. 58
n. 22) calls the distinction between porneia and mokheia "groundless and the
r e s u l t o f a very mechanical, almost mathematical idea of language." But that is a
sciolist approach to the whole problem.
50
See J. L. McKenzie, " T h e Gospel according to M a t t h e w / ' / ß C , art. 43, §38.
51
What it comes to in the long r u n is whether one is going to use the Pauline
meaning οϊporneia in Matthew or the Lucan m e a n i n g from Acts 15. Given the
nature of the community that Matthew is addressing, the latter seems more
appropriate.
52
E.g., W. K. L. Clarke, " T h e Excepting Clause in St. Matthew," Theology 15
(1927) 161-62; F. Gavin, "A F u r t h e r Note onPorneia," Theology 16 (1928) 102-
5; F. W. G r e e n , 7 ½ Gospel according to Saint Matthew (2d ed.; Oxford: Clarendon,
1945) 220; H. Baltensweiler, Die Ehe (η. 4 above), 8 7 - 1 0 2 ; "Die Ehebruchs-
klausel bei Matthäus: Zu Matth. 5, 32; 19, 9," TZ 15 (1959) 3 4 0 - 5 6 ; M.
T h u r i a n , Marriage and Celibacy (London: SCM, 1959) 28.—In Roman Catholic
circles this interpretation has been mainly associated with the n a m e of J.
Bonsirven, Le divorce dans le Nouveau Testament (Paris: Desclee, 1948); "'Nisi ob
fornicationem': Exegese primitive," Melanges qfferts au R. P. Ferdinand Cavallera
(Toulouse: Bibliotheque d e l'Insütut Catholique, 1948) 4 7 - 6 3 ; "'Nisi fornica-
tionis causa': C o m m e n t r e s o u d r e cette 'crux i n t e r p r e t u m ' ? " RSR 35 (1948)
442-64. It had, of course, been proposed by several others before him, but he
popularized the interpretation. A lengthy list of those who use it can be found in
J. Dupont, Mariage et divorce, 106-7 nn. 2 - 3 . Some who have adopted it more
recently are: J. Schmid, Das Evangelium nach Matthäus ( R N T 1; 5th ed.;
Regensburg, Pustet, 1965) 104; R. Pesch, "Die neutestamentliche Weisung für
die Ehe," BibLeb 9 (1968) 2 0 8 - 2 1 , esp. p. 211; R. Schnackenburg, "Die Ehe nach
d e m Neuen Testament," Theologie der Ehe (ed. G. Krems and R. Munn;
Regensburg: Pustet, 1969) 9 - 3 6 , esp. p p . 17-18 .
53
I am passing over other meanings that have been proposed at times, e.g.,
the interpretation οϊ porneia as intercourse on the part of an engaged girl (see
Deut 22:20-21), proposed by A. Isaksson, Marriage arid Ministry (n. 33 above),
135-42; or the figurative interpretation of porneia as pagan unbelief, or
"something unseemly [in the eyes of God]," as proposed by A. Mahoney, "A
New Look at the Divorce Clauses in Mt 5,32 and 19,9," CBQ 30 (1968) 2 9 - 3 8 ,
esp. pp. 3 2 - 3 5 ; or the interpretation that it refers to "all offences short of
adultery," because the dissolubility of marriage for adultery permitted in the
Old Testament was implicitly admitted by Jesus," proposed by R. H. Charles,
The Teaching (n. 33 above), 2 1 - 2 2 .
54
For further discussion of the destination of the Matthean Gospel to a mixed
but predominantly Jewish-Christian community, see my note, "Anti-semitism
and the Cry of'All the People' (Mt 27:25)," TS (1965) 6 6 7 - 7 1 , esp. pp. 6 7 0 - 7 1 .
55
See MM, 696. Also other papyrus texts such as .PS/ §166.11-12; P. Rylands,
2. 154:25 (A.D. 66; LCL, Select Papyri, 1. 15; BGU §1101:5; §1102:8; §1103:6 (13
B.C.; LCL, 1. 22-23).
56
See the tortuous attempts of R. H. Charles to translate the verb in this way
(The Teaching [n. 33 above], 43-61).
57
Possibly it occurs in Josephus, Ant. 15.7,10 §259, but the reading is not
textually certain.
58
BAG, 96. Cf. D. Daube, " T h e New Testament Terms for Divorce,"
Theology 47 (1944) 66.
59
Cf. also Esdras A (LXX) 9:36.
60
So B. K. Diderichsen, Den markianske skihmisseperikope: Dens genesis og
historiske placering (Copenhagen: Gyldendal, 1962) 20-47, 347. See A. Isaksson,
Marriage and Ministry (n. 33 above), 94-96; H. Baltensweiler, Die Ehe (n. 4
above), 64 η. 63; F. Neirynck, "De Jezuswoorden" (n. 17 above), 130.
61
See P. Benoit et al., Les grottes de Murabbacat (DJD 2), 248. A. Isaksson
(Marriage and Ministry, 95) wrongly refers to this document as a "divorce
certificate found at Q u m r a n . " It has nothing to d o with Q u m r a n . See further E.
Lövestamm, "Apolyein en gammalpalestinensisk skilsmassoterm," SEA 27 (1962)
132-35.
62
See P. Benoit et al., Les grottes de Murabbacat (DJD 2), 105. This document is
technically known as a Doppelurkunde, "double document," because the same
text of the contract was written twice, and the u p p e r form of it (scriptura interior)
was folded over and officially sealed, whereas the lower form (scriptura exterior)
was left visible for ready consultation. In case of a dispute over the wording, the
seals of the u p p e r part could be broken and the texts compared to make sure
that the scriptura exterior had not been tampered with. In this instance the
scriptura interior contains the identical formula (lines 13-15).
63
MM, 66-67. T h e word turns u p in this sense in later Greek literature.
64
S e e n . 22 above.
65
A. Isaksson, Marriage and Ministry (n. 33 above), 145. See further B. Vawter,
"Biblical Theology" (n. 33 above), 232; A. Finkel, The Pharisees and the Teacher of
Nazareth (Leiden: Brill, 1964) 164-65. Not even the strictures against divorce in
Mai 2:14-16 were interpreted in the sense of prohibition.
66
T h e text continues, ". . . and not even a divorced woman may marry again
on her own initiative unless her former husband consents." See further R.
Marcus, "Notes on Torrey's Translation of the Gospels," HTH 27 (1934) 2 2 0 -
21.
67
It is, of course, quite unclear what precedent this divorce of Salome
constitutes in Palestinian Judaism of the time; Josephus regards it as an illegal
exception. Part of the problem is that Idumeans are involved, people who were
often regarded as "half-Jews."
68
"The Temple Scroll," BA 30 (1967) 135-39; reprinted, New Directions in
Biblical Archaeology (ed. D. N. Freedman and J. C. Greenfield; Garden City, NY:
Doubleday, 1969) 139-48, esp. p. 141. Cf. "Un nouveau manuscrit de la Mer
Morte: Le rouleau du Temple," CRAIBL 1968, 607-16.
Vadin has now published the editio princeps in a moder n Hebrew publication,
Mgylt-hmqds [The Temple Scroll] (3 vols.; Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society,
Archaeological Institute of the Hebrew University, Shrine of the Book, 1977).
Cf. J. Maier, Die Tempelrolle vom Toten Meer übersetzt und erläutert (Munich/Basel:
Ε. Reinhardt, 1978); A. Caquot, "Le rouleau d u temple de Q o u m r ä n , " ETR 53
(1978) 4 4 3 - 5 0 0 ; Y. Yadin, "Temple Scroll," Encyclopedia Judaica (Jerusalem:
Keter; New York: Macmillan, 1971), 15. 9 9 6 - 9 8 .
69
T h e main article in which we are interested is "L/Attitude essenienne envers
la polygamie et le divorce," RB 79 (1972) 9 8 - 9 9 . T w o other short articles also
supply texts that bear on other matters in the T e m p l e Scroll: "Pesher N a h u m
( 4 Q p N a h u m ) Reconsidered " IEJ 21 (1971) 1-12 (treating of 1 l Q T e m p l e 6 4 : 6 -
13 [see p p . 1 3 2 - 3 3 below]); " T h e Gate of the Essenes and the T e m p l e
Scroll," Qcidmoniot 5(1972) 1 2 9 - 3 0 fin Hebrew]\Jerusalem Revealed: Archaelogy in
the Holy City 1968-1974 (Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1975) 9 0 - 9 1 .
70
" T h e T e m p l e Scroll," New Directions (n. 68 above), 142.
71
A fuller, detailed discussion of the Hebrew text of these lines and of the
passage to be cited below from the Damascus Document has been published by me
in an article, "Divorce a m o n g First-Century Palestinian Jews," H. L. Ginsberg
Volume (Eretz-Israel, 14; Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1978) 103*-10*.
72
See, e.g., G. Vermes, The Dead Sea Scrolls in English (Baltimore: Penguin,
1970) 37. See further, D. Daube, The New Testament and Rabbinic Judaism
(London: University of London, 1956) 86. Daube calls attention to the fact that
CD 7:16-17 quotes Amos 5:26 and interprets the "king" of the Amos passage as
"the congregation" (qhl).
73
Josephus makes no mention of this tenet of the Essenes.
74
Documents of Jewish Sectaries (2 vols.; Cambridge : University Press, 1910;
reprinted in the Library of Biblical Studies with a prolegomeno n by me, New
York: Ktav, 1970), 1. xxxv-xxxvii, 2 1 , (67)-(69), (114)-(115). Schechters text
has to be used with caution. T h e best edition of the Damascus Document today is
that of C. Rabin, The Zadokite Documents I: The Admonition; 2. The Laws (Oxford:
Clarendon, 1954) 16-19. Cf. S. Zeitlin, The Zadokite Fragments: Facsimile of the
Manuscripts in the Cairo Genizah Collection in the Possesnon of the University Library,
Cambridge, England (Philadelphia: Dropsie College, 1952) pis. iv-v.
75
Most of the older discussions have been surveyed and c o m m e n t ed on by H.
Braun, Qumran und das Neue Testament (2 vols.; T ü b i n g e n : Mohr [Siebeck],
1966), 1 . 4 0 - 4 2 ; 2. 103-4.
76
From Q u m r a n Cave 4 have come seven, possibly eight, fragmentary copies
of the text. Further fragments were found in Caves 5 and 6; the latter have been
published: 5QD (or 5 Q / 2 ) , corresponding to CD 9:7-10; 6QD (or 6 Q / 5 ) ,
corresponding to CD 4 : 1 9 - 2 1 ; 5:13-14; 5:18-6:2; 6 : 2 0 - 7 : 1 . In the Cave 6
fragments one finds a bit that corresponds to the text of CD 4 : 1 9 - 2 1 , in which
we are interested here; but what is there is identical with the text of the medieval
copy. See M. Baillet et al., Les 'Petites Grottes de Qumran (DJD 3; Oxford:
Clarendon, 1962) 181 and 1 2 8 - 3 1 . Cf. RB 63 (1956) 5 1 3 - 2 3 .
77
"An Essene Missionary Document? CD II, 14— V I , 1 , " RB 77 (1970) 2 0 1 -
29.
78
See further J. Murphy-O'Connor, " T h e Essenes a n d T h e i r History," RB 81
(1974) 215-44.
79
T h e translation which I give here differs slightly from that used in an earlier
article in which this passage was quoted in part, " T h e Use of Explicit Old
Testament Quotations in Q u m r a n Literature and in the New Testament,"
ESBNT, 37. I now take bznwt more closely with the three preceding words; for
further discussion of this matter, see the article mentioned in n. 71 above.
80
77½ Zadokite Documents, 17 n. 2 (on line 20).
81
E.g., E. Cothenet, "Le Document de Damas," Les textes de Qumran traduits et
annates (2 vols.; Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1961), 2. 162; L. Moraldi, I manoscritti di
Qumrän (Turin: Unione tipografica, 1971) 236; J. Murphy-O'Connor, "An
Essene Missionary Document?" (n. 77 above), 220.
82
This identification of the " prince" is taken from C. Rabin, Zadokite Documents
(n. 74 above), 18 n. 3 (on line 1).
83
G. Vermes ("Sectarian Matrimonial Halakhah in the Damascus Ku\e"JJS
25 [1974] 197-202; reprinted, Post-Biblical Jewish Studies [SJLA 8; Leiden: Brill,
1975] 50-56) says that there have been four, but he wrongly ascribes to R. H.
Charles an interpretation that the latter did not hold.
84
Besides Schechter, it has been so interpreted by, among many others, D.
Daube, P. Winter (for a survey of opinions, see his article "Sadoqite Fragments
IV 20, 21 and the Exegesis of Genesis 1:27 in Late Judaism," 'ZAW 68 [1956] 7 1 -
84), A. Dupont-Sommer, E. Cothenet, L. Moraldi, G. Vermes (in " T h e Q u m r a n
Interpretation of Scripture in Its Historical Setting," ALUOS 6 [1969] 85-97,
esp. p. 94), J. Dupont (?).
85
"Sectarian Matrimonial Halakhah" (n. 83 above), 197-202. Others who so
interpret the text are H. Braun, J. Carmignac, C. Rabin, F. Neirynck.
86
"An Essene Missionary Document?" (n. 77 above), 220. Before him it was so
interpreted by J. Hempe\, ZAW 68 (1956) 84; and possibly by M. Burrows, More
Light on the Dead Sea Scrolls (New York: Viking, 1958) 9 8 - 9 9 . Murphy-O'Connor
remains skeptical about Yadin's interpretation of CD 4:20-21 in the light of the
clear evidence from 1 l Q T e m p l e 57:17-19; see his 'Remarques sur I'expose du
Professeur Y. Yadin," RB 79 (1972) 99-100. But his remarks are unconvincing
and represent a reluctance to give u p a position taken before the new evidence
came along.
87
However, it might be permitted to relate this passage from 1 l Q T e m p l e to
Rom 7:4, where Paul speaks about the married woman who is free to marry
again after the death of her husband.
88
G. Vermes ("Sectarian Matrimonial Halakhah" [n. 83 above], 202) has also
recognized this interpretation of the suffix.
89
T h e most extensive treatment of this material is given by J. Bonsirven, Le
divorce (n. 52 above), but his treatment is scarcely a model of clarity; see J.
Dupont, Mariage et divorce (n. 7 above), 108 n. 1.
90
This matter is not entirely clear, but it is not beyond the realm of possibility
that the Qaraite Jews who differed strongly with the rabbinic interpretation of
the Torah were influenced by Essene views. It has even been suggested that they
might have discovered some of the scrolls themselves and used them as the basis
for their own interpretations. T h e prohibition of divorce is ascribed to them by
H. Cazelles, "Marriage," DBS 5 (1957) 9 0 5 - 3 5 , esp. col. 927; M.-J. Lagrange,
"La secte juive de la nouvelle alliance au pays de Damas," RB 9(1912) 213-40,
esp. pp. 332-35. Cf. L. Nemoy, Karaite Anthology: Excerpts from the Early Literature
(New Haven: Yale University, 1952) 334; A. Büchler, "Schechter's Jewish
Sectaries,'" JQR 3 (1912-13) 4 2 9 - 8 5 , esp. pp. 433-34; N. Wieder, The Judean
Scrolls and Karahm (London: East and West Library, 1962) 131-135.
*x Kommentar zum Neuen Testament, 1. 319-20: ". . . that in the Mishnaic
period there was no marriage among the Jewish people which could not be
dissolved abruptly by the husband in a fully legal way by the delivery of a writ of
divorce."
92
" T h e Biblical Theology of Divorce" (n. 33 above), 233.
93
The Sayings ofJesus (n. 6 above), 233. See further R. H. Charles, The Teaching
(n. 33 above), 29 ("an unhistorical question").
94
See further H. Baltensweiler, Die Ehe (η. 4 above), 8 3 - 8 4 .
95
And in the Roman Catholic view of things, coupled with genuine dogmatic
tradition. For further discussion of "the historical J e s u s in t a n d e m with the
diverse pictures of him in the New Testament," see my article, "Belief in Jesus
Today," Commonweal 101 (1974) 137-42.
96
E.g., in the so-called Petrine privilege. See J. McGrath, "Marriage, Canon
Law of: 13. Favor of Faith Cases," New Catholic Encyclopedia (New York:
McGraw-Hill, 1967), 9. 2 8 9 - 9 0 .
97
G. W. MacRae, S.J., "New Testament Perspective on Marriage and
Divorce," Divorce and Remarriage in the Catholic Church (ed. L. G. W r e n n ; New
York: Newman, 1973) 1-15, esp. p. 3. See further G. Schneider, "Jesu Wort
über die Ehescheidung in d e r Überlieferung des N e u e n Testaments," TTZ 80
( 1 9 7 1 ) 6 5 - 8 7 , esp. p. 87; B. Byron, "1 Cor 7 : 1 0 - 1 5 : Α Basis for F u t u r e Catholic
Discipline on Marriage and Divorce?" TS 34 (1973) 4 2 9 - 4 5 .
98
V. J. Pospishil, Divorce and Remarriage: Towards A New Catholic Teaching
(New York: H e r d e r and H e r d e r , 1967) 37. Whatever else is to be said about the
merits or demerits of this book, the t r e a t m e n t of the biblical passages in it is
unspeakably bad. T h a t a book on such a touchy issue could a p p e ar as late as
1967, treating the biblical passages dealing with it, a n d basing that treatment
solely on such writers as W. R. O'Connor, F. E. Gigot, F. Prat, J. MacRory, and R.
Yaron, is indicative of the quality of the proposal being m a d e .
Others who propos e the prohibition of divorce merely as an ideal: W. J.
O'Shea, "Marriage and Divorce: T h e Biblical Evidence," Australasian Catholic
Record 47 (1970) 8 9 - 1 0 9 , esp. p p . 1 0 6 - 8 ; J. A. Grispino, The Bible Now (Notre
Dame: Fides, 1971) 9 5 - 1 0 7 , esp. p, 106; D. Crossan, "Divorce and Remarriage
in the New Testament," The Bond of Marriage: An Ecumenical and Interdisciplinary
Study (ed. W. W. Bassett; Notre Dame, IN: University of N o t r e Dame, 1968) 1-
40.
99
See A. M, H u n t e r , " T h e Meaning of the Sermon o n the Mount," ExpTim 63
(1952) 176-79; J. Jeremias, The Sermon on the Mount (Philadelphia: Fortress,
1963) 1-12. Cf. A. M. Ambrozic, "Indissolubility of Marriage in the New
Testament: Law or Ideal?" Studia canonica 6 (1972) 2 6 9 - 8 8 .
100
Marriage and Ministry (n. 33 above), 147.
101
See B. Gärtner, The Temple and the Community in Qumran and the New
Testament: A Comparative Study in the Temple Symbolism of the Qumran Texts and the
New Testament (SNTSMS 1; C a m b r i d g e : University Press, 1963).
102
See E. S. Fiorenza, Priesterfür Gott: Studien zum Herrschafts- und Pnestermoüv
in der Apokalypse ( N T A b h ns 7; Münster: AschendorfF, [1972]).
103
See J. H. Elliott, The Elect and the Holy: An Exegetical Examination of I Peter
2:4-10 and the Phrase basileion hierateuma ( N o v T S up 12; Leiden: Brill, 1966).
104
See the comments of B. Vawter o n the original form of this article,
"Divorce and the New Testament," CBQ (1977) 5 2 8 - 4 2 , esp. p p . 529-34. Now
that the T e m p l e Scroll has been fully published (see n. 68 above), one can verify
Yadin's reading of H Q T e m p l e 5 7 : 1 7 - 1 9 easily enough. His preliminary
publication of the lines did not lead us astray; hence my d e p e n d e n c e on him has
not turned out to be as "precarious" as Vawter would lead his readers to
understand. Moreover, I stick to my guns in the interpretation of the passage in
CD in terms of polygamy and divorce. Vawter tries to fault my interpretation of

CD 4:20-21 by referring to another passage in that document (13:17— 19) and
saying that Ϊ failed to mention its stipulation "that the 'Essenes' should seek the
permission of their mebaqqer (bishop) before divorcing their wives" (p. 584 n. 9).
True, I said nothing of that passage in CD in the original form of this article,
because I had treated it in extenso in the article mentioned in n. 71 above, which
was not yet published when Vawter wrote, but which had been submitted for
publication long before. As a matter of fact, that passage in CD has nothing to do
with divorce, save in Rabin's questionable translation of it, which Vawter has
uncritically followed. For further details, see "Divorce among First-Century
Palestinian Jews," H. L. Ginsberg Volume, 109*-10*.
See further R. Trevijano Etcheverria, "Matrimonio y divorcio en Mc 10, 2-12
y par. " Burgerise 18 (1977) 113-51; A. Stock, "Matthean Divorce Texts," BTB 8
(1978) 2 4 - 3 3 ; A.-L. Descamps, "Les textes evangeliques sur le manage," RTL 9
(1978) 259-86; 11 (1980) 5-50; J. J. Kilgallen, "To What Are the Matthean
Exception-Texts (5,32 and 19,9) an Exception?" Bib 61 (1980) 102-5; J. R.
Mueller, " T h e Temple Scroll and the Gospel Divorce Texts," RevQ 10 ( 1 9 8 0 -
81) 247-56.
Four
ARAMAIC KEPHAD AND PETERS NAME
IN THE NEW TESTAMENT *
AMONG THE MANY problems surrounding the figure of Peter in the New
Testament are the meaning of his name and the significance attached to
the change of it.1 Some of them involve the relation between Symeon
and Simon as used of him; some of them the relation between Cephas
and Peter. In this sort of discussion it is surprising how little attention
has been paid to a striking occurrence of the Aramaic name Kepha*, and
I should like to draw the attention of New Testament scholars to it.
At the outset we may be permitted to set the context for this
discussion of Peter's name by recalling the various names that are given
to him and the problems they raise. In this way we shall be able to see
better the relation to them of the Aramaic material to be discussed.
First of all, we may recall that he is given the name Symeon or
Simon. 2 T h e Semitic form of the name, Symeon or Simenon, is reflected in
the Greek of Acts 15:14—at least so it is intended in the Lucan text as
we have it. James refers thus to Peter, who has just spoken in 15:7-11.
This is the only time that Peter is so named in Luke-Acts; elsewhere he
is always referred to as Simon, a similar-sounding Greek name (Simon)*
or as Peter (Petros),4 or as Simon Peter. 5 T h e use of Symeon in 15:14 for
Peter is striking and has given rise to one of the classic problems in that
chapter (often used as an important piece of evidence that Luke is here
depending on a source—which he may not have completely under-
stood). 6 T h e name Symeon is likewise attested for him in some MSS of 2
Pet 1:1, but even there it is not uniformly attested. 7 In any case, the use
of both Symeon and Simon reflects the well-known custom among Jews
of that time of giving the name of a famous patriarch or personage of
the Old Testament to a male child along with a similar-sounding Greek/
Roman name. This use of Symeon can be compared with Luke 2:25,
Aramaic Kepha* and Peter's Name in the New Testament 113
34; 3:30 and with the names of Joseph or Jacob. The Old Testament
background for Symeon is undoubtedly to be sought in Gen 29:33.
Used of this disciple of Jesus, it stands in contrast to that of other
disciples like Philip or Andrew, who bear Greek names.
Second, in addition to the use of Symeon/Simon for him, the New
Testament has recorded the recollection of Jesus having changed
Simon's name: "Simon whom he surnamed Peter" (Mark 3:16; cf. Matt
4:18; 10:2; Luke 6:14; Acts 10:5). This change of name is preserved in
an even more explicit way in the Gospels of Matthew and John. In the
Matthean form of the episode at Caesarea Philippi, after Simon has
stated, "You are the Christ, the Son of the living God," Jesus says to
him, "Blessed are you Simon Bar-Jona! . . . I tell you, you are Peter,
and on this rock I will build my church" (Matt 16:17-18, RSV): Sy ei
Petros, kai epi taute te petra oikodomesö. . . . In the Johannine Gospel,
Andrew finds his brother Simon and brings him to Jesus, who says to
him, "'So you are Simon the son of John? You shall be called Cephas*
(which means Peter)" (1:42, RSV): Sy ei Simon ho huios löannou; sy klethese
Kephas ho hermeneuetai Petros. Cephas is not used again in the Fourth
Gospel, where the Greek name Peter rather prevails. Aside from the
translation of Cephas that is given in 1:42, which removes any
hesitation about the way in which one part of the early church
understood the change of the name from Simon to Cephas, little is
otherwise told in the Johannine Gospel about the significance of the
change. A significance of the new name, however, is found in the
Matthean passage, at least if one grants that there is a wordplay
involved and that the underlying Aramaic substratum involved a
similar wordplay.
Reasons for the change of Simon's name have often been proposed.
Today we smile at the relation seen between Greek Kephas and Latin
caput by some patristic writers, who assumed a connection between
Kephas and kephale. T h u s Optatus of Milevis once wrote (ca. A.D. 370):
". . . omnium apostolorum caput, Petrus, unde et Cephas est appella-
tus. . . ."8 How much was made of this connection and its unsophisti-
cated medieval exploitation need not detain us here. 9 In a similar way
we may treat the theorizing about the alleged tendency of Jews at the
turn of the Christian era to avoid the use of the Hebrew name Symeon
or the Greek name Simon either because it was supposedly forbidden
to them by the Roman occupiers of Palestine on account of its hyper-
patriotic associations with famous bygone military figures or because it
was regarded as too sacred a name for normal use by nationalistic
Jews. 10 Such speculation has had to yield to the fact that Symeon/Simon
was among the most widely used names for Palestinian male children of
114 TO A D V A N C E T H E GOSPEL
the period. 11 Such an avoidance of the name is scarcely the reason for
the change from Simon to Cephas/Peter.
Much more frequently the reason for the change of the name has
been explained by relating it to the change of names of rather
prominent persons in the Old Testament in view of roles that they were
to play in the history of the people of Israel: Abram/Abraham, (Gen
17:5); Jacob/Israel (Gen 32:28); etc. Against such a background the
wordplay of Matt 16:18b has been understood. It is not my purpose to
rehearse here all the details of the long debate over that wordplay—
whether "this rock" refers to the faith of Peter, to the confession of
Peter, to Peter himself, or to Jesus. 12 T h e r e are rather some aspects of
the question that have been somewhat neglected and some philological
evidence that should be brought to bear on the names Cephas and
Peter.
I. The Greek Name Kephas and Its Aramaic Counterpart
T h e name Kephas is found in the New Testament, outside of the

Johannine passage (1:42), only in the Pauline writings (Gal 1:18; 2:9,
11, 14; 1 Cor 1:12; 3:22; 9:5; 15:5). 13 Paul, however, never uses of him
the name Simon/Symeon, and he uses Petros only in Gal 2:7-8, in a
context in which Kephas otherwise predominates.
Either on the basis of the early church's interpretation of Kephas as
Petros (John 1:42) or for other reasons, modern commentators usually
identify the Cephas of Galatians with Peter. However, there has always
been a small group of commentators who have sought to identify the
Cephas of Galatians 1-2 with someone other than Simon Peter.
Eusebius quotes the fifth book of the Hypotyposes of Clement of
Alexandria to the effect that the "Cephas concerning whom Paul says
'and when Cephas came to Antioch I withstood him to the face' [Gal
2:11] was one of the seventy disciples, who had the same name as the
apostle Peter." 14 More sophisticated reasons for hesitating about the
identity of Cephas and Peter in Galatians have been found in modern
times. 15 In antiquity it was often a question of the supposed relative
positions of Peter and Paul in the church; in recent times it is the
peculiar shift from Cephas to Peter. T h o u g h the majority of modern
commentators agree that Cephas and Peter are the same person in
Galatians 1-2, the shift has been explained by postulating that Paul is
"quoting an official document" 16 in vv. 7-8, whereas he has elsewhere
used the name Cephas which he otherwise preferred for him. Another
aspect of the problem is that whereas the manuscript tradition is
Aramaic Kephä* and Peter's Name in the New Testament 115
constant in 1 Corinthians in reading Kephas, there is fluctuation
between Kephas andPetros in the manuscripts of Galatians. 17 In any case,
though we take note of this minority opinion about the identity of
Cephas and Peter in Galatians 1-2, we cannot consider it seriously.
The translation of Kephas by Petros in John 1:42 and the wordplay in
Matt 16:18 between Petros and petra have been explained from time
immemorial by an appeal to the Aramaic background of the name
Cephas. Kephas is regarded as a grecized form of the Aramaic word
kepha*, assimilating it to masculine nouns of the first declension (cf.
Ioudas, -ou).ls T h e Hebrew noun keph is found in Jer 4:29; Job 30:6;
Sir 40:14. To illustrate the Aramaic use, one has often appealed to
later rabbinic writings, Syriac, and Christian Palestinian Aramaic. 19
However, there is now some better Aramaic evidence that can be
used, coming from earlier or contemporary sources.
The common noun kepha* appears twice in the targum of Job from
Qumran Cave 11. A fragmentary phrase containing it is preserved
in HQtgJob 32:1: yHy kp*, "wild goats of the crag/' translating He-
brew yacale seiac ( J o b 39:1), "mountain goats" (RSV).20 It also occurs
in HQtgJob 33:9: [b]kp* yskvm xvyqnn [ ], 21 "[On] the crag it (i.e.,
the black eagle22) dwells, and it nests [ ]," translating Hebrew
c
sek yükön (Job 39:28), "(On) the rock he dwells" (RSV). It is fur-
ther found several times in the newly published texts of Aramaic
Enoch from Qumran Cave 4: [w^mr* s]lq lr[*s k]p hd rm, "[and the
sheep] climbed to the sum[mit of] a certain high [cr]ag" (4QEn e 4 iii
19 [= 1 Enoch 89:295):23 [b]tnynJ wslq Ir's kp" dny "climbed up [again
for] a second time to the summit of that crag" (4QEn c 4:3 [= I
Enoch 89:32]); 24 [wlm}drk 7 cprh w£]l [kp]yh V tskhwn mn [hmth], "[and]
you are not able [to tr]ead upon the dirt or upon the [roc]ks on
account [of the heat]" (4QEn a 1 ii 8 [= 1 Enoch 4]).25 In all of these
passages the word seems to have the sense of a "rock" or "crag," a
part of a mountainous or hilly region. Coming from Aramaic texts
that were used in Palestine in pre-Christian times, this evidence is of
no little value.
But does kp* occur in pre-Christian writings as a proper name? T.
Zahn, in his commentary on Matt 16:18, implied that the word was so
used, but he provided no examples of it.26 O. Cullmann, who notes
Zahn's lack of documentation, stated that kp* "is not, as one might
suppose, attested as a proper name in Aram." 27 Indeed, this lack of
attestation of kp* as a proper name has been seen as one of the major
difficulties in viewing the occurrence of Petros andpetra in Matt 16:18as
a reflection of an Aramaic wordplay. In answering an objection which
O. Immisch 28 had brought against his interpretation of Matt 16:17-
19,29 A. Dell argued that Jesus could not have used the wordplay,
because the Greek could not have been a translation from an Ara-
maic Vorlage, since that would imply that kp* was a proper name.
"Nun ist aber kyp* kein Eigenname." 30 And in J o h n 1:42, argued
Dell, Petros is a translation of Kephas, not of a proper name, but of a
description (Bezeichnung). T h e main thrust of Dell's argument, then,
was that since kp* is unknown as a proper name, there could have
been no wordplay involved.
Now, aside from the fact that, as we noted above, Paul uses the
grecized form of kp* properly as a name for Peter—which reflects a very
early use of it as a proper name (certainly prior to the composition of
Matthew)—there does exist an instance of the Aramaic name which
should be introduced into the discussion.
T h o u g h the text in which it appears has been known since 1953,
when it was first published, it has scarcely been noticed; as far as I
know, it has not been introduced into the discussion of the Kephas/Petros
problem. However,kp* does occur as a proper name in an Aramaic text
from Elephantine (BMAP 8:10) dated to the eighth year of Darius the
King (= Darius II, 424-402 B.C.), hence to 416 B.C. 3 1 T h e name is
found in a list of witnesses to a document in which a certain Zakkur
gives or transfers a slave, named Yedaniah, to a certain Uriah. Nine
lines of the document spell out the details of the transfer, and the last
three give the names of the witnesses, the first of which runs as follows:
10 hhdyy bgw Hrmlky br qlqln, snksr br sbty; shd cqb br kp\
Witnesses hereto (are): cAtarmalki, son of QLQLN; Sinkishir, son of

Shabbetai; witness: cAqab, son of Kepha3.
T h e Uriah to whom the slave is given in the text is identified as an

"Aramean of Syene" Qrmy zy swn). This is not the place to discuss in
detail the meaning of 'rmy over against yhwdy as designations of Jewish
individuals in Elephantine texts. 32 Suffice it to say that many Jews and
persons with Jewish names figured in the fifth-century military colony
on the island of Elephantine and in the town of Syene (= modern
Assuan), on the east bank of the Nile opposite the island, and have been
given these gentilic designations in the papyri discovered there. T h e
persons mentioned in these Aramaic texts bore not only Northwest
Semitic names (Hebrew, Aramaic, or Phoenician), but also Babylonian,
Egyptian, and Persian names. Indeed there was a mixture of these
names too, even within families, as other names in line 10 show: Sin-
kishir, a Babylonian name for a son of Shabbetai, an (almost certainly)
Hebrew name (used of a Jew in Ezra 10:15; Neh 8:7; 11:16).
Aramaic Kephä3 and Peter's Name in the New Testament 117
This mixture of names in the Elephantine texts raises a question
about the patronymic in BMAP 8:10. The br that precedes it makes it
clear the kp* is a proper name; so it can no longer be maintained that
the name is unattested. But is it clearly an Aramaic name, one that
would underlie Kephas in the New Testament? When E. G. Kraeling
first published this Elephantine text, he translated the name of the last
witness on line 10 simply as " c Akab b. Kp\" setting the transliterated
consonants of the patronymic in italics, as he did elsewhere for names
about which he was uncertain or for which he had no real expla-
nation. 33 His note on 8:10 explains the son's name thus:
the perf. (or part.) of the same verb that appears in the impf. inycqb, Jacob.
In both cases we have hypocoristica—the full name must have been
something like cqbyh (on a 3d century B.C. inscription from Alexandria; see
RES, 2. No. 79) or "qbnbw, Aqab-Nebo, in AP 54:10. . . .34
Concerning the patronymic, Kraeling wrote:
The name kp* must also have a deity for a subject; J. A. kp3, "over-
throws." Or may one c o m p a r e ^ , Ranke,AP, 344:15?35
That the name A/?3 is a hypocoristicon is most probable, even though we

have no clear instance of a fuller form of the name. That it has
anything to do with Aramaic kp*, "overthrow," is quite problematic, in
my opinion, since that root more properly means "to bend, curve."
The name kp* resembles other proper names which end in aleph in
Aramaic documents from Egypt, such as Bs* {BMAP 11:2), Sh3 (AP
18:4),/^5 3 (AP 73:13), A y (AP 2:19), Tb" (RES 1794:18), etc. T h e
problem is to suggest real Egyptian equivalents for such short names in
these Aramaic texts. In a name like Hrtb* (CIS 138B:3) an Egyptian
equivalent has been suggested, Hr-(n)i-t\ib\-t (= Greek Artbös), where
the aleph of the Aramic form may reflect a real aleph in an Egyptian
word, bl.t, "tree": "Horus of the tree." But in some of the short names
there are also variants, such asKyh (RES 1297:2), or SM, which suggest
that the final aleph of the Aramaic form is a vowel letter. In the last
instance, the name $fyl, though often explained as Egyptian, 36 is in
reality an Aramaized form, and the Akkadian transcription of it asS^-
ha-a argues in favor of the final aleph as a vowel letter. Compare also
Pms* (AP 73:13) and Pmsy (AP 44:7). All of this may not be making out
an air-tight case; yet it does at least suggest that the best explanation for
kp' is that it is not an Egyptian name, but rather an Aramaic name. In
that case, it represents Kephä\
It has, at any rate, been so interpreted by no less an authority in

things Aramaic than W. Baumgartner. He listed it u n d e r the Hebrew
word kephy "Fels," in Hebräisches und aramäisches Lexikon zum Alten
Testament,™ identifying it as a masculine proper name and equating it,
without further question, with "Kephas NT." P. Grelot similarly toyed
with the equation of the BMAP form and the New Testament name, 38
but he was obviously hesitant about it, since he mentions two other
explanations: a hypocoristicon derived from kpp, "bend, bow down"
(yet he gives no plausible fuller form of the name with which it could be
compared); or the Egyptian kfi (an explanation which he simply
borrows from Kraeling). But, as Baumgartner has rightly seen, the only
plausible explanation of the BMAP is that it is an Aramaic name,
related to Hebrew keph and the Aramaic common noun kephä\
If one had to justify the existence of such an Aramaic name in the
fifth century B.C., the best explanation of it would be that it is a
hypocoristicon which has lost some theophoric element. In itself, it
would be no more enigmatic as a name than the Hebrew Sür, "Rock,"
borne by one of the sons of Jeiel and Maacah of Gibeon (1 Chr 8:30;
9:36) and by one of the kings or leaders of the Midianites (Num 25:15;
31:8; Josh 13:21). 39 This name is rendered in the RSV as Zur, but it is a
hypocoristicon of such names asSürVel (Num 3:35) or Surisadday (Num
1:6; 2:12).
T h e least one can say is that kp^ is not unknown as a proper name and
that Peter is not the first person to have borne it. That it was otherwise
in use among Jews of Palestine remains, of course, to be shown. T h e
existence of it as a proper name at least makes more plausible the
suggestion that a wordplay in Aramaic was involved. On the other
hand, it may take away some of the uniqueness of the name which was
often seen in the conferral of it on a disciple by Jesus.
T h e Aramaic substratum of Matt 16:17-18 (at least for those phrases
mentioned at the beginning of this essay) might have been something
like the following: 40
\intah hu' mesihiV, bereh di *eldha* . . . tubayk, Simcon bar Yönäh . . .

\mlrlh hü> KepiuV wecal kephtV demh êbneh . . . .
T h e wordplay that emerges from such an Aramaic substratum of the
Matthean verse could be the key to the role that Simon is to play: He or
some aspect of him is to be a crag/rock in the building of the ekklesia.
T h e further connotations of this image can be explored by others.
One further aspect of the philological consideration of the Matthean
verse needs to be explored, viz., the relation of Aramaic kp* to Greek
Petros. This brings us to the second part of this essay.
II. The Greek Name Petros
The problem that confronts one is to explain why there is in the

Matthean passage a translation of the Aramaic substratum, which is
claimed to have the same word kp* twice, by two Greek words, Petros
and petra. In John 1:42, Petros is given as the equivalent of Aramaic
Kephd* (grecized as Kephas); this is quite understandable. But if the
underlying Aramaic of Matt 16:18 had kepha* twice, then we should
expect 531 ei Petros kai epi toutö tö petrö oikodomesö. . . . Because of this
problem, two different conclusions have been drawn: (1) A. Dell has
concluded that v. 18 cannot be a translation of an underlying Aramaic
saying of Jesus ("kein Jesuswort"), but must rather be the creation of
Greek-speaking Christians. 41 (2) P. E. Hughes, in studying the pair
Petroslpetra, "for which a suitable Semitic equivalent is not available,"
infers rather that "Jesus actually spoke in Greek on this occasion."42 It is
hard to imagine two more radically opposed conclusions!
Part of the problem comes from the nature of the languages
involved. Both petros and petra are at home in the Greek language from
its earliest periods; and though the words were at times used with
slightly different nuances, it is clear that "they are often used inter-
changeably." 43 On the other hand, G. Gander has shown how Hebrew
*eben, sefa\ andsur are all rendered by kephä* in Syriac (i.e., Aramaic of a
later period). 44 So perhaps we are dealing with an Aramaic term which
was used with different nuances. When translated into Greek, the
masculine form petros would lend itself as a more likely designation of a
person (Simon), and a literary variant, the feminine petra, for an aspect
of him that was to be played upon.
Another aspect of the problem is that Petros has not yet turned up in
Greek as a proper name prior to its occurrence for Simon in the New
Testament. T h e impression has been given that it does indeed occur.
The first two occurrences of Petros in D. Foraboschi's Onomasticon
alteram papyrologicum,45 suggest that there is a contemporary extrabibli-
cal occurrence or a nearly contemporary one: in SB 6191, 46 which
Foraboschi dates to the first century; 47 and in P.Oxy. 2235, which
Foraboschi dates to the second century. 48
Neither of these references is accurate. T h e text in SB 6191 is most
likely late Roman or Byzantine. It is listed under "christliche Grabsteine"
and comes from Antinoe. 49 So Foraboschi's date for it in the first
century A.D. is erroneous. Similarly, his second-century date for P.Oxy.
2235 is not correct; the editor of the text says of it, "Circa A.D. 346. "50
The list of occurrences of the name Petros in F. Freisigke's Namenbuch51
contains no names that are clearly pre-Christian. In Christian usage
after the New T e s t a m e n t t h e n a m e Petros is, of course, found. It is even

found as the n a m e of a p a g a n in Damascius, Vita Isidori 170 (fifth-sixth
centuries A . D . ) , a n d as the n a m e of t h e praeses Arabiae (A.D. 2 7 8 - 7 9 ) ,
Petrus Aurelius. 5 2
T h e s e , then, are t h e philological considerations that I have t h o u g h t
worth p r o p o s i n g in t h e matter of t h e n a m e s , C e p h a s / P e t e r. Even if
what is p r e s e n t e d h e r e stands u p u n d e r f u r t h e r scrutiny, we should still
have to a d m i t that "not all the p r o b l e m s c o n n e c t e d w. t h e c o n f e r r i ng of
the n a m e Cephas-Peter u p o n Simon . . . have yet b e e n solved." 5 3
NOTES
* Originally published in Text and Interpretation: Studies in the New Testament

Presented to Matthew Black (ed. E. Best and R. M. Wilson; Cambridge: University
Press, 1979) 121-32.
1
Modestly tucked away in an otherwise informative article on Petros in BAG,
660 is the admission: "Not all the problems connected w. the conferring of the
name Cephas-Peter upon Simon . . . have yet been solved."
2
Ibid., 758, 785.
3
Luke 4:38; 5:3, 4, 5, 8, 10; 22:31; 24:34.
4
Luke 8:45, 51; 9:20, 28, 32, 33; 12:41; 18:28; 22:8, 34, 54, 55, 58, 60, 61;
Acts 1:13, 15; 2:14, 37, 38; 3:1, 3, 4, 6, 11, 12; 4:8, 13, 19; 5:3, 8, 9, 15, 29; 8:14,
20; 9:32, 34, 38, 39,40; 10:5,9, 13, 14, 17, 1 9 , 2 1 , 2 5 , 2 6 , 3 4 , 4 4 , 4 5 , 4 6 ; 11:2,4,
7; 12:3, 5, 6, 7, 11, 14, 16, 18; 15:7.
5
Luke 5:8; cf. in addition to Acts 10:5 cited in n. 4 above, 10:18, 32; 11:13.
6
To some commentators it has seemed that the Jewish-Christian James would
naturally use the Semitic form "Symeon" in speaking of Peter; so O. Cullmann,
Peter: Disciple, Apostle, Martyr: A Historical and Tfieological Study (2d ed.; Philadel-
phia: Westminster, 1962) 19 n. 3. Others, aware of the compilatory nature of
Acts 15, raise the question whether vv. 13-29 may not have been derived from a
source different from that from which Luke derived the information in vv. 4 -
12. In this hypothesis, the name Symeon may have referred originall •' to
another person (e.g., Symeon Niger of Acts 13:1; see S. Giet, "L'Assemblee
apostolique et le clecret de Jerusalem: Qui etait Simeon?" RSR 39 [1951] 203-
20; ci'.JHC, art. 46, §32-34; art. 45, §72-77). In any case, as the text of Acts
stands today, "Symeon'1 is to be understood as referring to Peter (for Luke has
undoubtedly "telescoped" accounts of two originally separate and distinct
Jerusalem decisions).
7
See B. M. Metzger, A Textual Commentary on Üie Greek Neiv Testament, 699:
"The weight of external support for the two readings is almost equally divided."
"The Committee was agreed that transcriptionally it is more likely that Simon is a
correction of Symeön than vice versa. . . ."
8
CSEL, 26. 36 (ed. C. Ziwsa, 1893). Similarly, Isidore of Seville, Etym. 7.9,3
(PL, 82. 287); cf. W. M. Lindsay, Isidori hispalensis episcopi etymologiarum sive
originum lihri xx (2 vols.; Oxford: Clarendon, 1957).
9
See Y. M.-J. Congar, "Cephas—Cephale—Caput," Revue du moyen age latin 8
(1952) 5-42; cf. J. A. Burgess, History of the Exegesis of Matthew 16:17-19 from
1781 to 1965 (Ann Arbor, MI: Edwards, 1976) 58-59, 89.
10
See C. Roth, "Simon-Peter," Ή77? 54 (1961) 91-97.
11
See my reply to C. Roth, " T h e Name Simon," HTR 56 (1963) 1-5, with
further discussion in//77? 57 (1964) 6 0 - 6 1 . It has all been reprinted in ESBNT,
104-12.
12
For a recent survey of these opinions, see J. A. Burgess, A History of the
Exegesis (n. 9 above), passim.
13
T h e name Cephas further appears in 1 Clem. 47.3. T h e antiquity of the
name is established by the Pauline use of it. O n e can only speculate about his
seeming preference for it.
l4
Hist. ecci 1.12,2 (GCS, 2/1. 82).
15
See K. Lake, "Simon, Cephas, Peter," HTR 14 (1921) 9 5 - 9 7; A. M.
VöWmeckeJakrbuch des Missionshauses St Gabriel 2 (1925) 69-104; 3 (1926) 3 1 -
75; D. W. Riddle, " T h e Cephas-Peter Problem, and a Possible Solution,"/^/. 59
(1940) 169-80; N. Huffman, "Emmaus among the Resurrection Narratives,"
JBL 64 (1945) 2 0 5 - 2 6, esp. p p . 2 0 5 - 6 n. 1; C. M. Henze, "Cephas seu Kephas
non est Simon Petrus!" Divus Thomas 35 (1958) 6 3 - 6 7 ; J. Herrera, "Cephas seu
Kephas est Simon Petrus," ibid., 4 8 1 - 8 4 .
16
Ο. Cullmann, "Petros," TDNT 6 (1968) 100 n. 6\ Peter (n. 6 above), 20. Cf. G.
Klein, "Galater 2, 6 - 9 und die Geschichte der Jerusalemer Urgemeinde," ZTK
57 (1960) 2 7 5 - 9 5 , esp. p. 283; reprinted, Rekonstruktion und Interpretation:
Gesammelte Aufsätze zum Neuen Testament (Munich: Kaiser, 1969) 99-128 (mit
einem Nachtrag), esp. p p . 106-7.
17
UBSGNT3, 6 5 0 - 5 1 , makes no mention of this fluctuation, probably consid-
ering it not serious enough to note. According to E. Nestle's apparatus criticus,
Petron is read in 1:18 by D, G, the Koine text-tradition,/?/, latt, syh; in 2:9 P 46
reads Iaköbos kai Petros. But MSS D, G, it, Marcion, Origen, and Ambrosiaster
invert the order of these names; in 2:11 Petros is read by the Koine text-
tradition, D, G, pm, sh, Marcion; in 2:14 Petrö is read by the same MSS as in
1:18.—Cf. J. T. Clemons, "Some Questions on the Syriac Support for Variant
Greek Readings," NovT 10 (1968) 26-30.
18
See BDF§53(1).
19
See, e.g., A. Dell, "Matthäus 16, 17-19," ZNW 15(1914) 1-49, esp. pp. 1 4 -
17. For an interesting comparison of the nuances of kepha* in Syriac as a
translation of Greek petros, petra, lithos or of Hebrew *ebent sela\ and sur, see G.
Gander, "Le sens des mots: Petros-petralKipha-kiphalKyp^-kyp* dans Matthieu
xvi:l8a,"/?7P 29 (1941) 5-29; but some of his reasoning is strange. Cf. A. F.J.
Klijn, "Die Wörter 'Stein' u n d 'Felsen' in der syrischen Übersetzung," ZNW 50
(1959) 99-105.
20
See J. P. M. van der Ploeg and A. S. van der Woude, Le targum de Job de la
grotte xi de Qumran (Koninklijke nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen;
Leiden: Brill, 1971) 74.
21
Ibid., 76.
22
O n the "black eagle," see my remarks in " T h e Contribution of Q u m r a n
Aramaic to the Study of the New Testament," NTS 20 (1973-74) 382-407, esp.
p. 396; reprinted, WA, 8 5 - 1 1 3 , esp. p. 95.
23
See J. T. Milik, The Books of Enoch: Aramaic Fragments of Qumran Cave 4 (with
the collaboration of Matthew Black) (Oxford: Clarendon, 1976) 243-44. Note
the use of the adjective rm, "high," in this passage.
24
Ibid., 2 0 4 - 5 .
25
Ibid., 146-47. Here [kp]yk, "rocks," stands in parallelism with cprh, "dirt."
T h e Aramaic preposition 7 is interesting, as a b a c k g r o u nd for the Matthean epi.
O n e should also note the meaning of the verb tskhwn, "you are able"; for the
problem on which it bears, see my commentary, The Genesis Apocryphon of
Qumran Cave 1 (BibOr 18A; 2d ed.; Rome: Biblical Institute, 1971) 150.
26
Das Evangelium des Matthäus (Kommentar zum N e u e n Testament, 1; 4th
ed.; Leipzig: Deichen, 1922) 540.
27
"Petros, Ke'phas" TDNT 6 (1968) 100 n. 6. Cf. R. E. Brown, The Gospel
According to J ohn (i-xii); Introduction, Translation, and Notes (AB 29; Garden City,
NY: Doubleday, 1966) 76: "Neither Petros in Greek nor Kephd in Aramaic is a
normal p r o p e r name; rather it is a nickname. . . ." Brown has a similar
statement in his article, "Peter," IDBSup, 654. See further J . Schmid, "Petrus
'der Fels' u n d die Petrusgestalt der U r g e m e i n d e , " Begegnung der Christen: Studien
evangelischer und katholischer Theologen (ed. M. Roesle a n d O. Cullmann; Stutt-
gart: Evangelisches Verlagswerk; Frankfurt: J. Knecht, 1959) 3 4 7 - 5 9 , esp. pp.
3 5 6 - 5 7 ; Η. Rheinfelder, "Philologische Erwägunge n zu Matth 16,18," BZ 24
(1938-39) 139-63, esp. p. 153 n. 1; H. Clavier, "Petros kai petra," Neutesta-
mentliche Studien für Rudolf Β ultmann (BZNW 2 1 ; Berlin: T ö p e l m a n n , 1954) 9 4 -
109, esp. p . 106; J. Lowe, Saint Peter (New York/Oxford: Oxford University,
1956) 7.
28
"Matthäus 16, 18: Laienbemerkungen zu d e r U n t e r s u c h u n g Dells, ZNW xv,
1914, lff,"XAW 17 (1916) 18-2 6 (see n. 19 above).
29
"Matthäus 16, 17-18," ZNW 15 (1914) 1-49. O n the value of DelFs
interpretation, see R. Bultmann, "Die Frage nach d e m messianischen Bewusst-
sein Jesu u n d das Petrus-Bekenntnis," ZNW 1 9 ( 1 9 1 9 - 2 0 ) 165-74, esp. p. 170 n.
2.
30
" Z u r Erklärung von Matthäus 16, 17-19," ZNW 17 (1916) 2 7 - 3 2 . See
further P. Lampe, "Das Spiel mit d e m Petrusnamen—Matt. xvi. \S," NTS 25
(1978-79) 2 2 7 - 4 5 , esp. p. 229 ("Auchkyp/kyp' lässt sich bislang in vorchristlicher
Zeit nicht als Eigenname auffinden").
31
E. G. Kraeling, The Brooklyn Museum Aramaic Papyri: New Documents of the
Fifth Century B.C. from the Jewish Colony at Elephantine (New Haven: Yale
University, 1953; reprinted, New York: Arno, 1969) 2 2 4 - 3 1 (+ pi. VIII). T h e
text is actually dated to the 6th of Tishri by the Babylonian calendar (= 22
October) and to the 22d of Paoni by the Egyptian calendar (= 22 September),
but there seems to be an e r r o r in the text; see Kraeling's note, p . 228.
32
See B. Porten, Archives from Elephantine: The Life of an Ancient Jewish Military
Colony (Berkeley/Los Angeles: University of California, 1968) 3 - 2 7 (and the
literature cited there); P. Grelot, Documents arameens d'Egypte: Introduction,
traduction, presentation (Litteratures anciennes d u Proche-Orient; Paris: Cerf,
1972) 3 3 - 4 7 .
33
E. G. Kraeling, BMAP, 227.
34
Ibid., 230. Note, however, the occurrence of the n a m e cAqqub in N e h 8:7,
along with Shabbetai.
35
Ibid.; Η. Ranke (Die ägyptischen Personennamen [Glückstadt: Augustin,
1935], 1. 344) gives as the meaning of kfi, " 'der Hintere'(?)."
36
See further my article, "A Re-Study of an Elephantine Aramaic Marriage
Contract (AP 15)," Near Eastern Studies in Honor of William Foxwell Albnght (ed. H.
Goedicke; Baltimore: J o h n s Hopkins University, 1971) 137-68, esp. p. 147;
Aramaic Kephff and Peter's Name in the New Testament 123
reprinted, WA, 2 4 3 - 7 1 , esp. p. 250. What is said there about Sh? being
"Egyptian" needs the more proper nuance that is now being stated here. I am
indebted to Professor Thomas O. Lambdin, of Harvard University, for advice
on this matter of Egyptian names appearing in Aramaic texts, especially for the
treatment of aleph in the short names. T h e formulation of the matter given
above, however, is my own; and 1 alone am responsible for any possibly
unfortunate wording.
37
W. Baumgartner, Hebräisches und aramäisches Lexikon zum Alten Testament
(Leiden: Brill, 1974), 2. 468. I am indebted to J. A. Burgess for calling this
reference to my attention.
38
P. Grelot,Documents arameens d'Egypte (n. 32 above), 476. Strangely enough,
Grelot writes the New Testament form with epsilon instead of with eta. T h e
spelling [K]ephas (with a short e) turns u p in the Coptic Acts of Peter and the
Twelve Apostles 1:2 (see M. Krause and P. Labib, Gnostische und hermetische Schriften
aus Codex II und Codex VI (Glückstadt: Augustin, 1971) 107.
39
Note that Koehler-Baumgartner, Lexicon in Veteris Testamenti libros (Leiden:
Brill, 1958) 800, even compares Hebrew Sur, the proper name, with Aramaic
kyp\
40
If I attempt to retrovert the words of Matt 16:18 here, I am implying only
the pre-Matthean existence of such a tradition in Aramaic.
41
A. Dell, "Zur Erklärung," 29-30.
42
P. Ε. Hughes, " T h e Languages Spoken by Jesus," New Dimensions in New
Testament Study (ed. R. N. Longenecker and M. C. Tenney; Grand Rapids, MI:
Zondervan, 1974) 127-43, esp. p. 141. I am extremely skeptical about the
preservation of any Greek sayings of Jesus; see WA, 37.
43
"Petra," TDNT 6 (1968) 95. For another view of this matter, see P. Lampe,
"Das Spiel" (n. 30 above), 240-45.
44
G. Gander, "Le sens des mots" (n. 19 above), 15-16.
45
Onomasticon alterum papyrologicum: Supplemento al Namenbuch di F. Preisigke
(Testi e document! per \o studio delfantichita, xvi, serie papirologica, ii; Milano/
Varese: 1st. editoriale cisalpino, 1967-71), fasc. 4, p. 256. I am indebted to my
colleague, F. T. Gignac, S.J., for help in checking these Greek texts, and
especially for this reference to Foraboschi.
46
See F. Preisigke and F. Bilabel, Sammelbuch griechischer Urkunden aus Ägypten
(Berlin/Leipzig: de Gruyter, 1926) 28.
47
D. Foraboschi, Onomastkon alterum, 256.
48
Ibid. Cf. E. Lobel et al., The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, Part XIX (London: Egypt
Exploration Fund, 1948) 101.
49
F. Preisigke and F. Bilabel, Sammelbuch (n. 46 above) 28. Cf. G. Lefebvre,
"Egyptechretienne,"^S/i£ 15 (1915) 113-39, esp. pp. 131-32 (§839). Lines 4 -
6 date the inscription to "the month of Pachon, 16th (day), beginning of the
13th indiction."
50
E. Lobel et al., The Oxyrhynchus Papyri, Part XIX (n. 48 above), 101.
51
F. Preisigke, Namenbuch (Heidelberg: Privately published, 1922; reprinted,
Amsterdam: A. M. Hakkert, 1967) 321.
52
T h e attempts to citeP^ron as a reading in one MS of Josephus (Ant. 18.6,3
§156) have long been recognized as useless. T h e best reading there is Proton.
T h e name Petros is not found in such lists as those given in the following
places: F. Bechtel, Die historischen Personennamen des Griechischen bis zur Kaiserzeit
(Halle: Niemeyer, 1917; reprinted, Hildesheim: Olms, 1964) (should be on pp.
370-71); L. Robert, Noms indigenes dans VAne Mineure greco-romaine: Premiere

partie (Bibliotheque archeologique et historique d e Tinstitut franâis
d'archeologie d'Istanbul, 13; Paris: A. Maisonneuve, 1963) (should be on p.
563). T h e entry on Petros in W. Pape and G. Benseier, Wörterbuch der griechischen
Eigennamen (Braunschweig: Vieweg, 1911; reprinted, Graz: Akademische
Druck- u n d Verlagsanstalt, 1959) 1187-88, gives only Christian names, or those
of pagans of the Christian period.
53
See n. 1 above.—See further J. K. Elliott, "Kephas: Simon Petros: ho Petros:
An Examination of New Testament Usage," NovT 14 (1972) 2 4 1 - 5 6 .
Five
CRUCIFIXION IN ANCIENT PALESTINE,
ÖUMRAN LITERATURE,
AND^THE NEW TESTAMENT*
IN WRITING to the Corinthians, Paul s u m m e d u p his Christian message

thus: "Jews d e m a n d signs and Greeks seek wisdom, but we preach
Christ crucified, a stumbling block to Jews and folly to Gentiles, but to
those who are called, both J e w s and Greeks, Christ the power of God
and the wisdom of God" (1 Cor 1:22-24). T h i s familiar Pauline
statement, culminating in a rhetorical abstraction of Christ as the power
and the wisdom of God, contains nevertheless the succinct Pauline
formulation, "we preach Christ crucified." As Ε. Ε. Ellis once pointed
out, the words "cross" and "crucify" a p p e a r in the New Testament
outside of the Gospels almost exclusively in the Pauline literature, 1 a n d
there they are used primarily as theological concepts. H e continues,
This is not to say that the historical event of the crucifixion has become less
important, much less that the theological concept has displaced it. In
accordance with Paul's thought generally the theological meaning arises out
of and remains united with the historical occurrence, the "salvation
history," to which it refers.2
However one wants to explain the relation of the theology of the cross
to the historical occurrence, the cross and the crucifixion of J e s u s of
Nazareth are at the heart of Christian faith. Hence, the p h e n o m e n o n
of crucifixion in first-century Palestine will always be of interest to
Christians, and new data that come to light about it will always evoke
relationships previously unsuspected. Some new evidence of cru-
cifixion in Palestine and some texts from Q u m r a n that bear on the
question have recently been published, and it seems good to review the
matter to see what bearing this material has on a cardinal tenet of

Christianity and the central affirmation of Paul, "we preach Christ
crucified.'*
I propose to take u p three pieces of information and shall discuss the
topic under three headings: (1) Ossuary remains from Givcat ha-
Mivtar; (2) Mention of crucifixion in two Q u m r a n texts; and (3) T h e
bearing of this material on certain New Testament passages.
I. Ossuary Remains from Givcat ha-Mivtar
T o the northeast of Jerusalem, in the vicinity of the Nablus Road and

slightly north of Mt. Scopus, three tombs were discovered in an area
called Givcat ha-Mivtar (or Ras el-Masaref) in J u n e of 1968. They were
excavated by V. Tzaferis, of the Israeli Department of Antiquities and
Museums, and his report was published in 1970. 3 T h e tombs belonged
to "a vast Jewish cemetery of the Second Temple period, extending
from Mount Scopus in the east to the Sanhedriya tombs in the
northwest." 4 They were rock-cut family tombs with burial chambers
and loculi reached by a forecourt. Two ossuaries found in Tomb I are
of particular interest to us. Whereas, in general, the pottery found in
these tombs can be dated chronologically to the Late Hellenistic period
(end of the second century B.C.) and the destruction of the Second
Temple in A.D. 70, Tzaferis limits that of Tomb I to the first century
A.D.
T h e five inscribed ossuaries from Givcat ha-Mivtar were published by
Joseph Naveh. 6 Ossuary 1 was inscribed with Smwn bnh hklh (on the
broad side) and with Smwnlbn hklh (on the narrow side): "Simon,
builder of the Temple." 7 Of this ossuary Tzaferis says:
The Temple mentioned here is certainly the Temple built by Herod and his
successors, and it is clear that this Simon died sometime after the building
of the Temple had commenced, i.e., after 20 B.C. The building of the
Temple was not finished until a short time before its destruction in A.D. 70,
and it is within this period that the death of Simon must be dated. 8
Ossuary 4 of T o m b I was inscribed on its b r o a d side with two

inscriptions:
(a) Yhwhnn "Yehohanan"

(b) Yhwhnn bn hgqwl "Yehohanan son of HGQWL.' 9
Naveh found no satisfactory explanation oihgqwL

Crucifixion in Palestine, Qumran, and the New Testament 127
Ossuary 4 of T o m b I, however, is precisely the one that is intriguing,

since in it were found the bones of an adult male and of a child. T h e
lowest parts of the adult leg bones (tibiae and fibulae) had been broken,
and the heel bones (calcanei) had been pierced by an iron nail. Tzaferis
comments:
This is undoubtedly a case of crucifixion. . . . Mass crucifixions in Judea

are mentioned under Alexander Janneus, during the revolt against the
census of A.D. 7 and again during the Jewish revolt which brought about
the final destruction of the Second Temple in A.D. 70. Individuals were also
crucified occasionally by the Roman procurators.
Since the pottery and ossuaries found in Tomb I exclude the period of
Alexander Janneus for this crucifixion, and since the general situation
during the revolt of A.D. 70 excludes the possibility of burial in Tomb 1, it
would seem that the present instance was either of a rebel put to death at
the time of the census revolt in A.D. 7 or the victim of some occasional
crucifixion. It is possible, therefore, to place this crucifixion between the
start of the first century A.D. and somewhere just before the outbreak of the
first Jewish revolt.10
T h e skeletal remain s of the Giv c at ha-Mivtar ossuaries were further

examined by Dr. N . Haas, of t h e d e p a r t m e n t of anatomy of t h e
Hebrew University a n d Hadassah Medical School, 11 on whose report
the comments of Tzaferis d e p e n d . Haas r e p o r t e d : "Both the heel bones
were found transfixed by a large iron nail. T h e shins were found
intentionally b r o k e n . Death caused by crucifixion." 12 At the end of
Haas's article a m o r e e x t e n d e d treatment of the bones is given, along
with drawings, photos, a n d attempts to reconstruct or depict the m o d e
of crucifixion. 13
T h e bones were those of an adult male, aged 2 4 - 2 8 , about 5'5" tall.
T h e marks of violence found on the bones were limited to the nailed
calcanei, to both bones of the left calf (tibia andfibuL·), which had been
broken in a simple, oblique line, a n d to the right tibia, which had
suffered a c o m m i n u t ed (or splintering) fracture. According to Haas,
the calcanei had been fixed to the u p r i g h t of the cross by an iron nail
that had first been driven t h r o u g h a small plaque of acacia or pistacia
wood, then t h r o u g h the heel-bones, a n d t h r o u g h the upright of olive
wood; the point of the nail was finally bent over, apparently behind the
upright. Haas described the position of the crucified thus:
The feet were joined almost parallel, both transfixed by the same nail at the
heels, with the legs adjacent; the knees were doubled, the right one
overlapping the left; the trunk was contorted; the upper limbs were
stretched out, each stabbed by a nail in the forearm. A study of the nail
itself, and of the situation of the calcanean bones between the head and the
top of this nail, shows that the feet had not been securely fastened to the
cross. This assumption requires the addition of the traditional "sedecula"
. . . intended to provide a secure seating for the buttocks of the victim, to
prevent collapse and to prolong agony.14
Haas also concluded that the leg bones were broken by a coup de grace.
T h e fracture of the right tibial bone was produced by a single, strong
blow and had repercussions on the left ankle-bones. "The percussion,
passing the already crushed right calf bones, was a harsh and severing
blow for the left ones, attached as they were to the sharp-edged wooden
cross." 15 T h e situation was such that when the body was removed from
the cross, it was impossible to withdraw the nail and there was a post
mortem amputation of the feet—the cut being made only after several
abortive attempts had been made to extract the nail. Such are the
gruesome details recovered from the evidence of the crucifixion of a
Palestinian Jew of the first century A.D., named Yehohanan.
T h e enigmatic inscription on the ossuary was further studied by
V. Yadin, who suggested a connection between the meaning of it and
the way in which the adult had died. 16 T h e puzzling word in the second
inscription is the father's name, which Naveh gave as hgqwi Yadin
recalled a story told in the Talmud 1 7 about a hdstd who dreamt about a
deceased tax-collector who was tormented in the after-life by being
hanged upside down over a river without being able to reach its water
with his tongue. In the Baraitha de-Masseket Niddah, however, the tax-
collector's position is described thus: "He saw the son of Theodorus the
tax-collector cqwl by his legs, and his tongue barely touching the
water." 18 Now one of the priestly blemishes mentioned in the Mishnah
is cyql fiqqel), i.e., "bow-legged," "one whose soles come together and
whose knees do not touch." 19 Hence, the son of Theodorus was seen
hanging upside down with his legs positioned like the Hqqel, "soles
together, knees apart." In view of this, Yadin suggested that one should
rather read line b of the ossuary inscription as Yhwhnn bn hcqwlf in which
the he is really the definite article: "Yehohanan, son of the cqwl (= the
one hanged with his knees apart)." 20 T h u s line a of the inscription
would refer to the crucified man himself, Yehohanan, and line b to his
son, Yehohanan, the son of the *qwl, explaining the child's bones buried
in the same ossuary.
Yadin also called in question the mode of crucifixion. He contests
Haas's interpretation that the heels and the acacia-wood plaque,
pierced by the nail, were affixed to the upright of olive wood, the
upright of the cross. Rather, according to him, the heels were pierced
and fixed together to be attached to two plaques of wood, acacia near
the end of the nail, and olive near its point, and the nail was then bent
backwards to secure the attachment. T h e man then was fixed to the
cross by being hung by his parted legs over the top of the cross—the
legs with knees apart but with heels securely fastened together to form
a loop over the top to prevent the body from sliding down.
Yadin's interpretation is thus quite different from that originally
proposed by either Haas (for the crucifixion) or Naveh (for the
inscription). Though Yadin's interpretation of the skeletal remains may
possibly be better than Haas's, the defense that he attempts to offer for
the reading of hgqwl, with the ghimel as a badly written cayin, is far from
convincing, and, frankly, even calls in question the proposed mode of
crucifixion. T h e mode seems to be proposed to explain the question-
able philological explanation of the inscription.
In any case, the evidence brought to light by this Israeli excavation is
precious, indeed; and coming from Christian and non-Christian team-
work, it cannot be thought to be conditioned or prejudiced.
It might also be well to recall here the words of Josephus who
described the crucifixion of Jews at the time of the Fall of Jerusalem
(A.D. 70):
The soldiers out of rage and hatred amused themselves by nailing their
prisoners in different postures; and so great was their number that space
could not be found for the crosses nor crosses for the bodies.21
Though this evidence of crucifixion from ossuary 4 of Tomb I of

Givcat ha-Mivtar is unrelated to the crucifixion of Jesus of Nazareth, it
is nevertheless of value in giving us evidence of such a first-century
Palestinian execution. In other words, the evidence for the practice is
no longer solely literary in extrabiblical writings, but now archaeologi-
cal as well.22
II. Mention of Crucifixion in Two Qumran Texts
One of the Qumran texts in which mention is made of crucifixion has

been known for some time, the pesher on Nahum of Qumran Cave 4, 23
but it has been the subject of renewed discussion because of a passage in
the Temple Scroll of Qumran Cave 11, which was published not long
ago. T h e pesher on Nahum (4QpNah) has been fully published by J. M.
Allegro as 4Q/69, 2 4 T h e relevant passage in it is found on frgs. 3-4,
col. i, lines 1-11, esp. lines 7-8. It forms part of a commentary on Nah
2:12-14, in which the prophet describes in poetic fashion the plunder-
ing of the t r e a s u r es of N i n e v e h and the t e r r o r caused for its Assyrian

inhabitants as a result of t h e opposition that t h e Lord of Hosts assumed
toward that rapacious city. It fell in 612 B.C. T h e a u t h o r of t h e Q u m r a n
c o m m e n t a r y applies t h e sense of N a h u m ' s w o r d s r a t h e r to events in the
history of J u d e a to p r e s e n t its own i n t e r p r e t a t i o n of wha t G o d has d o n e
to certain elements in that p e o p l e . T h e text of t h e p a r t of t h e pesher
that interests us r e a d s as follows:
*[ Jerusalem shall become] a dwelling-place for the wicked among the

Gentiles. Where the lion went to enter (and where) the Han's cubs (were) 2[with none
to disturb (tlwn). The interpretation of it concerns Deme]trius, the king of
Greece, who sought to enter Jerusalem at the advice of the Seekers-after-
Smooth-Things, 3 [but God did not deliver it] into the hand of the kings of
Greece from Antiochus (IV Epiphanes) until the appearance of the rulers
of the Kittim. Later on she will be trodden down 4[ ]. The lion tears
5
enough for its cubs (and) strangles prey for its lionesses. [
The interpretation of it] concerns the Lion of Wrath, who strikes by
means of his nobles and his counsellors 6[ and he fills with prey] his cave
and his dens with torn flesh. The interpretation of it concerns the Lion of
Wrath 7[who has found a crime punishable by] death in the Seekers-after-
Smooth-Things, whom he hangs as live men 8[on the tree, as it was thus
done] in Israel from of old, for of one hanged alive on the tree (Scripture)
re[ads]. Behold, I am against [you], 9say[s Yahweh of Hosts, and I will burn in
smoke your abundance]; and the sword shall devour your young lions. And [I] will
cut off [from tfie land] its [p]rey, l0and no [longer] sh[all Üie voice of your
messengers be heard. The interpretation of it: "Your abundance" means his
warrior-bands wh[o are in Jerusalem; and "his young lions" are u his nobles
[ ] and "his prey" is the wealth which [the prie]sts of Jerusalem have
amas[sed], which 12they will give t[o ]25
It is not possible to discuss this text here in great detail. 26 But the
following three points in it should be noted.
(1) Surprising, indeed, is the virtually unanimous agreement among
commentators on this text that it contains an allusion to the Seleucid
ruler, Demetrius III Eucerus (95-78 B.C.). 27 Enemies of the bellicose
Sadducee high priest, Alexander Janneus (in office 103-76 B.C.), had
invited Demetrius to come to their assistance in Jerusalem. 28 In this text
the enemies are called the "Seekers-after-Smooth-Things" and are
generally identified as Pharisees. 29 Demetrius III Eucerus did come,
indeed, to the aid of Alexander Janneus' enemies. He encamped at
Shechem in 88 B.C., where a fierce battle between his troops and the
forces of Alexander Janneus eventually took place. Even though he was
the victor in the battle, he had to leave the country in a short time,
having lost the support of most of the Jews who had invited him in the
first place. As a result he never succeeded in entering Jerusalem—a fact
to which 4QpNah 3-4 i 2-3 alludes quite clearly. But Alexander
Janneus eventually managed to regain Jerusalem and brought back to
it many of the enemy Jews who had caused him so much trouble,
Josephus tells us how he then "did a thing that was as cruel as could be:
While he feasted with his concubines in a conspicuous place, he
ordered some eight hundred of the Jews to be crucified, and slaugh-
tered their children and wives before the eyes of the still living
wretches." 30 This is the fact to which 4QpNah 3-4 i 7-8 refers, even
though the exact interpretation of these lines is not perfectly clear.
(2) Ever since the first publication of this column by Allegro in 1956,
it has been recognized that kpyr hhrwn, "the Lion of Wrath" (lines 5, 6),
refers to Alexander Janneus. 3 1 T h e reason for this designation is not
clear, but it fits the pattern of the cryptic names that are otherwise used
in this (and other) Qumran text(s), such as the "Seekers-after-Smooth-
Things," the "Kittim," "Ephraim," etc.
(3) T h e crucial passage in this column, which has received varied
interpretations, is found in lines 7-8. After the lacuna in line 7 Allegro
originally understood the first word mwt as "death," 32 an interpretation
that he subsequently abandoned in the editio princeps, where he re-
garded the three consonants rather as the end of the word [nq]mwtt
"vengeance" (neqämöt).33 Υ. Yadin has, however, more plausibly sug-
gested that one should read mspt mwt, an allusion to Deut 21:22, 34 which
in this context would mean "a verdict of death." Yadin made no effort
to restore the rest of the lacuna, but I should propose, following up his
suggested allusion to Deut 21:22, that one read [*sr ms* ht* mspt] mwt
bdwrsy hhlqwt, "[who has found a crime punishable by] death in the
Seekers-after-Smooth-Things," which is closely dependent on the
wording of that verse of Deuteronomy.
At the beginning of line 8 the lacuna has been restored in various
ways, as Yadin has already pointed out. 35 But in these various restora-
tions one idea has been common: the horror that the sect was
expressing at such crucifixion (resembling that of Josephus himself
quoted above). T h e various proposed ways of restoration are the
following:
(a) V Γ y\sh, "[which was never done] before in Israel";36

(b) 'sr lw* *'sh *ys, "[which no man did] before in Israel";37
(c) *sr lw3 hyh, "[which never took place] before in Israel."38
More recently Yadin has proposed a different interpretation of the

passage and one that is almost surely correct. 39 According to him, the
sect did not condemn Alexander J a n n e u s for his actions; although it
did not approve of them, it nevertheless recognized in them an
expression of God's wrath against the Seekers-after-Smooth-Things,
the Pharisees. Consequently, Yadin restores the beginning of line 8
thus: Either [7 hcs ky zH hturrh] bysrH mlpnym, "[on the tree, as this is the
law] in Israel as of old" or [7 hQs ky kn hmspt] bysr^l mlpnym (same
translation). 40 Yadin explains the "law in Israel" by referring to Josh
8:23-29, the execution of the king of Ai, and to Deut 21:22, as used in
the Temple Scroll. Yadin's restoration is certainly acceptable, but the
one that Ϊ have proposed above expresses the same basic idea, without
saying whether it was "law" or not, [7 hcs ky kn ncsh] bysrH mlpnym.41
No little part of the reason for so interpreting 4QpNah comes from a
passage in the Temple Scroll, to which we now turn. This text was
acquired at the time of the Six-Day War in 1967 by Y. Yadin for the
Shrine of the Book (through support from the Wolfson Foundation). 42
T h e passage, which is related to 4QpNah, is found in col. 64, lines 6-13
and reads as follows:
13 6
my^ nvn nunin -QJ η ^ itty ηκ m ^ m inyn V^n IWK mm 7
DHV nunû/ "»a *7*η nny n w *»Q hy HOT yyn by ιηικ rrnm^m 8
VK ΓΡΙΉ mn UQ^TD κυπ w t o mm Ό yyn <^ν> ιηικ i^m nnm rxnv 9
yvn by mix m nnmbm ^ m w "on ruo iny ηκ bbp^ mimn -yin 10
Ό Kinn DV3 {π}η-αϊρη τ η ρ η yyn ^y ηηη^ηα ybn K 6 I ηιηη 11
OUK -iu/κ ΠΏΊΚΠ ηκ κηυη KIVI yyn by η^η trunxn ητη^κ ^Vipn 12
rrVrn nib ]ηυ 13
«. . . If 7a man has informed against his people and has delivered his
people up to a foreign nation and has done evil to his people, 8you shall
hang him on the tree and he shall die. On the evidence of two witnesses and
on the evidence of three witnesses, 9he shall be put to death, and they shall
hang him (on) the tree. If a man has committed a crime punishable by
death and has fled to 10the midst of the Gentiles and has cursed his people
and the children of Israel,you shall hang him too ση the tree "and he shall die.
Their bodies shall riot pass the night on the tree, but you shall indeed bury them
that very day, for what is 12hanged upon the tree is accursed by God and men; and
you shall not defile the land which I am 13giving to you for an inheritance. . . .
Once again, we cannot discuss this text here in great detail, but the
following t h r e e points should be noted. 4 3
(1) T h e r e is no d o u b t that the text is providing a halakic interpreta-
tion of Deut 2 1 : 2 2 - 2 3 . Since this is a pre-Christian Jewish interpreta-
tion—even t h o u g h it may stem from a particular type of Judaism—it is
important to see what was being m a d e of the text of Deuteronomy itself
at this period. T w o crimes are specified as being covered by Deut
2 1 : 2 2 - 2 3 : (a) treason, i.e., the passing on of information to an enemy,
the delivering of one's people to a foreign nation, and the doing of evil
to one's people; 4 4 (b) evading t h e d u e process of law in a case of capital
punishment, i.e., by fleeing to a foreign country, and cursing one's
people and t h e children of Israel. 4 5 T h e s e are clearly developments of
the Deuteronomic text itself, specifying the crimes for execution.
Yadin is of t h e opinion that t h e specific crimes m e n t i o n e d here, to
which Deut 21:22 is being applied, allude to the historic incident of
Demetrius III Eucerus and Alexander J a n n e u s . 4 6 I think that he is
right, but there is scarcely any way of really proving it, and he admits
this himself.
(2) T h e text is not clear about what the p u n i s h m e n t for the crimes is
to be. In the case of treason it says, first, "you shall h a n g him on the
tree and he shall die," but then it adds, on the testimony of witnesses,
"he shall be put to d e a t h , and they shall h a n g him (on) the tree" (lines
8-9). T h e first s o u n d s like crucifixion; Yadin, however, u n d e r s t a n d s
the punishmen t that "such a m a n should be hanged alive, dying as a
result." 47 But the second statement could m e a n that such a m a n should
be put to deat h by some other m e a n s and then should be h u n g on a
tree. It is possible, of course, to u n d e r s t a n d the second statement in the
light of the first. In any case, the p u n i s h m e n t in t h e crime of evasion of
due process is clearly stated as a hangin g of the criminal on the tree
alive so that he will die (lines 10-11). T h i s could be understoo d as
crucifixion.
This u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the verb tlh in the text has been questioned by
J. M. Baumgarten, who maintains that the "hanging" which is men-
tioned in H Q T e m p l e is not crucifixion, but rather one of the four

classic modes of capital punishment in Jewish law (stoning, burning,
decapitation, and strangulation). 48 "Hanging" here would be a form
oiheneq, "strangulation." Baumgarten admits that in 4QpNah))tf/i *nsym
hyym refers to crucifixion because it explicitly mentions the hanging of
"men alive" on the tree, whereas H Q T e m p l e does not. Moreover,
Baumgarten notes that "talmudic exegetes have recognized that it
[strangulation] lacks any pentateuchal basis and rests ultimately only on
the authority of tradition (b. Sanhedrin 52b-53a)." 4 9
From the use ofytlh ^nsyrn hyym in 4QpNah 3-4 i 7 and oililwy hy Η hcs
in line 9 with its allusion to the story in Josephus about Alexander
Janneus, 5 0 who uses the Greek verb anastauroun, there can be no doubt
that tlh in this text refers to crucifixion. It seems to me that 1 lQTemple
is seeking precisely a pentateuchal basis for the "hanging" of which it
speaks in the crimes mentioned. Moreover, Yadin is correct in pointing
out that in two instances it reverses the order of the verbs, and that this
reversal means hanging men alive, "dying as a result," even though the
text does not explicitly mention their being "alive." 4 Q p N a h with its
allusion to Deut 21:22-23 and its use of tlh meaning "crucify" makes
it plausible that 1 lQTemple, which also alludes to Deut 21:22-23,
understands tlh in the same sense, even without the mention of living
persons. Why should tlh in this scroll be interpreted by the meaning
that it might possibly have in another Jewish tradition, viz., rabbinic—
and of a later date? That slybt qys\ "hanging on a tree," 51 came to be
substituted for hnq in the list of classic rabbinic modes of execution is
beyond doubt—at least for that tradition which made use of the Tg.
Ruth.52 Baumgarten maintains that "the term slybt qysy refers to
hanging, not to crucifixion." 53 But this, in my opinion, is far from
certain, and even in his footnote he admits that sib "in Aramaic usage
. . . was used to designate a variety of forms of execution: impalement,
hanging, as well as crucifixion" (my italics).54 T h e upshot of this is that I
think that Yadin's interpretation of 1 lQTemple is basically correct; but
I should interpret tlh in it in the light of the use of that verb in 4QpNah,
viz., of crucifixion. In this I remain within the literature of the Qumran
community for the interpretation and see no reason to understand tlh
in either of these texts in terms of the rabbinic tradition, as Baumgarten
has done.
(3) Deut 21:22-23, which refers to the hanging u p of the corpse of an
executed criminal exposed as a deterrent to crime, is clearly alluded to
in lines 11-13. It refers to a practice that was tolerated in Israel, but
which had its limits—and this is the reason for the injunction of burial
before sundown. In the MT the reason isky qllt Hhym tlwy "for a hanged
person is accursed by God." This becomes in HQTemple 64:12 ky
mqwlly Îwhym w^nsym tlwy 7 hcs, "for what is hanged upon the tree is
accursed by God and men." 55 The author has thus modified the biblical
text and insured its interpretation. Whether this was a deliberate
modification to offset the modes of interpretation of Deut 21:23 that
became current in the later rabbinic tradition is hard to say. But the
debate whether ky qllt Hhym tlwy means "the hanged is something
accursed of God" or "the cursing (= the curser) of God (is) hanged" 56 is
clearly excluded. In the course of the rabbinic debate blasphemy and
idolatry were considered as "the cursing of God."
If Yadin is right in seeing a connection between 4QpNah and
HQTemple—and I think that he is—and if tlh in both does refer to
crucifixion, then it would seem to imply that not only Romans in
Palestine had made use of this mode of execution. It would also give
the lie to a comment made by G. Vermes that the "furious young lion"
adopted "a form of execution unknown to the Jewish Law."57 Whether
it was admitted in Jewish Law or not is one thing; whether it was
practiced by some Jews is another. Josephus has attributed it to the
Hasmonean ruler, Alexander Janneus, and 1 lQTemple 64:6-13 seems
to envisage it as the Essene punishment for the crimes of treason and
evasion of due process, as discussed above.
Now the material from these Qumran texts has nothing per se to do
with the evidence of crucifixion now available from the Palestine
ossuary of the Givcat ha-Mivtar tomb discussed in the first part of this
paper. We have no idea of the crime for which Yehohanan suffered the
fate that he did. Yet there are details both in the new archaeological
evidence and in the Qumran texts that shed some light on certain New
Testament texts, to which I should now like to turn.
III. The Bearing of This Material on Certain New Testament Passages
In an otherwise enlightened and interesting discussion of "Quota-

tions in St. Paul," B. Lindars discusses the use of Deut 21:23 in m. Sank.
6:4 and in a footnote says, "The interesting reference to this passage in
lQpNahum [nc, read 4QpNahum] has no relevance to the New
Testament material." 58 This is an astounding assertion, but it illustrates
the kind of interpretation of both the Qumran literature and the New
Testament that one meets from time to time. It is well, then, that we
consider some of the New Testament passages to which this archaeolog-
ical and literary evidence is certainly relevant.
An allusion to the nailing of Jesus to the cross is found in Col 2:14 in
the reference to the cancelling of the bond which stood out against us
with its legal demands: "This he set aside, nailing it to the cross" (RSV,
proselösas auto tö staurö). T h e implication is that the bond was nailed to
the cross together with Jesus himself. T h e r e is a further allusion to it in
Acts 2:23b, prospexantes aneilate, which the RSV translates simply as
"(this Jesus) you crucified and killed," but which should more properly
be translated as "you fastened to (the cross) and did away with." Cf. also
J o h n 20:25. T h e Colossians' passage has been illustrated by a reference
to one in Josephus, which tells of the action of the procurator Gessius
Florus (A.D. 64-66), who "ventured that day to do what none had ever
done before, viz., to scourge before his tribunal and nail to the cross
(staurö proselösai) men of equestrian rank, men who, if Jews by birth,
were at least invested with that Roman dignity." T h e heel bones pierced
with an iron nail in the ossuary from Givcat ha-Mivtar now adds
concrete archaeological evidence of the practice of nailing human
beings to a wooden cross as an instrument of execution such as is
mentioned in these New Testament passages. T h e evidence for it is no
longer purely literary.
T h e bones from that ossuary, however, illustrate yet another passage
in the New Testament, viz., J o h n 19:32: "So the soldiers came and
broke the legs of the first, and of the other who had been crucified with
him; but when they came to Jesus and saw that he was already dead,
they did not break his legs." T h e Fourth Gospel sees passover-lamb
typology in the act, but the fractured, splintered right tibia of Yeho-
hanan, and his broken left shin bones, which N. Haas interpreted as
the coup de grace, give again concrete evidence of the practice to
which the Fourth Gospel refers. Cf. Gos. Pet. 4:14.
Of course, the main New Testament verses which speak of the
crucifixion of Jesus (Mark 15:24, kai staurousin auton; Matt 27:35,
staurösantes de auton; Luke 23:33, estaurösan auton; and J o h n 19:18,
hopou auton estaurösan) are the ones on which this archaeological
evidence chiefly bears.
But the evidence from 4 Q p N a h interests us still more. Several points
in it should be noted in this connection. T h o u g h Η. Η. Rowley, in his
reaction to the wild interpretations of the text given by his quondam
student, J. M. Allegro, once called in question whether there was a
reference to crucifixion in this column of the pesher, 59 there is today
virtually unanimous agreement about the interpretation of that text as
referring to the actions of Alexander Janneus against his Jewish
enemies. T h e result is that this text supplies the missing-link in the pre-
Christian Palestinian evidence that Jews did regard crucifixion prac-
ticed in that period as a form of the "hanging" to which Deut 21:22-23
could be referred. T h a t crucifixion could have been regarded as a form

of "hanging on a tree" was often explained by citing the way in which
the crime of perduellio was punished in the Roman world by a statutory
penalty of crucifixion, "caput obnubito, arbori infelici suspendito." 6 0
T h a t crucifixion was practiced in Roman Palestine—by the Romans
themselves and even by the H a s m o n e a n Alexander J a n n e u s before
them—has never been d o u b t e d . But the application of Deut 2 1 : 2 2 - 2 3
to it has been puzzling, even t h o u g h always taken for grante d as
customary exegesis. T h e pesher on N a h u m now provides precisely the
extrabiblical documentation for such an interpretation.
As is well known, the d e a t h of J e s u s is described in various New
Testament writers as a hanging on a/the tree. In Acts 5:30 Peter,
summoned with J o h n before t h e synedrion which had forbidden t h e m to
preach in Jesus' n a m e , replies that he must obey God rather than men
and continues, " T h e God of o u r fathers raised J e s u s whom you killed
by hanging on a tree" (hon hymeis diecheinsasthe kremasantes epi xylou). O r
again, in Acts 10:39 Peter, speaking on the occasion of Cornelius
conversion, proclaims, " T h e y p ut him to death by h a n g i n g him on a
tree" (hon hoi aneilan kremasantes epi xylou). Indirectly, another allusion
to it is m a d e in Acts 13:29, when Paul, p r e a c h i n g in the synagogue of
Antioch in Pisidia, says, " W h e n they had fulfilled all that was written of
him, they took him d o w n from t h e t r e e (kathelontes apo ton xylou) and
laid him in a tomb." Similarly, the crucifixion of Jesus, associated with a
tree, is spoken of in 1 Pet 2:24, " H e himself b o r e o u r sins in his body on
the tree (hos tas hamartias hem&n autos anenenken en tö sömati autou epi ton
xylon), that we might die to sin a n d live to righteousness." I n this
instance, some c o m m e n t a t o rs have preferre d to translate the text, "he
himself carried o u r sins u p onto t h e tree." A n d t h e r e is, of course, t h e
earliest passage of all (Gal 3:13), which alludes explicitly to Deut 21:23,
to which I shall r e t u r n shortly. At the m o m e n t we are noting only those
New Testament writers who speak explicitly of Jesus' crucifixion as a
"hanging on a/the tree." 6 1 Paul, Acts, a n d 1 Peter know of this m o d e of
expression, and c o m m e n t a t o r s have generally referred in their expla-
nations to Deut 2 1 : 2 2 - 2 3 .
Haenchen's c o m m e n t on Acts 5:30 is interesting in this regard. H e
says, " T h e Old Testament expression kremasantes epi xylou alludes to
Deut 21.22f. LXX, which the Christians applied to the crucifixion of
Jesus." 62 If by that H a e n c h e n m e a n s that Christians were the first to
apply Deut 2 1 : 2 2 - 2 3 to crucifixion, t h e n t h e relevance of this Old
Testament passage in 4 Q p N a h and H Q T e m p l e to the discussion of
such New Testament texts, as we have j u s t mentioned, is obvious. T h e
pesher makes it clear that a m o n g at least some Palestinian Jews of the
first century B.C. or A.D. the text of Deut 21:22-23 had already been
associated with crucifixion. But the anarthrous Pauline and Lucan
phrase (epi xylou, Gal 3:13; Acts 5:30; 10:39) may well have been
influenced by the Greek Old Testament of Deut 21:22.
T h e New Testament passage that interests us above all in the light of
the Q u m r a n material is Gal 3:13. It is part of the first of four midrashic
developments of the Abraham story in Genesis which is being used by
Paul in chaps. 3-4 as part of his proof for justification by faith. 63 T h e
first midrashic development is found in Gal 3:6-15, and its starting-
point is Gen 15:6, from which Paul concludes that people of faith are
the real children of Abraham, the ones who inherit the blessings of
Abraham. By contrast, however, "all who rely on works of the Law are
under a curse, for it is written, 'Cursed be everyone who does not abide
by all the things written in the book of the law or d o them.'" Paul
quotes Deut 27:26 to show that the Mosaic law itself uttered a curse
against those who were to live by it. He argues that this "curse of the
law" has been removed by Christ Jesus, who became himself a "curse "
of the law: "Christ redeemed us from the curse of the law, by becoming
a curse for us—for it is written, 'Cursed be every one who hangs on a
tree'" (and Deut 21:23 is quoted by him; but his quotation omits "by
God" and adds "on a tree," which is not found in the MT, but in the
LXX). Judged by the canons of Aristotelian logic, his argument is
defective indeed. If it were put into a syllogism, it would clearly have
four terms, because the "curse of the law" (referring to Deut 27:26 does
not have the same sense (or "comprehension") as the "curse" which
Jesus became by being hanged on the tree (Deut 21:23). In this passage
Aristotelian logic has to yield to what may be called "rabbinic" logic—a
type of interpretation of Old Testament texts which relies on catchword
bonds or free associations. I hesitate to identify it simply with the type
of Jewish interpretation called gezeräh säwäh.64 In a generic sort of way it
may be related to that type of interpretation, because it does interpret
one word in the Old Testament by the same word in a different passage,
but it does not exactly do with it what is otherwise done. In any case,
Paul makes his point when he says that Christ Jesus became a "curse"
(in one sense) in redeeming us from "the curse of the law" (in another
sense). It is a way of describing one of the effects of the Christ-event.
T h e Q u m r a n texts, however, help in the understanding of this
Pauline passage in the following way. First, they reveal a pre-Christian
understanding of crucifixion as a "hanging on a tree" and provide a
link for Paul's argumentation. This is especially true of 4QpNah (pace
B. Lindars). Second, they reveal an analogous extension of the
Deuteronomic text, of which Paul makes use. As mentioned earlier,
Deut 21:22-23 really deals with the exposure or "hanging" of the
corpse of an executed criminal. T h e Temple Scroll shows the exten-
sion of the text to two specific crimes, treason (which Yadin has related
to the prohibition in Lev 19:16)65 and evasion of due process. Though
flight to the Gentiles is not specifically condemned in the Old Testa-
ment, the cursing of one's people associated with it is probably an
allusion to the prohibition of Exod 22:27 [Engl. 22:28]. 66 Paul, of
course, does not allude to either of these Old Testament passages, but
in an analogous way he has related Deut 27:26 to Deut 21:22-23. His
vicarious, soteriological use of Deut 21:23 and its "hanging" applied to
Jesus is a Christian theologoumenon, which we would not expect to find
in a Qumran text. Third, commentators have often pointed out that
when Paul applies Deut 21:23 to Jesus, he modifies the quotation,
writing simply epikataratos pas ho kremamenos epi xylou. The Greek Old
Testament reads, kekateramenos hypo theou pas kremamenos epi xylou,
"cursed by God is every one who is hanged on a tree." This reflects the
Hebrew of the MT, qllt Hhym tlwy, although the Hebrew lacks the
counterpart of epi xylou in this part of the verse. T h e omission of "by
God" in Paul's use of Deut 21:23 is said to represent the delicacy of Paul
who could not bring himself to say of Jesus that he was qllt Îhym,
"cursed by God." T h e same omission is, however, found in 4QpNah 3 -
4 i 8, and the omission did not escape the notice of Allegro, when he
first published the column, ascribing it to the author's "pietistic rea-
sons."67 Whatever may be the reason for the failure to quote the text of
Deut 21:23 in full here, this use of it is at least similar to Paul's.
Moreover, in the Temple Scroll the modified form of the curse-
formula is to be noted. In the MT the formula runs qllt Hhym tlwy, but in
HQTemple 64:12 it hmqwlly Îwhym wJnsym tlwy, "accursed by God and
men." A second nomen rectum has been introduced into the construct
chain. T h e addition may be midrashic, as M. Wilcox suggests, 68 but it
clearly precludes a misunderstanding of the Hebrew qllt *lhym as
blasphemy or a "cursing of God." In another way it provides an
interesting illustration of the derision of Jesus by passers-by, chief
priests, and scribes (Marjc 15:29-32a; Matt 27:39-43).
Finally, it is very questionable, indeed, whether any of the new
material in these Qumran texts helps solve the age-old problems about
the death of Jesus and reponsibility for it raised by the four canonical
Gospels. J. M. Ford has tried to use this Qumran material to support "the
historicity of the Gospels and Acts, and Paul's placing of the death of
Jesus precisely within the context of the Jewish law."69 But she has not
c o p e d sufficiently with t h e redaction of m a n y of t h e passages involved

in her discussion a n d has not allowed for t h e Tendenz t h a t is p r e s e n t in
m a n y of them. 7 0
Similarly, I have not a t t e m p t e d to relate t h e variou s ways in which
Deut 2 1 : 2 2 - 2 3 is u n d e r s t o o d in t h e later t a r g u m s to this Q u m r a n and
New T e s t a m e n t material. 7 1 At times they have f u r t h e r testimony to t h e
traditions discussed h e r e , but they a r e later witnesses to this traditional
material, p e r h a p s confirming it, but scarcely influencing either the
Q u m r a n or t h e New T e s t a m e n t writers. 7 2
NOTES
* Originally published in CBQ 40 (1978) 493-513.

1
"Christ Crucified," Reconciliation and Hope: New Testament Essays on Atonement
and Eschatology Presented to L. L. Morris on HL· 60th Birthday (Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans, 1974) 69-75, esp. p. 69.
2
Ibid.
3
"Jewish Tombs at and near Givcat ha-Mivtar, Jerusalem," IEJ 20 (1970) 18-
32.
4
Ibid., 30.
5
Ibid., 20.
6
"The Ossuary Inscriptions from Givcat ha-Mivtar," IEJ 20 (1970) 33-37.
7
Ibid., 33; see pi. 11.
8
"Jewish Tombs," 31. The inscription on this ossuary thus helps to date the
contents of the tomb.
9
"The Ossuary Inscriptions," 35; see pi. 13.
10
"Jewish Tombs," 31. The mass crucifixions under Alexander Janneus are
known from Josephus, Ant. 13.14,2 § 3 8 0 - 8 1 ; / . ^ . 1.4,6 §97; for those during
the revolt prior to A.D. 70, see J o s e p h u s , / ^ 75 § 4 2 0 ; / W. 2.14,9 §306-8; 3.7,33
§321; 5.6,5 §289; 5.11,1 §449-51. For crucifixion by Roman governors,
prefects, or procurators, see Josephus./. W. 2.5,2 §129. Crucifixion of Jews was
also practiced by Antiochus IV Epiphanes; see Josephus, Ant. 12.5,4 §256.
11
"Anthropological Observations on the Skeletal Remains from Givcat ha-
Mivtar," IEJ 20 (1970) 38-59.
12
Ibid., 42. Cf. J. W. Hewitt, "The Use of Nails in the Crucifixion," HTR 25
(1932) 29-45.
19
IEJ 20 (1970) pis. 19-24.
14
Ibid., 58.
15
Ibid., 57.
16
"Epigraphy and Crucifixion," IEJ 23 (1973) 18-22.
17
See/ Hag. 2,2 (77d); M. Schwab, Le Talmud de Jerusalem (6 vols.; Paris: G.-P.
Maisonneuve, 1960), 4. 278; cf. b. Sank. 44b; I. Epstein, The Babylonian Talmud:
Seder Nezikin V: Sanhednn I (London: Soncino, 1935) 292 and n. 6.
18
See C. M. Horowitz, Bäraytä* de-Masseket Niddäh (Seper Tösepätä* 'attiqätä*:
Uralte Toseftas [Borajtas] 5; Frankfurt: Horowitz, 1890), 15, 66-68.
19
m. Bek. 7:6(see P. Blackmail,Mw/umyoÄ, Volume V:OrderKodashim (2ded.; New
York:Judaica, 1964),5. 278. Cf. H. Danbyf7%<? Mishnah Translatedfrom the Hebrew
with Introduction and Brief Explanatory Notes (London: Oxford, 1933) 538-39.
20
"Epigraphy," 19. Yadin devotes a whole paragraph here to the problem of
the ghimel instead of an cayin.
2i
J.W. 5.11,1 §451.
22
See further J. F. Strange, "Crucifixion, Method of," IDBSup, 199-200. Cf.
H.-W. Kuhn, "Zum Gekreuzigten von Givcat ha-Mivtar: Korrektur eines
Versehens in der Erstveröffentlichung," ZNW 69 (1978) 118-22; "Der Ge-
kreuzigte von Givcat ha-Mivtar: Bilanz einer Entdeckung." Theologia crucis—
Signum crucis: Festschriftfür Erich Dinkier zum 70. Geburtstag (ed. C. Andresen and
G. Klein; Tübingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 1979) 303-34.
23
See J. M. Allegro, "Further Light on the History of the Q u m r a n Sect,"JßL
75 (1956) 89-95, esp. 9 0 - 9 3 (4-pl. 1). Cf. "More Unpublished Pieces of a
Qumran Commentary on N a h u m (4QpNah)," fSS 7 (1962) 304-8. See also
Scrolls from the Wilderness of the Dead Sea (Smithsonian Institution Exhibit
Catalogue; Cambridge, MA: American Schools of Oriental Research, 1965) 17,
26-27.
24
Qumran Cave 4,I (4Q158-4Q186) (DJD 5; Oxford: Clarendon, 1968) 37-42
(+pis. XII [upper right and lower frgs.], XIII, XIV [upper frgs.]. For most of
the literature on the preliminary publications u p to late 1968, see my article, "A
Bibliographical Aid to the Study of the Q u m r a n Cave IV Texts 158-186," CBQ
31 (1969) 5 9 - 7 1 . For other literature, especially more recent discussions of
4QpNah, see G. Jeremias, Der Lehrer der Gerechtigkeit (SUNT 2; Göttingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1963) J 3 1 - 3 5 ; A. Dupont-Sommer, "Observations
sur le Commentaire de Nahum," RB 71 (1964) 298-99 ; D. Flusser, "Phari-
sees, Sadducees and Essenes in Pesher Nahum," Seper nkkärön HGedalyähu
*Alön: In Memory of Gedaliahu Alan: Essays in Jewish History and Philology (Tel
Aviv: Hqwbs hm'whd, 1970) 133-60; A. Dupont-Sommer, "Resume des
cours de 1969-70," L'Annuaire du College de France 70 (1970-71) 399-414; Y.
Yadin, "Pesher N a h u m (4QpNahum) Reconsidered," IEJ 21 (1971) 1-12
(+pl. 1); A. Dupont-Sommer, "Observations nouvelles sur Γ expression 'sus-
pend u vivant sur le bois' dans le Commentaire de Nahum (4QpNah ii 8) ä la
lumiere du Rouleau du Temple ( l l Q T e m p e l [sic] Scroll lxiv 6-13)," CRAIBL
1972, pp. 709-20; J. M. Ford, "'Crucify Him, Crucify Him' and the Temple
Scroll," ExpTim 87 (1975-76) 2 7 5 - 7 8 ; L. Diez Merino, "La crucifixion en la
antigua literatura judia (periodo intertestamental)," EstEcl 51 (1976) 5-27;
"El suplicio de la cruz en la literatura j u d i a intertestamental," SBFLA 26
(1976) 31-120; M. Wilcox, " ' U p o n the T r e e — D e u t 21:22-23 in the New
Testament," JBL 96 (1977) 8 5 - 9 9; Μ. Ρ Horgan, Pesharim: Qumran Interpreta-
tions of Biblical Books (CBQMS 8; Washington: Catholic Biblical Association of
America, 1979) 158-90.
25
Since no attempt has been made here to mark doubtful or probable
readings, one should consult the editio princeps. See n. 24 above.
26
Note, however, the following problems: (a) T h e meaning of the last two
words of line 3 is obscure, because of the following lacuna at the beginning of
line 4. (b) T h e crucial phrase "on the tree" is admittedly restored at the
beginning of line 8, but it seems to be d e m a n d e d not only by the foregoing
context, but also by the phrase later on in line 8. (c) T h e word \yq]r is a possible
restoration. Yadin notes that it could also be restored as [qw]r\ As he does, I
understand it to refer to Scripture (preferably niph. impf.); it could also be

translated, "(Scripture) is read." This is to be referred to the allusion to Deut
2 1 : 2 2 - 2 3 in the preceding material. It does not introduce the quotation N a h
2:13 in lines 8-10.
27
H. H. Rowley ( " 4 Q p N a h u m and the Teacher of Righteousness," JBL lb
[1956] 188-93) opposed this view; however, that was not only at a period when
Q u m r a n research was still primitive, but Rowley was reacting against some of
the exaggerated claims that Allegro was basing on lacunae in the text (see
Time Magazine, 2 April 1956, p . 71). T h o u g h he does not say so explicitly,
M. Wilcox ( " ' U p o n the T r e e , ' " 88) seems to query it.
28
J o s e p h u s , ^ n i . 13.14,2 §380; cf.J.W. 1.4,5-6 § 9 3 - 9 8 .
29
See J. T. Milik, Ten Years of Discovery in the Wilderness of Judaea (SBT 26;
Naperville: Allenson, 1959) 73. Cf. J. Amusin [Amoussine], "Ephraim et
Manasse dans le Pesher de N a h u m (4 Q ρ N a h u m ) , " RevQ 4 (1963-64) 3 8 9 - 9 6 ;
D. Flusser, "Kt m d b r yhwdh whprwsym ( T h e J u d e a n Desert Sect and the
Pharisees)," Molad 19 (1962) 4 5 6 - 5 8 .
™Ant. 13.14,2 §380; cLJ.W. 1.4,5-6 § 9 3 - 9 8 . Cf. P.-E. Guillet, "Les 800
'Crucifies' d'Alexandr e J a n n e e , " Cahiers du Cercle Ernest Renan 100 (1977) 1 1 -
16.
31
" F u r t h er Light," 92.
32
Ibid., 9 1 .
33
4 Q / 6 9 (DJD 5, 38), but he gives n o justification for it.
34
"Pesher N a h u m , " 11.
35
Ibid., 4.
36
So J. M. Allegro, " F u r t h e r Light," 9 1 ; similarly, G. Vermes, The Dead Sea
Scrolls in English (Pelican Books; Baltimore: Penguin, 1970) 232 ("a thing
never done"); T. H. Gaster, The Dead Sea Scriptures in English Translation (2d
ed.; Garden City: Doubleday, 1964) 240; J. Carmignac, "Interpretation de
N a h u m , " Les textes de Qumran traduiis et annotes (ed. J. Carmignac and P.
Guilbert; 2 vols.; Paris: Letouzey et Ane, 1961, 1963), 2. 86.
37
So A. Dupont-Sommer, "Le commentair e de N a h u m decouvert pres de
la Mer Morte (4QpNah): T r a d u c t i o n et notes," Sem 13 (1963) 5 5 - 8 8 , esp. pp.
57-58.
38
So A. M. H a b e r m a n n , Megilloth midbar Yehuda: The Scrolls from the Judaean
Desert (Jerusalem: Machbaroth Lesifruth, 1959) 153.
39
"Pesher N a h u m , " 10-12.
40
Ibid.
41
See also Josh 10:26.
42
See further p p . 9 2 - 9 3 above.
43
Several problems of minor character should be pointed out: (a) Yadin
compares the informer of 1. 7 with Lev 19:16-18 a n d 1QS 7:15-16. (b) On "a
foreign nation," see CD 14:15. (c) T h e prep , "on" is my editorial addition, 1. 9.
(d) In lines 12-13 God speaks in the first person; contrast the M T of Deut 21:23.
44
It should be noted that the conjunction w- used in lines 7-8 (and also
perhaps the first one in line 10) could be translated as "or," thus making it
possible to interpret these lines as various instances of the crimes of "treason"
and of "evasion."
45
Yadin notes ("Pesher N a h u m , " 7) that the scribe wrote in secondarily the
waiv before "the children of Israel." It presents a problem; how should it be
interpreted? Does it equate "the children of Israel" with "his people," or does
it mean that "his people" would refer to the Essene community of Q u m r a n

and "the children of Israel" would refer to the larger community of Israel?
See L. Diez Merino, "La crucifixion," 14.
46
"Pesher Nahum," 9.
47
Ibid. Yadin studiously avoids the use of the term "crucifixion" in this article.
48
"Does TZ>/ in the Temple Scroll Refer to C r u c i f i x i o n ? " ^ / , 91 ( 1 9 7 2 ) 4 7 2-
81. Cf. m. Sank. 7:1 (H. Danby, The Mishnah Translated from the Hebrew with
Introduction and BHef Explanatory Notes [London: Oxford, 1933] 3 9 1 ; S. Krauss,
Sanhedrin (Hoher Rat)~-Makkä [Prügelstrafe): Text, Übersetzung und Erklärung
[Die Mischna, I V / 4 - 5; Giessen: Töpelmann , 1933] 207).
49
"Does TL//," 478.
*°Ant. 13.14,2 §38Q;J.W. 1.4,6 §97 {anastaurösas enmese te pol'«); cf. J. W. 1.5,3
§133. One should also recall the passage in Josephus, where he reports that in
the murder of Ananus and a certain Jesus by Idumeans they went so far as to
cast out the corpses without burial, whereas, "the Jews are so careful about
funeral rites that even malefactors who have been sentenced to crucifixion are
taken down and buried before sunset" (hoste kai tous ek katadikes anestaurömenous
pro tou dyntos heliou kathelein te kai thaptein, J.W. 4.5,2 §317). From this one can
conclude that it was not just people like Alexander J a n n e u s who practiced
crucifixion in Palestine.—Note also that Josephus (Ant. 2.5,3 §73) interprets the
decapitation and hanging (wetäläh) of the chief baker (Gen 40:19) in the Joseph
story as crucifixion (anestaurbse). Similarly, the eunuchs of Esth 2:23 who were
hanged (wayyitälü) in the M T become "crucified" in Josephus' form of the story
(Ant. 11.6,4 §208). Contrast the LXX version of both incidents: kai kremasei se
epixylou (Gen 40:19); kai ekremasen autous (Esth 2:23). See further Josephus, Ant
11.6,10-13 §246, 280, 289; 12.5,4 §256 (= 1 Mace 1:44).
51
This phrase is found in Tg. Ruth 1:17: *yt In V6C mwt3 lhyyby\ rgymt ybnyn
wyqydt nun-7 wqtylt syyp7 wslybt qys\ "We have four death penalties for the guilty:
the throwing of a stone, b u r n i ng by fire, death by the sword, and hanging on
a tree" (E. Levine, The Aramaic Vernon of Ruth [AnBib 58; Rome: Biblical
Institute, 1973] 22). In m. Sanh., the four modes of execution are: slyqh srph
hrg whnq, "stoning, burning, beheading, and strangling." In Tg. Ruth, whnq
has become wslybt qys\ T h e problem is whether the latter means that one is to
regard it as a form of "strangling" or whether it was a mode deliberately
substituted for it.—Cf. A. Büchler, "Die Todesstrafen der Bibel und d e r
jüdisch-nachbiblischen Zeit," MGWJ 50 (1906) 664-706.
52
E. Levine says in his commentary on this verse (p. 60), " T h e targum violates
the unanimous rabbinic sources, in perfect accord with sectarian tradition."
While this may be true, it should be noted that a variant reading of 7g. Ruth 1:17
is found in the MS de Rossi 3 1 , which has whnyqt swdr\ "choking with a scarf,"
instead of wslybt qys\ See S. Speier, " 'Wslybt qys7,' trgunn Rwf:yz" Tarbiz 40 (1970-
71) 259 (see also p. x). In my opinion, the de Rossi MS is simply making the
targum conform to the classic modes of execution. Cf. E. Bammel, "Crucifixion
as a Punishment in Palestine," The Trial of Jesus (SBT 2/13; ed. E. Bammel;
London: SCM, 1970) 162-65.—See further L. Rosso, "Deuteronomio 21,22
contributo del rotolo del tempio alia valutazione di una Variante medievale dei
settanta," RevQ 34 (1977) 2 3 1 - 3 6 ; J. Le Moyne, Les Sadduceens (EBib; Paris:
Gabalda, 1972) 241 .
53
"Does TLHT 474.
54
Ibid., η. 9. J. Levy (Warterbuch über die Talmudim und Midrashchim [2d ed.;
rev. L. Goldschmidt; Berlin/Vienna: B. Harz, 1924], 4. 189) defines both

Hebr. and Aram, sib "aufhängen, kreuzigen." Similarly, J. Levy, Chaldäisches
Wörterbuch über die Targumim und einen grossen Theil des rabbimschen Schrifttums
(Cologne: J. Melzer, 1850), 2. 325. M. Jastrow (A Dictionary of tlie Targumim,
the Talmud Babli and Yerushabni, and the. Midraskic Literature [New York/Berlin:
Choreb, 1926] 1282) gives the m e a n i n g as "to hang, impale," yet he refers to
m. Yeb. 16:3, wslwb Uslybh, and translates it, "nailed to the stake." Cf. Κ. Η.
Rengstorf, Jebamot (Von der Schwagerehe): Text, Übersetzung und Erklärung (Die
Misch na, I I I / l ; Giessen: T ö p e l m a n n , 1929) 2 0 2 - 3 . For other negative reac-
tions to Baumgarten's interpretation, see L. Diez Merino, "La crucifixion,"
EstEcl 51 (1976) 15; J. H e i n e m a n n , "Early Halakah in the Palestinian
T a r g u m i m , " JJS 25 (1974) 114-22, esp. p . 121 n. 46; M. Hengel, "Mors
turpissima crucis: Die Kreuzigung in d e r antiken Welt u n d die 'Torheit' des
'Wortes vom Kreuz,' " Rechtfertigung: Festschrift für Ernst Käsemann zum 70.
Geburtstag (ed. J. Friedrich et al.; T ü b i n g e n : Mohr [Siebeck]; Göttingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1976) 125-84, esp. p. 177 n. 159; cf. Crucifixion
(Philadelphia: Fortress, 1977) 84 η. 2.
55
T h o u g h the subject (tlwy) is singular, the predicate ptc. is plural (mqwlly).
56
See the discussion in m. Sank. 6:4 (H. Danby, The Mishnak, 390).
57
The Dead Sea Scrolls in English (Pelican Books; Baltimore; Penguin, 1962)
6 1 ; see also p. 2 3 1 , "a sacrilegious novelty." Cf. P. Winter, On tlie Trial of Jesus
(Studia Judaica, 1; rev. ed. T. A. Burkill and G. Vermes; New York/Berlin:
de Gruyter, 1974) 9 0 - 9 6 .
58
New Testament Apologetic: The Doctrinal Significance of the Old Testament
Quotations (London: SCM, 1961) 233 n. 2.
59
" 4 Q p N a h u m and the Teacher of Righteousness," JBL 75 (1956) 188-93,
esp. pp. 1 9 0 - 9 1 .
60
See Cicero, Pro C. Rabirio perduellionis reo, 4.13: " N a m q u e haec tua
[verba], quae te hominem d e m e n t e m p o p u l a r e m q u e delectant, Ί lictor, con-
liga manus,' non m o d o huius libertatis mansuetudinisque non sunt seel ne
Romuli quidem aut N u m a e Pompili; Tarquini, superbissimi atque crudelis-
simi regis, ista sunt cruciatus carmina quae tu, h o m o lenis ac popularis,
libentissime c o m m e m o r a s: 'Caput obnubito, arbori infelici suspendito," quae verba,
Quirites, iam pridem in hac re publica non solum tenebris vetustatis verum
etiam luce libertatis oppressa sunt."—"Now those [words] of yours which you,
a merciful man and a friend of the people, are so fond of, 'Lictor, go tie his
hands,' not only d o not belong to this liberty and clemency (of Romans), but
not even to Romulus or N u m a Pompilius. T h o s e [words] of Tarquinius, the
most haughty and cruel of tyrants, provide the chants for the torture-
chamber which you, a gentle soul and friend of the people, delight to recall:
'Veil his head; hang him on the tree of shame." T h e s e words, my fellow
citizens, have long since been d o n e away with in this state of ours, suppressed
not only by the darkness of antiquity, but also by the light of liberty."
In this passage Cicero implies that the verdict of crucifixion derives from
pre-Republican times. T h e same idea seems to be present in Livy (1.26,6-7;
1.26,11).
Some classical scholars understand the phrase arbori infelici suspendito to
refer to crucifixion (e.g., H. C. H o d g e , Cicero: Speeches [LCL; Cambridge:
Harvard University, 1927] 448). But others think that neither crucifixion nor
hanging was meant, but rather that the criminal was fastened to a tree and
scourged to death. See W. A. Oldfather, "Livy 1, 26 and the supplicium de

more maiorum," Transactions of the American Philological Association 39 (1908)
49-72. But how widespread is the latter interpretation? Cf. M. Hengel, "Mors
turpissirna crucis, n 145-66; Crucifixion, 3 3 - 4 5 ; J. Schneider, "Stauros, etc.,"
TDNT 7 (1971) 572-84. Indeed, in the context of the speech itself, Cicero
makes reference to punishment by a cross ("crucem ad civium supplicium
defigi et constitui iubes," 4.11; cf. 10.28).
61
What should be noted is the use of the article in the New Testament
phrases about "hanging on a/the tree." T h e definite article is found in Acts
13:29 and 1 Pet 2:24; otherwise the phrase is anarthrous. In Deut 21:22 no
article is used in the MT; in Deut 21:23, when reference is made to the
corpse hanging "on the tree," the article is present. But, significantly, at the
end of the verse when it tells of what is "cursed of God" it mentions only
"the person hanged," without a reference to the gibbet. T h e LXX introduces
a reference to the tree: pas kremamenos epi xylou, as d o 4 Q p N a h 3-4 i 8 [so
restored at the beginning too] and H Q T e m p l e 64:8, 9, 10, 11. T h e question
arises, then, whether the mention of "the tree" might not have by this time
taken on a specific connotation, "hanging on the tree" as = crucifixion.
62
The Acts of the Apostles: A Commentary (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1971)
251. And n. 4 adds: "As Gal. 3.13 and Acts 10.39 also attest."
63
See my commentary, " T h e Letter to the G a l a t i a n s / ' / ß C , art. 49, §21 (p.
241).
64
See H. L. Strack, Introduction to the Talmud andK Midrash (New York:
Atheneum, 1969) 94.
65
Lev 19:16 reads, Ρ tlk rkyl bcmyk, "you shall not go as a slanderer (or
informer) against your people." Yadin also explains the doing of evil to one's
people in a "military sense" (see 2 Kgs 8:12).
66
Exod 22:27 reads Hhym Γ tqll wnsy-3 bcmk Γ iV, "you shall not revile God
nor curse a ruler of your people" (RSV).
67
"Further Light," 91 note o-o, where he ascribes such an interpretation to
D. N. Freedman and F. M. Cross.
68
" 'Upon the Tree,' " 89. Wilcox is certainly correct in his interpretation of
Paul's use of epikataratos instead of the kekateramenos of the LXX as an
"assimilation" of this quotation to the words of Gal 3:10 (p. 87).
69
"Crucify H i m , ' " 278.
70
For instance, to understand the cursing of the fig tree (Mark 11:12-14,
20-25; Matt 21:18-22) as an instance of Jesus "cursing his people (Temple
Scroll line 10)" (ibid., 277) and to suggest that "originally the cursing of the
fig tree may have been an important contributing cause of Jesus' death"
(ibid.) is just asking too much.
71
This later material has been discussed in part by M. Wilcox (" *Upon the
T r e e , ' " 86-99) and even m o re extensively by L. Diez Merino ("La
crucifixion," 16-24), who also discusses the targumic forms of Num 25:4;
Lev 19:26; and Ruth 1:17. T h e extent to which these targumic paraphrases
belong to what he calls "periodo intertestamental" (in the title of his article) is
precisely the difficulty. In this connection it would be interesting to speculate
a bit. Num 25:4 tells of Yahweh's instruction to Moses to put to death the
chiefs of the people to expiate the corporate guilt of Israel because of its
apostasy in yoking itself to the Moabite Baal of Peor: " 'Take all the chiefs of
the people, and hang (whwqc) them in the sun before the LORD, that the
fierce anger of the LORD may turn away from Israel." T h e p a r a p h r a s e in Tg.
Neofiti reads: "Take all the chiefs of the people and set t h e m u p in a
Sanhedrin before YYY and let them become j u d g e s . Everyone who is sen-
tenced to death they shall fix to a cross (kl mn dmthyyb qtlh yslhwn ytyh c/ slybh)y
a n d bury their corpse with the setting of the sun. In this way the vehement
anger of YYY will withdraw from Israel." (See A. Diez Macho, Neophytz 1,
Targum palestinense: MS de la Biblioteca Vaticana, Tomo IV Numeros. . . . [Textos
y estudios, 10; Madrid: Consejo superior d e investigaciones cient'ificas, 1974]
245). Now if this targum were representative of the intertestamental period,
then we would have a very interesting recognition of the right of a Jewish
Sanhedrin not only to put a criminal to d e a t h , but even to crucify him. But
that is precisely a big "if"!
72
This article represents a reworked form of one of the Speaker's Lectures
given at Oxford University in May 1975. In a revised form it was delivered at
the fortieth a n n u a l meeting of t h e Catholic Biblical Association, University of
Detroit, MI, 17 August 1977.
Part II
PAULINE
TOPICS
ijlX
THE GOSPEL
IN THE THEOLOGY OF PAUL*
IT IS WIDELY admitted today that long before the four canonical

Gospels took shape there existed a growing tradition in the early
church about what Jesus did and said, about who and what he was.
Why that came to be regarded as a "gospel" tradition is not immediately
clear. Nor is it perfectly evident why the literary narrative accounts
about him eventually composed came to be called "Gospels." Indeed,
the word euangelion is neither used very often in the Gospels themselves
nor in the New Testament outside of the Pauline corpus (see 1 Pet 4:17;
Rev 14:6). This situation stands in contrast to the abundant Pauline use
of the term. It raises, moreover, a question about the relationship of the
Pauline euangelion not only to the use of it elsewhere in the New
Testament but to the literary form that came to be known as a "gospel."
It seems rather obvious, however, that euangelion in the first verse of
the earliest Gospel was a factor in the development of the title for the
four canonical accounts: "The beginning of the good news of Jesus
Christ, the Son of God" (Mark 1:1). Euangelion is not used there as a
title of the literary form being introduced, as the noun came to be used
later on; hence the translation, "good news." But within the Synoptic
tradition neither Matthew nor Luke follow Mark in so introducing their
accounts: Matthew uses biblos, "a book," and Luke, diegesis, "a narrative
account." (If one were to look for a comparable designation in the
Fourth Gospel, it would have to be martyria, "testimony," 1:19). The
sense of euangelion in Mark 1:1, however, is found elsewhere in this
early Gospel (see 1:14, 15; 8:35; 10:29; 13:10; 14:9 [also 16:15]): the
message about God's new mode of salvific activity on behalf of human
beings made present in Jesus Christ, his Son.
One detects at least a Matthean reluctance to use euangelion as often
as did Mark, but much more significant is the avoidance of the term by
Luke in his Gospel (see, however, Acts 15:7; 20:24) and by J o h n . T h e
contrast is intensified when one considers the related verb euangelizes-
thai: Mark never uses it, neither does J o h n , and Matthew has it only
once (11:5). Luke, however, uses it frequently in both the Gospel (10
times) and Acts (15 times) but almost always merely in the generic sense
of "preaching" (like keryssein or lalein).1
By way of contrast, both the noun and the verb appear frequently in
the Pauline corpus. This is significant not only because of the abundant
use of the terms in these earliest New Testament writings, but also
because of their role in Pauline teaching. Are they factors in the use of
euangelian in Mark or in the apparent hesitancy of the other evangelists
to pick it up? If, as is usually held, the Marcan Gospel came into being
only about A.D. 65, 2 most of the Pauline corpus was already in
existence—certainly at least those uncontested Pauline writings, in
which the noun occurs most frequently. 3 To try to show what the
relation of the Pauline use of euangelian!euangelizesthai to the gospel
tradition might have been, one has to consider various aspects of
"gospel" in Pauline theology. My discussion of the Pauline notion of
gospel, therefore, will fall into, three parts: (1) T h e Pauline use of
euangelian Ieuangelizesthai; (2) T h e main characteristics of the Pauline
gospel; (3) T h e origin and background of the Pauline gospel.
I. The Pauline Use of Euangelion/Euangelizesthai
Paul uses the noun euangelian 56 times in his letters (and it occurs
four times in the Pastorals); the verb euangelizesthai appears 21 times
(and never in the Pastorals). 4 In general, euangelion serves as a label to
express in summary fashion the message that Paul, "the servant of
Jesus Christ, called to be an apostle" (Rom 1:1), announced to the
world of his day—and, through his letters, to human beings of all ages
since then.
Paul sometimes used the noun euangelion to express his activity of
evangelization (Gal 2:7; Phil 4:3, 15; 1 Cor 9:14b, 18b; 2 Cor 2:12;
8:18). In this sense he often used the verb euangelizesthai absolutely (Gal
1:8-9, 16; 4:13; 1 Cor 1:17; 9:16a, b, 18; 15:2; 2 Cor 10:16; Rom 1:15;
15:20). But in the vast majority of passages euangelian denotes the
content of his apostolic message—what he preached, proclaimed,
announced, or talked about. 5 T h a t content, succinctly stated, is "the
gospel of Christ" (1 Thess 3:2; Gal 1:7; Phil 1:27; 1 Cor 9:12; 2 Cor
The Gospel in the Theology of Paul 151
2:12; 9:13; 10:14; Rom 15:19), "the gospel of our Lord Jesus" (2 Thess
1:8), or "the gospel of his Son" (Rom 1:9), wherein the genitive is
normally understood as objective, i.e., the good news about Christ. In
some of these instances, however, one can also detect the nuance of
Christ as the originator of the gospel (e.g., Rom 15:18-19). More
specifically, the gospel is "the good news of the glory of Christ" (2 Cor
4:4), i.e., a message about the risen Christ: "It is not ourselves that we
preach, but Christ Jesus as Lord" (2 Cor 4:5). Here Paul uses of Christ
the title par excellence for his risen status, "Lord." At times, however, the
content of the gospel can also be expressed as "the faith" (Gal 1:23, in a
content-sense), or as "the unfathomable riches of Christ" (Eph 3:8).
Another synonym for the gospel in the Pauline letters is "the word" (1
Thess 1:6) or "the word of God" (2 Cor 2:17). Often enough, when he is
discussing the gospel, he refers to it by these synonyms (see 2 Cor 4:2;
Phil 1:12-14; 1 Thess 2:13). What is implied in "God's gospel" thus
finds expression in a more traditional term, borrowed from the Old
Testament itself (1 Chr 17:3 [Hebr.]). 6
But "gospel" is par excellence Paul's personal way of summing up the
significance of the Christ-event, the meaning that the person, life,
ministry, passion, death, resurrection, and lordship of Jesus of Naz-
areth had and still has for human history and existence. "Christ did
not send me to baptize, but to preach the gospel" (1 Cor 1:17). This is
why Paul speaks at times of "my gospel" (Rom 2:16; 16:25), "the gospel
that I preach" (Gal 2:2; cf. 1:8, 11), or "our gospel" (1 Thess 1:5; 2
Thess 2:14; 2 Cor 4:3; cf. 1 Cor 15:1).
Though "my gospel" emphasized Paul's personal awareness about
the special nature of the commission given to him by God to preach his
Son among the Gentiles (Gal 1:16), he did not mean thereby that he was
announcing a message wholly peculiar to himself or different from that
preached by others "who were apostles before me" (Gal 1:17). For he
insisted, "whether it was I or they, so we preach and so you came to
belief" (1 Cor 15:11). He knew of only one gospel (Gal 1:6) and called
down an anathema on anyone who would seek to proclaim a different
one (Gal 1:8). Involved in this mode of speaking about the gospel was
Paul's own struggle to be recognized in the early Christian church as an
apostle and as an authentic preacher of "the gospel," as the first part of
Galatians (1:1-2:10) and isolated passages in other of his letters (e.g., 1
Cor 9:1-2; 2 Cor 11:4-6) make clear. He was only too keenly conscious
of the special grace of apostolate which had been given to him and
which enabled him to announce the good news of Christ Jesus.
Paul realized, of course, that he was preaching a message which had
its origin in God himself, "God's gospel" (1 Thess 2:2, 8-9; 2 Cor 11:7;
Rom 1:1; 15:16). Just as Christ in his person and ministry brought
God's salvific bounty to human beings in a new way, so now, as object of
the gospel that is preached, his work is carried on, and the gospel
brings that salvific bounty in its way. In it God accosts human beings,
soliciting from them a response of "faith working through love" (Gal
5:6). Because of its origin in God himself, it manifests its character as
"gift" and "grace" (cf. 2 Cor 9:14-15).
Obviously, what Paul preached about Christ was phrased by him at
times in other ways. Synonyms for "the gospel" reveal some aspects of
that notion. They are found in such affirmations as "we preach Christ
crucified" (1 Cor 1:23; cf. 15:12; 2 Cor 1:19; Phil 1:15, 17) or in
phrases like "the story of the cross" (1 Cor 1:18), "the word of faith"
(Rom 10:8), or simply "Jesus" (2 Cor 11:4). Indeed, the last cited
passage clearly implies an identity of "the gospel" and "Jesus." In all of
these formulations, however, Paul plays on nuances of the Christ-event
itself. That one essential in his thinking he viewed in various ways and
expressed the effects thereof under various images. 7 In all, however, he
sought to proclaim a message about "Jesus our Lord, who was handed
over for our transgressions and raised for our justification" (Rom 4:25),
about him who became "the source of life" for h u m a n beings, "Christ
Jesus, whom God made our wisdom, our uprightness, sanctihcation,
and redemption" (1 Cor 1:30). Paul never told his "story of the cross" in
the form of stories about what Jesus did and said. Yet even before those
stories took final shape he had presented his "gospel," his interpreta-
tion of the Christ-event.
II. The Main Characteristics of the Pauline Gospel
T h e above survey reveals in a superficial way the various modes in

which Paul spoke of the "gospel," but it is now necessary to probe a little
more deeply into the characteristics or aspects of that gospel. We may
single out six of them.
(1) T h e first characteristic that we should consider is the revelatory or
apocalyptic nature of the gospel. For it is the means whereby God's
salvific activity toward human beings is manifested in a new way,
involving specifically the lordship of Jesus Christ. T h e thesis of Romans
makes this immediately clear, since the aspect of God, which is at
the root of that salvific activity, viz., "the righteousness of God," is
revealed in the gospel (1:17). This is why it is "good news," because
it makes known the reality of the new age, the reality of the escha-
ton. (Cf. Eph 3:3-6.) Paul is also aware that his gospel can be veiled;
but it is so only for the blinded minds of unbelievers, "hindered
from seeing the light of the gospel of the glory of Christ who is the
likeness of God" (2 Cor 4:4).
(2) A very important characteristic of the gospel for Paul is its dynamic
character. Though the evangelists' stories about what Jesus did and said
may be a more vivid and less abstract way of presenting the Christ-
event and its effects, Paul's use of abstractions, such as we have quoted
above—including "the gospel"—should not obscure this very important
aspect of it. In announcing the thesis of Romans, Paul begins by
insisting that he is not ashamed of the gospel, because it is "the power of
God (dynamis theou) for the salvation of everyone who has faith, for the
Jew first and also the Greek" (1:16). In other words, he views the gospel
not merely as an abstract message of salvation or as a series of
propositions about Christ (e.g., "Jesus is Lord") which human beings
are expected to apprehend and give assent to, but rather as a salvific
force unleashed by God himself in human history through the person,
ministry, passion, death, and resurrection of Jesus, bringing with it
effects that human beings can appropriate by faith in him. That is why
it is "God's gospel," though in the human words of Paul. 8 That is why
Paul could maintain that he proclaims a Son whom God has raised
from the dead, Jesus, who "is delivering us from the coming wrath" (1
Thess 1:10) and that his gospel came to the Thessalonians "not in
words only, but with power (en dynamei) and the Holy Spirit, and with
much conviction" (1 Thess 1:5). In his earliest letter Paul thus hints that
the power associated with the gospel is somehow related to the Spirit of
God himself (see further Eph 1:13). That is why he can speak of "the
word of God, which is at work (energeitai) among you who believe" (1
Thess 2:13).
(3) Another characteristic of the Pauline gospel is its kerygmatk
relationship. This is expressed not only by the verbs associated with it,
mentioned above in part I, which emphasize its proclamatory charac-
ter, but also in the association of the gospel with a pre-Pauline tradition.
For Paul has embedded elements of a primitive proclamation in 1 Cor
15:1-7; indeed, he makes use of language that implies dependence on
a prior tradition ("the gospel, which you received . . . ; I passed on to
you above all what I received," 15:1-2). To be noted in this passage is
his reference to the "form" or "terms" (tint logo) in which he "evange-
lized" them (15:2). This seems even to suggest that the primitive
kerygma or gospel had already taken a somewhat fixed shape in the
pre-written tradition. Moreover, what appears in that embedded frag-

ment is merely another way of formulating what Paul calls his "gospel":
"that Christ died for our sins in accordance with the scriptures, that he
was buried, that he was raised on the third day in accordance with the
scriptures, and that he appeared to Cephas, then to the twelve. Then he
appeared to more than five hundred at one time. . . . T h e n he
appeared to James, then to all the apostles.. . . L a s t . . . he appeared
to me." 9 This relation of the Pauline gospel to the primitive kerygma is
what enabled Paul to affirm, "Whether it was 1 or they, so we preach
and so you came to belief" (1 Cor 15:11).
In the New Testament kerygma can denote either (a) the content of
Christian preaching (Rom 16:25; 1 Cor 1:21), as in 1 Cor 15:1-7 cited
above, or (b) the activity of proclaiming (1 Cor 2:4; 15:14), or (c) the
role or task given to a preacher or herald (Titus 1:3). Martin Kahler, in
a reaction against exaggerated efforts of the Leben-Jesu-Forschung of the
last century, insisted that "the real Jesus is the preached Jesus." 10 This is
truly part of the kerygmatic aspect {Botschaftscharakter) of the Pauline
gospel, since its purpose is to re-present Jesus to human beings of all
ages, ever since he first appeared in human history, as one who
confronts them with God's new mode of salvific activity to be appropri-
ated by faith working itself out through love. This kerygmatic aspect is
not independent of the gospel's dynamic character discussed above; it
merely presents it in a different light. It needs to be emphasized, even
though one cannot divest either the kerygma or the gospel in Pauline
thinking of a content sense, as C. H. Dodd saw years ago. 11 For an
essential part of the Pauline gospel is its backward glance—what Christ
Jesus did "once and for all" (Rom 6:10) for h u m a n beings. That
immediately says "content," even though the effort to re-present that
"what" is equally important. Both of the aspects constitute the proclam-
atory or kerygmatic character of the gospel. 12
Yet another aspect of the kerygmatic character of the gospel has to be
considered, viz., the implication that the gospel (as content) and
evangelization (as activity) are related to an emergent official process in
the Christian community. As the structures of the church begin to
appear in the Pauline letters, one detects an awareness of those who are
official gospel-heralds (euangelistai [not to be confused, of course, with
"evangelists" in the modern sense of Gospel-authors]). This provision in
church structure is born of the corporate appreciation of Easter faith:
To say "Jesus is Lord," there have to be gospel-preachers as well as
gospel-hearers (Rom 10:8-17). T h e gifts and services listed in 1 Cor
12:8-12, 28-30 or Rom 12:6-8 eventually come to include the euange-
listai (Eph 4:11). 13 But, if this implication is truly present, it must be
rightly understood and in two ways: (a) Hidden in it is the logical
priority of the gospel over the structured community (or "church"); it is
the gospel that calls the church into being, as it were, (b) The
kerygmatic character of the gospel relates the communal faith-reaction
to it only because of a Spirit-guided process of tradition: No one,
individual or community, can react to the proclaimed gospel and
identify himself/herself/itself with other Christians in confessing that
"Jesus is Lord" unless empowered by the Spirit (1 Cor 12:3). That,
ultimately, is why Paul reminded the Christian community of the
"form" or "terms" in which he had originally "evangelized" them. He
appeared among them as euangelistes, a gospel-herald with a Spirit-
empowered challenge, accosting them from an already existent tradi-
tion and representing an emerging, structured community.
These diverse, yet related, aspects of the kerygmatic character of the
gospel lead to yet another characteristic of it.
(4) A significant characteristic of the gospel in Pauline thinking is its
normative role. For there is a sense in which the gospel stands critically
over Christian conduct, church officials, ecclesiastical teaching, and
even the written Scriptures themselves. This role emerges from various
ways in which Paul treats of "the gospel."
In Gal 1:6-9 Paul makes it clear that the gospel that he has preached
to the Galatian churches tolerates no rival. There is simply no "other
gospel" (1:7). This was said in a context of thejudaizing problem in the
early church in which certain Jewish practices were being imposed on
Gentile Christians (circumcision, dietary regulations, and the celebra-
tion of certain feasts in a Jewish calendar). Though Paul was anxious to
"share" his gospel with others (1 Thess 2:8), he never tolerated its
adulteration or contamination, because he recognized its sovereignty
and unmanipulability.
In preaching the gospel, Paul insisted that human beings were
expected to listen to it (Eph 1:13), welcome it (2 Cor 11:4), even obey it
(2 Thess 1:8; Rom 10:16). In short, they were to "believe" or "put faith"
in Christ Jesus preached in it (Rom 1:5, 17; 10:16). Their hearing of it
(akoe) was not to stop short of a personal commitment to it (hypakoe,
Rom 10:16-17; 1:5; 16:26). Thus, the gospel is understood to exer-
cise a certain authority over human beings, playing a normative role
linked to its kerygmatic character. It accosts them, challenging them
to conform to its proclamation.
With regard to Christian conduct, Paul sees the gospel as an
inspiration and guide for it: "Let your manner of life be worthy of the
gospel of Christ, so that whether I come and see you or am absent, I
may hear of you that you stand firm in one spirit, with one mind
striving side by side for the faith of the gospel" (Phil 1:27). Here Paul
sees the united testimony of Christians governed by the gospel itself
and not by any allegiance to him.
T h o u g h we may look in vain in the Pauline letters for a passage in
which he discusses explicitly the relationship of the church to the
gospel, we can detect some of his thinking about this relationship when
we recall the famous Antioch incident (Gal 2:11-14). T h e r e he re-
buked Cephas, one of the "pillars" of the church (2:9), when he saw
that he was not "walking straight according to the truth of the
gospel" (2:14). Regardless of how one interprets the respective roles
of Cephas and Paul in the early chapters of Galatians, 11 it is clear
that Paul considered the gospel as a norm: its "truth" was the gauge
of the conduct even of an important church-official. And the impli-
cation is that the gospel is above him.
But "norm," almost by definition, seems to imply restriction, bound-
ary, or limit. Yet the gospel, especially as it has been historically
understood ever since Marcion, who sought to separate law and gospel
as two antitheses, 15 has seemed rather to be liberating or open. This
idea seems to be founded in yet another place in Galatians itself; in 2:5
Paul speaks of "the truth of the gospel," mentioning it in a context of
"the freedom which we have in Christ Jesus" (2:4), which has to be
preserved in the face of the "false brothers" who were seeking to
undermine it. T h e freedom of which Paul speaks there was being
endangered in the Judaizing problem, when Christians, who should
have understood the role of the liberating gospel in Christian life, were
seeking to impose forms of a man-made legalism on other Christians.
One may see a dialectic here in the Pauline notion of gospel, which is
normative but liberating. It plays a liberating role vis-ä-vis the restric-
tions of man-made legalism, whereas it plays ^normative role because of
its God-based origin. If one wants to accept the new mode of salvation
offered to humanity in Christ Jesus, one has to accept its demands. In
the long run the irony exists in that the very "truth of the gospel"
according to which Paul was asking Cephas to walk was itself a
liberation of him from a man-made contamination of the gospel itself.
T h e gospel can also be understood as an entity that even plays a
normative role over the Scriptures themselves. All through this discus-
sion of the Pauline notion of gospel, we have been regarding it as "the
good news of Jesus Christ," dealing with it as the "word" (1 Thess 1:6)
in a pregnant sense, as "the word of God" (2 Cor 2:17), as a reality that
existed prior to the written Gospels and even prior to Paul's preaching
of Christ. But the Scriptures—those of the New Testament—came into
being only several decades after the gospel or the word of God had
already been dynamically and kerygmatically at work. The New Testa-
ment writings in all their diversity, record a distillation of that dyna-
mism and kerygma—in a privileged form, to boot, that no subsequent
church teaching or dogmatic formulation can rival—but they still
remain a reflection, an inspired reflection, of the gospel reality. And as
such, the gospel acts as a norm even for the written Scriptures. 16 Herein
one would find at least one aspect of the relation of the gospel (in the
Pauline sense) to the written Gospels. 17
(5) Still another characteristic of the Pauline gospel is its promissory
nature. In the very opening formula of the Letter to the Romans, Paul
speaks of God's gospel, "which he promised beforehand through his
prophets in the holy scriptures" (1:2). T h e gospel, then, is looked on as
a concrete realization of God's promises of old. This is, however, the
only place in Romans where Paul brings "the gospel" into close
relationship to "the promise." This may seem strange in view of his
explicit quotation of the prophetic words of Isa 52:7, about the
beautiful feet of those who announce good news, quoted in 10:15 in the
context of the need of Christian heralds so that human beings may
come to faith. Though the notion of God's promise of old plays an
important role in Paul's treatment of Abraham in Rom 4:13-21; 9:4-
13 and in Gal 3:14-29; 4:21-31, where it is pitted against "the law," in
none of these passages is the gospel explicitly introduced or brought
into relationship with the promise. However, in the Epistle to the
Ephesians the two ideas are closely joined (cf. 1:13; and especially
3:6).18
(6) The preceding characteristic, especially as it is presented in Eph
3:6, introduces yet another; the universal character of the gospel in
Pauline thinking. This aspect of the gospel is proposed in the thesis of
Romans, where it is described as the power of God for salvation "to
every one who has faith, to the Jew first and also to the Greek" (1:16).
Indeed, the word that is preached and that seeks to elicit faith in view
of salvation is announced to all, "for there is no distinction between Jew
and Greek; the same Lord is Lord of all" (Rom 10:12). Paul recognized
that he had been entrusted with the gospel for the uncircumcised, just
as Peter had been entrusted with it for the circumcised (Gal 2:7). If Paul
admitted a priority in the matter to the Jews, as he did in Romans 1:16
(cf. 2:10), that is simply because of the relation of the gospel to the
promise mentioned above and because of the prerogatives that he,
even as a Christian apostle, always admitted about his former co-
religionists (see Rom 3:1-2); "to them belong . . . the promises"
(Rom 9:4). But, he insisted, "God shows no partiality" (Rom 2:11).

T h u s the salvific bounty made available to h u m a n beings in the
Christ-event was destined for Jew and Gentile, for everyone.
III. The Origin and Background of "Gospel"
T h e foregoing survey of the use of euangelion/euangelizesthai and of its

various characteristics in Pauline theology reveal that it was a notion of
no little importance to the Apostle. How did he come to express his
interpretation of the Christ-event in terms of it?
T h e initial survey of the use of euangelion/euangelizesthai in the
Gospels and Acts in the introduction to this paper revealed how rarely
these terms were used by the evangelists in contrast to Paul. Though
one may want to debate the question, the data in Mark and Matthew
are such that one cannot conclude with certainty that Jesus himself
made much use of the terms or of the Aramaic counterpart of
euangelion. T h e Greek noun appears on his lips in Mark 1:15; 8:35;
10:29; 13:10; 14:9; [16:15]. 19 But in the Matthean parallels to the first
three of these sayings it is absent. Moreover, though the great commis-
sion of the risen Christ in the Marcan appendix (16:15) is phrased in
terms of it (in keeping, as it were, with a theme in the Gospel itself), the
commission in Matthew avoids all reference to it (28:18-20). Hence the
question is raised whether the use of it in Mark 13:10 and 14:9 (on
which Matt 24:14 and 26:13 depend) is to be attributed to Marcan
formulation or not. If it were to be, then further questions arise. Willi
Marxsen is of the opinion that Mark introduced the term euangelion
into the material of the Synoptic tradition, and that Paul's understand-
ing of "gospel" is the presupposition of the Marcan usage, even though
one may not assume direct dependence. 2 0 This may be an acceptable
interpretation of the evidence, 21 but it raises the further question about
how Paul came to use the term so frequently and significantly.
T h e noun euangelion had already been in use in Greek literature and
inscriptions long before Paul. In Homer's Odyssey it denotes a "reward
given to a herald of good news" (14.152, 166). In the sense of "good
news" or even simply of "news" it is often found in Hellenistic
writings. 22 A religious connotation was associated with the word when it
came to designate a "sacrifice" offered to gods "for good news." 23 A still
more significant use of the word is found on the Calendar Inscription
from Priene (in Asia Minor), first published in 1899. It had been set u p
as part of the introduction of the use of the Julian Calendar into the
Roman province of Asia, making New Year's day coincide with the
emperor Augustus' birthday, 23 September: "And [the birthday] of
the god (= Augustus, the divifilius) was for the world the beginning of
the good tidings owing to him (erxen de tö kosmö tön άϊ autou evangeli[ön
he genethlios] tou theou).24 Here a beneficial, even sacral, connotation of
the plural euangelia is recognized to be present.
Yet despite this considerable Greek evidence of the use of euangelion
in the contemporary world, recent students and commentators have
been reluctant to ascribe the Pauline use of euangelion solely to this
background, because euangelizesthai occurs in the Greek Old Testament
in a far closer religious sense (e.g., Ps 68:12; 96:2; Nah 2:1; Isa52:7; cf.
Ps. Sol. 11:1).25 it is often the translation of the Hebrew noun besoräh,
"good news" (announced by a herald). T h e sole dependence of the
Pauline usage on that in the contemporary emperor cult is, indeed,
simply not that evident. T h e r e exists a notable difference between the
eschatological connotation of Pauline euangelion and its beneficial
connotation in that cult. Moreover, the fact that Paul deliberately
quotes Isa 52:7 in Rom 10:15, precisely in a context in which he is
speaking of the preaching of "the gospel" (10:16), shows that his notion
of euangelion is heavily dependent on the Old Testament idea of God's
herald and his message.
It is, of course, not impossible that the Christian kerygma was already
cast in terms of euangelion prior to Paul—1 Cor 15:1-2 may even
suggest that—but we cannot be sure. Yet, in any case, it seems as
though the Christian use of euangelion as the good news about the risen
Jesus as Lord and the new mode of salvation available to human beings
in him may have emerged quite independently of the so-called sacral or
beneficial use of euangelion in the contemporary emperor cult in the
eastern Mediterranean lands.
If we are right in relating the Pauline use of euangelion to that in the
Old Testament writings of the postexilic period, then we can appreci-
ate better the nuance of Paul's reference to the "gospel promised
aforetime through his prophets" (Rom 1:2) and the promissory charac-
ter of the gospel that Paul himself preached.
That Paul's use of euangelion is related to the New Testament Gospels
is thus rather likely, even though he never uses the word in the sense of
a literary composition. We have seen above that his use of the term may
have been the presupposition of the Marcan introduction of the term
into his account of what Jesus did and said. From there it would have
spread as a Christian word to designate the other "Gospels" (canonical
and apocryphal). T h e distinctive Christian use of the term is seen when
one considers that Greek euangelion was not translated into Latin as
nuntius bonus (as it might have been), but was rather simply transcribed
as evangelium because of t h e distinctive religious content-sens e that it

carried. H a v i n g e n t e r e d Latin as evangelium, it s p r e a d to t h e ro-
m a n c e languages as evangile, vangelo, evangelio.
NOTES
* Originally published in Interpretation 33 (1979) 339-50.

1
An exception would have to be made for the etymological sense of the verb
in Luke 4:18, where he so uses it in a quotation from Isa 61:1. Also in Luke
7:22, which alludes to these passages.
2
It should be recalled, however, that some interpreters would date Mark after
A.D. 70. Yet, if one were to prefer to go along with J. A. T. Robinson (Redatingthe
New Testament [Philadelphia: Westminster, 1976] 352) and date all the New
Testament writings before A.D. 70, one should note that even for him the entire
Pauline corpus antedates Mark. See my review, Int 32 (1978) 309-13.
3
Since the use of euangelion in 2 Thessalonians, Colossians, and Ephesians is
so similar to that of the uncontested Pauline letters, I shall include data from
them in this survey, considering only the Pastorals as Deutero-Pauline.
4
See R. Morgenthäler, Statistik des neutestamentlichen Wortschatzes (Zürich:
Gotthelf, 1958) 101; Κ. Aland, Vollständige Konkordanz zum griechischen Neuen
Testament (Berlin: de Gruyter, 1978), 2. 118-19.
5
With the noun euangelion, Paul uses various verbs: euangelizesthai (Gal 1:11;
1 Cor 15:1; 2 Cor 11:7); laldn (1 Thess 2:2); keryssein (1 Thess 2:9; Gal 2:2);
katangellein (1 Cor 9:14); gnörizein (Eph 6:19). See further E. Molland, Das
paulinische Euangelion: Das Wort und die Sache (Avhandlinger utgitt av Det Norske
Videnskaps-Akademie i Oslo, II. Hist.-Filos. Klasse, 1934, No. 3; Oslo, J.
Dybwad, 1934) 11-12,41-42.
6
See further Col 1:5, "The word of truth, the gospel"; Eph 1:13, "the word of
truth, the gospel of your salvation." Cf. 2 Cor 6:7. See R. Bultmann, Theology of
the New Testament (2 vols.; London, SCM, 1952), 1. 188-89.
7
For further discussion of these effects of the Christ-event, see pp. 163-64
below.
8
See H. Schlier, "Euangelion im Römerbrief," Wort Gottes in der Zeit: Festschrift
Karl Hermann Schelkle zum 65. Geburtstag dargebracht (ed. H. Feld and J. Nolte;
Dusseldorf: Patmos, 1973) 127-42.
9
The last phrase in v. 7 is a Pauline addition to the kerygmatic fragment. For
further discussion of this passage, see R. E. Brown et al. (eds.),PNT, 33-36. Paul
has also embedded further fragments of the kerygma into other parts of his
letters (e.g., Rom 1:3-4; 1 Thess 1:9-10).
10
See Der sogenannte hütorische Jesus und der geschichtliche, biblische Christus
(Leipzig: A. Deichen, 1892) 22 (new edition by Ernst Wolf; Munich: Kaiser,
1953, 44).
11
The Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (London: Hod der and
Stoughton, 1944) 7-17; The Gospel and the Law of Christ (London: Longmans,
Green, 1947) 5; History and the Gospel (New York: Scribner's Sons, 1938) 7.
12
For further discussion of the kerygmatic character of the gospel, see my
article, "The Kerygmatic and Normative Character of the Gospel," Evange-
limn—Welt—Kirche: Schlussberkht und Referate der römisch-katholisch Ievangelisch-

lutlierischen Studienkommission "Das Evangelium und die Kirche", 1967-1971, Auf
Veranlassung des Lutlierischen Weltbundes und des Sekretanats für die Einheit der
Christen (ed. H. Meyer; Frankfurt am M.: O. Lembeck; J. Knecht, 1975) 111—
28, esp. pp. 118-21.
*3 See also Acts 21:8; 2 Tim 4:5.
14
For various possibilities of interpretation, see Ρ NT, 27-32.
15
Tertullian (Adv. Marc. 1.19) wrote of him: "Separatio legis et evangelii
proprium et principale opus est Marcionis" (see also 1.21; 4.1 [CSEL, 47.314,
318,423]).
16
T h e normative role of the gospel vis-ä-vis the Old Testament is seen in
Paul's attitude toward it, viewing some of its essential teachings in the light of
the Christ-event (see Rom 4:23-24; 15:4).
17
For some comments on the gospel as a canon-critical principle (discussed by
Käsemann), see the article mentioned in n. 12, p. 124.
38
It may cause some surprise that it is only in the Epistle to the Ephesians that
gospel and promise are really brought into explicit relationship. For those who
regard Ephesians as Deutero-Pauline it may create something of a difficulty; but
it should be kept in mind in view of the emphasis put on these notions over
against law at the time of the Reformation.
19
In Mark 1:1, 14 it occurs in a remark of the evangelist.
20
Mark the Evangelist: Studies on the Redaction History of the Gospel (Nashville:
Abingdon, 1969) 146.
21
Marxsen seeks to explain further differences that Mark introduced beyond
the Pauline conception (e.g., a certain identification of Jesus with the gospel [see
8:35; 10:29, "for my sake and that of the gospel"] with the result that in Marcan
usage Jesus is both the subject and the object of the gospel; see pp. 126-50). On
this explanation, see Georg Strecker, "Literarkritische Überlegungen zum
euangelion- Begriff im Markusevangelium," Neues Testament und Geschichte: His-
torisches Geschehen und Deutung im Neuen Testament: Oscar Cullmann zum 70.
Geburtstag (Zürich: Theologischer Verlag; T ü b i n g e n : Mohr [Siebeck], 1972) 9 1 -
104.
22
E.g., Plutarch,Sertor. 11.4; A p p i a n , M / . civ. 3.93 §384; 4.20 §78; Josephus,
J.W. 2.17,4 §420; 4.10,6 §618. T h e profane use of euangelion/euangelia can
also be found in the Greek O T : 2 Sam 4:10; 18:20, 22, 25, 27; 2 Kgs 7:9;
Jer 20:15.
23
E.g., Diodorus Siculus 15.74,2; Plutarch, Sertor. 26.3.
24
See W, Dittenberger, Orientis graeci inscripuones selectae (2 vols.; Leipzig, S.
Hirzel, 1903-05; reprinted, Hildesheim, G. Olms, 1970) sec. 458, pp. 4 0 - 4 1 .
Cf. Hennecke-Schneemelcher, NTAy 1. 7 1 - 7 5 .
25
T h e background of the Pauline usage has been well worked out by P.
Stuhlmacher, Das paulinische Evangelium: I. Vorgeschichte (FRLANT 95; Göt-
tingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1968).
Seven
RECONCILIATION IN PAULINE
THEOLOGY *
IN CHRISTIAN THEOLOGY reconciliation has always played an important

1
role. T h e doctrine of reconciliation is rooted in biblical teaching, but it
has also been developed in various ways t h r o u g h the course of the
centuries, as theologians wrestled with the concept in their explanations
of the ways of God with man. T h e Christian doctrine of the reconcilia-
tion of sinful man is rooted in the Old Testament as well as in the New
Testament, and an adequate discussion of the biblical treatment of the
topic would demand a monograph. But one of the main proponents of
reconciliation in the Bible is the Apostle Paul, and since the role of
reconciliation in his theology has recently been called in question, 2
there is reason to reconsider it. My purpose, then, is to discuss the
notion of reconciliation in Pauline theology.
Before we examine the idea of reconciliation itself, however, it might
be wise to situate it in a general way in Pauline theology as a whole. As
the first Christian theologian, Paul left us in his letters many teachings,
and among them are the various ways in which he interpreted the
Christ-event. In reflecting on what Christ Jesus accomplished for
mankind and what his effect was on human history, different writers of
the early Christian community summed u p his words, his deeds, and his
personal impact in various ways. Paul showed little interest in the
earthly life of Jesus or in what he actually did and said—in what is for
so many Christians of today a thing of no little importance. Paul did
learn indeed of some of the sayings of Jesus and of his teachings, as a
number of passages in his letters reveal. 3 But because most of his letters
were composed prior to the composition of the earliest Gospel, it is
understandable that he did not echo much of what we know of today as
the gospel-tradition. 4 Paul's dominant interest was in what Jesus
Reconciliation· in Pauline Theology 163
accomplished for humanity in his passion, death, burial, resurrection,

exaltation, and heavenly intercession. This complex of the last phases of
Christ's earthly career can be referred to as "the Christ-event," even
though Paul himself never so expressed it; it is a convenient modern
way of labelling that about which he preached and wrote. Some writers
call it the "whole work of Christ." 5 It has also been termed the "objective
redemption," i.e., that aspect of the redemption of human beings
wrought in Christ Jesus which he accomplished "once for all" (ephapax,
Rom 6:10) and which is wholly independent of our cooperation. It
consequently underlines its gratuitous character. In this view, it stands
in contrast to our attempt to appropriate or apprehend the effects of
the Christ-event through faith (and baptism), which is often then
regarded as the "subjective redemption." This terminology, actually
born of a later problem, is not biblical or Pauline; but it does help at
least to sharpen the aspects of the Christ-event about which we are
talking.
Looked at in this way, it is not difficult to single out the various ways
in which Paul objectively viewed the Christ-event, because in many
instances he himself employed abstractions which enable us to grasp
what he had in mind. As labels for the effects of the Christ-event, Paul
used a series of abstract nouns and also some verbal forms. We can cull
at least nine of them from his letters. Thus, as Paul looked back at the
Christ-event, he interpreted its effects as (1) "justification" (dikaiösL·,
dikaiosyne, dikaioun), an acquitting of human beings, whereby they may
stand before God's tribunal or judgment-seat innocent, upright, or
righteous (Gal 2:16; Rom 3:26-28; 4:25; 5:18)—to this effect goes the
pride of place; 6 (2) "salvation" (söteria, sözein), a restoration of human
beings to safety, health, wholeness, or integrity from a state of danger,
sickness, corruption, or sin (2 Cor 7:10; Rom 1:16; 10:10; 13:11; 7 (3)
"expiation" (hilasterion), a wiping away of human sin8 by the blood of
the crucified Christ, who is now the new "mercy seat," superseding the
kappöret of old (Rom 3:25); 9 (4) "ransom/redemption" (apolytrösis), an
emancipation or manumission of human beings bringing about their
liberation through a ransom, whereby God acquires a people in a new
sense (1 Cor 1:30; Rom 3:24; 8:32; cf. Eph 1:14);10 (5) "sanctification"
(hagiasmos, hagiazein), a dedication of human beings to God's service,
thus removing them from the profane (1 Cor 1:2, 30; 6:11)-,11 (6)
"freedom" (eleutheria, eleutheroun), a liberation of human beings which
gives them new rights (as citizens of a heavenly commonwealth) and an
outlook freed of the anxiety of Self, Sin, Death, and Law (Gal 5:1, 13;
Rom 8:1-2, 21; 2 Cor 3:17);12 (7) "transformation" (metamorphosis), a
gradual reshaping of human beings by the glory of God reflected in the
face of Christ; it is the effect of the Creator God, who through Christ
shines light anew into human life (2 Cor 3:18; Rom 12:2; cf. Eph 4:22-
24); 13 (8) "new creation" (koine ktisis), a creating of a new life and of a
new humanity, of which Christ is the head as the Adam of the eschaton
through his life-giving Spirit (Gal 6:15; 2 Cor 5:17; Rom 6:4; 1 Cor
15:45); 14 and (9) "reconciliation'* (katallage, katallassein), a restoring of
humanity (and the world [kosmos]) to a status of friendship with God
and fellowmen (2 Cor 5:18-20; Rom 5:10-11; 11:15; cf. Col 1:20-22;
Eph 2:16)—this effect is listed last only because we shall treat it more
extensively in the rest of this essay. 15 These are, then, the main ways in
which Paul characterized or described the effects of what Christ Jesus
did for humanity in his proclamation of "the story of the cross."
It is important to note, however, that when Paul refers to the Christ-
event in these ways, he is applying to it various images or figures
derived from his background, Jewish or Hellenistic. For instance, his
view of the Christ-event as justification can only be explained from his
Jewish or Old Testament background; or his view of it as redemption
cannot be adequately accounted for without some reference to modes
of emancipation in the Hellenistic world of his time. For in his
interpretation of the whole work of Christ he applies to it figures which
have definite connotations, and these have to be respected. In certain
developments of later Christian theology these figures were eventually
erected into propositions, with all sorts of baneful results. But the effort
to depict Paul's understanding of any one of the figures must treat
them for what they are.
Reconciliation is one of these figures, and my concern here is to
comment (1) on the figure and its background or origin; (2) on Paul's
use of it; (3) on problems in the modern interpretation of it; and (4) on
the pertinence of it to modern life.
I. The Figure of Reconciliation and Its Background
T h e basic idea that is conveyed by the figure of reconciliation is the

restoration of men and women to a status of friendship and intimacy.
T h e Greek words, katallage, apokatallassö, diallassö, katallassö, are all
compound forms of a root meaning "other" (all-) and denote a
"making otherwise." 17 T h e words are abundantly used in the literature
of the Greeks, both in a secular sense and a religious sense. 18 In the
secular sense, they denote a change or alteration of relations between
individual persons or groups of persons (e.g., nations); it is a change
Reconciliation in Pauline Theology 165
from anger, enmity, or hostility to love, friendship, or intimacy. The
words do not express primarily a change of feelings or a psychological
reaction. This may be present, but the essential change is rather in the
relationship or situation vis-ä-vis another. It is a change of relationship
in the social or political realm. This secular use of the word is even
found in the Bible. In translations of J u d g 19:2-3 we read of a Levite
who took to himself a concubine, who eventually became angry with
him and went home; the Levite went to talk to her "to reconcile her to
himself,"19 i.e., to restore a relationship with her (lit., "to cause her to
return," the hiphil infinitive of sub, "return"—Hebrew has no verb for
"reconcile")· And in the Sermon on the Mount Jesus teaches, "If you are
offering your gift at the altar, and there remember that your brother
has something against you, leave your gift there before the altar and
go; first be reconciled (diallagethi) to your brother, and then come and
offer your gift" (Matt 5:23-24; cf. 1 Cor 7:11). These are instances of
the secular use of the word. In the religious sense, the words are used in
Greek literature of the reconciliation of gods and humans (e.g.,
Sophocles, Ajax, 744). 20 This use is likewise found in the Greek Old
Testament. In 2 Macc 1:5 the Jews of Jerusalem and Judea write to
their brethren in Egypt and pray, "May he [God] hear your prayers and
be reconciled to you" (katallageie hymin). See further 7:33; 8:29.
Similarly, the Jewish historian Josephus tells of Samuel the prophet
who learned that God had repented of having made Saul the king:
"Samuel was quite disturbed and all night long undertook to entreat
God to be reconciled (katallattesthai) to Saul and not to be angry with
him" (Ant. 6.7,4 §143). What is noteworthy here in these two instances
of Jewish authors who wrote in Greek is the use of the verb katallassein
in the passive of God; God is expected to be reconciled with men. What
should also be noted, however, is that in Greek writings the verb plays
no essential role in the propitiatory rites of the Greek and Hellenistic
religion, for in these rites "the relation between divinity and humanity
does not have this personal nearness." 21 Since Hebrew lacks a specific
term for "reconcile," and it begins to appear in Hellenistic Jewish
writings, such examples suggest that Paul derived this figure for the
Christ-event from the Greco-Roman world,22 even though he makes his
own use of it. Before we try to describe his use of the figure, there is one
further remark that must be made about it, and that concerns the
relation of reconciliation to atonement.
Fundamentally, reconciliation as we have described it above is the
same as atonement. But the history of the use of the latter term has
loaded it with connotations that are not part of the Pauline figure.
"Atonement" is, in fact, a peculiarly English word, lacking any real

counterpart in other modern European languages. It really means at-
one-ment and denotes the setting of two or more persons at one with
each other, implying the restoration of them to a mutually shared
relationship after a period of estrangement. T h e word was so used in
English in a secular sense. But it also developed a theological sense, and
the Oxford English Dictionary says of it: "As applied to the redemptive
work of Christ, atonement is variously used by theologians in the senses
of reconciliation, propitiation, expiation, according to the view taken of its
nature." 2 3 Now it is precisely the confusion of reconciliation with
"expiation" (the wiping away of h u m a n sins by the crucified Christ who
is now the new "mercy seat," superseding the kappöret of old) 24 and with
"propitiation" (the appeasing of an angry God by rites and sacrifices)
that creates the difficulty in interpreting Paul's use of the figure of
reconciliation. As we examine the texts in which he speaks of reconcilia-
tion, we shall see that for him reconciliation can be understood as
atonement (= at-one-ment), but that it is not the same as expiation, and
has, practically speaking, nothing to do with propitiation. So much for
the idea of reconciliation and its background.
II. The Pauline Use of the Figure of Reconciliation
Paul describes the status of human beings without Christ as one of

hostility with God. "If, while we were enemies, we were reconciled to
God by the death of his Son, much more, now that we are recon-
ciled, shall we be saved by his life. Not only so, but we also rejoice
in God through our Lord Jesus Christ, through whom we have now
received our reconciliation" (Rom 5:10-11). This is said by Paul in a
passage in Romans in which he has just finished setting forth his
thesis on the justification of man by faith in Christ Jesus and apart
from what he calls "the works of the Law" (1:16-4:25). He sees the
situation of human beings vis-a-vis God as having been basically
changed by what Christ did; if they are now justified in the sight of
God because of the Christ-event, then their relationship has been
radically altered, and not merely in a legalistic, juridical sense that
the figure of justification connotes, but in the fundamental way of
reconciliation. Similarly, in writing to the Colossians, 25 to a congre-
gation that was made u p largely of Gentile Christians, Paul says of
their former relation to God: "You . . . once were estranged (apello-
triömenous) and hostile in mind . . . " (Col 1:21). This is, then, the
situation of mankind without Christ according to Paul, a situation of
hostility or estrangement. This is but another way of describing the
human condition that Paul spoke about in Rom 1:18-3:20, mankind
without the gospel.
Wherein lies the cause of this hostility or estrangement, as Paul sees
it? In 2 Cor 5:19 he cites human "trespasses" as the root of the
difficulty. In Rom 8:5-7 he probes more deeply and shows that it is
human preoccupation with "flesh" (sarx): "Those who live according to
the flesh set their minds on the things of the flesh. . . . T o set the
mind on the flesh is death, but to set the mind on the Spirit is life
and peace. For the mind that is set on the flesh is hostile to God; it
does not submit to God's law." One must understand what Paul
means by "flesh" in such a passage, especially in its contrast to the
Spirit. On the one hand, it has the Old Testament connotation of
bäsär, meaning "flesh" as opposed to blood, or, in a collective sense,
"man," "mankind," "humanity." 26 On the other hand, it often has
for Paul a pejorative connotation, meaning the humdrum, non-ele-
vating condition of human existence in its down-trodden, earth-
oriented propensities. It represents all in human beings that makes
them close in on themselves and refuse openness to the Spirit, to
God, and to one's fellowman. In this sense, Paul says, "To set the
mind on flesh is death." By contrast, the spirit is that aspect of
human nature that makes one open to God's Spirit. Hence, the
mind that is set on flesh does not submit to the law of God and is
actually hostile to God. As Paul sees it, human beings left to them-
selves cannot help but set their minds on flesh and cannot help but
be alienated and estranged from God- This is why Paul lists "en-
mity" among the "works of the flesh" in Gal 5:20.
Paul also finds another cause for the hostility, when he addresses
Gentile Christians and refers to their former condition as pagans as a
separation from Israel; in this he finds another source of alienation
from God, "You were at that time separated from Christ, alienated
from the commonwealth of Israel, and strangers to the covenants of
promise" (Eph 2:12). This estrangement implied the very futility of
their existence: "They are darkened in their understanding, alienated
from the life of God because of the ignorance that is in them, due to
their hardness of heart" (Eph 4:18). T h u s Paul writes, as he exhorts the
Gentile Christian recipients of his letter to realize that they must "no
longer live as the Gentiles do, in the futility of their minds" (4:17).
These may sound like harsh words, but Paul's view of the condition of
pagans in his day is otherwise well known to us (Rom 1:18-32). These,
then, are the two main causes of the hostility between mankind and
God, "trespasses," coming from minds set on flesh, and the estrange-
ment of pagans.
How has God remedied this situation, or brought about the reconcili-
ation of hostile, alienated human beings? Paul never says that God is
reconciled (in the passive) to them, as did the author of 2 Maccabees or
Josephus. 2 7 He rather sees God actively taking the initiative and
bringing about the reconciliation of mankind through his Son, Jesus of
Nazareth. T r u e , Paul invites human beings to be reconciled to God (2
Cor 5:20), but that is an invitation to appropriate or apprehend the
effect of the Christ-event for themselves (the aspect of subjective
redemption). What Christ Jesus did is actually the restoration of the
relationship of friendship, love, and intimacy. Once human beings
react to the invitation and accept it through faith in Christ Jesus, they
are introduced into the realm of reconciliation; one is no longer
echthroSy "hostile," asebes, "impious," asthenes, "weak," or hamartolos, "a
sinner." These are the adjectives that Paul uses of h u m a n beings in
their enmity in Rom 5:6-8. Moreover, the change of status is not
just a legal fiction; it is a genuine renewal of h u m a n life, a radical
altering of humanity's relation with God.
Paul attributes this reconciliation of mankind with God especially to
the death of Jesus. "We were reconciled to God by the death of his Son
. . . now that we are reconciled, we shall be much more saved by his
life" (Rom 5:10). Here the figure of reconciliation is associated closely
with the death of Christ, whereas that of salvation is associated with the
risen life of Christ (i.e., with the influence of the risen Lord on Christian
life and conduct). Sometimes, instead of speaking of the "death" of
Christ, Paul will refer reconciliation to his "blood," i.e., the blood shed
in his passion and death. Thus, "you [Gentiles] who were once far off
have been brought near in the blood of Christ"; this is said in the
context of reconciliation in E p h 2:13. O r again, "he has now reconciled
[you] in his body of flesh by his death, in order to present you holy and
blameless and irreproachable before him [God]" (Col 1:22). "For in him
[Christ] all the fulness of God was pleased to dwell, and through him to
reconcile to himself all things, whether on earth or in heaven, making
peace by the blood of the cross" (Col 1:19-20).
There are two other aspects of Paul's reflection on the Christ-event as
reconciliation which call for comments. T h e first is his calling Christ
"our peace," ascribing to him in an abstract way the very effect of
reconciliation that he has brought into human lives. Paul sees this as a
breaking down of barriers, between Jew and Greek, and between man
and God—or, if I might so p u t it, as a horizontal and a vertical

reconciliation.
u
Therefore remember that at one time you Gentiles in the flesh, called the
uncircumcision by what is called the circumcision, which is made in the flesh
by hands—"remember that you were at that time separated from Christ,
alienated from the commonwealth οϊ Israel, and strangers to the covenants
οϊ promise, having no hope and without God in the world. 13But now in
Christ Jesus you who once were far off have been brought near in the blood
of Christ. 14For he is our peace, who has made us both one, and has broken
down the dividing wall of hostility, 15by abolishing in his flesh the law of
commandments and ordinances, that he might create in himself one new
man in place of the two, so making peace, 16and might reconcile us both to
God in one body through the cross, thereby bringing the hostility to an end.
17
And he came and preached peace to you who were far off and peace to
those who were near; 18for through him we both have access in one Spirit to
the Father (Eph 2:11-18).
T h u s Paul sees t h e Christ-event as having achieved reconciliation,

peace, at-one-ment for Jews and Greeks alike a n d for both with God
through faith in Christ J e s u s . In a similar way he writes in Rom 5:1,
"We have peace with God t h r o u g h o u r Lord J e s u s Christ." 2 8
T h e other aspect of Paul's reflection is the cosmic dimension of
Christ's reconciliation. In t h e earliest passage in which he discusses
reconciliation (2 Cor 5:18-21) he introduces it thus: "All this is from
God, who t h r o u g h Christ reconciled us to himself a n d gave us the
ministry of reconciliation; that is, in Christ G o d was reconciling t h e
world to himself. . . ." Now "th e world" (kosmos) may seem at first to
mean the world of h u m a n beings, 2 9 but it is probably to be u n d e r s t o o d
in the sense of the universe of creation, since that is what is implied in
Col 1:20, w h e r e Paul speaks of God reconciling to himself t h r o u g h
Christ "all things, w h e t h e r on e a r t h or in heaven." I n this view of things,
Paul sees reconciliation as having not merely an anthropological
dimension, but also a cosmic dimension; it affects not only the relation
of h u m a n beings to God, but also that of the created universe. It thus
recasts in terms of reconciliation what Paul wrote about in Rom 8 : 1 9 -
23, where he saw material creation, subjected to futility because of
human sinfulness, now sharing in the hope that is b o r n of the Christ-
event: "Creation itself will be set free from its b o n d a g e to decay and
obtain the glorious liberty of the children of God" (8:21). In Romans
the figure used was freedom, in 2 Corinthians and Colossians it is
rather reconciliation.
This, then, is a brief description of t h e main elements of Paul's use of
the figure of reconciliation to describe an effect of the Christ-event.

What is striking is the absence of any allusions to expiation, propitia-
tion, or even sacrifice in any of the passages which deal with the notion
of reconciliation.30 Paul clearly says that the reconciliation was effected
by the death of Christ, by his blood, or the blood of the cross; yet he
does it without importing these nuances. And with that we may now
pass to another phase of our discussion.
III. Problems in the Modern Interpretation of Reconciliation
From the foregoing survey of Pauline passages dealing with reconcil-

iation we can see that the figure being used is derived from the
sociological or political spheres of life. The notions of enmity, hostility,
estrangement, and alienation, as well as their counterparts, reconcilia-
tion, atonement, friendship, and intimacy are derived from social
intercourse of human persons or from the relations of ethnic and
national groups, such as Jews and Greeks, Palestinians and Romans.
There is nothing in the Pauline passages that suggests a cultic or
liturgical background to the figure, and even less a sacrificial origin. By
contrast, expiation (used by Paul only in Rom 3:25) does have a cultic or
liturgical background, since it is derived from the Ybm Kippur ceremony
of Leviticus 16. In saying that Christ himself has been proposed as the
hilasterion, "the means of expiation" or the "mercy seat," Paul sees the
blood of Christ achieving what the ritual sprinkling of the mercy seat in
the Holy of Holies on the feast of Ybm Kippur was supposed to achieve.
That was a yearly rite, a cultic act; and Paul's figurative use of expiation
reflects that background. But it is a distinct figure, having nothing to do
with reconciliation.31
A few years ago E. Käsemann, contributing an article to Bultmann's
third Festschrift, Zeit und Geschichte, penned some "Erwägungen zum
Stichwort 'Versöhnungslehre im Neuen Testament.'"32 His purpose was
to show that "the whole soteriology of the New Testament" could not be
summed up as a doctrine of atonement, as he sees it done "in the
Anglo-Saxon theological world in particular." Though he names no
Anglo-Saxon authors and refers only to "a large number of theological
textbooks," his critical finger is not entirely misdirected. Though he
speaks of the "Versöhnungslehre im Neuen Testament," he finds that
"the motif [of reconciliation] appears only in the general realm of
Paulinism, though without having any significant meaning for Pauline
theology as a whole."33 And he concludes that "there is no such thing as
a doctrine of reconciliation which is regulative for the whole New
Testament. It does not exist even in Paul, who only occasionally makes
use of the motif, however important it becomes in the context of 2 Cor
5.l8ff."34 T h e bulk of Käsemann's subsequent discussion is devoted to
the Pauline passages.
Though he may be right in castigating the Anglo-Saxon theological
world for thinking of atonement as the summation of New Testament
soteriology, I am not sure that he rightly understands the role of
reconciliation in the Pauline writings or that one can write it off as
having no significant meaning for Pauline theology. Part of the
difficulty is Käsemann's understanding of Pauline theology. It is not
until the next-to-last page of the article that one learns that "to Paul the
doctrine of justification is the heart of the Christian message; it
establishes the legitimacy and sets the limits of all varieties and even
interpretations of N T teaching." 35 Let us grant for a moment—dato, non
concesso—that for Paul the doctrine of justification is the heart of the
Christian message, does that mean that since reconciliation is not the
same as justification, it plays no significant role in Pauline theology as a
whole?
Käsemann arrives at this understanding of reconciliation in Pauline
writings by deciding initially that reconciliation "acquires terminologi-
cal significance in Rom. 5.10f.; 11.15; and—here only with theological
emphasis!—II Cor. 5.18ff.," whereas "it appears as a catchword in the
hymnic fragments in Col. 1.20,22 and Eph. 2.16."36 Now this is a subtle
way of writing off unwanted evidence, since we are never told just what
the acquiring of terminological significance in the two passages in
Romans and the one in 2 Corinthians really means, or what having
"theological emphasis" in 2 Corinthians implies. How can a motif
acquire terminological significance or theological emphasis "without
having any significant meaning for Pauline theology as a whole?" And
who decides that?
Käsemann further confuses the issue by associating katallassein and
hilaskesthai; he writes, "The exegete can, strictly speaking, find the New
Testament speaking of Reconciliation' only in those passages in which
katallassein and hilaskesthai and their derivatives occur." 37 Then he asks
"to what extent the translation 'reconciliation 1 ought to take the place of
(the surely more appropriate) 'expiate'." 38 By this association and this
query, he falls into the same trap that has bedevilled Anglo-Saxon
theology for the last four hundred years. In associating katallassein and
hilaskesthai, he does what Paul has never done, and this enables him to
attribute to the figure of reconciliation a cultic nuance and a liturgical
background which it does not have. Again, when he says that "eschato-
logical reconciliation does not exist apart from the 'means of expiation'
mentioned in [Rom] 3.25, which is the dying Christ himself, or apart

from his vicarious mediation," 39 he implies the same confusion. For
though it is true that no effect of the Christ-event (described under any
of the nine figures mentioned earlier) can exist apart from the event
itself, it does not mean that reconciliation is expiation or that hilasterion
and katallage are the same figure, having the same connotation or
origin.
When we look at Kasemann's treatment of the Pauline passages in
which reconciliation is mentioned, there are further problems in his
discussion. He finds the phrase "the reconciliation of the world" in Rom
11:15 to be used without any preparation and to be obviously a formula
that "can only be explained on the grounds of a fixed tradition." 40 Since
this is the passage in which Paul discusses the so-called rejection of
Israel and finds that in God's providence the reaction of the Jews to the
Christian gospel has opened it u p to the Gentiles de facto, he reflects on
how wonderful it will be when they too accept it: "For if their rejection
means the reconciliation of the world, what will their acceptance mean
but life from the dead?" 4 1 "Reconciliation of the world" is here used as a
tag, without any preparation indeed; that it is part of a "fixed tradition"
is quite plausible. But does that mean that it is not Paul's own? Why
could it not be echoing Rom 5:1-11 or, better still, 2 Cor 5:19,
"in Christ God was reconciling the world to himself." Again, the prob-
lem is how to decide that a formulaic expression is echoing something
other than Pauline teaching, and not an important element in his
theology.
When Käsemann turns to Rom 5:9-10, he finds that reconciliation is
used "in a non-cultic sense and means bringing hostility to an end." 42
This is accurate enough; but when he continues that reconciliation
takes place "by his blood" (Rom 5:9) or "by the death of his Son" (Rom
5:10) and "for us" (hyper himan, 5:8), he immediately decides that these
phrases "have a liturgical colouring." 43 But is this clearly so? T h e "cultic
associations" in these phrases are not per se evident, and they could just
as easily express social or political associations of interpersonal, inter-
group relationships quite independently of cult.
T h e real question in Romans 5 is whether Paul has introduced the
motif of reconciliation to heighten the concept of justificatio impiomm,
viz., by the assertion of justificatio inimicorum.** T h e r e is no doubt that
justification and reconciliation are related in Romans 5; but the real
question is, what is the nature of that relation? Is reconciliation
subordinated to justification? In Rom 5:1 Paul says, "Having been
justified . . . , we have peace with God." As I read that verse, it
suggests that justification takes place in view of something, viz.,
reconciliation, so that reconciliation does not "sharpen a n d point u p t h e

doctrine of justification" in Pauline thought. It is rather the other way
round. Further involved in this issue is the subtle question of the
relation of Romans chaps. 1-4 to Roman s chaps. 5 - 8 , and indeed the
place of Romans 5 in t h e whole of chaps. 1-8. 45 N o matter how one
decides this question, it seems to m e to be clear that the climax of chaps.
1-8 is not in c h a p . 4, for as Paul begins chap. 5 h e moves from
justification to t h e manifestation of God's love in Christ and t h r o u g h
the Spirit (chap. 8), so that the latter is the climax of it all. If so,
justification is only a part of t h e process a n d a stage in the development
of his thesis in R o m a n s chaps. 1-8—and then justification finds a mor e
adequate expression in reconciliation; indeed, "reconciliation" becomes
the better way of expressing that process.
When Käsemann takes u p 2 Cor 5 : 1 8 - 2 1 , he finds that it is most
likely a piece of tradition which was h a n d e d d o w n to Paul a n d that Paul
is there echoing a Jewish-Christian tradition, with vss. 19-21 being "a
pre-Pauline hymnic fragment." 4 6 But if Paul has indeed "taken u p and
used motifs from earlier forms of t h e Christian proclamation," does
that mean that they d o not b e c o me part of Pauline theology? A nd the
same question has to be asked about t h e "hymnic fragments in Col.
1.20, 22 and E p h . 2.16." 4 7 O n c e we ascertain that there is pre-Pauline
material in Paul's writings, does that m e a n that it is not really part of his
thinking or that it cannot be considered a part of his theology?
T h e extreme to which this sort of analysis of Pauline writings is
carried is found in K a s e m a n n 's discussion of the relation between what
he calls anthropological a n d cosmological reconciliation. It is the
question that we m e n t i o n e d earlier in terms of cosmic reconciliation
over against the reconciliation of h u m a n beings to God. For Käsemann
the anthropological reconciliation p r e s u p p o s e s cosmological reconcilia-
tion; the latter is especially p r o m i n e n t in t h e "two deutero-Pauline
texts" of Col 1:20 a n d E p h 2:16. 4 8 K ä s e m a n n a r g u e s thus:
We have already seen in Rom. 5.10f. the goal and result of the reconciling
act to be peace; similarly these texts [Colossians and Ephesians] are clearly
concerned with cosmic peace, the revelation of which is dreamed of as early
as Vergil's Fourth Eclogue. This peace is thought of as the eschatological
state of salvation, not as a psychological attitude, something in which the
NT is very rarely interested. In this situation of peace what was formerly
separated becomes solidly united, i.e., the heavenly is united with the
earthly, just as warring earthly camps are united with one another. Even
religious antipathies now become irrelevant, as may be seen in a radical way
in the antithesis between Israel and the Gentile world. The world is made
peaceful, as under the pax romana, in that it is everywhere subjected to
its new Lord, Christ, as Cosmocrator. 49
Now in this paragraph Käsemann has caught u p beautifully some of

the Pauline or Deutero-Pauline nuances of reconciliation, and his
paraphrase of them leaves little to be desired. And again,
Though the world may not yet know of the transformation that has taken
place, the Christian community does. Its message is characterized by the
open proclamation of the seizure of power by God and his appointed Savior
and by the verification of that proclamation in the union of both Jews and
Gentiles in the Christian church.50
T h e difficulty is that Käsemann sees the affirmation of cosmic reconcili-

ation as something that precedes anthropological reconciliation and
understands both Col 1:20-22 and 2 Cor 5:19-20 implying a "transi-
tion from a cosmological to an anthropological message of reconcilia-
tion." 51 He seems to mean that Paul or the author of the Deutero-
Paulines only came to the idea of the reconciliation of mankind from
the notion of the reconciliation of the world (or the All), and that this
was a notion current in the Hellenistic world of the time, as is dreamed
of in Vergil's Fourth Eclogue. 52
T h e r e are several comments that are in order in this regard. First,
one may concede that there is a vague idea of reconciliation in the
Fourth Eclogue. In it Vergil sings of the ultima aetas, when "a new
generation descends from heaven on high" and "a golden race springs
u p throughout the world," putting an end to "the iron brood." As it
begins in Pollio's consulship, "lingering traces of our guilt shall become
void and release the earth from its continual dread." And the child to
be born "shall have the gift of divine life, shall see heroes mingled with
gods, and shall himself be seen of them, and shall sway a world to which
his father's virtues have brought peace." And the untitled earth shall
pour forth its bounty of flowers and plants and vegetables, while "the
herds shall not fear huge lions" {Eclogues 4.4-22). I regard the idea of
reconciliation that may be contained in this Eclogue as vague because it
is really dealing with another matter, the birth of the Golden Age, when
all will be blissful and bountiful. To compare such a view of cosmic
progression with the cosmic reconciliation of Pauline or Deutero-
Pauline writings is somewhat farfetched. What they have in common is
only a rosy, Utopian view of a future age; but all the details are
remarkably different.
Second, it seems to me that the prime analogate in the Pauline
writings that deal with reconciliation is anthropological reconciliation,
and that the transition is from mankind to the world, or to the All, not
the other way round. Cf. Rom 8:21-23 for the progress of his thought
(under another image, to be sure).
Third, it is difficult to understand how a notion that Käsemann
generally relegates to Deutero-Pauline writings, cosmic reconciliation in
Colossians and Ephesians, can be considered the source of something
that is found in the authentic Pauline writings themselves, anthropo-
logical reconciliation.
These are, then, some of the difficulties that I have with the
Käsemann interpretation of the role of reconciliation in Pauline
theology. Despite them I have recognized that there are some excellent
paragraphs in the article on the consequences of this notion for
Christian life and conduct. And this brings me to the last point of my
discussion.
IV. The Pertinence of Pauline Reconciliation to Modern Life
Having reflected on the figure of reconciliation that Paul uses to

describe one of the effects of the Christ-event and that emphasizes the
gratuitous initiative taken by God to bring humanity closely into a
sphere of friendship and intimacy with himself, we can see that this idea
has to be proclaimed anew by Christians of today. Ours is a world in
which we have struggled to put an end to war, not merely because we
fear the consequences of a Third World War of atomic- or hydrogen-
bomb dimensions, but because people of varying religious back-
grounds, Judeo-Chiistian or other, have come to a stage of cosmic or
worldwide awareness that simply as human beings we can no longer act
that way with one another. "Jamais plus la guerre," said Paul VI,
addressing the United Nations. For Christians in particular the motiva-
tion for this is found in the Apostle's idea of reconciliation, in the
breaking down of the barriers between human beings (and by implica-
tion, between nations).
On another level of dealings between groups and individuals within a
given national or ethnic society there is need for further reflection on
the Pauline message of reconciliation. There is a feeling abroad that
our human society is sick—for all sorts of reasons. One aspect of it is
precisely the alienation of men and women from those things or those
persons with which they have been intimately identified in the past. To
such as are estranged and alienated the Pauline message of reconcilia-
tion addresses itself ever anew: "For as many of you as were baptized
into Christ have put on Christ; there is neither Jew nor Greek, there is
neither slave nor free, there is neither male nor female; for you are all
one in Christ Jesus." This Paul wrote in another context (Gal 3:27-28),
but it supplies the background to his thinking on reconciliation or at-
one-ment. T h e Christian, regardless of his/her ethnic origin, social

status, or sexual identity, is expected to meet the challenge of putting on
Christ, of donning his outlook on life. If he is "our peace" and has
made us both one (Eph 2:14), then in him the Christian finds the
remedy to the alienation that besets him/her in the society in which he/
she lives.
In the earliest passage in which Paul deals with reconciliation, he
speaks of himself as having been given "the ministry of reconciliation"
(2 Cor 5:18) and of being an "ambassador for Christ" (5:20). In this, as
in some other passages (cf. Col 1:24), Paul did not hesitate to depict
himself as having the task of extending, in a sense, one of the effects of
the Christ-event. Paul would never have substituted himself for Christ,
implying that anything that he would do would replace or substitute for
the Christ-event itself. But he could speak of himself as a "minister of
reconciliation," proclaiming to the world the message of reconciliation,
announcing the effect of the Christ-event, and striving to get more and
more of mankind to appropriate to itself the benefits thereof. So, as
ambassador for Christ, he extends the ministry of reconciliation.
Paul's teaching about reconciliation obviously has something of the
idyllic about it. We look at other Christians who surround us, and we
see all the forms of estrangement and alienation among them as among
many others who are not Christian. We wonder why it is that such an
effect of the Christ-event has not taken root and manifested itself in the
lives of such persons, if faith in Christ Jesus and baptism into his life
really mean all that they are supposed to mean. This is a real problem,
and it has often been called the problem of the integration of Christian
life. How does a Christian become aware that his outlook and life are to
be dominated by the person of Christ and all that he stood for and
taught? Paul was not unaware of this himself. Writing in a context that
did not deal with reconciliation as such, he said, "I have been crucified
with Christ; it is no longer I who live, but Christ who lives in me; and
the life I now live in the flesh (kata sarka) I live by faith in the Son of
God" (Gal 2:20). T h e ontological reality of Christ-in-me has somehow
or other to be brought to the level of psychological awareness. This is
the problem of the integration of Christian life: "Be what you are." You
are in Christ; you have entered a state of reconciliation with God and
with your fellowmen through your faith and baptism into Christ Jesus.
Let them influence your existence, life, and conduct. T h e challenge is
thus given to men and women of all ages and generations to be what
they are.
By extension of the last two points that have been made, it would not
be false to say that the Christian of today shares in a sense in that
"ministry of reconciliation" of which Paul spoke. T h e role of the
Christian in the twentieth century would be to manifest that reconcilia-
tion to others, to other Christians, to his/her Jewish brother or sister, to
other members of the human race who are not part of the Judeo-
Christian heritage.
There is obviously a greater problem here today than that envisaged
by Paul. His horizons were limited to the Christian message that he was
explaining to the Christians to whom he wrote, whether they came
from a Jewish or a Gentile background. He found the reconciliation of
them in Christ Jesus, who is "our peace." Today the role of the
Christian is to be faithful to his/her own Christian heritage, yet so
manifest his/her love and friendship as to include even those who are
not of his/her own immediate Christian circle. If the Roman poet
Terentius could write, "Homo sum; humani nihil a me alienum puto"
(Heaut 1.1,25: "I am a human being; I consider nothing human to be
foreign from me"), the Christian could also boast, "Christianus sum;
christiani nihil a me alienum puto." That Christian challenge would be
at once a loyalty to one's own heritage and an openness to and love of
what is not of it.
In Paul's ken the reconciliation of Jew and Greek of which he spoke
was envisaged as an at-one-ment brought about between them through
faith and baptism in Christ Jesus—through the conversion of both Jews
and Greeks to Christianity. This is Paul's sole perspective. Today we
have all witnessed in one way or another the alienation of Christian and
Jew. It is an age-old problem of a barrier that exists between us, born of
what Paul calls "their rejection." This stern word, used of his former co-
religionists, was likewise associated with his sorrow about that barrier
(see Rom 9:2-3). But as we ponder the implications of his teaching
about the reconciliation of all human beings in Christ, we cannot be
blind to the problems that that teaching has created and can still create.
For Christian theologians have never yet been able to explain satisfacto-
rily why it is that the God that they worship has in his providence
continued to favor a people which nourishes itself on a great deal of the
same Scriptures that feed our Christian lives and yet have not accepted
the reconciliation that is at hand in Christ Jesus. Christian theologians
have no adequate theology of Israel. This is the enigma that the Pauline
theology of reconciliation proposes.
If I was somewhat critical of Käsemann earlier in this paper, I should
like to end by making my own some of his comments on an aspect of
reconciliation. Without buying all the connections which he establishes
between the New Testament hymns and "the unbridled enthusiasm
• . . of the earliest Hellenistic community and the beginnings of its
world mission," I can agree that the Pauline teaching on reconciliation

could be viewed too enthusiastically and with too rosy a hue, so that an
"individual Christian will understand the salvation he experiences as
devoid of temptation and consequently cease looking toward the future
and giving himself to the service of others. So it is no accident that the
anthropological statements about reconciliation occur in a parenetic
context, portraying existence as still hanging in the balance. The
message of reconciliation is not an eschatological myth, as in Vergil's
Fourth Eclogue. It is actualized between the indicative of the gift of
salvation and the imperative of the duties of salvation, i.e., in the
historical realm, the realm of concrete daily life and corporate commu-
nity. Cosmic peace does not settle over the world, as in a fairy tale. It
takes root only so far as men in the service of reconciliation confirm that
they have themselves found peace with God."53
In concluding this discussion of the theological notion of reconcilia-

tion, I should like to stress that I have sought merely to situate it in
Pauline theology as a whole and to restore it to its merited relation to
justification. I have not tried to say that it is in Pauline theology more
important than justification or that the essence of Pauline theology can
be summed up by it. It expresses an aspect of the Christ-event that
justification does not, and it is really impossible to say which is more
important. In certain discussions of Paul (e.g., Romans 5) one may
debate, as I have above, whether justification is not subordinated to
reconciliation, but that still leaves the question open about the place of
reconciliation in Pauline theology as a whole.54
NOTES
* Originally published in No Famine in the Land; Studies in Honor of John L.

McKenzie (ed. J. W. Flanagan and A. W. Robinson; Missoula, MT: Scholars Press,
for the Institute for Antiquity and Christianity, Claremont, 1975) 155-77.
»See F. Büchsel, "Allassö, . . . ,M TDNT 1 (1964) 251-59; R. Bultmann,
Tlieology of the New Testament (London: SCM, 1956), 1. 285-87; T. R. Clark,
Saved by HL· Life: A Study of the New Testament Doctrine of Reconciliation and
Salvation (New York: Macmillan, 1959) 179-83; J. Dupont, La reconciliation
dans la theologie de Saint Paul (ALBO 3/32; Bruges: Desclee de Brouwer,
1953); L. Goppelt, "Versöhnung durch Christus," Christologie und Ethik: Auf-
sätze zum Neuen Testament (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck Sc Ruprecht, 1968) 147-
64; E. Käsemann, An die Römer (HNT 8a; Tübingen: Mohr, 1973) 129;
"Erwägungen zum Stichwort 'Versöhnungslehre im Neuen Testament'," Zeit
und Geschichte: Dankesgabe an Rudolf Bultmann zum 80. Geburtstag (ed. E.
Dinkier; Tübingen: Mohr, 1964) 4 7 - 5 9 ; "Some Thoughts on the T h e m e

'The Doctrine of Reconciliation in the New Testament'/' The Future of Our
Religious Past: Essays in Honour of Rudolf Bultmann (ed. J. M. Robinson; New
York: Harper & Row, 1971) 4 9 - 6 4 ; A. F. N. Lekkerkerker, "Diabetisch
spreken over de verzoening," Nederlands theologische Stemmen l (1946-47)
212-32; W. Michaelis, Versöhnung des Alls: Die frohe Botschaft von der Gnade
Gottes (Gümligen/Bern: Siloah, 1950) 23-30, 122-51; J. Michl, "Die
'Versöhnung (Kol 1,20)," TQ 128 (1948) 442-62; A. Nygren, Die Versöhnung
ah Gottestat (Studien der Luther-Akademie, 5; Gütersloh: Bertelsmann,
1932); E. Percy, Die Probleme der Kolosser- und Epheserbriefe (Acta regiae so-
cietatis humaniorum litterarum Lundensis, 39; Lund: Gleerup, 1946) 85-92,
271-73; A. Ritschi, Die christliche Lehre von der Rechtfertigung und Versöhnung (3
vols.; 3d ed.; Bonn: Adolf Marcus, 1888-89); V. Taylor, Forgiveness and
Reconciliation: Α Study in New Testament Theology (2d ed.; London: Macmillan,
1948) 70-108; B. N. Wambacq, "Per eum reconciliare . . . quae in caelis
sunt," RB 55 (1948) 3 5 - 4 2 ; D. E. H. Whiteley, "St. Paul's T h o u g h t on the
Atonement," JTS ns 8 (1957) 2 4 0 - 5 5 ; The Theology of St. Paul (Oxford:
Blackwell, 1964) 130-54. G. Wiencke, Paulus über Jesu Tod: Die Deutung des
Todes Jesu bei Paulus und ihre Herkunft (Beiträge zur Förderung christlicher
Theologie, 2/42; Gütersloh: Bertelsmann, 1939) 6 9 - 7 8 ; G. W. H. Lampe,
Reconciliation in Christ (Maurice Lectures 1955; London: Longmans, Green,
1956); J. Denney, The Christian Doctrine of Reconciliation (London: J. Clarke,
1959).
2
By Ε. Käsemann, "Some Thoughts."
3
E.g., 1 T h e s 4 : 2 , 15; 1 Cor 7:10 [cf. 7:25]; 9:14; 13:2; Rom 12:14; 13:9;
16:19. See further W. D. Davies, Paul and Rabbinic Judaism: Some Rabbinic
Elements in Pauline Theology (London: S.P.C.K., 1948) 136-41; B. Gerhardsson,
Memory and Manuscript: Oral Tradition and Written Transmission in Rabbinic Judaism
and Early Christianity (ASNU 22; Lund: Gleerup, 1961) 302-06; D. M. Stanley,
"Pauline Allusions to the Sayings of Jesus," CBQ_ 23 (1961) 2 6 - 3 9 ; D. L.
Dungan, The Sayings of Jesus in the Churches of Paul: The Use of the Synoptic Tradition
in the Regulation of Early Church Life (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1971); F. F. Bruce,
"Paul and the Historical Jesus," BJRL 56 (1974) 317-35.
I do not mean that Paul did not know the words or the teaching of Jesus or
that his interpretation of the Christ-event was wholly derived from his conver-
sion-experience or something similar. His mention of his visit to Jerusalem
(hutoresai Kephan, Gal 1:18) was almost certainly intended to suggest that he had
obtained some information about Jesus from Cephas. See further R. E. Brown
et al., PNT, 23-24. O n e can also debate the meaning of 2 Cor 5:16, his knowing
Christ according to the flesh. But whatever one wants to say about his
knowledge of the earthly Jesus, the fact still remains that he is much more
interested in the interpretation of the Christ-event for Christians who had never
witnessed the earthly ministry of Jesus of Nazareth.
4
Most of the letters of the Pauline corpus were composed prior to the
composition of the earliest Gospel (Mark, ca. A.D. 65).
5
E.g., D. Ε. Η. Whiteley, The Theology of St. Paul, 130.
6
See E. Käsemann, " ' T h e Righteousness of God' in Paul," New Testament
Questions of Today (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1969) 168-82; "Justification and
Salvation History in the Epistle to the Romans," Perspectives on Paul (Philadel-
phia: Fortress, 1971) 6 0 - 7 8 ; P. Stuhlmacher, Gerechtigkeit Gottes bei Paulus
( F R L A N T 87; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck 8c Ruprecht, 1965); Κ. Kertelge, "Recht-

fertigung" bei Paulus: Studien zur Struktur und zum Bedeutungsgehalt des paulinischen
Rechtfertigungsbegriffs ( N T A b h ns 3; Münster in W.: Aschendorff, 1967); J. A.
Fitzmyer, "Pauline Theology ."//JC, art. 79, § 9 4 - 9 7 ; J. A. Ziesler, The Meaning of
Righteousness in Paul; A Linguistic and Theological Enquiry (SNTSMS 20; Cam-
bridge: University Press, 1972); D. L ü h r m a n n , "Rechtfertigung u n d Ver-
s ö h n u n g : Zur Geschichte d e r paulinischen Tradition, " ZTK 67 (1970) 4 3 6 - 5 2 .
7
See F. Amiot, The Key Concepts of St. Paul (New York: H e r d e r and Herder,
1962); S. Lyonnet, " T h e Terminology of 'Salvation,'" Sin, Redemption, and
Sacrifice: A Biblical and Patristic Study (ed. S. Lyonnet and L. Sabourin; AnBib 48;
Rome: Biblical Institute, 1970) 6 3 - 7 8 ; W. Foerster and G. Fohrer, "Sözö,
sotiria, . . . ," TDNT 7 (1971) 9 6 4 - 1 0 2 4 .
8
In this instance one can ask w h e t h e r Paul is using the word hilasterion as an
adjective or as a n o u n; in the interpretation which I prefer it would be a
concrete noun, best translated as "a m e a n s of expiation," with an allusion to the
kapporet of Exod 2 5 : 1 7 - 2 0 , which is translated in the LXX at first as hilasterion
epitheyna, but consistently thereafter as simply hilasterion. See further my article,
" T h e T a r g u m of Leviticus from Q u m r a n Cave 4," Maarav 1 (1978-79) 5-23,
esp. p p . 15-17.
9
See my "Pauline Theology," § 8 3 - 8 9 ; S. Lyonnet, " T h e Terminology of
'Expiation' in the Old Testament," " T h e Terminology of'Expiation 1 in the New
Testament," Sin, Redemption, and Sacrifice, 120-66; D. Ε. Η. Whiteley, The
Theology of St. Paul, 145-47. Contrast L. Morris, " T h e Biblical Use of the Term
' B l o o d ; "JTS ns 3 (1952) 2 1 6 - 2 7 . See further L. Uovaldi, Espiazione saaificale e
riti espiatori nelVambiente biblico e neU'Antico Testamento (AnBib 5; Rome: Biblical
Institute, 1956).
10
See my "Pauline Theology," § 9 0 - 9 3 (Redemptive Liberation); S. Lyonnet,
" T h e Terminology of 'Liberation,'" Sin, Redemption, and Sacrifice, 79-119;
D. E. H. Whiteley, The Tfieology of St. Paul, 1 3 7 - 4 5 . I prefer today to separate
eleutheria from apolytrösis; the former is certainly derived from Paul's Hellenis-
tic background , whereas the latter may be influenced by both the Hellenistic
and Jewish (OT) b a c k g r o u n d s .
11
See O. P r o c k s c h / a n d K. G. Kuhn, "Hagios, hugiazö, . . . ," TDNT 1
(1964) 8 8 - 1 1 5 ; L. Cerfaux, Christ in the Theology of St. Paul (New York:
H e r d e r a n d H e r d e r , 1959) 2 9 6 - 3 1 5 .
12
See H. Schlier, "Eleutheros, eleutheroö, . . . ," TDNT 2 (1964) 4 8 7 - 5 0 2 ;
H. D. Betz, "Spirit, F r e e d o m , a n d Law: Paul's Message to the Galatian
Churches," SEA 39 (1974) 145-60; D. Nestle, Eleutheria: Studien zum Wesen der
Freiheit bei den Griechen und im Neuen Testament (Hermeneutische Untersu-
c h u n g e n zur Theologie, 16; Tübingen: M o h r [Siebeck], 1967); R. Schnacken-
b u r g , " F r e e d o m in the T h o u g h t of the Apostle Paul," Present and Future:
Modern Aspects of New Testament Theology (Notre D a m e : University of Notre
Dame, 1966) 6 4 - 8 0 .
13
In this instance the abstract n o u n is not found in Paul's writings, but he does
use the verb metamorphoun. See J. D u p o n t, "Le chretien, miroir d e la gloire
divine, d'apres II Cor. 3,18," RB 56 (1949) 3 9 2 - 4 1 1 ; W. C. van Unnik, " 'With
Unveiled Face,' an Exegesis of 2 Corinthians iii 12-18," NovT 6 (1963) 153-69:
reprinted in Sparsa collecta: The Collected Essays of W. C. van Unnik (NovTSup 29;
Leiden: Brill, 1973) 194-210; I. E. Friesen, The Glory of the Ministry of Jesus
Christ: Illustrated by a Study of 2 Cor. 2:14-3:18 (Theologische Dissertationen,
Reconciliation in Pauline Theology \g\
7; Basel: F. Reinhardt, 1971); D. M. Stanley, Christ's Resurrection in Pauline

Soteriology (AnBib 13; Rome: Biblical Institute, 1%1) 131-34· S Schulz "Die
Decke des Moses," ZNW 49 (1958) 1-30.
i*See W. Foerster, "Käzö, käsis, . . . ," TDNT 3 (1965) 1000-35, esp. pp.
1033-35. Cf. E. Sjöberg, "Neuschöpfung in den Toten-Meer-Rollen " ST 9
(1955) 131-36.
15
On this figure, see the literature cited in n. 1 above.
" One further figure might be added, viz., "forgiveness" {aphesis), a remitting
of the debt implied in the sins of mankind. However, since this figure is found
only in the Captivity Letters of the Pauline corpus (Col 1:14; Eph 1:7; cf.,
however, Rom 4:7 [quoting Ps 32:1]), some might prefer to consider it a
Deutero-Pauline figure, which is closer to the Lucan way of viewing the
Christ-event. In any case, one would have to discuss here the very problem-
atic word paresis in Rom 3:25, which may be nothing more than a synonym
for aphesis.
17
See F. Büchsel, "Allasso, . . . "251.
18
There is no need to rehearse this evidence here, since it has been adequately
presented by J. Dupont, La reconciliation, 7-15. An interesting additional
example of the secular use of the Greek expression comes from a papyrus
contract of remarriage found in one of the Murabba c at caves in Palestine. It is
dated to the year A.D. 124 (the seventh year of Hadrian, in the consulate of
Manius Acilius Glabrio and Bellicius Torquatus) and bears witness to the
remarriage of Eleaios, son of Simon, of the village of Galoda, to Salome,
daughter of J o h n Galgoula. T h e crucial part of the text reads: "Since it
happened earlier to the same Eleaios (son of) Simon to become estranged
and divorce {appallagenai kai apolyein) Salome (daughter) of J o h n Galgoula
[. . .] for the sake of living together (?), now the same Eleaios agrees anew
(ex ananeöseös) to reconcile and to take to himself (katallaxai k[ai] proslabesthai)
the same Salome (daughter of) J o h n Galgoula as wedded wi[fe] with dowry
of 200 denarii, which make 50 Tyrian (shekels)" (Mur 115:3-5). Here one
finds not only the use of apolyein in the sense of "divorce" (see pp. 90-91
above), but also katallassein in a secular sense. What is interesting is the active
use of the verb with an object (to reconcile Salome). P. Benoit, who pub-
lished the Greek text, translates it, however, differently: "est d'accord pour se
reconcilier ä nouveau et r e p r e n d r e la m e m e Salome." See Les grottes de
Murabbacat (DJD 2; Oxford: Clarendon, 1961) 250.
19
So at leasi reads the LXX MS A (the purpose infinitive diallaxai in MS A has
as its counterpart in MS Β the infinitive eputrepsai); the M T has an infinitive,
Ihsybw, which is vocalized as lahäsibäw. Since the latter makes no sense in the
context, emendations have been suggested. As far as our discussion is con-
cerned, it seems rather obvious that the exact nuance in diallasseinlkatallassein is
not rooted in the Hebrew scriptural tradition and that Greek translators have
introduced the idea of "reconciliation" which is otherwise well attested in
Hellenistic writers. I am aware that compound s oiallassein are used in the LXX
to translate various Hebrew words; but the question is whether the Hebrew
words so translated actually denoted what the Greek words did or whether the
Greek words have introduced a further Hellenistic (if not Hellenic) nuance.
20
It should be noted, however, in this instance that we are not told how Ajax
was reconciling himself with the gods. J. Dupont {La reconciliation, 13) speaks of
his doing this "au moyen d e purifications rituelles." This may be involved, but
Sophocles does not even hint at t h e m; and it seems m o r e likely in view of the
fundamental thrust of the play that what is m e a n t is that Ajax has gone to
reconcile himself to t h e gods by his own death. T h e extent to which anyone can
read a cultic or ritual sense into Sophocles' expression in Ajax 744 is question-
able. See further p p . 171-73 above.
21
Büchsel, "Allassö, . . . ," 254.
22
This is also the conclusion of D u p o n t, La reconciliation, 28. H e rightly admits
that Paul invests the figure with certain nuances derived from his Jewish
b a c k g r o u n d . But I am not sure that the figure of reconciliation has "le caractere
essentiellement j u r i d i q u e " which he associates with it.
23
See The Compact Edition of the Oxford English Dictionary (New York: Oxford
University, 1971), 1. 135.—The first instance of the verb "atone" is cited from
Shakespeare (Richard the Second, l.i, 202). O n e will find its use there is in the
secular sense. T h e OED continues: "Atone was not admitted into the Bible in
1611, though atonement had been in since Tindale. "
24
See nos. 7 - 8 above.
25
In this discussion of Pauline passages dealing with reconciliation, I am
treating ten letters of t h e c o r p u s as authentic ( 1 - 2 T h e s , Gal, Phil, 1-2 Cor,
Rom, Phlm, Col, E p h ). If one prefers to r e g a r d 2 T h e s , Col, and Eph as
Deutero-Pauline, even t h o u g h not in the same sense as the Pastorals, it would
require but a slight adjustment to speak of the a u t h o r of these letters rather
than of Paul. In any case, they belong to a Pauline circle a n d reflect a view of the
Christ-event that it r e p r e s e n t ed in the early Christian c h u r c h . T h e interpreta-
tion of the Christ-event as reconciliation that one encounters in Colossians and
Ephesians is so similar to that in 2 Corinthians and R o m a n s that it is almost
impossible to distinguish a Pauline a n d a Deutero-Pauline view of this matter.
See further my r e m a r k s on Kasemann's treatment of the Pauline material
above, p p . 173-75, who doe s not radically separate t h e m from the authentic
Pauline corpus.
26
See further R. Bultmann , Theology of the New Testament, 1.232-38; J. A.
Fitzmyer, "Pauline Theology," §119.
27
See p . 165 above; cf. J. D u p o n t , La reconciliation, 1 0 - 1 8 .
28
Here one could a d d further Pauline passages that deal with t h e peace of
Christ. He is "the peace of G o d " that surpasses all u n d e r s t a n d i n g and that will
keep your hearts and your minds in Christ Jesus" (Phil 4:7). O r "let the peace of
Christ rule in your hearts, to which indeed you were called in one body" (Col
3:15). Cf. 2 T h e s 3:16. Moreover, "peace" is not to be u n d e r s t o od in this
connection merely as the absence of war or enmity, for it carries with it the Old
Testament nuances of sälöm, the wholeness or perfection of bounty that can
come only from God himself.
29
As in Rom 3:6; 5:12. But Paul also used kosmos in the sense of the created
universe; see Rom 1:20; 1 Cor 3:22; cf. E p h 1:4. See R. Bultmann, Theology of
the New Testament, 1. 2 5 4 - 5 9 .
30
J . D u p o n t (La reconciliation, 39-42) associates reconciliation with both
sacrifice and propitiation. In this I have to disagree. It is not that Paul did not
consider the d e a t h of Christ a sacrifice (cf. E p h 5:2), but r a t h e r whether in the
passages in which he deals with reconciliation he uses the expressions, "his
death," "the blood of the cross," or "the blood of Christ" with the sacrificial
connotation. N o one will deny that the saying of Lev 17:11 ("for the life of the
flesh is in the blood; and I have given it for you upon the altar to make expiation
for yourselves; for it is the blood that makes expiation") underlies Paul's use of
"blood" in Rom 3:25, where it is closely associated with hilastirion. That meaning
of blood is thus clearly related to expiation. But in Romans 3 Paul does not
introduce the figure of reconciliation.
1 cannot help but think that D. Ε. Η. Whiteley ("St. Paul's Thought on the
Atonement," 240-55, esp. pp. 247-49) comes closer to Paul's sense when he
relates the mention of blood in the reconciliation passages to "covenant blood"
(cf. Exod 24:3-8): " T h e Apostle means that through his death Christ consti-
tuted a relationship with all things analogous to that established in the Old
Testament by means of the blood of the covenant" (249). Cf. his Theology of St.
Paul, 140. L ü h r m a n n ("Rechtfertigung und Versöhnung," 438-40) speaks of
the use of blood in Rom 3:24-26 as also related to "Bundestheologie." In a
footnote he recognizes the connection with Leviticus 16 and the similar use of
material in Q u m r a n literature. T o my way of thinking, the primary reference in
Romans 3 is to Leviticus 16—and only thereafter possibly a reference to
"Bundestheologie." T h e reason is that only in Romans 3 are "blood" and
hikstenon associated, whereas elsewhere the "blood" or "death" of Christ (e.g.,
when related to reconciliation) could have the covenant reference more
directly.
31
What is curious is to recall that English-speaking Jews translate Yam hak-
Kippurim as the "Day of Atonement." See The Torah: The Five Booh of Moses
(Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society, 1962) 226 (Lev 23:27). This name is
undoubtedly influenced by the translation of Christian English Bibles. In
French the Hebrew expression is more accurately translated as "Jour de
l'Expiation." T h e JPS Torah uses, however, the n o u n "expiation" in Lev 16:6, 10,
11, 17; 17:11 (where the RSV has "atonement"; but cf. Lev 16:34 in the JPS
Torah). Apparently, English-speaking Jews have never used any other transla-
tion for the Hebrew name of this feast-day; at least so I have been informed by
Prof. Harry M. Orlinsky and Dr. Philip Goodman, the compiler of The Yom
Kippur Anthology (Philadelphia: Jewish Publication Society of America, 1971). T o
both of these gentlemen I owe my thanks.
32
See n. 1 above for details. T h e article was translated under the title "Some
Thoughts on the T h e m e ' T h e Doctrine of Reconciliation in the New Testa-
ment,' " but in view of the article's starting-point it would have been better to
render "Versöhnungslehre" as "the doctrine of Atonement," for this is the term
more properly used in the Anglo-Saxon theological world, which Käsemann
criticizes.
33
"Some Thoughts," 5 1 . Käsemann considers Colossians and Ephesians to be
Deutero-Pauline; but in reality this distinction means little in his discussion.
Hence my position; see n. 25 above.
34
Käsemann continues: "In the deutero-Paulines [presumably Colossians and
Ephesians] it also characterizes only very limited contexts, specifically the liturgi-
cal tradition contained in two passages" [presumably Col 1:20, 22; Eph 2:16].
But the fact that the image is used in a text of "liturgical tradition" does not
mean that the image itself is of a liturgical background; liturgy does use figures
and language drawn from other contexts and relationships.
35
"Some Thoughts," 63. I can understand how one might say that the
doctrine of justification establishes the legitimacy and sets the limits of Pauline
teaching, but "of [presumably, all] N T teaching"? How does Paul become a
norm for John, or Pauline theology a criterion of, say, Lucan theology."
D. L ü h r m a n n ("Rechtfertigung u n d Versöhnung," 446) likewise asserts that

reconciliation has "keine eigenständige B e d e u t u n g " in Paul's theology, but is
subordinated to the " H a u p t t h e m a seiner Theologie, das in d e r Antithese von
Glaube und Gesetz zu beschrieben ist." T h o u g h L ü h r m a n n tries to refine
Käsemann's position somewhat, he is still operating with the basic presupposi-
tion of the latter. H e breaks with Käsemann, when the latter describes
"Versöhnung" as only one soteriological variant a m o n g others that were taken
u p in early Christianity, especially in those circles in which Christ was hailed as
the cosmic victor. But he still derives the whole idea of anthropological
reconciliation from cosmic reconciliation, as does Käsemann.
36
"Some T h o u g h t s , " 50.
37
Ibid.
38
Ibid. This is not merely a problem of the English translation of Käsemann's
article, to which I referred above in n. 32, but it is even t r u e of the German
original: "Blickt m a n von da aus auf die um hilaskesthai kreisende W o r t g r u p p e,
muss sofort gefragt w e r d e n, ob u n d wie weit die Übersetzung 'versöh-
nen' ü b e r h a u p t an die Stelle des sicher a n g e m e s s e n e r en ' s ü h n e n ' treten darf"
("Erwägungen," 48). T h e problem is by what right one can say that the
katallassein-words belong to the orbit of hilaskesthai in Pauline thinking.
Sühnen/expiate has cultic, liturgical, a n d even sacrificial overtones; but does
versöhnen! reconcile imply any of that? Moreover, Paul never uses the two
together in the same passage. T h a t atonement , reconciliation, expiation, and
even propiuation, came to imply all that is part of the history of the doctrine
of the atonement. But is it so in Pauline theology?
39
"Some T h o u g h t s , " 52. T o show that hilaskesthai and words related to it
designate "an event in the cultic realm," Käsemann cites Rom 3:25; Heb 2:17;
8:12; 9:5; 1 J o h n 2:2; 4:10. T h e n he adds, confusing the issue still more, "to
which may be added the ransom-sayings in Mark 10.45 and 1 T i m 2.6" (p. 50).
But the image in lytron (or antilytron) is distinct. T h e m e r e fact that Paul links
both apolytrösis and hilasterion in Rom 3 : 2 4 - 2 5 does not necessarily mean that
they have the same b a c k g r o u n d or, for that matter, share a cultic background,
let alone the same cultic b a c k g r o u n d . T h a t hilasterion has a Palestinian Jewish
cultic background can be readily admitted; but if one were to insist rather on its
Hellenistic b a c k g r o u n d (e.g., on its derivation from propitiatory rites in the
Greco-Roman world), it could also be of cultic origin. But it is not at all clear that
the figure involved in apolytr ösis is necessarily cultic. H e r e one would have to
discuss the extent to which the (fictive) emancipation of a slave or a prisoner at
the shrine of a god in the ancient eastern Mediterranea n world was really
considered to be an act of worship or cult. And if it were, would that imply the
same cultic background that the Hellenistic origin of hilaskesthai might?
40
"Some T h o u g h t s , " 5 1 .
41
T h e phrase, "life from the dead," is very difficult to interpret and has been
understood in many ways; for my preferred u n d e r s t a n d i n g of it, see the
commentary on Romans in JBC, art. 53, §112.
42
"Some T h o u g h t s , " 5 1 .
43
Ibid., 52.
44
Ibid. Käsemann's starting-point was a criticism of Anglo-Saxon theology
and its use of the doctrine of atonement as a summation of New Testament
soteriology. Given all the overloading of the term "reconciliation" or "atone-
ment" with the nuances of expiation, propitiation, satisfaction, penal substitu-
tion, etc., that ensued in that "theological world," Käsemann was rightly critical.
But when he employs the tagjnstificatio impiorum in the context of a discussion of
Pauline theology and fashions another in imitation of it, justificatio inimicorum
(thereby subordinating reconciliation to justification), he runs the risk of
importing into Pauline theology nuances born of a later problematic. For that
Latin abstract phrase, though based on Rom 4:5 (dikaiounta ton asebe), is not
found precisely in Paul's writings—and I d o not mean simply that Paul did not
write in Latin. T h e abstraction with the genitive plural is not his way of putting it;
in using it, Käsemann betrays a later theological stance.
45
For a brief summary of the discussion about the relation of chap. 5 to the
whole of Romans, see my commentary in JBC, art. 53, §49 and the literature
cited there. Cf. U. Luz, "Zum Aufbau von Rom. 1-8," TZ 25 (1969) 161-81. As
for the relation of reconciliation and justification, it might be well to recall the
treatment of J. Weiss, The History of Primitive Christianity (ed. F. C. Grant; New
York: Wilson-Erickson, 1937), 2. 496-504, esp. p. 497: " T h e most common and
comprehensive expression for the event which Paul had experienced, and which
all Christians must experience, is undoubtedly 'reconciliation*. . . ."
46
"Some Thoughts," 53.
47
Ibid., 50. Obviously, it would not be part of it if one insists on the Deutero-
Pauline character of these hymnic fragments in Colossians and Ephesians.
48
Actually cosmic reconciliation is not found in Eph 2:11-22. Since it is found
in Col 1:20-22, it may be called Deutero-Pauline. But it should be remembered
that it is explicitly mentioned in 2 Cor 5:18-19 and is echoed in Rom 11:15.
Hence it cannot be simply written off as a Deutero-Pauline motif, as Käse-
mann implies in his discussion of the idea in An die Römer ( H N T 8a; T ü -
bingen: Mohr, 1973) 129.
49
"Some Thoughts," 54.
50
Ibid., 55.
51
Ibid.
52
Ibid.
53
Ibid., 55-56.
54
See P. T. O'Brien, "Colossians 1,20 and the Reconciliation of All Things,"
Reformed Theological Review 33 (1974) 4 5 - 5 3 ; J. 1. Vicentini, " 'Dejense reconci-
liar con Dios: Lectura de 2 Corintios 5, 14-21," RevistB 36 (1974) 97-104; A.
Stöger, "Die paulinische Versöhnungstheologie," TPQ 122 (1974) 118-31; V. P.
Furnish, " T h e Ministry of Reconciliation," CurTM 4 (1977) 204-18; E. Lohse,
ut
D a s Amt, das die Versöhnung predigt,*" Rechtfertigung: Festschrift für Ernst
Käsemann zum 70. Geburtstag (ed. J. Friedrich et al.; Tübingen: Mohr [Siebeck];
Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1976) 339-49; J. Milgrom, "Atonement
in the OT," IDBSup, 78-82; R Garnet, Salvation and Atonement in the Qumran
Scrolls (WUNT 2/3; Tübingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 1977).
Eight
PAUL AND THE LAW*
As I BEGIN this discussion of Paul and the Law with members of the
Canon Law Society, I cannot help but recall the famous words of the
Apostle, "I am speaking to those who know the law" (Rom 7:1). Such a
realization did not deter him, however, from devoting no little space to
the subject in his, writings, and in this I take courage.
Paul's treatment of law is found for the most part in two letters: in
Gal 2:16-6:13 and in Rom 2:12-8:7. T h o u g h there are scattered
remarks about it elsewhere (e.g., in 1 Cor 9:20; 15:56; 2 Cor 3:17-18;
Rom 9:31; 10:4-5; 13:8-10; Eph 2:15 [cf. 1 Tim 1:8-9]), it is well to
recall at the outset that his main discussion is found in polemical
contexts. T h e Judaizing problem in the early Church called forth his
remarks on the subject; this was a threat to his fundamental under-
standing of the Christ-event, and he reacted vigorously against it.1 But
it would be a mistake to think that Paul's teaching about law occupies
the center of his theology. To regard it in this way would be to commit
the same error which has plagued much of Christian thinking since the
Reformation which identified the essence of his theology solely with
justification. 2 We have finally come to recognize that the Pauline view of
Christ lies as much in the "new creation" brought about in Christ and
through the Spirit, as God initiated a new phase of salvation-history.
Similarly we have learned that Paul viewed this Christian condition in
terms of justification mainly because of the context of the Judaizing
problem. Even though his teaching about law is, therefore, somewhat
time-conditioned and polemical, nevertheless it has in all parts of it
aspects which are relevant and pertinent to our situation today.
Likewise at the outset it is necessary to mention one further minor
problem. It concerns the literal and figurative sense of narnos used by
Paul as well as his use of the noun with and without the article. In a
number of instances Paul will make statements such as these: the
Paul and the Law 137
Gentiles "are a law to themselves" (Rom 2:14); or "in my members

another law at war with the law of my mind" (Rom 7:23); or, as he
makes use of oxymoron, "the law of the Spirit of life" (Rom 8:2), "the
law of Christ" (Gal 6:2), or "the law of faith" (Rom 3:27). In all such
instances the use of nomos is figurative, and its prime analogate is the
Mosaic law. These figurative expressions attempt to describe pagan or
Christian counterparts of the Mosaic law in a term that is frankly
borrowed from it. But aside from such clearly figurative expressions
Paul otherwise speaks only of the Mosaic law, "the religious system
under which the Jews had lived since the time of Moses." 3 He speaks
only of it, and makes no distinction between its cultic, ritual, or ethical
demands. 4 It may be that he sometimes extends it, designating by nomos
the whole of the Old Testament and not just the Torah or Pentateuch
(cf. Rom 3:19 and the quotations cited in the preceding context). But it
is useless to try to distinguish his statements according to the use of the
article or the lack of it.5 If we emphasize this at the outset, it is only to
avoid a misunderstanding; for Paul does not really talk about "law as
such." Not even the verse quoted at the beginning of this paper (Rom
7:1) refers to anything but the Mosaic law, as the verses in the
immediately following context show.6 However, it is true that some
statements are couched in terms which are generic and lend themselves
by extension to other legal systems than that of Moses; for this reason it
is not difficult to apply them to other types of law, Christian or
otherwise, and find that they are still relevant.
With such preliminary remarks we may turn to the discussion itself,
which will have three parts: (1) Paul's view of the law and the anomaly
which it presents in human life; (2) his explanation of the anomaly; and
(3) his solution of the anomaly.
I. Paul's View of the Law and Its Anomaly
We can best describe Paul's view of the law by making five observa-
tions about it.
(1) Paul personifies nomos, just as he does hamartia ("sin") and thanatos
("death").7 This is especially true in the letter to the Romans. Like
Thanatos and Hamartia, Nomos is depicted as an actor playing a role on
the stage of human history (see Rom 5:20).
To understand its role, we must recall Paul's view of salvation-history.
His conception of it is based on the unilinear view of world history
which he inherited from the Pharisaic tradition. Early rabbis main-
tained that the duration of the world would be 6000 years, divided into
three phases: (a) the period of Tökii-wä-böhü ("Chaos," see Gen 1:2),
lasting from Adam to Moses when there was no law; (b) the period of
Töräh ("Law"), lasting from Moses to the Messiah when the law ruled
human existence; (c) the period of the Messiah, when either the law
would cease (according to some rabbis), or the Messiah would perfect it
by giving it a new interpretation (according to others). 8 Paul employs a
similar threefold division of history: (a) From Adam to Moses the
period was law-less; human beings did evil or sinned, but there was no
imputation of transgressions (Rom 5:13). 9 "For the law brings wrath;
but where there is no law, there is no transgression" (Rom 4:15). (b)
From Moses to Christ the law reigned and sins were imputed as
transgressions of it; "the law brings wrath" (Rom 4:15). (c) T h e
Messianic Age began with Christ Jesus, who is "the end of the law"
(Rom 10:4).
Paul apparently followed that view which regarded the law as coming
to its end in the period of the Messiah. 10 For him Jesus himself is "the
end of the law" (telos nomou), not only in the sense that it was aimed at
him as its consummation, its goal, or itsfinis (Gal 3:24), but also in the
sense that, as the Christos (or "Messiah"), he put an end to it. For he
"abolished in his flesh the law with its commandments and ordinances"
(Eph 2:15). T h r o u g h him "we are discharged from the law" (Rom
7:6). 11 Upon us "the ends of the ages have met" (1 Cor 10:11 [my
translation]), i.e., the last end of the age of the Torah and the first end
of the age of the Messiah. In the latter there reigns instead ho nomos tou
Christou, "the law of the Messiah" (Gal 6:2).
T h u s all of human history has become a stage; and the actors who
come upon it to influence this condition are Death, Sin, and the Law.
(2) When Paul describes the actor Nomos for us, we learn that he is
good: "The law is holy, and the commandmen t is holy and righteous
and good" (Rom 7:12; see also 7:16). Indeed, it is even said to be
"spiritual" (pneumatikos, Rom 7:14), i.e., belonging to the sphere of God
and not of earthbound humanity. For it is "the law of God" (Rom 7:22,
25; 8:7; cf. 1 Cor 7:19), since it ultimately came from God and was
destined to lead human beings to "life," i.e., to communion with God. It
was "the very commandment whose purpose was life" (he entöle hi eis
zöen, Rom 7:10). In a broad sense it could even be said to be "the oracles
of God" (Rom 3:2), for it manifested to human beings God's word and
his will. In Gal 3:12 Paul quotes Lev 18:5 and is constrained to admit
that "he who does them [i.e., the prescriptions of the law] shall live by
them," i.e., shall find life through them. Even though the law was
secondary and inferior when compared to the promises made to
Abraham by God (Gal 3:21), it was certainly not a contradiction of
them. It enjoyed, therefore, a fundamental goodness by which the
saints of the Old Dispensation were to achieve their destiny, a life of
uprightness in the sight of God.
(3) This character Nomos constituted one of the privileges of Israel.

Paul frankly lists it among the prerogatives enjoyed by his kinsmen by
race: "They are Israelites, and to them belong the sonship, the glory,
the covenants, the giving of the law . . ." (Rom 9:4). They were
privileged in that they possessed a God-given means of seeking their
justification. And everything that the law says is addressed to those who
are under its authority and who acknowledge it (Rom 3:19).
But Paul turns the coin, precisely in this regard. For it does little good
for a Jew to boast of his possession of the law and of hearing it read
every Sabbath in the synagogue, if he does not obey it (Rom 2:17-24).
As a prerogative of Israel, the law set Paul's kinsmen by race apart from
those who were a-nomoi and hamartöloi, "law-less" and "sinners" (seeing
that they were without the law). But Paui emphasizes the obligation
which lay on Israel to observe that law, and to observe it in its entirety
(Gal 5:3), if it is recognized as a norm for life.
(4) In spite of all this, Nomos is depicted as incapable of producing the

uprightness which it was destined to achieve. Though it was "holy and
righteous and good," came from God, and was Israel's prerogative, yet
it did not bring "life" to men. Paul is severe in his judgment, as he
makes a daring addition to Ps 143:2, "No human being will be justified
in the sight of God—by observing the law" (lit., "from the deeds of the law"
[my translation]). T h e last phrase, boldly added by Paul to the Psalm in
Rom 3:20, amounts to a devastating accusation which formulates the
anomaly which the character Nomos brings into human existence. Nomos
was supposed to bring life, as Lev 18:5 had promised; but in reality it
brought just the opposite. T h u s Paul describes the negative role of the
law: its inability to give life, because it is nothing more than an external
norm. It tells people what they must do without giving them the dynamis
("the force") to do it. And so, the law was not a dynamic force for life
(unlike the gospel [see p. 153 above]).
To prove his point, Paul appeals to the de facto situation of the Jews
who are just as much subject to God's wrath, even though they possess
the law, as the heathen who do not obey it because they do not know it.12
Indeed, his accusation implies that the Jews cannot really obey it. As
proof he cites the Old Testament itself in the words of Hab 2:4, "the
upright person shall live by faith" (see Rom 1:17; Gal 3:12); but faith
has nothing to do with the law. This, then, is the negative role of Nomos:
it fails to give human beings the ability to fulfill the obligations which it
imposes on them.
(5) But Nomos also plays a positive role by multiplying or enhancing

sin and by levelling a curse on human beings. And herein we find the
real anomaly which Paul sees in the law. Good though it was, the law
really multiplied sin. Paul teaches this explicitly: "It was added [to the
promises made to Abraham] for the sake of transgressions" (Gal 3:19);
"the law came in to increase the transgression" (Rom 5:20 [my
translation]).
These Pauline statements must be understood in terms of the periods
of salvation-history mentioned above. Arriving on the stage of human
history in the second period, Nomos became the tool and the instrument
of Hamartia. In fact, it became the very "dynamis of Sin" itself (1 Cor
15:56). While supplying to human beings nodynamis of its own whereby
they might find "life," it ironically enough became the henchman of
Hamartia; and thus it unleashed on humanity God's wrath: "for the law
brings wrath" (Rom 4:15). T h o u g h it was not sin itself, it contributed to
sin: "What then shall we say? T h a t the law is sin? By no means! Yet, if it
had not been for the law, I would not have known sin" (Rom 7:7). And
the reason is that in the absence of law "sin was dead" (Rom 7:8).
This positive role of Nomos is played in three ways: (a) T h e law acts as
an occasion (aphorme) for sin. It instructs human beings in the material
possibility of sinning, either by forbidding what is indifferent (e.g., the
eating of unclean animals, Lev 11:2-47; Deut 14:4-21), or by exciting
desires in annoying the conscience by the imposition of an external,
positive regulation against "forbidden fruit." This aspect of law,
however, as an occasion of sin, is for Paul only secondary; he alludes to
it briefly in Rom 7:5, 8, 11, but otherwise makes very little of it.13
(b) Much more important is the role which Nomos plays as a moral
informer. For Nomos gives human beings "a real and profound knowl-
edge of sin" {epignosis [not just gnosis] hamartias, Rom 3:20). This deep
awareness of the true character of moral disorder shows sin u p to be a
rebellion, a transgression, an act against a personal God, and an
infidelity to the covenant relation and stipulations formulated in the
Decalogue. This is why Paul could say, "Sin indeed was in the world
before the law was given; but sin is not counted (ouk ellogeitai) where
there is no law" (Rom 5:13). Paul would not deny that human beings
were evil during the period from Adam to Moses (during the "law-less"
period of Chaos). But he insists that their sinfulness did not have the
character of open rebellion and transgression because the Mosaic law
had not yet been given. Men sinned, but it was not 'like the transgres-
sion of Adam" (Rom 5:14), who violated a command of God (Gen 2:17;
3:6, 11). Again, "where there is no law there is no transgression" (Rom
4:15), or "apart from the law sin lies dead; I was once alive apart from
the law, but when the commandment came, sin revived and Ϊ died"
(Rom 7:8b~9a).
(c) In addition to being an occasion for sin and a moral informer
about the real nature of sin, Nomos also played its positive role by laying
a curse on human beings. This stern view of the law, which modern
Christians may be inclined to tone down, is derived by Paul from Deut
27:26, which he quotes in Gal 3:10, "Cursed be every one who does not
abide by all things written in the book of the law and do them." This
shows, as Paul argues, that the law itself cursed the very human beings
on whom it imposed its obligations. It brought them under "condemna-
tion" (Rom 8:1), and thus it became a "ministry of condemnation" (2
Cor 3:9) and a "dispensation of death" (2 Cor 3:7). And this is the
height of the anomaly of human existence in the period of Torah.
Understanding it all in this way, Paul can only exclaim, "Did that which
is good, then, bring death to me?" (Rom 7:13). Did the God-given
Nomos in the service of Hamartia bring humanity into the clutches of
Thanatosf His answer is "yes," and it happened that the true colors of
Hamarüa might be shown up: "that sin might be shown to be sin" (Rom
7:13). But could this be? How could such a thing happen? To answer
this brings us to our second point, Paul's explanation of the anomaly.
II. Paul's Explanation of the Anomaly
Paul not only recognized and described the anomaly that Nomos
brought into human life, but he also tried to explain how it could
have come about. His explanation is twofold, differing according to his
letters. In his earlier letter to the Galatians Paul gives an extrinsic
explanation, setting forth the temporary role of the law: "Now before
faith came, we were confined under the law, kept under restraint until
faith should be revealed. So that the law was our custodian (paidagögos)
until Christ came, that we might be justified by faith" (Gal 3:23-24).
Here in Galatians Nomos is depicted as a slave who in the Hellenistic
world accompanied the school-age boy to and from classes, kept him in
tow, and supervised his studies. Thus the law schooled and disciplined
humanity in preparation for Christ, "the end of the law."14 But this was
only a temporary disposition of God, permitted until mankind reached
the maturity in which it could do without thepaidagögos and respond to

Christ, who came in the fulness of time, with an adult and personal
commitment which is faith. T h u s the law played a temporary role in
salvation-history, disciplining God's people that it might gradually
come of age to learn of Christ.
Paul stresses its temporary, provisional character by pointing out that
it was added to Israel's promised heritage four h u n d r e d and thirty
years after the original promises made to Abraham. Paul's chronology
may be off by several centuries, but in any case the law came in later.
This shows that it was in reality inferior to the promises and could in no
way annul them. Its inferiority was also manifest in that it was
promulgated by angels and through the mediation of Moses (see Gal
3:19-20). Whatever Paul may have thought about the angels, he
certainly relegated them to the same category as the Mosaic law as far as
Christians were concerned. 15 He chides the fickle Galatians, warning
them that to adopt any of the Judaizers' practices would be a return to
the worship of "the elements of the world" (Gal 4:3, 9). As heathens,
they were once enslaved to such elements or primitive rudiments; but
to adopt any of the material observances of the Judaizers would be
tantamount to a return to such slavery. Such is the pejorative view of
the law and its worth that Paul finally developed. Now that Christ's rule
has replaced that of spirits and angels, their role in human history is
over; and thus their identification with the law reveals its inferior and
temporary status as well.
This explanation of the anomaly of the law was apparently not very
satisfactory even for Paul, being in effect quite extrinsic. For it did not
really come to grips with the problem of human incapacity to obey the
God-given law. So when Paul composed Rom 7:13-24, he abandoned
that explanation and sought a more intrinsic, philosophical explana-
tion. Paul finally realized that the difficulty was not with the Mosaic law
as such, but rather with human beings in their earthbound condition of
sarx, "flesh," alienated from God and dominated by Hamartia. In
Romans 7 Paul explains the anomaly of the law from the fact that
human beings are sarkinoi, "made of flesh," i.e., composed of a principle
which ties their whole personal existence, outlook, and mentality to
earth and to a material mode of existence which distracts them from
any consideration of God. Here we must let Paul speak for himself:
Did that which was good, then, bring death to me? By no means! It was sin,
working death in m e t h r o u g h what is good, in o r d e r that sin might be
shown to be sin, and t h r o u g h the c o m m a n d m e n t might become sinful
beyond measure. We know that the law is spiritual; but I am carnal
(sarkinos), sold u n d e r sin. I d o not u n d e r s t a n d my own actions. For I d o not
do what I want, but I do the very thing I hate. Now if I do what I do not
want, I agree that the law is good. So then it is no longer I that do it, but sin
which dwells in me. For I know that nothing good dwells in me, that is, in
my flesh; I can will what is right, but I cannot do it, for I do not do the good
I want, but the evil I do not want is what I do. For if I do what I do not want,
it is no longer I that do it, but sin which dwells in me.
So I find it to be a law that when I want to do right, evil lies close at hand.
For I delight in the law of God, in my inmost self, but I see in my members
another law at war with the law of my mind and making me captive to the
law of sin which dwells in my members. Wretched man that I am! Who will
deliver me from this body of death? (Rom 7:13-24)
It is the evil force introduced into the world by Adam's transgression,

Sin (with a capital S), which keeps human beings in bondage and
slavery. Even if they want to obey God's law, they cannot do so because
the earthbound self (sarx) is dominated by Hamartia. Paul even goes so
far as to call, figuratively indeed, this indwelling sin a "law"; it is "the
law of sin" (Rom 7:25), an appositional genitive.
At the end of chap. 7 in Romans Paul can only exclaim, "Wretched
man that I am! Who will deliver me from this body of death?" And his
answer to his own question yields the solution to the anomaly of the law.
It also provides us with our third point.
III. Paul's Solution of the Anomaly
Paul's solution is, "Thank God! It is done through Jesus Christ our
Lord" (Rom 7:25 [my translation]), an answer that is as remarkable as it
is simple.16 He continues, "There is therefore now no condemnation for
those who are in union with Christ Jesus. For the law of the Spirit of life
in Christ Jesus has freed me from the law of sin and death" (Rom 8 : 1 -
2). It has often been pointed out how in that short answer Paul
introduces his great insight into the meaning of the Christ-event for
humanity (viz., freedom from the law, from sin, and from death) and
succinctly summarizes the entire second part of the doctrinal section of
Romans. For Rom 8:2 is a brief resume of chaps 5, 6, and 7: "The law
of the Spirit of life in Christ Jesus had freed me from the law of sin and
death." T h e three key-words, law, sin, and death, are significantly
juxtaposed.
With a slightly different nuance the same message is the burden of
the letter to the Galatians, which is Paul's "Charter of Christian
Liberty." In it he almost had to thrust his ideas of liberty on reluctant
Gentile-Christian neophytes, who seemed to prefer bondage and
restraint in Judaizing practices. To those who did not want to be free of
the law he could only exclaim: "For freedom Christ has set us free" (Gal
5:1). And these words sum u p his whole message of Christian liberty. 17
In the same context he brands the law of Moses as a "yoke of slavery."
"I testify again to every man who receives circumcision that he is bound
to keep the whole law" (5:3).
We must specify further the sense in which Paul can say that Christ
has freed h u m a n beings from the law. For it is also obvious that the
freedom he preached did not mean a throwing off of all restraint, an
invitation to license. Even Paul insisted, "For you were called to
freedom, brethren; only d o not use your freedom as an opportunity for
the flesh" (Gal 5:13). Even in the letter, which is his "Charter of
Christian Liberty," Paul inserts the catalogues of vices and virtues which
he inherited from the catechesis of the primitive church. Here as in
other letters they serve as norms of Christian conduct. For instance, in
Gal 5:19-21 he lists "the works of the flesh" as "fornication, impurity,
licentiousness, idolatry, sorcery, enmity, strife, jealousy, anger, etc."
and ends with the warning, "those who d o such things shall not inherit
the kingdom of God." T o p u t it more bluntly, Paul for all his talk about
Christ's abolition of the law still seems to have in the hortatory sections
of his letters elaborate lists of do's and donfs. Moreover, he seems to
regard them as fundamental to Christian community life. It might
seem, then, that Paul has simply done away with the Mosaic law with its
Pharisaic interpretation and casuistry only to set u p his own code.
T o understand his attitude, we must try to see what he meant by
saying that Christ "abolished in his flesh the law of commandments and
ordinances" (Eph 2:15), or that Christians "have died to the law
through the body of Christ" (Rom 7:4). For it is noteworthy that Paul in
his letters ascribes this freedom from the law or death to the law
precisely to the crucifixion and death of Christ himself. T h e explana-
tion of this facet of Pauline theology is found in one of the most difficult
verses of the Pauline corpus: " T h r o u g h the law I died to the law, that I
might live for God; I have been crucified with Christ" (Gal 2:19-20). 1 8
In these words Paul means that the Christian identified with Christ
through baptism shares in his death by crucifixion. As Christ by his
death,put an end to the law, so the Christian has died to the law; it no
longer has any claim on him. But how did this death (of Christ and the
Christian) take place "through the law"? Paul almost certainly means
"through the pernicious effects of the law," or, as we might say today,
"through legalism." For Paul implies that it is the attitude of mind
fostered by the Mosaic law itself in those who crucified Jesus (cf.l
Thess 2:14-15). H e was undoubtedly thinking of the formalism and
legalism of the traditions that he knew as a Pharisee which made it
impossible for his "kinsmen by race" (Rom 9:3) to accept Jesus of
Nazareth as Messiah. So it was "through the law" that the Christian
has died to the law (by his con-crucifixion with Christ, synestaurömai)
that he/she might live for God.
This liberty from the law brought about by the death of Christ is still
further explained in Galatians 3. In that and the following chapter Paul
develops an elaborate midrash on the Abraham story of Genesis; he
shows how God, foreseeing the justification of the Gentiles by faith,
announced in effect the gospel aforetime to Abraham in blessing all
nations in him. But by contrast, Paul argues, the law, which came in
after these promises made to Abraham, levels a curse on all who would
live by it: "Cursed be every one who does not abide by all the things
written in the book of the law, and d o them" (Deut 27:26). But Christ fry
his death has removed this curse from humanity.
To show how this was done Paul indulges in a little "rabbinic" logic.19
His argument is not marked by Aristotelian logic, and any attempt to
reduce it to a syllogism fails, for there are actually four terms in the
argument. Christ has removed the curse of Deut 27:26 from humanity
because he became the "curse of the law" in the sense of Deut 21:23,
and by dying he blotted it out. When he died as "the curse of the law,"
in one sense, the curse of the law in another sense died with him:
"Christ redeemed us from the curse of the law, having become a curse
for us—for it is written, 'Cursed be everyone who hangs upon a tree' "
(Gal 3:13). Here Paul cites the curse of Deut 21:23, levelled against the
exposed dead body of an executed criminal. It was customary to hang it
up as a deterrent to crime, but it was not allowed to remain beyond
sundown, for it would defile the land; in this sense it was accursed. In
Roman times, when punishment by crucifixion became frequent in
Palestine, the verse was applied to this form of capital punishment.
Paul, knowing that Jesus died by this manner of death, realizes that the
curse of the law materially applied to him. So by a free association he
maintains that Jesus, the "curse of the Law" (in the sense of Deut 21:23)
blotted out by his death the curse levelled against humanity (by Deut
27:26). Thus Christ "abolished the law" (Eph 2:15). Thus he "cancelled
the bond that stood against us with its legal demands; this he set
aside, nailing it to the cross" (Col 2:14). Thus he became "the end
of the Law" (Rom 10:4).
Instead there now reigns the "law of the Spirit of life" (Rom 8:2),
which is in reality no "law" at all,20 but is given that appellation by Paul
through oxymoron. T h e Christian who has been baptized into Christ
lives a new life, a symbiosis of himself with Christ. Having grown
together with Christ, the Christian can now only think as Christ thinks
and conduct his life only for God. "I live, now not I, but Christ lives in
me" (Gal 2:20). For the Christian is now motivated, energized, and
vitalized by the Spirit of the Risen Jesus; it frees him from his condition
assarx; it is what later theology calls "grace." 21 "For God has done what
the law, weakened by the flesh, could not do: sending his own Son in
the likeness of sinful flesh and for sin, he condemned sin in the flesh, in
order that the just requirement of the law might be fulfilled in us, who
walk not according to the flesh but according to the Spirit" (Rom 8:3-
4). T h e principle of Christian activity is no longer merely an external
list of do 's and don't*s, but rather the internal whispering of the dynamic
Spirit which enables the Christian to cry, "Abba, Father," and which
testifies to him that he/she is a child of God (Gal 4:6; Rom 8:15). For the
Christian is "led by the Spirit" (Rom 8:14); it has become for him/her a
nomos, principle, a figurative "law." He/she is no longer earthbound sarx
when so activated, but is now pneumatikos, "spiritual." Living thus for
God, and being so captivated with Christ that he/she is even his "slave"
(doulos, 1 Cor 7:22), 22 the Christian has nothing to d o with sin, evil,
disorder, or transgression. For Paul it is inconceivable that a human
being identified with the death, burial, and resurrection of Christ in
baptism could ever again think of sin and evil. "How can we who died to
sin still live in it?" (Rom 6:2); just "as Christ was raised from the dead by
the glory of the Father, so we too must walk in the newness of life"
(Rom 6:4). In other words, for the Christian there is no need of a legal
system such as was the Mosaic law, especially as understood in the
Pharisaic tradition with its 613 commands and prohibitions.
How explain, then, Paul's insistence on the catalogues of vices and
virtues mentioned earlier? T r u e , Paul does not hesitate to exhort his
Christian communities to the practice of virtue. But his norms for
individual conduct are now subsumed all under one notion: under love,
under concern for others, u n d e r the dynamic demand of Christian
communal living. In Rom 13:8-10 he makes it explicit:
Owe no one anything, except to love one another; for he who loves his
neighbor has fulfilled the law. The commandments, "You shall not commit
adultery, You shall not kill, You shall not steal, You shall not covet," and any
other commandment, are summed up in this sentence, "You shall love your
neighbor as yourself." Love does no wrong to a neighbor; therefore love is
the fulfilling of the law. (See also Gal 5:14.)
Love is the fulfilment of the law, not because it replaces the Mosaic law
with another external norm of conduct, but because it is itself a
dynamic force impelling human beings to seek the good of others,
energizing their faith in Christ Jesus (Gal 5:6: pistis dt agapes euer-
goumene, "faith working itself out through love"). For Paul what does
not express love does not lead to life.23
It is in this sense that Paul speaks of "the law of Christ." For this
Pauline expression is obviously a "take-off" on the expression, the law
of Moses. When, however, we look at the context in which the
expression is used in Gal 6:2, it is obviously that of brotherly love, and
specifically of fraternal correction. "Brethren, if a person is overtaken in
any violation, you who are spiritual should restore him in a spirit of
gentleness; but look to yourself, lest you too be tempted. Bear one
another's burdens, and so fulfill the law of Christ." 24 The example
which Paul uses here should obviously be understood as precisely that,
an example; for if the "law of Christ" is to be understood in terms of
love, as the passage suggests, it is not to be restricted to that form of
love which would manifest itself only in fraternal correction.
When one sees how Paul does away with the Mosaic law and its
legalism and substitutes for it the "law of the Spirit of life" and the
principle of love, one cannot help but ask how Paul, the former
Pharisee, could ever have come to such a view of the Old Testament.
But, to my way of thinking, it is precisely his background which has
brought him to this reaction. 25 We must remember that Paul's attitude
toward the Old Testament is at least double. For if he is very severe in
speaking of the Old Law, nevertheless he frequently quotes the Old
Testament, appeals to it as the source of the promises made to
Abraham (Rom 4:13), as "the oracles of God" (Rom 3:2), and sees in it
"the book written for our instruction" (1 Cor 10:11; cf. Rom 4:23-24;
15:4). But his negative attitude toward the Old Testament is undoubt-
edly due to the "traditions of the Fathers" (Gal 1:14) which surrounded
and encrusted it and in which he had been schooled. How often he
looked on it as "law," and how infrequently he thinks of it as
"covenant"! This notion, which looms so large in modern interpretation
of the Old Testament and in a sense sums it up, is somewhat slighted in
Paul's letters.26 This may well be owing to his dependence on the Old
Testament in the Greek translation of the LXX, where the Hebrew
word ber% "covenant," was rendered by diatheke, a word which in
Hellenistic Greek often bore the connotation of "last will, testament"
(see Gal 3:15). This Greek translation colored the Old Testament
covenant with the connotation that it was an expression of God's will;
and this aided the tendency to exploit it legalistically and casuistically. It
obscured the covenant as "pact," which might have been more appro-
priately translated as syntheke. T h e result was a preoccupation with the
Old Testament as an expression of God's will that had to be carried out
by Israel and as a legal system which had to be interpreted to the
extreme of casuistry.
Finally, we conclude our remarks on the subject by referring to one
verse which we have not considered so far. It is found in the Pastoral

Epistles, but since Paul did not write these letters himself, we have been
reluctant to introduce it into the main discussion. Whether it is
authentically Pauline or not, it forms a fitting conclusion to it. For it
sums u p succinctly what has been said—in a way, however, not said
above: "Now we know that the law is good, if one uses it as law should
be used, understanding this, that the law is not laid down for the just
but for the lawless and disobedient, for the ungodly and sinners . . ."
(1 Tim 1:8-9 [my translation]). This statement fits in perfectly with
what Paul wrote about the law, about its fulfillment in love, about the
Spirit as the principle of the "new creation" (Gal 6:15), and about the
complete incompatibility of the Christian with what is evil and sinful.
In summary, then, Paul's teaching is a reaction to the Mosaic law, on

the one hand, abolished by Christ Jesus who has now enabled man
through his own Spirit to transcend the earthbound condition of sarx,
and, on the other, summed u p and fulfilled in the dynamic principle of
love. T h e grace and favor of Christ enables h u m a n beings to be truly
Christian. T h e norm, however, for the Christian's conduct is no longer
an external list of do's and don't's; such a thing exists for "the lawless and
the disobedient." Instead, Paul's specific exhortations and recommen-
dations express not so much a code or a norm to be exploited and
interpreted casuistically as examples of the Christian principle of love
reacting to communal situations. If my presentation of Paul's reaction
to law has stressed the Mosaic over against any generic consideration, it
is because this is in fact the perspective from which he viewed and
treated it. But it is well to repeat here one phrase that he did write.
"The commandments, 'You shall not commit adultery, You shall not
kill, You shall not steal, You shall not covet,' and any other commandment,
are summed u p in this sentence, 'You shall love your neighbor as
y o u r s e l f " (Rom 13:9). 27
NOTES
•Originally published under the title, "Saint Paul and the Law," in The
Jurist 27 (1967) 18-36.
1
So strong was his reaction to this problem that it did not take long for a
doctrine of "separatio legis et evangelii" to emerge in the early church; see
pp. 156, 161 above.
2
See, e.g., E. Käsemann's remarks quoted above, p. 171; also his articles
cited in n. 6, p. 179. Cf. K. Stendahl, "The Apostle Paul and the Introspective
Paul and the Law
199
Conscience of the West," HTR 56 (1963) 199-215; reprinted, Paul amon? the
]ews and Gentiles and Other Essays (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1976) 78-96. See also
Stendahfs reaction to Käsemann's criticism of the foregoing article, pp. 129-32
3 L. Cerfaux, Christ in the Theology of St. Paul (New York: Herder'and Herder
1959) 147. Cf. H.-H. Esser, "Law, Custom, Elements," The New international
Dictionary of New Testament Theology (3 vols.; ed. C. Brown; Grand Rapids Ml·
Zondervan, 1975, 1976, 1978), 2. 4 3 6 - 5 1 , esp. pp. 444-45. '
4
SeeR. nu\tmann,Theology of the New Testament (2 vols.; London: SCM, 1956),
1. 259-60; cf. C. Haufe, "Die Stellung Paulus zum Gesetz," TLZ 91 (1966) 1 7 1 -
78.
5
See the extensive treatment of the question in P. Bläser, Das Gesetz bei Paulus
(NTAbh 19/1-2; Münster in W.: Aschendorff, 1941) 1-30, esp. ρ 24 Cf W
Gutbrod, "Nomos," TDNT 4 (1967) 1022-91, esp. pp. 1069-71; G. B. Winer,
Grammatik des neutestamentlkhen Sprachidioms (8th ed.; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck
& Ruprecht, 1894) §19, 13h.
6
At first sight it may seem that Paul is referring to the famous Roman law in
making this statement, which actually lacks the definite article in the Greek text,
"for I am speaking to those who know what law is" (ginoskousin gar nomon lalö). A
number of commentators have so understood it (e.g., B. Weiss, A. Jülicher).
Some others think that Paul understands nomon here as law in general (e.g., M.-
J. Lagrange, S. Lyonnet, Sanday-Headlam, E. Käsemann). But the majority of
commentators argue from the immediately following context to the Mosaic law
(so H. Lietzmann, J. Huby, P. Althaus, H. W. Schmidt, P. Bläser et al). See the
remarks of F. Leenhardt, The Epistle to the Romans: A Commentary (London:
Lutterworth, 1961) 177-78; O. Kuss,Der Römerbrief (Regensburg: Pustet, 1963),
2. 435; C. Ε. Β. Cranfield, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Epistle to the
Romans (2 vols.; ICC; E d i n b u r g h : Clark, 1975, 1979), 1. 332-33.
7
See P. Benoit, "La loi et la croix d'apres Saint Paul (Rom. VII, 7-VIII,4),"
RB 47 (1938) 481-509, esp. pp. 4 8 4 - 8 5 ; reprinted, Exegese et theologie (3 vols.
Paris: Cerf, 1961, 1961, 1968), 2. 9-40, esp. pp. 12-13. Cf. L. Cerfaux, Christ,
227. As is evident, I am heavily indebted to P. Benoit in this essay.
*§eeb.Sanh. 97b; b. A bod. Zar. 9b; Ep. Barn. 15:4. T h e Torah was expected to
cease in the messianic age according tob. Sabb. 151borb. Nid. 61b; but mTg. Isa
12:3 and Midr. Qoh 2 : 1 ; 12:1 it is expected that the Messiah will promulgate a
new Torah. See W. D. Davies, Torah in the Mesnanic Age and/or the Age to Come
(SBLMS 7; Philadelphia: Society of Biblical Literature, 1952) 50-94; Paul and
Rabbinic Judaism: Some Rabbinic Elements in Pauline Theology (London: SPCK,
1948) 72-73. This difference of rabbinic opinion about the relation of the
Messiah to the law may be reflected in the different treatment of the Mosaic law
in Paul, for whom it is abolished, and in Matthew, for whom it is to be perfected
(5:17). See, however, A. Diez Macho, '^Cesara la 'Tora' en la edad mesiänica?"
EstBib 12 (1953) 115-58; 13 (1954) 1-51.
9
In viewing history in this way, Paul prescinds completely from the biblical
account of the Flood and the generation of classic sinners associated with it. To
introduce them into the discussion of Rom 5:13 is a distraction, pace S. Lyonnet
in
J- Huby, Saint Paul: EpUre aux Romains (rev. ed.; VS 10; Paris: Beauchesne,
1957) 554 n. 6.
10
Differently from Matt 5:17 (see n. 8 above); cf. W. D. Davies, The Setting of
the Sermon on the Mount (Cambridge: University Press, 1964) 334-36.
11
In both passages the verb katargein is used, which suggests that what Christ
Jesus did.rendered the law "ineffective" for human beings henceforth. C. Ε. Β.
Cranfield, however, attempts to show that for Paul "the law is not abolished by
Christ" ("St. Paul and the Law," SJT 17 [1964] 4 2 - 6 8 , esp. pp. 54-65). He
analyses a n u m b e r of Pauline passages (Rom 3:21; 6:14b; 7:4, 8:2; 2 Cor 3 : 7 -
17; Gal 3:15-25; Col 2:14; Eph 2:15) in this sense; but his discussion is scarcely
convincing. In effect, he eliminates the anomaly which most readers of Paul's
letters have always sensed in his treatment of the law. Cf. O. Kuss, "Nomos bei
Paulus," MTZ 17(1966) 173-227.
12
Care must be had in the interpretation of Rom 2:14. This verse certainly
does not imply that "Gentiles who d o not possess the [Mosaic] law" carry out by
nature or instinct (physei) all that "the law requires." T h e phrase ta tou nomou
must mean something like "some of the things of the law." Nor can it be used
without further ad o to support a thesis about the "natural law." See further
C. H. Dodd, "Natural Law in the New Testament," New Testament Studies
(Manchester: University Press, 1953) 129-42; J. L. McKenzie, "Natural Law
in the New Testament,"/?/? 9 (1964) 1-13; O. Kuss, Der Rmnerbrief, 1. 7 2 - 7 5 ;
F. Flückiger, "Die Werke des Gesetzes bei den Heiden (nach Rom. 2, 14ff.),"
TZ 8 (1951) 17-42. — T h e teaching about the natural law in the Christian
tradition must be considered as the serisvs plenior of Paul's statement in Rom
2:14, not the primary sense of his words.
13
See P. Benoit, "La loi" (n. 7 above), 4 8 5 - 8 6 .
14
See G. Salet, "La loi dan s nos coeurs," TVRT 79 (1957) 4 4 9 - 6 2 , 5 6 1 - 7 8 , esp.
pp. 5 7 7 - 7 8 ; L. Cerfaux, The Christ, 148.
15
See B. Reicke, " T h e Law and This World according to Paul,"/BL 70 (1951)
259-76.
16
T h e interpretation of this verse is not without its difficulties. TheRSV takes
the whole of the first member of the verse as a doxology, as d o a number of
commentators (e.g., M.-J. Lagrange, P. Althaus, C. K. Barrett, C. Ε. Β.
Cranfield, E. Käsemann). But there is another possibility, which separates dia
lesou Christou, " t h r o u g h Jesus Christ," from the thanks expressed to God and
understands it as an abridged answer to the question of v. 24b. See my
commentary in JBC, art. 53 §78; I am now m o r e inclined to accept this
understanding of the phrase, which I once called "awkward." Even if this
interpretation were to be inadequate, Paul's answer to the question in 7:24 is
given in 8:1-4.
17
See J. Cambier, "La liberte chretienne selon saint Paul,"S£ II, 3 1 5 - 5 3 ; in a
shorter form in Lumiere et vie 61 (1953) 5-40.
18
See especially P. Bonnard, Uepitre de Saint Paul aux Galates (CNT 9;
Neuchätel: Delachaux et Niestle, 1953) 5 5 - 5 7 ; H. Schlier,Der Brief an die Galater
(MeyerK 7; 12th ed.; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck 8c Ruprecht, 1962) 9 8 - 1 0 3 . Cf.
H. D. Betz, Galatians: Λ Commentary on Paul's Letter to the Churches in Galatia
(Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1979) 122; J. B. Lightfoot, The Epistle of St
Paul to the Galatians (Grand Rapids, MI: Zondervan, 1957) 118. No little part of
the problem in this verse is caused by the lack of a definite article before the
word for law (dia nomou nomö apethanon).
19
O n this whole passage, see my comments on pp. 138-39 above.
20
See F. Prat, The Tlieology of Saint Paul (Westminster, MD: Newman, 1956), 2.
3 1 8 - 2 1 . It is this aspect of Paul's teaching which guarantees it against any
"breakdown of moral responsibility." O n this point, see S. Lyonnet, "St. Paul:
Liberty and Law," The Bridge 4 (1962) 2 2 9 - 5 1 , esp. p p . 2 4 1 - 4 3 .
21
Later theology, of course, was careful to distinguish the created gift
("grace") from the uncreated gift ("the Spirit"). What is meant here is that if one
looks in Pauline writings for the basis of "sanctifying grace," one has to look to
his teaching on the Spirit, and not simply on charts, by which Paul expresses
much more the "favor" of God himself in granting the gift.
22
T h e word "slave" is applied analogously to the Christian in such a situation,
just as "law" is applied to the Spirit and to Christ.
23
See A. Descamps, "La charite, resume de la Loi," Revue diocesaine de Tournai
8 (1953) 123-29; A. Viard, "La charite accomplit la Loi," VSpir 74 (1946) 2 7 -
34; A. Feuillet, "Loi ancienne et morale chretienne d'apres l'epitre aux
Romains," NRT 42 (1970) 785-805; A. van Dülmen, Die Theologie des Gesetzes bei
Paulus (SBM 5; Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1968) 173.
It should be noted in passing that not even Paul, for all his insistence on the
summation of the law and its commandments in love could dispense entirely
with regulations of a positive nature within the Christian community. T h o u g h
the vast majority of his exhortations concern matters of basic morality, there is
the notorious example of his positive prescription in an indifferent matter, viz.,
the regulations for hairdo of men and women in liturgical assemblies (1 Cor
11:2-16; see now J. Murphy-O'Connor, "Sex and Logic in 1 Corinthians 11:2-
16," CBQ 42 [1980] 482-500), possibly for the silence of women in similar
assemblies (if the passage is not a gloss). His teaching in such matters is obviously
time-conditioned; we would love to know what his reaction would have been if
someone confronted him with his own principle of "love" in this very matter.
24
The phrase ho nomos tou Christou occurs only in Gal 6:2; in 1 Cor 9:20 there
is a kindred adjectival phrase, ennomos Christou, demande d by the context in
which Paul contrasts it with anomos: people who are "free" and "enslaved," "law-
less" and "under the law (of Christ)." Even in the latter passage the expression
has the connotation of brotherly love: "To those outside the law I became as one
outside the law—not being without law toward God but u n d e r the law of Christ
(ennomos Christou)—that I might win those outside the law." —For a different
interpretation of the "law of Christ" in Gal 6:2, see J. G. Strelan, "Burden-
bearing and the Law of Christ: A Re-examination of Galatians 6:2"JBL 94
(1975) 266-76. Cf. H. D. Betz, Galatians, 300.
25
Here one should have to cope with the thesis of E. P. Sanders, Paul and
Palestinian Judaism: A Comparison of Patterns of Religion (Philadelphia: Fortress,
1977). But that is a task too vast to undertake here.
26
Passing allusion is made to "covenant" in Rom 9:4 (actually in the plural!); 2
Cor 3:14; Gal 3:17 (the covenant of promise made with Abraham, not that of
Sinai); 4:24; Eph 2:12. In this matter one may consult H. J. Schoeps, Paul: The
Theology of the Apostle in the Light ofJewish Religious History (London: Lutterworth,
1959), chap. 5 (to be used with caution).
27
See further W. G r u n d m a n n , "Gesetz, Rechtfertigung und Mystik bei
Paulus: Zum Problem der Einheitlichkeit der paulinischen Verkündigung,"
ZNW 32 (1933) 5 2 - 6 5 ; S. Lyonnet, "Liberie chretienne et loi de l'Esprit selon
Saint Paul,"Christus 4 (1954) 6 - 2 7 ; R. Bring, "Die Erfüllung des Gesetzes durch
Christus: Eine Studie zur Theologie des Apostels Paulus," KD 5 (1959) 1-22;
G. E. Ladd, "Paul and the Law " Soli Deo gloria: New Testament Studies in Honor
of William Childs Robinson (ed. J. M. Richards; Richmond, VA: J o h n Knox,
1968) 50-67.
Nine
TO KNOW HIM AND THE POWER
OF HIS RESURRECTION" (Phil 3:10)*
IN THE COURSE of his letter to the Christians of the young church of

Philippi the Apostle Paul composed one of his more significant
statements on the meaning of Christ's resurrection for the life and
destiny of every Christian. It is a statement that is fully appreciated only
when understood in the light of Paul's complex and total view of the
resurrection of Jesus. It also reflects an understanding the early church
had of the mystery and an aspect of it that must vitalize the modern
appreciation of Christian life.
Many writers have stressed the importance of Christ's resurrection in .
Pauline soteriology. 1 My purpose is not to repeat what they have
presented so well, much less to gainsay it, but rather to bring into
clearer focus a perspective of Pauline theology of the resurrection that
might be overlooked. T h o u g h my remarks are centered about Phil
3:10, which gives formal expression to the perspective in which I am
interested, the discussion will go farther afield. For it is concerned with
the phrase, "the power of his resurrection," and its implications in
Pauline theology.
I. The Philippian Context
T h e verse on which our attention immediately focuses is found in the

third chapter of Paul's letter to the Philippians. As a whole, it is the
most charming of his letters, one written to a cherished and fervent
community, and filled with counsels of love and joy. As a whole, it
reads like a letter of gratitude. Paul thanks his Philippian converts for
the material aid sent to him on several occasions: while he was laboring
"To Know Him and the Power of His Resurrection" 203
in Macedonia, and now that he is imprisoned (see Phil 4:16; 1 Thess
2:9; cf. Acts 17:1-9). Modern interpreters of Philippians have pointed
out the abrupt joining of paragraphs and the lack of a real transition in
certain parts of the letter (2:19; 3:2; 4:4, 10). For a variety of reasons
Philippians seems to be a composite letter, made u p of several notes
that Paul once wrote to the church of Philippi. Composed on different
occasions, they were joined together subsequently, perhaps when the
Pauline corpus was being fashioned toward the end of the first
century. 2 This plausible analysis of the canonical letter to the Philip-
pians allows us to reckon with the following division of it:
Letter A:
1:1-2; 4:10-20 (Paul's note of thanks for the aid sent by the Philip-
pians)
Letter B:
1:3-3:1; 4:4-9, 21-23 (Personal news and a report about Epaphroditus
and Timothy)
Letter C:
3:2-4:3 (A warning to the Philippians).
The verse that interests us, Phil 3:10, is part, then, of the warning
that Paul sends to the Philippian Christians, cautioning them against
certain enticements of "Judaizers." These Christians were apparently
advocating the adoption of circumcision, and he seems to have learned
about their presence in Philippi. Writing from an imprisonment—
possibly in Ephesus,ca. A.D. 56—he admonishes his favorite community
against the deceptions latent in these enticements. This he does with an
unwonted vehemence, and in a surprising tone (when it is compared
with the rest of Philippians): "Look out for the dogs, look out for those
evil workers, and look out for those who mutilate the flesh" (3:2). T h e
boast implicit in the attitude of those opponents, that Paul found so
incomprehensible, causes him to counterpoise the real foundation of
his Christian confidence. Rather than set his hope on a mark in the
flesh, Paul bases his hope on knowing Christ Jesus. This foundation is
greater than all else: "Whatever gain I had, I counted as loss for the
sake of Christ" (3:7). "Indeed", he exclaims, "I count everything as loss
because of the surpassing worth of knowing Christ Jesus my Lord"
(3:8). In this affirmation Paul acknowledges his faith in the Kyrios, his
risen Lord, giving him the title that denoted par excellence the
primitive church's belief in Christ as the instrument of the Father's
plan of salvation. To know Jesus as Kyrios—the summation of Christian
faith—is the basis of his hope and his "boast."
Consequently, Paul continues:

8
For his sake I have suffered the loss of all things and count them as refuse,
in order that I may gain Christ 9and be found in him, not having a
righteousness of my own, based on law, but that which is through faith in
Christ, a righteousaess from God that depends on faith; 10that I may know
him and the power of his resurrection, and may share his sufferings,
becoming like him in his death, that if possible I may attain the resurrection
from the dead (3:8-10).
Having corne to "know" Christ Jesus as Kyrios through faith, Paul's

hope is to "gain Christ," i.e., to be associated with him in the future, or
"to attain the resurrection from the dead." T h e implication is that
somehow through faith in Christ Jesus the power of the risen Kyrios
brings it about that Paul—and every Christian—will be "found in him,"
to share a glory that is his. This immediately raises the question about
the nature of that "power of his resurrection."
II. The Power of His Resurrection
A facile way of explaining the "power of the resurrection" in Phil

3:10 would be to invoke the divinity of Christ. Since Jesus is the Son of
God and himself rose from the dead as "the firstborn from among the
dead" (Rev 1:5), he will bring about the resurrection of the righteous
by his own divine power. Such an explanation, while true when
formulated in terms of the later Chalcedonian definition of christology,
goes beyond the Pauline conception and fails to reckon with either its
primitive formulation or the complex notion involved in Paul's theol-
ogy of the resurrection.
To understand the phrase, "the power of his resurrection," in
Pauline theology, one should recall a few basic tenets of the Apostle's
teaching about Christ's resurrection. First of all, Paul almost always
ascribes it to the Father. To cast it in terms of Aristotelian causality, God
(or the Father) would be the efficient cause of Jesus' resurrection. In 1
Thess 4:14 Paul speaks of the resurrection intransitively: "Since we
believe that Jesus died and rose again (aneste), even so, through Jesus,
God will bring with him those who have fallen asleep." He is referring
here to the parousia of Jesus and to the resurrection of Christian dead
that is to take place at that event. But this is the only place in his writings
where he uses the intransitive aneste of Jesus' resurrection. It stands in
significant contrast to 1 Thess 1:10, where Paul also refers to the
parousia of the "Son," "whom he [i.e., God] raised (egeirm) from the
dead, Jesus who delivers us from the wrath to come."
On occasion, Paul uses the passive form of the verb egeirein to express
Jesus' resurrection (e.g., Rom 4:25; 6:4,9; 7:4; 8:34; 2 Cor 5:15). It
would seem to mean that Jesus "was raised." But grammarians of
Hellenistic and New Testament Greek have often pointed out that the
aorist passive form, unlike its use in the classical period, was being used
more often in a deponent sense—though passive in form, it was
becoming active in meaning. 3 Consequently, it is sometimes argued that
when Paul or other New Testament writers 4 use the aorist passive of
egeirein? it may not mean "was raised" but simply "rose," and be a
synonym of aneste. Indeed, to support this argument, appeal is often
made within the New Testament itself to such passages as Mark 2:12
("and he rose") or Luke 7:14 ("arise," to be compared with the active in
8:54).6 In such passages the only suitable meaning is admittedly the
intransitive "rose."
Yet aside from the fact that most of the passages to which appeal is
thus made have nothing to do with resurrection from the dead in the
same sense as the resurrection of Jesus, there are many places in Paul's
letters where he uses the active, transitive form of the verb egeirein with
ho theos, "God," as the subject and Jesus or Christ as the object. Thus at
the beginning of his earliest letter, in the passage referred to above,
Paul reminds the Thessalonians how they turned from idols "to serve a
living and true God, and to wait for his Son from heaven, whom he
raised from the dead, Jesus who delivers us from wrath to come" (hon
egeiren ek tön nekrön, 1 Thess 1:10). Similarly in 1 Cor 15:15 he says, "We
are even found to be misrepresenting God, because we testified of God
that he raised (egeiren) Christ, whom he did not raise if it is true that the
dead are not raised." 7 In the light of such texts that clearly attribute
Jesus' resurrection to the Father (or to God) in the active sense, one
should prefer the passive meaning of the aorist (and perfect) forms to
the deponent usage, at least in Paul's letters, and elsewhere as well,
when there is a trace of a similar primitive tradition. 8 This is to respect
the specifically primitive Pauline nuance in speaking of Jesus' resurrec-
tion, a nuance undoubtedly inherited from the early Christians who
preceded him.
Another minor issue ought also to be mentioned in this connection,
viz., that of the so-called theological passive.9 To avoid the mention of
God's name, Palestinian Jews out of reverence often cast a sentence in
the passive voice.10 This practice seems to have been adopted by early
Jewish Christians too. T h e former Jew and Pharisee, Paul, would not be
expected to differ from them in this regard. This practice explains the
lack of a prepositional phrase with the passive forms that would
formally express the agency (hypo tou theou or hypo ton patros), e.g., in
Rom 4:25; 1 Cor 15:4.
Second, for Paul the God who raised Jesus from the dead was a God
of power. This view of God reflects his inherited Jewish understanding
of the might and power of Yahweh in the Old Testament. 11 Paul refers
to this understanding in Rom 1:20, when he speaks of God's atdios
dynamL·, "eternal power," in parallelism with his theiotes, "divinity," that
pagans should have come to recognize and reverence. It is the dynamis
of Yahweh, the personal God of Israel, and not merely of some nature
god such as was commonly venerated in lands surrounding Israel,
much less some magic force. It represents the personal power of
Yahweh, the creator, who fashioned for himself a people; it is his life-
giving power which manifested itself on various occasions in Israel's
behalf, particularly at the Exodus from Egypt and the passage of the
Reed Sea (see Exod 15:6; 32:11; Josh 4:23-24; Ps 77:15; Isa 40:26). It
is the power of Yahweh that Israel celebrated in its prayers, "Yours, Ο
Yahweh, is the greatness, and the power, and the glory, and the victory,
and the majesty. . . . In your hand are power and might" (1 Chr
29:11-12). 12 That Paul thinks of such a quality of Yahweh is clear from
Rom 9:17, where he cites Exod 9:16, "For the Scripture says to Pharaoh,
(
I have raised you up for the very purpose of showing my power in you,
so that my name may be proclaimed in all the earth.'" T h e life-giving
quality of this power appears too in Rom 4:17-21, where Paul,
commenting on the Abraham story in Genesis and the promise made to
the patriarch of a numerous progeny to be born of Sarah, speaks of
God as one "who gives life to the dead and calls into existence the things
that do not exist" and who revitalized Abraham's body "which was as
good as dead" because "God was able (dynatos) to do what he had
promised." Abraham, consequently, became the model of the believer;
and "the power of God" became the basis of Christian faith (see 1 Cor
2:5).
Third, for Paul the act of raising Jesus from the dead was not a mere
restoration of him to the life that he formerly led on earth. It was not a
return to the terrestrial existence Jesus had known and experienced
during his ministry. Paul never speaks of Jesus' resurrection as other
New Testament writers speak of the resuscitation of Lazarus, of the son
of the widow of Nain, or of the daughter of Jairus. 1 3 Lazarus appar-
ently had to face death again; the risen Jesus is the victor over death.
Hence, the resurrection for Paul meant the endowment of Jesus by the
Father with the "power" of a new life. In 2 Cor 13:4a Paul explains, "He
was crucified in weakness, but lives by the power of God (ze ek dynameös
theou)" T h e precise nuance of this Greek phrase indicates that God's
life-giving power became the source of the vitality of the risen Christ.
This is, further, the meaning underlying the enigmatic phrase in Rom
"To Know Him and the Power of His Resurrecäon" 207
1:4, where Paul speaks of "his [i.e., God's] Son, who was born of the line
of David according to the flesh, but established14 as the Son of God in
power according to the Spirit of holiness as of (his) resurrection from
the dead." The act by which the Father raised Jesus from the dead
became in Paul's view an endowment of him with power as of the
resurrection. It is not sufficient to explain this verse in terms of some
messianic enthronement of Jesus; 15 nor is it convincing to explain away
the difficult phrase en dynamei by construing it as a prepositional phrase
modifying the participle Jvyristhentos.16 While defensible grammatically
in the immediate sentence-context, it does not reckon with the nuances
the phrase has when considered in its relational sense (i.e., against
other Pauline passages dealing with the resurrection or the background
of Paul's theology of the resurrection as a whole). In this passage,
then, Paul seems to be contrasting Jesus as the Son, born into
messianic, Davidic lineage, with a fuller idea of him as powerful Son
"appointed, established, installed, constituted" as such as of the res-
urrection. Once this is understood, it is easy to grasp how Paul
could even come to speak of the risen Christ as "the power of God"
(1 Cor 1:24). So endowed at the resurrection, he is, abstractly
expressed, the very power of God.
Paul offers a further explanation (2 Cor 13:4): "He was crucified in

weakness, but lives by the power of God. For we are weak in him, but in
dealing with you we shall live with him by the power of God." 17
Here Paul sees the dynamu of the risen Jesus as something not given
for himself alone, but for human beings. What effected the resur-
rection of Jesus works also for the salvation of humanity. Hence
Paul can say in 1 Cor 6:14, "God raised the Lord and will also raise
us up by his (i.e., Jesus') power." 18 T h e power is ultimately derived
from the Father and is life-giving; it brings about the resurrection
of Jesus, and of Christians in union with him. It is not something,
therefore, that is related solely to Jesus himself.
In the light of this background one must interpret the phrase, "the
power of his resurrection," in Phil 3:10. Frequently enough, the phrase
is explained of a power that emanates from the risen Jesus and becomes
the source for the vitality of Christian life. Commentators are accus-
tomed to insist that Paul is not thinking of the physical event of the
resurrection itself,19 but rather of the state in which the risen Jesus
exists as an influence exerted on the believer. For instance, E. Osty
insists that "the power of his resurrection" is "not the power which had
raised Christ, but that which emanates from Christ."20 Similarly, E.
Lohmeyer, "It is not a question of God activating the process, but rather
'his resurrection' possesses the formative and perfecting 'power.'" 21

Again J. Huby displays a similar understanding of it, when he writes,
"The resurrection, of which the Christian experiences the power, is not
the very act by which Christ came forth living from the tomb, but the
term of this action, the life of the glorified Christ. 22 M. R. Vincent
also proposes this sort of explanation: "Dynamin is not the power by
which Christ was raised from the dead (Chr., O e c ) , nor as Theoph.
'because to arise is great power'; nor Christ's power to raise up
believers. Like the preceding expressions, it describes a subjective
experience. It is the power of the risen Christ as it becomes a
subject of practical knowledge and a power in Paul's inner life. . . .
T h e resurrection is viewed, not only as something which Paul hopes
to experience after death, nor as a historical experience of Christ
which is a subject of grateful and inspiring remembrance, but as a
present, continuously active force in his Christian development." 23
Or again, P. Biard writes, "The power of the resurrection, then, of
which Paul speaks, is certainly not a power which is exercised on
Christ in order to raise him, but the powerful and glorious state of
the risen Christ to which believers are assimilated (configures)." 24
Similary, D. M. Stanley, "It is this power of his [i.e., Christ's] new
supernatural life which gives the Christian the capacity for sharing
in Christ's sufferings (Medebielle, Dibelius) which so unites the
Christian's sufferings with Christ's that they are part of his pas-
sion."25
On the other hand, a writer like Β. Μ. Ahern believes the "the activity
of the Holy Spirit . . . constitutes the 'power of Christ's resurrec-
tion.'" 26 Ahern offers no explanation for this interpretation of the
phrase. Perhaps he is thinking of Rom 1:4, "established as the Son of
God in power according to the Spirit of holiness as of (his) resurrection
from the dead." Here, however, one must be careful not to equate "the
Spirit of holiness" too hastily with "the Holy Spirit," since the phrase
kata pneuma hagiosynes, being parallel to kata sarka, seems to desig-
nate something intrinsic to the risen Christ himself in that context. 27
It seems to me, however, that the adequate understanding of Paul's

theology of the resurrection calls for a reconsideration of the phrase,
"the power of his resurrection," and of a perspective that is being
overlooked in such interpretations. This "power" is not limited to
the influence of the risen Jesus on the Christian, but includes a
reference to the origin of that influence in the Father himself. T h e
knowledge, then, that Paul seeks to attain, the knowledge that he
regards as transforming the Jife of a Christian and his/her suffer-
"To Know Him and the Power of HL· Resurrection" 209
ings, must be understood as encompassing the full ambit of that
power. It emanates from the Father, raises Jesus from the dead at
his resurrection, endows him with a new vitality, and finally pro-
ceeds from him as the life-giving, vitalizing force of the "new crea-
tion" and of the new life that Christians in union with Christ experi-
ence and live. It is not something simply equated with the "physical"
act of raising Jesus from the dead, or with the miraculous character
of that event, or with the state of the risen Jesus. It is rather the
full, comprehensive power in its various phases; and the knowledge
of it, emanating from Christian faith, is the transforming force that
vitalizes Christian life and molds the suffering of the Christian to
the pattern which is Christ. This is the basis of Paul's hope and his
boast.
This interpretation may be confirmed by the (Pauline or Deutero-
Pauline?) letter to the Eph 1:19-20, where the author gives thanks and
prays that the Christians of Ephesus may come to know "what is the
immeasurable greatness of his [i.e., God's] power in us who believe (to
hyperballon megethos tes dynameös autou eis hemas tous pisteuontas), according
to the working of his great might (kata ten energeian ton kratous tes ischyos
autou), which he accomplished in Christ when he raised him from the
dead and made him sit at his right hand in the heavenly places." See
further Eph 2 : 5 - 7 ; cf. 1 Pet 1:5.
This interpretation seems to underlie the very brief explanation of
the phrase, "the power of his resurrection," that has been proposed by
such commentators as P. Bonnard, F. W. Beare, K. Staab, and possibly
G. Friedrich. 28
When this interpretation is pondered, it can be understood as a
primitive attempt to formulate the relation of the risen Son to the
Father and can be seen as the Pauline basis of the later Trinitarian
speculation about the relations of the Divine Persons.
III. A Further Specification of This Power
What precedes may seem coherent enough, but the question still has
to be asked whether Paul gives any further indication of what this
dynamis might be. My discussion began with the rejection of the idea
that it can be simply explained in terms of Jesus' divinity. Is there any
other way in which Paul regards it?
In Paul's theology the power of God is closely related to his glory.29
That which brings about the glorification of Christ is not merely said to
be the power of God, but even the glory (doxa) of the Father. T h e risen
Jesus is in the status of glory; he is not merely raised from the dead, but
is exalted. Just as it was for Paul the God of power who raised Jesus
from the dead, so it is "the Father of glory" (Eph 1:17) who has exalted
him. Indeed, if it seemed that the "power" of God was the instrument
whereby Jesus was raised, it is the "glory" whereby he is exalted. This
indicates the close relation of God's power and glory in the resurrec-
tion.
T h e significance of this is seen above all in Rom 6:4, where Paul states
that "we were buried with him by baptism into death, so that as Christ
was raised from the dead by the glory of the Father, we too might walk
in newness of life." Here Paul speaks of glory (doxa) almost in the
same way he spoke of power (dynamis). Glory belongs to the Father,
was used in raising Jesus from the dead, and results in a "newness
of life" for the Christian.
T h e "glory of the Father" is related to the "power of God" in 2
Thess 1:9, where Paul explicitly joins the two, "the presence of the
Lord and the glory of his might (apo tes doxes tes ischyos autou).
Again, in Phil 3:21 the two ideas are closely related, as Paul teaches
that our commonwealth is in heaven, from which we await a Savior,
the Lord Jesus Christ, "who will change our lowly body to be like his
glorious body (tö sömati tes doxes autou), by the power (kata ten ener-
geian) which enables him to subject all things to himself." This too is
the background of the prayer that Paul utters in Col 1:11, "May
you be strengthened with all power, according to his glorious might
. . ." (en pase dyamei dynamoumenoi kata to kratos tes doxes autou).
Again, "when Christ who is our life appears, then you also will
appear with him in glory" (Col 3:4). This is "our hope of sharing
the glory of God" (Rom 5:2).
Just as Paul was able to refer to Jesus as "the power of God" (1 Cor
2:5), so too he called him "the Lord of glory" (1 Cor 2:8). In the latter
passage the quality of the state is linked explicitly to the title of the risen
Jesus, who is depicted by the Apostle as sharing the Old Testament
attributes of Yahweh himself. In an analogous way the gospel that Paul
preached was related by him both to the power and the glory of God
and Christ; his "gospel" is the "power of God" for the salvation of
everyone who believes (Rom 1:16), but it is also "the gospel of the glory
of Christ, who is the likeness of God" (2 Cor 4:4). 30 (Cf. the Deutero-
Pauline way of putting it in 1 Tim 1:11, "the gospel of glory of the
Blessed God with which I have been entrusted.")
T h e richness of the Pauline concept of doxa as the source of the new
life that the Christian enjoys can be further seen in the conclusion of
Paul's midrash on an Exodus passage developed in 2 Cor 3:7-4:6. Paul
alludes to and cites from Exod 34:29-35, which tells of the descent of
Moses from Mt. Sinai. T h e "glory" (käbod) of Yahweh had shone on the
face of Moses as he conversed with him; when he came down from the
mountain, Moses had to veil his face because Yahweh's glory reflected
there frightened the Israelites. "Whenever Moses went in before the
LORD to speak with him, he took the veil off, until he came out . . . ;
and the people of Israel saw the face of Moses, that the skin of Moses'
face shone; and Moses would put the veil upon his face again, until he
went in to speak with him" (34:34-35).
In 2 Corinthians 3-4 Paul contrasts the new covenant with that of
Sinai; if the old covenant were ushered in with such glory, how much
more attends the new. To make his point, Paul shifts the sense of the
veil. He sees it as hiding from the Israelites not that which frightened
them, but the fading of the glory on Moses' face. This detail is not in the
Exodus story itself; it represents a Pauline view of the passing of the
covenant of old. For him it has "faded" (2 Cor 3:7, 10-11). But this is
not all, for he introduces still another free association: a veil hanging
before someone's face not only conceals from others what is there (and
frightens) or what is not there (because it is fading away and imperma-
nent), but it also hinders the sight of the one before whose eyes it hangs.
Once again, this detail is not in the Exodus story. Paul introduces it into
his midrash as he transfers the veil from Moses to his Jewish contempo-
raries: "Yes, to this day whenever Moses is read a veil lies over their
minds" (2 Cor 3:15). With this unflattering condition Paul contrasts the
lot of the Christian who has turned to the Lord—an allusion to Moses'
turning to the Lord when he went in to speak with him. "When a
person turns to the Lord the veil is removed. Now the Lord is the Spirit,
and where the Spirit of the Lord is, there is freedom. And we all, with
unveiled face, beholding the glory of the Lord, are being changed into
his likeness from one degree of glory to another; for this comes from
the Lord who is the Spirit" (2 Cor 3:16-18). 31 Underlying Paul's
conception here is the belief that as of the resurrection Jesus became
"the Lord" and a "vivifying Spirit" (1 Cor 15:45; cf. Rom 1:4). This he
became as the "last Adam," i.e., the Adam of the eschaton, the head of a
new humanity which began with the dawning of the messianic age. To
this "new creation" (Gal 6:15; 2 Cor 5:17) Paul alludes at the end of the
midrashic development in 2 Cor 4:4-6. He insists that he preaches the
"gospel of the glory of Christ, who is the likeness of God (eikön tou
theou)" and explains it all by referring to the Creator, Yahweh himself.
"For it is the God who said, 'Let light shine out of darkness,' who has
shone in our hearts to give the light of the knowledge of the glory of
God in the face of Christ" (2 Cor 4:6). Thus the source of the new
Christian life is traced back to the Creator himself. Yahweh caused his
glory to shine on the face of Jesus, endowing him with a glory greater
than that of Moses; this glorification and exaltation of "the Lord" made
him the "image" or mirror of the Creator. He reflects the glory by
degrees to the Christian who turns to him. This reflection brings about
what the Greek Fathers often called the "progressive divinization of the
Christian" through the influence of the risen Jesus.
T h e involved midrash on Exodus 34 thus spells out in its own way the
relation of the glory of Yahweh to the resurrection of Jesus and to the
new life that the Christian lives who is "in Christ Jesus." T h e Father's
glory is again seen to be the origin of the life-giving power that vitalizes
Christian experience. It is true that there is no reference to "the power"
of God in this passage. 32 But that is because of its starting-point, the
glory on the face of Moses. And yet, the role of glory depicted here fills
out the Pauline picture of its relation to "power," used elsewhere in his
letters in a similar context.
What underlies the Pauline equation oidynamk, energeia, or üchys with
doxa with reference to the resurrection of Jesus and the new life of the
Christian is the Old Testament association of these as attributes of God.
We have already cited above 1 Chr 29:11-12, where these attributes of
Yahweh are mentioned in prayer. Similarly one could refer to Dan 2:37
in the LXX version; also Ps 135:2; Wis 7:25; Isa 2:10, 19, 21. Perhaps
more significant is Isa 40:26: "Lift u p your eyes on high and see: who
created these? He who brings out their host by number, calling them all
by name; by the greatness of his might and because he is strong in
power . . . ." Here the LXX translates the Hebrew of the last clause
merbb *bnim wYammxs köah by apo polles doxes kai en kratei ischyos, i.e.,
rendering Jontm ("strength") by doxa ("glory"). G. Kittel has noted "how
strongly the LXX came to sense the thought of God's power in the term
doxa." He compares the Greek and Hebrew of Ps 67:34; Isa 45:24 and
continues, "In reality, the term [doxa] always speaks of one thing. God's
power is an expression of the 'divine nature/ and the honour ascribed
to God by man is finally no other than an affirmation of this nature. T h e
doxa theou is the 'divine glory1 which reveals the nature of God in
creation and in His acts, which fill both heaven and earth." 33
Though this collocation of God's power and glory is found in the
Old Testament, it is not as frequent as one might expect. In con-
trast, the frequency of the parallelism of käböd and geburdh (or more
rarely köah) in Qumran literature is striking. It reveals a develop-
ment in Palestinian Jewish thinking in pre-Christian times. For ex-
ample, "to God shall I say, 'My righteousness' and to the Most
High, 'Founder of my welfare, source of knowledge, spring of holi-
"To Know Him and the Power of His Resurrection'* 213
ness, height of glory a n d power of all'" (1QS 10:11-12). "Your

power is [unfathomable] and your glory is immeasurable" (1QH
5:20). " T h e r e is no one besides you, there is no one with you in
might; there is nothing to c o m p a r e with your glory, and for your
power there is no price" (1QH 10:9-10). "And I have learned that
your m o u t h is truth, in your h a n d is righteousness; and in your
thought all knowledge, in you r might all power; a n d all glory is with
you" wbkwhkh kwl gbwrh wkwl kbwd tkh hw\ 1QH 11:7-8); ". . . a
collection of glory a n d a spring of knowledge a n d powe[r]" (1QH
12:29). See also 1QS 11:6-7, 20; 1QH 4 : 2 8 - 2 9 ; 9 : 1 6 - 1 7 , 2 5 - 2 6 ;
15:20. T h e s e examples scarcely bear directly on the m e a n i n g of the
Pauline phrase in Phil 3:10; there is no direct contact here. But they
at least illustrate the growing frequency of the parallelism of power
and glory in m o r e or less contemporary Jewish (Essene) writings. It
makes all the m o r e plausible the close relationship of God's "power"
and "glory" in Paul's theology of the resurrection.
If this explanation of Paul's view of the role of "power" in the
resurrection of J e s u s has any merit, it serves to unite a n u m b e r of
elements in his theology that might otherwise seem disparate. It also
enables one to u n d e r s t a n d the full theological m e a n i n g that is latent in
the phrase of Phil 3:10, "the power of his resurrection." Paul sought to
bring his Philippian converts to a d e e p e r knowledge and awareness of
this transforming power that they might better appreciate their experi-
ence of the Christ-event.
NOTES
* Originally published in Melanges bibliques en hommage au R. P. Beda Ri-

gaux (ed. A. Descamps and A. de Halleux; Gembloux: Duculot, 1970) 4 1 1 -
25.
*See D. M. Stanley, Christ's Resurrection in Pauline Soteriology (AnBib 13;
Rome: Biblical Institute, 1961); F. X. Durrwell, The Resurrection: A Biblical Study
(New York: Sheed and Ward, 1960); W. Künneth, The Theology of the Resurrection
(St. Louis, MO: Concordia, 1965); A. M. Ramsey, The Resurrection of Christ: An
Essay in Biblical Theology (2d ed.; London: G. Bles, 1956); J. Schmitt, Jesus
ressucite dans la predication apostolique: Etude de theologie biblique (Paris: Gabalda,
1949); R. C. Tannehill, Dying and Rising with Christ: A Study in Pauline Theology
(BZNW 32; Berlin: Töpelmann, 1967); S. Lyonnet, "La valeur soteriologique de
la resurrection du Christ selon saint Paul," Greg 39 (1958) 295-318; E.
Schweizer, "Dying and Rising with Christ," NTS 14 (1967-68) 1-14; B. Vawter,
"Resurrection and Redemption," CBQ 15 (1953) 11-23; L. Cerfaux, "La
resurrection du Christ dans la vie et la doctrine de saint Paul," Lumiere et vie 3
(1952) 61-82. E. Ruckstuhl and J. Pfammatter, Die Auferstehung Jesu Christi:
Heilsgeschichtliche Tatsache und Brennpunkt des Glaubens (Munich: Rex, 1968); Β.

Rigaux, Dieu ΐα ressucite: Exegese et theologie biblique (Gembloux: Duculot, 1973);
W. Marxsen, The Resurrection of Jesus of Nazareth (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1970);
X. Leon-Dufour, Resurrection and the Message of Easter (New York: Holt, Rinehart
and Winston, 1975); R. H. Fuller, The Formation of the Resurrection Narratives
(New York: Macmillan, 1971).
2
See further my commentary on " T h e Letter to the Philippians,"yßC, art. 50
§ 5 - 8 . Cf. H. Koester, " T h e Purpose of the Polemic of a Pauline Fragment
(Philippians III);'NTS 8 (1961-62) 3 1 7 - 3 2 .
3
See C. F. D. Moule, An Idiom Book of New Testament Greek (Cambridge:
University Press, 1953) 26; M. Zerwick, Biblical Greek: Illustrated by Examples
(Rome: Biblical Institute, 1963) 2 3 1 ; BDF, §342.3; N. T u r n e r , in his treatment
of syntax in vol. 3 of J. H. Moulton and W. F. H o w a r d , A Grammar of New
Testament Greek (4 vols.; E d i n b u r g h : Clark, 1908, 1919-29, 1963, 1975), 3. 57,
maintains that egertlie "is passive only in form and is used of the resurrection
with a very active nuance. . . . T h e r e is simply no difference between this and
aneste, where the action of the Father is assumed no m o r e and no less. . . ."
This, however, is quite debatable, and the evidence amassed above should reveal
why. Cf. A. T. Robertson, A Grammar of the Greek New Testament in the Light of
Historical Research (New York: G. H. Doran, 1914) 817, 896; G. B. Winer, A
Treatise on the Grammar of the New Testament (3d ed.; E d i n b u r g h : Clark, 1882) 316
n. 3. Note that BDF §313 ("Passives with intransitive meaning") includes no
example of egeirein; nor does BDR §313.
4
Mark 16:6; Matt 17:9; 27:64; J o h n 2:22; 21:14.
5
Although the use of the perfect passive is not in the same category, because
its form is identical with the perfect middle (often used deponently), the same
question can be posed about it (see 1 Cor 15:4, 12, 13, 14, 16, 17, 20 [cf. 2 T i m
2:8]). Cf. BDF §342.3.
6
See also egertlie in Matt 17:9 (to be c o m p a r e d with Mark 9:9, aneste); Matt
25:7; etc. Cf. the u n n u a n c e d discussion of this proble m by J o h n A. Lacy, Sr.,
"Egerthe—He Has Risen," TBT 36 (1968) 2 5 3 2 - 3 5 .
7
S e e also Gal 1:1; 1 Cor 6:14; 2 Cor 4:14; Rom 4:24; 8:11 (bis); 10:9; Col
2:12; E p h 1:20.
8
T h e active usage is also found in 1 Pet 1:21; Acts 3:15; 4:10; 5:30; 10:40;
13:30. This makes it likely that the aorist passive of egeirö in such passages as
Mark 14:28; 16:6; Matt 27:64; 2 8 : 6 - 7 ; Luke 24:6, 34 should also be translated
as a real aorist passive, "he was raised." This clear a n d obvious conclusion is also
drawn by C. F. D. Moule, Idiom Book, 26. T h e translation, " H e is risen" or " H e
has risen," which has been in the English Bible tradition for the last four
h u n d r e d years is influenced by the Latin Vulgate m u c h m o r e than by Hellenistic
usage of the aorist passive as a m o d e of expressing the intransitive. In part, it
also reflects a later u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the resurrection born of such New
Testament passages as J o h n 10:30 ("I and the Father are one") and the later
realization that Jesus and the Father act as one (the c o m m o n operatio ad extra of
the Trinity).
It may be good to c o m p a r e in this regard the way the New Testament refers
to the ascension of Jesus. T h e theological passive οϊ analambanan is used in Mark
16:19, "the Lord Jesus . . . was taken u p into heaven" (i.e., by God). Aside from
the fact that there is probably an allusion to the assumption of Elijah in 2 Kgs
2:11, the passive of analambanein (which is also used in Acts 1:2, 11» 22 and 1
' T o Know Him and the Power of His Resurrection' 215
Tim 3:16) can scarcely mean "he ascended." T h e intransitive verbanabainein is

never used by Paul or Luke of Jesus' ascension. It is found in Rom 10:6, which
may have some overtones of the ascension [?]—more likely it refers to Moses'
ascent of Mt. Sinai—but even that occurs in a quotation of Deut 30:12. There
may also be a covert allusion to Jesus' ascension in Acts 2:34, but in reality it
denies David's ascent. T h e only text in which anabainein, "ascend," is used of
Jesus' ascension is in E p h 4:8, again in an allusion to Ps 68:19. One should
compare the use of the intransitive anabainein or anerchesthai in the early creeds,
which reflect a more developed theology and christology. T h e analogous use of
the passive of analambanein must enter into any decision about the meaning of
the aorist and perfect passive forms of egeirein (over against the intransitive use
of anistanai).
9
See M. Zerwick, Biblical Greek, §236; BDF §130.1; 342.1.
10
See J. Jeremias,./Vew/ Testament Theology: The Proclamation offesus (New York:
Scribner, 1971) 10-14.
11
T h e Greek word that Paul uses for this notion is dynamis (and its cognate
forms); only rarely does the word ischys occur (2 Thess 1:9; Eph 1:19; 6:10),
which is so frequently employed in the LXX to express God's power. In reality,
however, there is little difference between the use of these two words or energeia
(see P. Biard, La puissance de Dieu [Travaux de l'Institut Catholique de Paris, 7;
Paris: Bloud & Gay, 1960] 2 2 - 3 3 , 138, for an attempt to determine the Old
Testament and the Pauline nuances). Cf. O. Schmitz, "Der Begriff Dynamis bei
Paulus: Ein Beitrag zum Wesen urchristlicher Begriffsbildung," Festgabe für
Adolf Deissmann (Tübingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 1927) 139-67; S. N. Roach, " T h e
Power of His Resurrection: Phil 111:10," RevExp 24 (1927) 4 5 - 5 5 , 297-304; 25
(1928) 29-38, 176-94.
12
See further P. Biard, La puissance de Dieu; W. G r u n d m a n n , "Dynamai, etc.,"
TDNT, 2 (1964) 290-94; Der Begriff der Kraft in der neutestamentlichen Gedankenwelt
(BWANT 4/8; Stuttgart: Kohlhammer, 1932) 11-26; Ε. Fascher, "Dynamis
theour ZTK 19 (1938) 82-108.—R. E. Murphy ("GBR and GBWRH in the
Qumran Writings," Lex tua Veritas: Festschrift für Hubert f unker [ed. H. Gross and
F. Mussner; Trier: Paulinus-V., 1961] 137-43) surveys the related notion of
God's power in the Q u m r a n texts and supplies important links in the develop-
ment of this notion from the Old Testament to the Pauline writings.
13
See my article, "Jesus the Lord," Chicago Studies 17 (1978) 75-104, esp. pp.
95-96.
14
The meaning of the participle lioristhentos is debated. T h e Latin tradition,
represented by the Vulgate, Augustine, and Pelagius understood it to mean
"predestined"; but this is to give to the simple verb horizein, which means "limit,
define, determine," the meaning of the compound proorizein, which it does not
really have. T h e Greek patristic tradition understood it to mean "manifested,
displayed"; Chrysostom explained it as dekhthentos, apophanthentos. This was a
meaning influenced, in part at least, by the theological discussions about the
natures in Christ. In view of the use of horizein in Acts 10:42 and 17:31, a
meaning like "appointed, installed, set up," seems preferable. See further A.
Brown, "Declared or Constituted, Son of God," ExpTim 5 (1893-94) 308-9; E.
Käsemann, An die Römer ( H N T 8a; Tübingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 1974) 8-9; Ο.
Kuss, Der Römerbrief übersetzt und erklärt (2d ed.; Regensburg: Pustet, 1963), 1.
8-9.
15
See M.-E. Boismard, "Consume Fils de Dieu (Rom., I, 4)," RB 60 (1953) 5 -
17; J. T r i n i d a d , "Praedestinatus Filius Dei . . . ex resurrectione m o r t u o r u m

(Rom 1,4)," VD 20 (1940) 145-50; W. H. Griffith T h o m a s , "Romans i. 4,"
ExpTim 24 (1912-13) 4 4 - 4 5 .
16
So W. Sanday a n d A. C. Headlam, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the
Epistle to the Romans (5th ed.; E d i n b u r g h : Clark, 1902) 9 ("not with huiou theou,
. . . but rather adverbially, qualifying horisthentos, 'declared with might to be
Son of G o d ' " ) . This m o d e of construing the prepositional phrase r e g a r ds the
resurrection as a miracle, a signal manifestation of God's power. Similarly E . J .
Goodspeed ("decisively declared"), the NEB ("by a mighty act"). T h e meaning
of "Son of God in power," which I prefer as m o r e consonant with Paul's
u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the resurrection, takes the prepositional p h r a s e as a noun-
modifier; on the omission of the definite article with it, see BDF §272. Cf. E.
Käsemann, An die Römer, 9-10.
17
T h e context of this statement immediately concerns Paul's authority as an
apostle in his dealings with the Corinthian c h u r c h ; he sees his role rooted in
his close association with the risen Jesus. Implied, however, in his statement is
the more radical idea that what gave life to Jesus gives vitality also to himself.
18
T h e Greek text has the p r o n o u n autou, which in the non-reflexive form
must refer to Jesus. T h e result is that the Father's vivifying power, with which
Jesus in his risen state is endowed, is now r e g a r d e d as the m e a n s whereby the
Christian will be raised. T h e trisyllabic form heautou is commonly preferred as
the reflexive in Hellenistic Greek to the dissyllabic hautou; in fact, the latter
disappears in the papyri of the first century B.C. (see BDF §64.1). Hence it is
scarcely likely that autou is to be read as hautou or that it refers to the Father's
power.
19
For want of a better term I speak of the "physical event." This is preferable
to the term "historical event," used by many commentators. But both have
connotations which are out of place in speaking of Christ's resurrection.
20
See Les epiires de saint Paul (Paris: Cerf, 1945) 194. See also R. C. Tannehill,
Dying a nd R ising, 121.
21
Die Briefe an die Philipper, an die Kolosser und an Philemon (MeyerΚ 9;
Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1956) 138.
22
Saint Paul: Lesepitres de la captivite (VS 8; 19th ed.; Paris: Beauchesne, 1947)
350. H e supports his interpretation by an appeal to Suarez, In 3 Sent., 56.1.
23
A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Epistles to the Philippians and to
Philemon (ICC; New York: Scribner, 1906) 104.
24
La puissance de Dieu, 148.
25
Christ's Resurrection, 104.
26
" T h e Fellowship of His Sufferings (Phil 3,10): A Study of St. Paul's Doctrine
on Christian Suffering," CBQ 22 (1960) 1-32, esp. p . 30.
27
See O. Kuss, Der Römerbrief, 7 - 8 ; W. Charlesworth, " T h e Spirit of Holiness:
Romans i. 4," ExpTim 5 (1893-94) 115; W. S. Curzon-Siggers, "Power and the
Resurrection," ExpTim 6 (1894-95) 44.
' 28 See P. Bonnard, LEpitre de Saint Paul aux Philippiens ( C N T 10; Neuchätel:
Delachaux et Niestle, 1950) 66; F. W. Beare, A Commentary on the Epistle to the
Philippians (BNTC ; London: Black, 1959) 122; K. Staab, Die Thessabnkfierbriefe;
Die Gefangenschaftsbrieje (RNT 7; 3d ed.; Regensburg: Pustet, 1959) 193; G.
Friedrich, Der Brief an die Philipper ( N T D 8; 13th ed.; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck
& Ruprecht, 1972) 119.
29
See A. Ple, "La gloire de Dieu," VSpir 74 (1946) 4 7 9 - 9 0 ; J. Duplacy, "La
gloire de Dieu et du Seigneur Jesus dans le Nouveau Testament," BVG 9 (1955)

7-21; R. Reitzenstein, Die hellenistischen Mysterienreligionen nach ihren Grundge-
danken und Wirkungen (3d ed.; Leipzig: Teubner, 1927) 344, 355-59; Α. Η.
Forster, "The Meaning of Doxa in the Greek Bible," ATR 12 (1929-30) 311-16;
I. Abrahams, The Glory of God (London/New York: Oxford University, 1925); J.
Edwards, "The Glorification of Christ in St. Paul," Bellarmine Commentary 4
(1965)9-17.
30
See further p. 151 above.
31
See further J. Dupont, "Le chretien, miroir de la gloire divine d'apres II
Cor., I l l , 18," RB 56 (1949) 3 9 2 - 4 1 1 ; J. Goettsberger, "Die Hülle des Moses
nach Ex 34 und 2 Kor 3," BZ 16 (1922-24) 1-17; Η. Ulonska, "Die Doxa des
Mose" EvT 26 (1966) 378-88; P. Grech, "2 Corinthians 3,17 and the Pauline
Doctrine of Conversion to the Holy Spirit," CBQ 17 (1955) 420-37; S. Schulz,
"Die Decke des Moses: Untersuchungen zu einer vorpaulinischen Über-
lieferung in II Cor 3,7-18," ZNW 49 (1958) 1-30; D. Georgi, Die Gegner des
Paulus im 2. Korintherbrief: Studien zur religiösen Propaganda in der Spätantike
(WMANT 11; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener-V., 1964) 265-300; R. Bult-
man, Der zweite Brief an die Korinther (MeyerK 6; 10th ed.; Göttingen: Van-
denhoeck 8c Ruprecht, 1976) 81-112.
32
See, however, 2 Cor 4:7, where Paul speaks of "the transcendent power
belonging to God."
™See ilDokeö, doxa, etc.," TDNT, 2 (1964) 244; also A. H. Forster, " T h e
Meaning of Power for St. Paul," ATR 32 (1950) 177-85 (he admits that at
times "dynamL· and doxa are almost identified," but fails to pursue the relation
between them).
Ten
NEW TESTAMENT KYRIOS
AND MARANATHA AND THEIR
ARAMAIC BACKGROUND*
WHENEVER NEW PALESTINIAN Aramaic texts from the early centuries

of Christianity are made available to the scholarly world, there is
inevitably some aspect or other in them that illumines New Testament
expressions and bears on the interpretation of them. Recently some
material has been published which sheds light on such age-old prob-
lems as the New Testament title kyrios for Jesus and the phrase
maranatha preserved in 1 Cor 16:22. Such new light has been shed on
these problems in the recently published Enochic material from
Qumran Cave 4.
First discovered in 1952, by both Bedouins and archaeologists, the
fragments of Q u m r a n Cave 4 are still in large part unpublished. It has
been estimated that, out of the nearly 15,000 fragments found in that
cave, 511 fragmentary texts have been pieced together like a jigsaw
puzzle and mounted under glass in 620 plates. 1 To date, not even a
hundred of these texts have been fully published. 2 Preliminary reports
have been issued and partial publications of some of the texts have been
made; 3 these have told us about the astounding character of the
material discovered.
T h e bulk of the Enoch fragments is part of the lot entrusted to J. T.
Milik for publication; a few of them also belong to the lot of fragments
entrusted to J. Starcky. T h e preliminary reports issued by these
scholars had warned us about the complicated picture of the Q u m r a n
fragments of this Enoch-literature now available in its Semitic original.
Late in 1976 Milik published the majority of the Enochic fragments. 4 He
presented the Aramaic text of seven fragmentary copies of the book
Kynos and Maranatha and Thar Aramaic Background 219
that we know of as 1 Enoch or Ethiopic Enoch,5 He also published the text
of four fragmentary manuscripts of Astronomical Enoch and parts of
three fragmentary texts of the Enochic Book of Giants. Besides these
fourteen fragmentary manuscripts Milik also identified several frag-
ments from Qumran Caves 1, 2, and 6, which had been published
earlier by others, but had either gone unidentified or had been wrongly
identified.
Milik speaks of the Books of Enoch, because what we have normally
known as 1 Enoch is the result of a later redactional process; and it is
now apparent that the Enochic literature at Qumran existed in a
different form. It has been customary to speak of five parts of 1 Enoch:
(1) The Book of Watchers (chaps. 1-36); (2) The Book of Parables
(mesalle, chaps. 37-71); (3) T h e Astronomical Book (chaps. 72-82); (4)
The Book of Dreams (chaps. 83-90); and (5) The Epistle of Enoch
(chaps. 91-108, with a possible insert in the latter [chaps. 106-7]
originally separate [?] and sometimes called the Book of Noah). At
Qumran, however, the "Astronomical Book" was copied separately on a
scroll by itself and was much more extensive than its counterpart in the
third section of 1 Enoch. Moreover, the Book of Parables is completely
missing from the form of the Book of Enoch found at Qumran. In its
stead Milik has discovered a number of fragments of the Enochic Book
of Giants, otherwise known from Manichean and patristic literature. In
one case, part of the Book of Giants is actually copied on the same
fragments as part of the Book of Enoch (4QEnGiants a was part of
4QEn c ). So it seems clear that the Book of Enoch at Qumran was
likewise a pentateuch, composed of (1) T h e Astronomical Book; (2)
The Book of Watchers; (3) T h e Book of Giants; (4) T h e Book of
Dreams; and (5) T h e Epistle of Enoch.
In publishing this Qumran Enoch-material, Milik has proposed a
thesis that needs further scrutiny: that the Book of Parables, known to
us as the second part of 1 Enoch, was originally a Christian Greek
composition, which was only later inserted into the Enochic litera-
ture by Christians, who for some reason replaced the Book of Gi-
ants with it—possibly because the Book of Giants was popular with
the Manicheans. If Milik's thesis has any foundation, then it will
have great repercussions on the debate about the New Testament
title Son of Man. 6
Milik dates these fourteen Enochic texts roughly from the end of the
third century B.C. to the beginning of the first century A.D. They thus
preserve for us a form of the Aramaic language that was in use in
Palestine during the last two centuries B.C. and the first century A.D.
Hence, in addition to their importance for the recovery of the original
Aramaic text of some of the Enoch-literature, they also preserve for us

examples of this important language in which the Palestinian traditions
of the early church were, in part at least, first formulated.
With these preliminary remarks about the nature of the Aramaic
texts which bring to light some data that are pertinent to age-old New
Testament problems, we may pass on to the discussion of two of them:
(1) the New Testament kyrios-title for Jesus; and (2) the acclamation
maranatha.
I. The New Testament Kyrios-title for Jesus
As a title for Jesus, (ho) kyrios is used by various New Testament

writers. It is but one of several titles given to him. As in the case of the
others, one invariably has to inquire into three aspects of the title for an
adequate understanding of it: (1) its origin or background; (2) its
meaning and connotations; and (3) its application—was it used of the
earthly Jesus, of the exalted or risen Jesus, or of the parousiac Jesus?
T h e answer that is given to the first question (its origin and back-
ground) often colors the meaning and connotations which the title
carries and eventually even the quest for the stage of Jesus' career to
which it was originally applied. T h e new evidence bears on the question
of the origin or background of the kyrios-title.
At issue is the absolute usage of (ho) kyrios for Jesus, i.e., the
unmodified title, without any adjectival, possessive, or genitival attri-
butes. 7 In the second part of this paper, we shall be discussing the
acclamation marantha, which does contain the possessive, "our Lord."
But the question is, How did it come about that early Christians came to
call Jesus "Lord" or "the Lord" simply? This New Testament Greek
absolute usage is not to be confused with the Aramaic absolute state of
the noun, for in reality both the absolute (or indeterminate) state of the
noun, märp, "Lord," or the emphatic (or determinate) state, märyä^,
"the Lord," could be regarded as the Aramaic substratum of the Greek
absolute usage—if there be evidence for it.
Currently, four different views are proposed for the origin or
background of the absolute usage in the New Testament. (\) Λ
Palestinian-Semitic Secular Origin: (Ho) kyrios as a religious title for Jesus
would have developed from the ordinary vocative or suffixal form for
"Sir" or "Milord" (in either Hebrew [>ädän] or Aramaic \marp}). This
secular usage would be reflected in the address kyrie, "Sir," the vocative,
used even of Jesus at times in the New Testament (e.g., Matt 8:2). (2) A
Palestinian-Semitic Religious Origin: (Ho) kyrios would have developed as
Kyrios and Marariatha and Their Aramaic Background 221
a title for Jesus from the religious title *ädön or märP used by Pales-
tinian Jews of Yahweh and extended by Jewish Christians of Pales-
tine to Jesus. This view has usually cited the maranatha acclamation
of 1 Cor 16:22 as evidence, but it has normally encountered the
objection that the title preserved in maranatha is not absolute, but
modified, "our Lord," a n d hence cannot explain the emergence of
the absolute usage. (3) A Hellenistic-Jewish Religious Origin: Greek-
speaking Jewish Christians of the diaspora, in carrying the Christian
message to the Hellenistic world, would have applied to Jesus the
title kynos used in the Greek Old Testament as the translation of the
tetragrammaton, as, e.g., in the so-called LXX. I n d e e d , for some
New Testament interpreters, this explanation is often j o i n e d to the
preceding. (4) A Hellenistic Pagan Origin: T h e absolute title (ho) kyrios
was derived by Christian missionaries, carrying the kerygma of the
primitive Palestinian church to the Hellenistic world, from the use
of kynos for gods and h u m a n rulers in the eastern Mediterranean
world of the first centuries B.C. a n d A.D. In this case, kyrios was not a
kerygmatic title, i.e., it was not part of the original kerygma, but
rather the p r o d u c t of Greek-speaking Christian evangelization of
the eastern Mediterranean world. 8
O. Cullmann popularized the combination of the second and third
explanations. 9 T h e fourth explanation has been widely advocated by R.
Bultmann and his followers. T h e Hellenistic pagan origin has been
proposed mainly for the t h r e e following reasons: (a) Paul's allusion to
"many 'gods' and many 'lords'"—yet "for us there is one God, the
Father, . . . and one Lord, J e s u s Christ" (1 Cor 8:5-6)—seems to
allude to such an origin; (b) kyrios as a title for Yahweh or as a
translation of the t e t r a g r a m m a t o n is said to be found only in Christian
copies of the LXX, whereas pre-Christian Greek translations of the Old
Testament, m a d e by Jews or for Jews, preserve in the Greek text itself
the tetragrammaton written in either the Aramaic "square" characters
or paleo-Hebrew writing (thus Papyrus Fuad 266; 8HevXII gr); a n d (c)
the conviction that Palestinian Jews simply did not refer to Yahweh as
"Lord" or "the Lord" and hence the title for Jesus could not have been
an extension of this to him. T o quote R. Bultmann, "At the very outset
the unmodified expression 'the Lord' is unthinkable in Jewish usage.
'Lord' used of God is always given some modifier; we read: 'the Lord of
heaven and earth,' 'our Lord' and similar expressions." 1 0
T h e evidence that comes from Palestinian Aramaic and Hebrew
texts that bear on this issue now supports, in my opinion, the second of
the views set forth above: that the absolute use of kyrios for Jesus was
originally of Palestinian-Semitic religious background. I set forth the
222 TO ADVANCE T H E GOSPEL
arguments in full in an article in the Conzelmann Festschrift. 11 From

the various evidence available today it seems quite likely that there was
an incipient custom among both Semitic- and Greek-speaking Jews of
Palestine to call Yahweh 'ädön, märe*, or kyrios. T h e Hebrew evidence
was cited from Ps 114:7 in the canonical psalter, from Ps 151:4 (in
HQPs a 28:7-8), and from deuterocanonical Ben Sira 10:7. Greek
evidence can be found in Josephus,^?^. 20.4,2 §90; 13.3,1 §68 (in the
latter case, even in a quotation from Isa 19:19); and also in
Philo (Demut, nom. 2 § 12; Quisrer. div. heres 6 §22-29;Desomn. 1.63), if 1
may be permitted to add a non-Palestinian source. T h e Aramaic
evidence was cited from two Q u m r a n texts: (a) H Q t g J o b 24:6-7,
which translated Job 34:12, O f a truth, God will not act wickedly,
and the Almighty will not pervert justice. In Aramaic this becomes,
hkcn sd' 'lh' I ysqr wmr* \ycwt dyn\ "Now will God really act treacher-
ously, and will the Lord [pervert justice]?" 12 Here the absolute state
märe', "Lord," stands in parallelism with 'elähä\ "God." Märe' here is
not a translation of Yhwh, but of sadday, because the tetragrammaton
is used in the Book of Job only in the prologue, epilogue, and final
speech of Yahweh, whereas in the dialogues of the book it is practi-
cally non-existent. 13 Another instance of the absolute usage of
"Lord" can be found in the Genesis Apocryphon from Q u m r a n Cave
1: bryk 'nth Ί Hywn mry Ikwl Hmym dy 'nth mrh wslyt cl kwl', "Blessed
are you, Ο God Most High, my Lord for all ages; for you are (the)
Lord and ruler over all" (lQapGen 20:12-13; cf. also 20:15). 14 In
these instances, which I had already set forth earlier, the title for
God is found not only in the absolute usage, but also in the absolute
state of the noun in Aramaic, mrVmrh. Now, however, in the new
Enoch material from Qumran Cave 4, we have a clear instance of
the absolute usage of the title for God in the emphatic state of the
noun, märyä\ It is found in 4QEn b 1 iv 5: [wlgbry'l *mr m\rf 'z[i n* 7
mmzry* . . .], "[And to Gabriel] the [L]ord [said]: 'G[o now to the
bastards . . . ' ] ' \ 1 5 Moreover, what is striking here is that the Greek
translation of Enoch, which is extant for this part of 1 Enoch (10:9),
reads: kai tö Gabriel eipen ho KS.16 Although the first letter of mry* is
missing in this Aramaic text, it is nevertheless certainly restored on
the basis of the Greek version. We had often suspected that the
emphatic form of the noun would be written with the final radical
yodh, as in later Aramaic and Syriac, but now the form with it is
clearly attested in this Palestinian Aramaic text from Qumran,
which copy Milik dates "in the middle . . . of the second century"
B.C. 17 This text, then, supplies further evidence to that which has
gradually been building up for what was an incipient custom among
Semitic-speaking and Greek-speaking Jews of Palestine in the last
Kyrios and Maranatha and Their Aramaic Background 223
century prior to Christianity of referring to Yahweh as "Lord" or
"the Lord." Even though we do not yet have a clear case of Yahweh,
the tetragrammaton, being translated directly as märe* or märyä*, it
was scarcely "unthinkable in Jewish usage" to refer to God as "the
Lord."
If such evidence be acceptable, then another aspect of the kyrios-ύύ^
for Jesus in the New Testament has to be reconsidered. If, as seems
likely, the title ^ädön, or märe^, or kyrios were, indeed, in use among
Palestinian Jews for Yahweh, and the title were borrowed by Palestinian
Jewish Christians for Jesus from such a usage, then it would seem that it
was used of him as a means of expressing his transcendent and regal
status. In this, I find myself thrust back to the explanation of the
meaning of the title that O. Cullmann once advocated, even though for
reasons quite different from his.18 The title would suggest a Gleichset-
zung of Jesus with Yahweh, a setting of him on a par with Yahweh, but
not an Identifizierung—because he is not âbba*. This would, then, imply
perhaps a higher christology for him than the kyrios -title derived from a
Hellenistic pagan context of the eastern Mediterranean world. It would
also imply that the kerygma of the Palestinian church actually included a
recognition of him as märe3 and kyrios. It would root in Palestine itself
the christological confession of Kyrios Iesous (I Cor 12:3; Rom 10:9),
among the Hebraists as well as the Hellenists. It would, therefore, deny
that the title was solely the product of the evangelization of the Greek
world, being applied to Jesus by Greek-speaking apostles or disciples
alone.
The absolute usage of this title would also make intelligible the
acclamation preserved in 1 Cor 16:22, maranatha—an acclamation that
may be as old and as primitive as the absolute usage itself. Perhaps the
acclamation does not explain the emergence of the absolute title, but it
does help to provide a context in which the absolute title is intelligible.
II. The Aramaic Acclamation Maranatha
The ancient acclamation maranatha has been called by J. H. Moulton

and G. Milligan "an old Aramaic watchword . . . misunderstood in
most of our English versions down to the AV."19 It is preserved for us,
first of all, by Paul and, strangely enough, in that most Greek of his
letters, 1 Corinthians (16:22). There it forms part of his final farewell to
the Corinthians and of his blessing upon them: "I, Paul, write this
greeting with my own hand. If any one has no love for the Lord, let him
be accursed. Maranatha! The grace of the Lord Jesus be with you."
Moreover, it is also preserved in Didache 10:6, where it forms part of the
final blessing of an ancient eucharistic liturgy: "Let grace come and let
this world pass away. Hosanna to the God of David. If any one be holy,
let him/her come! If any one be not, let him/her repent. Maranatha!
Amen." Cf. Apostolic Constitutions 7.26,5.
In neither case is this Aramaic phrase preserved in a context of a
miracle-story, like ephphatha (Mark 7:34) or talitha koum (Mark 5:41).
Hence its preservation cannot be explained as the use of onoma
thespesion e rhisL· barbarike, "a holy name or a foreign phrase/' used in
healing stories, as Lucian likes to caricature them. 20 R. Bultmann has
compared the use of Aramaic phrases in miracle stories of the Gospel
tradition to such extrabiblical descriptions. 21 Though one might have to
reckon with this character of the Aramaic phrases used in such miracle
stories, this does not seem to be the reason for the preservation of
maranatha. In Paul's use of it, it seems rather to be the use of a familiar
phrase in his farewell to the Corinthians—who are presupposed to
understand it. And in theDidache it is, in a somewhat similar way, part of
a liturgical blessing.
Patristic writers such as J o h n Chrysostom and J o h n of Damascus
thought that the expression maranatha was Hebrew; 22 but eventually it
was correctly identified as Aramaic in the patristic tradition: Theodoret
of Cyrrhus speaks of it as written in "the language of the Syrians." 23
Attempts to explain the meaning of the phrase throughout the
centuries have been numerous. It is clear, however, that the first
problem to be resolved is the division of the words involved in it, for the
meaning depends on how the phrase is to be divided. It is precisely on
this point that the new Palestinian Aramaic texts of Enoch shed some
light. However, before we consider this new evidence, it may be wise to
recall how the problem of the division arose.
In the major Greek majuscle MSS of the New Testament the phrase
is normally written as one word. At the end of the last century N.
Schmidt studied the reading of the phrase in the main Greek MSS then
available.24 T h e problem of the division is aggravated in these MSS by
the custom oiscriptio continua, in which there were generally no division
of words, no accents, and no breathings. In some cases, however,
accents/breathings were later added, and these give a clue to the
interpretation of the phrase then in vogue. Schmidt found four
different forms of the continuous writing of the phrase as one word:
(α) ΜΑΡΑΝΑΘΑ (in codices of the Pauline corpus N, A, B, C);

(b) ΜΑΡΑΝΝΑΘΑ (in codices F, G);
(c) ΜΑΡΑΝΑΘΑ (with an acute accent on the ultima, in codex Μ and in 6
minuscles);
(d) ΜΑΡΑΝΑΘΑ (with an acute accent on the propenult, in codex E).25
He also found suggestions for the division of the phrase in the accents
and breathings eventually added to the one-word writing of it:
(e) ΜΑΡΑΝ°ΑΘΑ (with a grave accent on maran and an acute on the final
syllable, added by a ninth-century scribe to codex Claromontanus, and also
found in codex L);
if) ΜΑΡΑΝΆΘΑ (with a circumflex accent on maran and on the final
vowel, added by a ninth/tenth-century scribe to codex Vaticanus).
Both of these readings, therefore, suggest the division maran atha.

Since Schmidt's research, only one new Greek MS of 1 Corinthians,
containing 16:22, has come to light, P 46 , the Chester Beatty Papyrus
text of the Pauline letters. 26 It preserves the phrase written as one word,
agreeing with the codices listed above u n d e r (a).
In the Greek text of the Didache published by J. Rendel Harris, the
phrase is written in ligated minuscule letters a n d clearly as one word,
maranatha.27
T h e ancient attempts to divide the phrase in the Greek MSS, by the
addition of accents or breathings, date from the end of the first
Christian millennium and reflect the division and interpretation of it
already present in patristic a n d early medieval writers. For it is written
as one word in the homilies or commentaries of J o h n Chrysostom,
T h e o d o r e t of C y r r h u s , J o h n of Damascus, Oecumenius, and T h e o p h y -
lact. 28 But here we are h a m p e r e d by the lack of critical editions of most
of these commentaries on 1 Corinthians. In any case, it is significant
that all these writers interpret the p h r a s e as m e a n i n g ho Kyrios hemon
elthe, "our Lord has come," and the later writers are undoubtedly
merely repeatin g what their predecessors had written. However, this is
the m e a n i n g that is also preserved in t h e Peshitta (märan êthä*),29 and a
fifth century Coptic translation of the Didache preserves a similar
sense: pjs afi amen, " T h e Lord has come. Amen." 3 0
When one consults the various critical editions of the New Testament
in m o d e r n times, one finds t h r ee varieties of readings:
(a) maranatha (written as one word): C. Tischendorf (Novum Testamentum

graece et latine, 1848), K. Lachmann (1850).
(b) maran atha (divided after the ny): J. J. Griesbach (1818), A. Mai
(following the accentuation added to Codex Vaticanus, 1859), C. Teschen-
dorf (in the edüo octava, 1872), B. F. Westcott and F.J. A. Hon (1890), Η.
von Soden (Handamgabe, 1913), the British and Foreign Bible Society's text
(1914), Α. Merk (9 editions from 1933-64), Η. J. Vogels (1950).
(c) marana tha (divided after the third alpha): E. Nestle (at least since the
20th ed., 1961), J. M. Bover (since 1953), R. V. G. Tasker (1964), K. Aland
et al. (UBSGNT 1961), Nestle-Aland, 26th ed. (1979).
H e r e one notes t h e weight of tradition: either the p h r a s e was printed

as o n e word (as in t h e m a i n G r e e k MSS) or was divided as maran atha
(according to t h e accents and b r e a t h i n g s a d d e d to certain manuscripts
or, m o r e likely, according to the patristic a n d early medieval interpreta-
tion of t h e phrase). For it is only in t h e m o r e recent m o d e r n critical
editions that the division marana tha is found. T h e traditional division,
however, was d e f e n d e d in m o d e r n times by no less a scholar t h a n P. d e
L a g a r d e : "muss m a n maran atha schreiben o d e r auf d e n R u h m ein
verständiger M a n n zu sein verzichten." 3 1
T h e division marana tha, however, can be traced back at least to such
scholars as J. Wellhausen, Τ. N ö l d e k e , a n d G. Dalman. 3 2
T h e m e a n i n g s that have been given to t h e p h r a s e have b e e n
n u m e r o u s ; some of t h e m are quite implausible, e.g.:
(1) "Our Lord is the sign," understanding the divided words asmäran^ätha
(Α. Klostermann, Ε. Hommel), 33 in which the "sign" would be the liturgical
kiss.
(2) "A Lord art thou," understanding the words as mär ântä* (J. C. K.
Hofmann, who even changed the Greek text to suit his interpretation). 34
(3) "Devoted to death," understanding the words as maharam moüw (M.
Luther, giving an explanation that does not correspond to the Greek
transcription). 35
(4) "Our Lord has come," the patristic interpretation, which understood
the phrase as märan ^äthä* (the perfect tense). (I consider this implausible
because there is no way to justify the past tense interpretation in the context
of 1 Corinthians or the Didache. )36
(5) "Our Lord will come,"understanding the perfect asa prophetic future (C.
L. W. Grimm). 37
A p a r t from these implausible interpretations , t h e r e a r e t h r e e others

which would have to be considered seriously:
(6) "Our Lord is coming," understanding the phrase to stand for märan
*athe\ the active participle. 38 But then the problem would be to explain how
the Greek maranatha would reflect the Aramaic participle âthe*; one would
rather expect maranathe.
(7) "Our Lord cometh," understanding the phrase as divided märan ^ätha*,
the perfect tense with a present meaning (J. Buxtorf, E. Kautzsch).39
(8) "Our Lord, come!", understanding the phrase to be divided märanä thä,
with the second element taken either as the apocopated imperative (thä)
or as an elided form of the imperative Catha ) , i.e., with the elision of
aleph and the reduced vowel because of the preceding final long a of the
pronominal suffix.40
In favor of the imperatival i n t e r p r e t a t i o n / O u r Lord, come!", com-

mentators have often appealed to Rev 22:20, w h e r e in a similar final
greeting at the end of that apocalyptic writing the seer makes the
testifying heavenly Jesus say, "Surely I am coming soon," and he adds
his own response, "Amen, come, Lord Jesus" {amen, erchou, kyrie Iesou).
Here the imperative erchou supports the interpretation of the second
element of maranatha as imperatival. This meaning does no violence
to the Didache context, with its reference to the close of a eucharistic
liturgy, especially when it is thought by some commentators to echo the
sentiment of Paul in 1 Cor 11:26, "proclaiming the Lord's death until
he comes" (achri hou elthe).
In the light of these varied interpretations, we can see that the real
problem is still that of the division of the phrase maranatha. Should one
divide ilmaran atha or marana thai No little part of the problem is the
form of the suffixal ending in Aramaic. Is it -an or -άηα3? When the
suffix of the first plural is first attested in Old Aramaic texts (from 9 2 5 -
700 B.C.), it is -an (e.g., in the Hazael ivory inscription from Arslan
Tash,mr°n [ΚΑΙ 232:1]). 41 Similarly, in the period of Imperial or Official
Aramaic (from 700-200 B.C.), it is invariably written as -an in extrabibli-
cal inscriptions or papyri (thus, mr'n in AP 17:1, 5; 27:2, 10, 19,
21, 22; 30:1, 2, 18, 23; 31:17, 22; 33:7, 12, 13; ΚΑΙ 273:9; on other
words: AP 7:6; 2:3, 9, 13; 3:4; 20:8, 9; etc.).42 Toward the end of
this period one begins to meet the fuller ending -ana (in AP
81:110, 115); this is also found in Biblical Aramaic (Ezra 5:12; Dan
3:17). When one looks for evidence from Middle Aramaic texts
from Palestine (from the last two centuries B.C. and the first century
A.D.), one finds only the fuller form -and* (thus in lQapGen 12:16;
19:12, 13; 21:5; HQtgJob 26:5; the Hyrcania inscription, frg. 2,
line 3 [Inpstf]4^). Moreover, to clinch the matter, we may cite the
very form that we have long been looking for, since this suffixal
form of märt has now turned up in the Enoch fragments recently
published by J. T. Milik.
In4QEn b 1 iii 14 (= 1 Enoch 9:4) we read about Raphael and Michael,
who are described as great Watchers and holy ones, who go in before God's
presence and say: ^nth hw*] mrn* rtf [hwf mr* Hrn? [. . . wkiürsf yqrk Ikl
{l}dr dry" dy mn clm[*\ "[You are] our great Lord; (you) are Lord of
the world . . . and your glorious [thron]e (is) for every generation
of generations which are from eter[nity]." 44 Here we have the miss-
ing link, mrn3, which is to be vocalized as märäna\ This form now
puts to rest the question about how the Aramaic word for "our
Lord" would have been pronounced (and written) in first-century
Palestine.45
However, it still leaves a problem, for, although the verb ^ätä* is well
attested in Qumran texts, there is so far no example of the peal imperative
of it. When imperatives of other PeAleph verbs appear in this literature,
they usually appear with the initial aleph, as in lQapGen 20:23, \l, "go!";
4QEn b 1 iv 5, *z[l], quoted above in part I of this paper; 46 4QEn c 5 ii 2 9 , \ l ,
"go!" T h e r e is no sign, however, in these texts, which are purely
consonantal, of how the imperatives were pronounced. T h e presumption
is that the initial aleph was still being pronounced. 4 7 But in a number of
other forms of the verb 'ty, "come," the aleph has disappeared in the
writing, reflecting the quiescence of it in the pronunciation (e.g.tytwn,
HQtgJob 16:1, 2 [for y*tvm]; Imth, 4QEnastr b 7 iii 2 [for hn'th]; lmt\
4QEnastr b 7 iii 5 [for ImY]).
So far, however, there is no evidence for the apocopated imperative
ta in the Aramaic of Palestine of this period (200 B.C.-A.D. 200), such
as one finds later in Palestinian Jewish Aramaic texts 48 or in Syriac
writings, 49
In the light of these data, I should prefer to regard the Greek
transcription maranatha of 1 Cor 16:22 and Did. 10:6 as a represen-
tation of an elision of Aramaic märana? *äthä\ "our Lord, come!" (an
imperative with the elision of the reduced vowel and initial aleph
because of the preceding long a).50
That the phrase is intended to be a liturgical acclamation in a eucharistic
context in Did. 10:6 seems clear, 51 but I hesitate to find the ending of 1
Corinthians reflecting a similar eucharistic situation, pace J. Α. Τ
Robinson. 52
On the other hand, the collocation of marana tha in 1 Cor 16:22 with
etö anathema, immediately preceding it, has suggested to some commen-
tators that marana tha might itself have had an imprecatory meaning. 53
Most of the evidence for this sort of interpretation of marana tha comes
from a later period, when the Pauline collocation of the two phrases
was taken up into a context of malediction. It seems that at some point
the original sense of marana tha was completely lost, and it was thought
to be a foreign curse (a sort of abacadabra), formulating perhaps the
anathema which immediately precedes. In this way it became what
J. H. Moulton and G. Milligan have called asymbolon.54 And this undoubt-
edly accounts even for the misspelling of it in a 4th/5th-century
inscription, maranathan,** where it is used as an imprecation. But as far
as I can see, there is not the slightest hint xhdXmarana tha itself was to be
so understood in the time of Paul. To read it thus in 1 Corinthians
is to be guilty of either eisegesis or anachronism. 56
T h e best explanation of marana tha remains that of an ancient
acclamation, held over from some primitive Palestinian liturgical
setting, 57 which can no longer be specified more precisely. Paul would
have made use of it at the end of 1 Corinthians as part of his final
Kynos and Maranatha and Their Aramaic Background 229
blessing on the community to which he writes. T h e brief, almost

disjointed, concluding phrases of that blessing make it difficult to say
whether marana tha goes with the preceding or the following phrase. T o
me it makes more sense to relate it to what follows and to regard it as an
acclamation referring to Jesus' parousiac coming, understood at least as
eschatological and regal, and perhaps also as judicial. 5 8
In any case, the Palestinian Aramaic evidence that now bears on the
phrase helps to relate the words to a primitive Jewish-Christian context,
the same to which I sought earlier to relate the kyrios-ut\e for Jesus
itself. It thus gives evidence of a veneration of Jesus by early Jewish
Christians as the "Lord," as a figure associated with Yahweh of the Old
Testament, even as one on the same level with him, without saying
explicitly that he is divine. 5 9
NOTES
* Submitted for the forthcoming Bo Reicke Festschrift, published here with

the permission of the editor.
1
See R. de Vaux and J. T. Milik, Qumran Cave 4: IUI. Archeology; II.
Tefillin, mezuzot et targums (4Q128^QI57) (DJD 6; Oxford: Clarendon, 1977)
8.
2
Twenty-nine of the Cave 4 fragments have been published by J. M. Allegro,
Qumran Cave 4:1 (4Q158-4Q186) (DJD 5; Oxford: Clarendon, 1968); and thirty
more by J. T. Milik in the volume mentioned in n. 1 (pp. 31-91). Fourteen more
were published by him in the volume to be mentioned in n. 4 below. For further
Cave 4 texts, published in preliminary or partial form, see my book, The Dead
Sea Scrolls: Major Publications and TooL· for Study, With an Addendum (January
1977) (SBLSBS 8; Missoula, MT: Scholars, 1977) 23-34.
3
For reports on the literature of Cave 4, see R Benoit et al., "Editing the
Manuscript Fragments from Qumran," BA 19 (1956) 75-96, esp. pp. 89, 94;
"Le travail d'edition des fragments manuscrits de Qumrän," RB 63 (1956) 49-
67, esp. pp. 60, 66; J. T. Milik, Ten Years of Discovery in the Wilderness of Judaea
(SBT 26; Naperville, IL: Allenson, 1959) 33-34. For the preliminary Enochic
publications, see J. T. Milik, "Henoch au pays des aromates (eh. xxvii ä xxxii):
Fragments arameens de la grotte 4 de Qumran," RB 65 (1958) 70-77 (=
4QEnc-e); "Problemes de la litterature henochique ä la lumiere des fragments
arameens de Qumrän," HTR 64 (1971) 333-78 (= 4QEnastr a " d ); 'Turfan et
Qumran: Livre des Geants juif et manicheen," Tradition und Glaube: Das frühe
Christentum in seiner Umwelt: Festgabe für Karl Georg Kuhn zum 65. Geburtstag (eds.
G. Jeremias et al.; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1971) 117-27.
A
The Books of Enoch: Aramaic Fragments of Qumran Cave 4 (Oxford: Clarendon,
1976). Unfortunately, despite the claim that Milik makes that the "main
purpose of this edition is to present. . . all the fragments identified among the
manuscripts of Qumran Cave 4 as forming part of different Books of Enoch" (p.
230 TO ADVANCE T H E GOSPEL
3), he has not yet presented all of them. See my remark s in "Implications of the
New Enoch Literature from Q u m r a n , " TS 38 (1977) 3 3 2 - 4 5 .
5
For a recent critical edition of this text, see M. A. Knibb (in consultation with
E. Ollendorff)» The Ethiopk Book of Enoch: A New Edition in the Light of the Aramaic
Dead Sea Fragments (2 vols; Oxford: Clarendon, 1978). See my review of this
edition in a forthcoming issue ofJBL.
6
See my remarks in TS 38 (1977) 342-44. Cf. M. A. Knibb (with E.
Ollendorff), BSOAS 40 (1977) 6 0 1 - 2 ; " T h e Date of the Parables of Enoch," NTS
25 (1978-79) 3 4 5 - 5 9 ; J. C. Greenfield, "Prolegomenon," in H. Odeberg, 3
Enoch or the Hebrew Book of Enoch (reprinted; New York: Ktav, 1973) xi-xlvii;
J. C. Greenfield and Μ. Ε. Stone, " T h e Enochic Pentateuch and the Date of the
Similitudes," HTR 70 (1977) 5 1 - 6 5 ; " T h e Books of Enoch and the Traditions of
Enoch," Numen 26 (1979) 8 9 - 1 0 3 ; C. L. Mearns, "Dating the Similitudes of
Enoch," NTS 25 (1978-79) 3 6 0 - 6 9.
7
O n this crucial distinction, see further my article, " T h e Semitic Background
of the New Testament Kyrios-Title" WA, 115-42, esp. p p . 117, 133-34; or "Der
semitische Hintergrun d des neutestamentlichen Kyriostitels," Jesus Christus in
Historie und Theologie: Neutestamentliche Festschrift für Hans Conzelmann zum 60.
Geburtstag (ed. G. Strecker; T ü b i n g e n : Mohr [Siebeck], 1975) 2 6 7 - 9 8 , esp. p p .
271-72.
8
These four views have been described in greater detail in the articles cited in
n. 7: in German, p p . 2 6 9 - 7 1 ; in English, WA, 115-17.
9
Ckristology of the New Testament (London: SCM, 1963) 195-237.
10
Theology of the New Testament (2 vols.; London: SCM, 1956), 1. 5 1 .
11
See n. 7 above; in German, p p . 2 9 0 - 9 6 ; in English, WA, 123-27.
12
See J. P. M. van der Ploeg and A. S. van d e r Woude, Le targum de Job de la
grotte xi de Qumrdn (Koninklijke nederlandse Akademie van Wetenschappen;
Leiden: Brill, 1971) 58.
13
But see J o b 12:9 and the apparatus criticus.
14
See N. Avigad and Y. Y a d i n , ^ Genesis Apocryphmi: A Scrollfrom the Wilderness
ofJudaea (Jerusalem: Magnes, 1956), col. XX.
15
The Books of Enoch (n. 4 above), 175-76.
16
See M. Black, Apocalypns Henochi graece (PVTG 3; Leiden: Brill, 1970) 25.
Ho kyrios is, however, lacking in the Greek text preserved in George Syncellus.
17
The Books of Enoch (n. 4 above), 5. T h e form mry* also shows that the
emphatic form was not märä\ pace K. G. K u h n (TDNT 4 [1967] 467).
18
The Christology of the New Testament (n. 9 above), 218.
19
The Vocabulary of the Greek Testament Illustrated from the Papyri and Other Non-
Literary Sources (London: H o d d e r and Stoughton, 1930; reprinted, 1957) 388.
Cf. E. J. Goodspeed, Problems of New Testament Translation (Chicago: Chicago
University, 1945) 166-68.
20
Philopseudes 9 (LCL, 3. 334-35).
21
The History of the Synoptic Tradition (Oxford: Blackwell, 1968) 222.
22
J o h n Chrysostom,/n£/?. I ad Cor. horn, xliv (PG,61. 377); J o h n of Damascus,
In Ep. ad Cor I, 123 (PG,95. 705). This identification is also found in an eleventh
century Greek MS (Vat. gr. 179): hebraike estin lie lexis, ho Kyrios hekeu
™Interpr. ep. I ad Cor., cap. 16, 21 (PG,82. 373); cf. Oecumenius, Comment, in
ep. I ad Cor. (PG,118. 904-5); Theophylact,£x£05. in ep. I ad Cor., 16.22 (PG,124.
793).
Kynos and Maranatha and Their Aramaic Background 231
2 4 "Maranatha, I Cor. xvi. 22"JBL 13 (1894) 50-60; ci.JBL 15 (1896) 44 n.

14 for a correction.
2
*JBL 13 (1894) 50. I have been able to check the reading in the major MSS in
this list.
26
See F. C. Kenyon, The Chester Beatty Biblical Papyri: Descriptions and Texts of
Twelve Manuscripts on Papyrus of the Greek Bible: Fasciculus III Supplement, Pauline
Epistles, Plates (London: E. Walker, 1937), f. 60 v. (last line). T h e phrase is
actually somewhat unclear here; the theta is obscure. But it is almost certainly to
be read as one word. T h e papyrus is dated ca. A.D. 200.
27
The Teaching of the Apostles (Didache tön apostolön) Newly Edited, with
Facsimile, Text and a Commentary (Baltimore: Johns Hopkins University; London:
C.J. Clay and Sons, 1887), pi. VII, fol. 79a, line 12 (accented with an acute on
the ultima).
28
See nn. 20-21 above. Some of the Latin patristic tradition also echoes this
interpretation: Jerome,Lib. interpr. Hebr. nam., ad I Cor. (CC,72. 154): "Marana-
tha, dominus noster venit. Syrum est"; In ep. I ad Cor., 16 (PL, 30. 806):
"Maranatha. Magis Syrum est, quam Hebraeum; tametsi ex confinio utrarum-
que linguarum, aliquid Hebraeum sonet. Et interpretatur, Domini« noster venit."
Cf. Ep. 26.4 (PL, 22. 431). Ambrosiaster, In ep. ad Cor. I, 16:22 (CSEL 81.194):
"Maranatha enim 'dominus venit' significat. Hoc propter Judaeos qui Jesum
non venisse dicebant, hi ergo anathema sunt a Domino, qui venit." Augustine,
however, is said to have recorded another interpretation which refers the phrase
not to the incarnation, but to the parousia ("Anathema dixit graeco sermone:
condemnatus; maranatha definivit: Donee dominus redeat"), but I have been
unable to verify this interpretation in Augustine's writings. This interpretation,
however, is echoed in a ninth century codex G (Boernerianus): "Anathema sit in
adventu domini." Cf. Du Cange, Glossarium mediae et infimae latinitatis (Niort: L.
Favre, 1885), 5. 258. On this sort of interpretation, see p. 228.
29
The New Testament in Syriac (London: British and Foreign Bible Society,
1950) 101.
30
See G. Horner, "A New Papyrus Fragment of the Didache in Coptic" JTS
25 (1924) 225-31 (= Brit. Mus. Or. 9271). Cf. C. Schmidt, "Das koptische
Didache-Fragment des British Museum," ZNW 24 (1925) 81-99; L.-Th. Lefort,
Les Peres apostoliques en copte (CSCO 135; Louvain: Imprimerie orientaliste
L. Durbecq, 1952) 32 (Lefort reads pf[s] afi (h)amen, and translates: "Le
seigneur est venu, amen" [CSCO 136, 26]). Cf. E. Peterson, "Ueber einige
Probleme der Didache-Ueberlieferung," Rivista di archeologia cristiana 27 (1951)
37-68, esp. pp. 60 n. 80, 61 n. 86.
31
Quoted by N. Schmidt J B L 13 (1894) 51.
32
See T. Nöldeke, Review of E. Kautzsch, Grammatik des Biblisch-Aramäischen
mit einer kritischen Erörterung der aramäischen Wörter im Neuen Testament (Leipzig:
F.C.W. Vogel, 1884), GGA 1884/2, 1014-23,esp.p. 1023. Nöldeke there cites the
agreement of J. Wellhausen with him in adopting the suggestion of G. Bickell
("Die neuentdeckte 'Lehre der Apostel' und die Liturgie," ZKT 8 [1884] 4 0 0 -
12, esp. p. 403 n. 3), who was apparently the first person in modern times to
suggest this division and meaning of the phrase. He compared Rev 22:20.See
further J. Halevy, "Decouvertes epigraphiques en Arabie," RE] 9 (1884) 1-20,
esp. p. 9; G. Dalman, Grammatik des jüdisch-palästinischen Aramäisch nach den
Idiomen des palästinischen Talmud, des Onkelostargum und Prophetentargum, und der
jerusalemischen Targame (2d ed.; Leipzig: Hinrichs, 1903; reprinted, Darmstadt:

Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1960) 357 n. 1. T h e r e is now no longer any
reason to appeal to Nabatean forms, as did Dalman and Halevy.
33
T h e s e different meanings have been well discussed by K. G. Kuhn,
"Maranatha" TDNT 4 (1967) 4 6 6 - 7 2 . Cf. A. Klostermann, Probleme im Apos-
teltexte neu erörtert (Gotha: Perthes, 1883) 2 0 0 - 4 6 ; Ε. H o m m e l , "Maran atha,"
ZNW 15 (1914) 3 1 7 - 2 2.
34
J. C. K. von Hofmann, Die heilige Schrift neuen Testaments zusammenhängend
untersucht: 1112 Der erste Brief Pauli an die Korinther (Nördlingen: G. H. Beck,
1874)401-3.
35
Sämtntlkhe Werke: 4. Abt., Vermischte deutsche Schriften 12 (Frankfurt/
Erlangen: Heyder u n d Zimmer, 1855), 64. 2$$; Deutsche Bibel 1522-1546, 7. Das
Neue Testament, 2. Hälfte (Weimar: H. Böhlaus, 1931) 136-37 ("So j e m a n d d e n
H E r r n Jhesu Christ nicht lieb hat, der sey Anathem a Maharam Motha." His
marginal gloss reads: "Bann auf deutsch, Anathem, Griechisch, Maharam auff
Ebreisch ist ein ding. Moth aber heisst tod. Wil nu S. Paulus sagen, Wer Christus
nicht liebet, der ist verbannet zum tode"). Luther was, however, aware of
another interpretation, that of the Fathers and Scholastics before him, for he
wrote in his commentary of 1519 on Galatians: "Si quis non amat d o m i n u m
Iesum Christum, sit anathema maranat a (quod Burgensis pessimum maledi-
cendi genus a p u d Hebreos esse dicit, ubi nostri m a r a n a t a 'dominus venit'
intelligunt, non absque errore, ut puto): nihil m i r um sit, si et hie [i.e., in
Galatians] maledicat, externi hominis malum detestans, q u o b o n u m Spiritus
impediri .cernebat" (Weimar Ausgabe, 2. 573). "Dominus venit" is, of course,
ambiguous, because it could be the perfect or the present tense. T h e translator
of the Commentary on Galatians in Luther's Works (ed. J. Pelikan and W. A.
Hansen; Saint Louis: Concordia Publishing House, 1964), 27. 345, translated it,
"the Lord is coming," but I daresay that that is not what Luther meant, since the
tradition before him almost unanimously understoo d it as the past tense
(perfect). T h e translator has here been influenced apparently by a m o d e r n
understanding of the phrase, in preferring the present.
T h e passage to which Luther refers can be found in Nicolaus d e hyra., Posälla
super totam bibliam, cum additionibus Pauli Burgensis (Unveränderter Nachdruck
der Ausgabe Strassburg, 1492; Frankfurt: Minerva, 1971), vol. 4, no pagina-
tion: Ad Corinthios I, in 16:22. (I am indebted to Prof. Karlfried Froehlich for
this reference.)
T h e interpretation, maharam motha, "devoted to death," is ascribed by Corne-
lius a Lapide (Commentarii in Sacram Scripturam [Milan: F. Pagnoni, 1870], 17.
456) to Erasmus, T h e o d o r e de Beze, and Bullinger. His own comment on this
interpretation is: "Sed hoc tortum est et longe di$ta.t macharam mota amaran ata."
A similar j u d g m e n t was m a d e by Melanchthon, "cum adpareat longius accersi-
tam esse" (Comm. in ep. Pauli ad Cor., cap. xvi; C. G. Bretschneider, Philippi
Melanthonis opera quae supersunt omnia [Corpus reformatorum , 15; Halle/S.: C. A.
Schwetschke, 1848] 1190-92).
I have been unable to find the use of this explanation in the works of
Erasmus. In his Novum instrumentum: Annotationes Novi Testamenti (Basel: Froben,
1516), 2. 483, he gives the usual translation, "Dns noster venit." This is repeated
in the printing of 1519, and also in his revision, in annotationes Novi Testamenti
(Basel: Froben, 1540) 522 (= Des. Erasmi roter, operu m sextus tomus, 522).
T h e o d o r e de Beze gives the explanation ofmaranatha which relates it to Hebr.
herem; see Annotationes maiores in Novum Dn. nostrijesu Christi Testamentum (2 vols.;
[no place or publisher], 1594), 2. 2 5 0 - 5 1. CF. J Calvin, Commentary on the Epistle
of Paul the Apostle to the Corinthians (Grand Rapids, MI: Eerdmans, 1948), 2. 8 0 -
83.
36
According to this interpretation, the phrase was often said to be a
"confession," to distinguish it from other interpretations. See K. G. Kuhn,
"Maranatha" TDNT 4 (1967) 470-72. T h e reason why this is still preferred by
some commentators is the patristic tradition that is associated with it. It seems
rather obvious that the Fathers either did not understand what the phrase meant
or related it to the preceding anathema, or simply repeated what earlier
interpreters had said it meant. T h e past tense was often used in patristic and
early scholastic writings to affirm the incarnation in the face of unorthodox
views of Jesus, either Docetic or Jewish. See especially B. Botte, "Maranatha,"
No'el-Epiphanie, retour du Christ: Semaine liturgique de llnstitut Saint-Serge (Paris:
Cerf, 1967) 25-42, esp. pp. 37-39. Cf. F. Field, Notes on the Translation of the New
Testament: Being Otium norvicense (pars tertia) (Cambridge: University Press, 1899)
190; R. Payne Smith, Thesaurus syriacus (2 vols.; Oxford: Clarendon, 1901), 2.
2205; also G. Klein, "Maranatha," RGG 4 (1960) 732-33, esp. col. 732.
37
In J. H. Thayer, A Greek-English Lexicon of the New Testament, Being Gri?nm\s
Wilke's Clavis Novi Testamenti Translated, Revised and Enlarged (New York: Harper,
1892) 389. See K. G. Kuhn, "Maranatha," TDNT 4 (1967) 472. Cf. M. Black
"The Maranatha Invocation and J u d e 14, 15 (1 Enoch 1:9)," Christ and Spirit in
the New Testament: In Hmiour of Charles Francis Digby Moule (ed. B. Lindars and
S. S. Smalley; Cambridge: University Press, 1973) 189-96, esp. p. 196; "The
Christological Use of the Old Testament in the New Testament," NTS 18 ( 1 9 7 1 -
72) 1-14, esp. p. 10 n. 4. I remain skeptical, along with G. Dalman and K. G.
Kuhn, about the so-called prophetic perfect or perfectum futurum in Aramaic,
especially in main clauses, as this phrase would be. Cf. H. Bauer and P. Leander,
Grammatik des Biblisch-Aramäischen (Hall/S.: Niemeyer, 1927) §77a, 79n.
38
See A. Adam, "Erwägungen zur Herkunft der Didache,"/A'G 68 (1957) 1-
47, esp. p. 6 n. 14. He cites as an authority for this interpretation "ein arabisch,
syrisch, englisch sprechender Mönch" of St. Mark's Syrian Orthodox Monastery
in Jerusalem, who pronounced it möran öte and translated it, "Der Herr ist im
Kommen" (!).
39
J. Buxtorf, Lexicon chaldaicum, talmudicum et rabbinicum (2 vols.; ed. B.
Fischer; Leipzig: M. Schaefer, 1875) 633; E. Kautzsch, Grammatik des Biblisch-
Aramäischen, 12; J. Weiss, Der erste Korintherbrief (MeyerK 5; 9th ed.; Göttingen:
Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1910) 387.
40
This explanation is given by Ε. Kautzsch {Grammatik des Biblisch-Aramäi-
eschen, 12) as an alternative. T h e same suggestion was m a d e by J. Hehn, recorded
in F. J. Dölger, Sol salutis: Gebet und Gesang im christlichen Altertum (Liturgiege-
schichtliche Forschungen, 16/17; Münster in W.: Aschendorff, 1925) 201.
41
True, -ana" should be regarded as the older form. On the basis of
comparative Northwest Semitic grammar, one would postulate a Proto-Semitic
from -ana (see H. Bauer and P. Leander, Grammatik des Biblisch-Aramäischen [n.
37 above], 79 §20/'; C. Brockelmann, Grundriss der verglächenden Grammatik der
semitischen Sprachen [2 vols.; Berlin: Reuther & Reichard, 1908; reprinted,
Hildesheim: Olms, 1966], 1. 309 [§105d]). But the earliest historically attested
Aramaic forms end simply in -n; there is no evidence that this was merely a
consonantal writing for-ηά. See F. M. Cross and D. N. Freedman, Early Hebrew
Orthography: A Study of the Epigraphk Evidence (AOS 36; New Haven: American
Oriental Society, 1952) 2 1 - 3 4 ; J. A. Fitzmyer, The Aramak Inscriptions of Sefire
(BibOr 19; Rome: Biblical Institute, 1967) 139-49; R. Degen, Altaramäische
Grammatik der Inschriften des 10.-8. Jh. ν. Chr. (Abh. f. d. Kunde des Morgenlandes,
38/3; Wiesbaden: Deutsche morgenländische Gesellschaft, 1969) 44 36. S.
Segen (Altaramäische Grammatik mit Bibliographie, Chrestomathie und Glossar [Leip-
zig: VEB Verlag Enzyklopädie, 1975] 5.1.3.4.1 [sic!]) considers it a possibility that
final -n was pronounced -na, but he offers not a shred of evidence for the
possibility. Cf. L. A. Bange, A Study of the Use of Vowel-Letters in Alphabetic
Consonantal Writing (Munich: Verlag-UNI-Druck, 1971) 78; he offers no proof
for the actual pronunciation of final -n beyond the postulated Proto-Semitic
ending that everyone acknowledges. When final long a was preserved in the
pronunciation, it was invariably written with h (see znh [= zenäh], "this," Sf I A
36, 40; I B 28, 33; I C 17; >nh [= >änah], "I," Sf II C 8; I l l 6).
42
This evidence shows that -an was the historically older ending of the first
plural suffix in Aramaic, at least as far as what is attested, and that -ana3
prevailed at a later date. T h e latter may, of course, represent a preservation of
the more original Proto-Semitic ending -ana in certain areas—or at least a
return to an older pronunciation. This evidence should at least make one
cautious in describing the fuller ending as the "old suffix form märana?" over
against what is sometimes called "the more recent popular märan" (F. Hahn, The
Titles of Jesus in Christology: Their History in Early Christianity [London: Lut-
t e r w o r t h , ! 969] 93).
43
See J. Naveh, "Ktwbt Vmyt m h w r q n y h [An Aramaic Inscription from
Hyrcania]," cAtiqot: Hebreiv Series 7 (1974) 5 6 - 5 7 (+ pi. XV/8).
44
The Books of Enoch (n. 4 above), 171. Literally, the text reads, "[You are] o u r
Lord, the Great One. "
45
This evidence is, consequently, significant, because several writers in recent
times have insisted on the division maran atha, citing evidence for the short
ending -an from Palestinian pentateuchal targums, Samaritan Aramaic, and
Christian Palestinian Aramaic. T h u s , e.g., FL-P. Rüger, "Zum Problem der
Sprache Jesu," ZNW 59 (1968) 113-22, esp. p. 121: " U n d in der Tat heisst das
Suffix der 1. communis pluralis am konsonantisch auslautenden Nomen im
Idiom des palästinischen Pentateuchtargums, im samaritanischen Aramäisch
und im Christlich-palästinischen stets-an, teils -ana?" Rüger cites F. Schulthess,
Grammatik des christlkh-palästinischen Aramäisch, (Tübingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 1924)
33 §57; G. Dalman, Grammatik des jüdisch-palästinischen Aramäisch, 95 a n d 202-3.
T h e short ending reappears, indeed, in the Late Phase of the language (for the
phases in question, see WA, 57-84). T h e question has always been, What form
did the first plural suffixal ending take in first-century Palestine? None of the
evidence that Rüger cites answers that question; and the same has to be said for
most of what is cited by K.-G. Kuhn, TDNT 4 (1967) 4 6 7 - 6 8 . See further J. A.
Emerton, "Maranatha and E p h p h a t a / ' / T S ns 18 (1967) 4 2 7 - 3 1 , esp. p. 427.
46
See p. 222 above.
47
Cf. E. Qimron, "Initial Alef as a Vowel in Hebrew and Aramaean Docu-
ments from Q u m r a n Compared with O t h e r Hebrew and Aramaean Sources,"
Us 39 (1975) 133-46.
48
See G. Dalman, Grammatik des jüdisch-palästinischen Aramäisch, 357, 300. Cf.
Η. Odeberg, The Aramak Portions of Bereshit Rabba, with Grammar of Galilaean
Kyrios and Maranatha and Thar Aramaic Background 235
Aramaic (Lunds Universitets Ärsskrift, ns 1/36 n. 4; Lund: Gleerup; Leipzig:

Harrassowitz, 1939) 77, 160.
49
See T. Nöldeke, Compendious Syriac Grammar (London: Williams and
Norgate, 1904) 133 (§183). Cf. the Peshitta of Rev 22:20: to'' märya* Yisi?.
50
As suggested earlier by E. Kautzsch and J. Hehn (see n. 40 above).
51
There it occurs at the end of a rather lengthy description of an early
eucharistic liturgy. See B. Botte, "Maranatha," 33-34.
52
"The Earliest Christian Liturgical Sequence," JTS ns 4 (1953) 3 3 - 4 1 ;
reprinted in Twelve New Testament Studies (SBT 34; Naperville: Allerison, 1962)
154-57.
53
See C. F. D. Moule, "A Reconsideration of the Context of Maranatha,' NTS
6 (1959-60) 307-10. He takes u p a suggestion of E. Peterson, Has theos:
Epigraphische, formgeschichtliche und religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchungen (Göt-
tingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1926) 130-31. For the later evidence on
which this interpretation is based—apart from the implication of it in patristic
writing—see H. Leclercq, "Maranatha," DACL 10/2 (1932) 1729-30. Cf. W.
Dunphy, "Marantha: Development in Early Christology," ITQ 37 (1970) 2 9 4 -
308; M. Black, " T h e Maranatha Invocation" (see n. 37 above), 189-96.
According to B. Botte ("Marantha," 29-34), this linking oimaranatha with what
precedes was the source of the long-standing patristic and medieval under-
standing of the phrase. My own investigations agree with his on this score.
54
The Vocabulary (see n. 17 above), 33.
55
See CIG, 4. 9303; J. H. Moulton and G. Milligan, The Vocabulary, 33. Pace
C. F. D. Moule {NTS 6 [1959-60] 308), the misspelling is precisely the
evidence for the misunderstanding of the phrase.
56
Still further wide of the mark is the interpretation of the text of 1 Cor 16:22
set forth by W. F. Albright and C. S. Mann, "Two Texts in I Corinthians," NTS
16(1969-70) 271-76. '
57
T h e attempt of W. Heitmüller ("Zum Problem Paulus und Jesus," ZNW 13
[1912] 320-37, esp. pp. 333-34) to seek a Hellenistic Christian origin for the
title, either in bilingual Antioch or Damascus, has found little support. Cf. W.
Bousset, Kyrios Christos: A History of the Belief in Christ from the Beginnings of
Christianity to Irenaeus (Nashville: Abingdon, 1970) 129. O n Bousset's vacilla-
tions, see S. Schulz, "Marantha und Kyrios Jesus," ZNW 53 (1962) 125-44, esp.
p. 125. Cf. V. H. Neufeld, The Earliest Christian Confessions (NTTS 5; Leiden:
Brill, 1963) 55 n. 4.
58
See further B. Botte, "Maranatha," 40-42; G. Bornkamm, Early Christian
Experience (London: SCM, 1969) 169-76, 178-79; P.-E. Langevin, Jesus Seig-
neur et l'eschatologie: Exegese de textes prepauliniens (Studia, 21; Bruges/Paris:
Desclee de Brouwer, 1967) 168-208.
59
See G. Klein, "Maranatha," RGG 4 (1960) 732-33.
Eleven
HABAKKUK 2:3-4
AND THE NEW TESTAMENT
I T IS WELL KNOWN that in the New Testament, Hab 2:4 is used by Paul in
Gal 3:11 and Rom 1:17, and Hab 2:3-4 by the author of the Epistle to
the Hebrews (10:37-38). This Old Testament text is also commented
on by the author of the peser on Habakkuk from Q u m r a n Cave 1. T h e
different forms of the quotation from Habakkuk have at times been
discussed. 1 But it is puzzling why the differing Hebrew and Greek
forms of these verses, which must have been behind the New Testa-
ment use of this famous quotation, have not been more adequately
treated. Moreover, the original verses in the Hebrew form of Ha-
bakkuk have concealed problems that would have to be considered in
an adequate treatment, since many of the modern translations of the
passage have been greatly influenced by—at least—a Greek version of
it. T h e dependence of New Testament writers on the Habakkuk
passage is rather obvious, but it is not always clearly stated that the
dependence is on a rather narrowly understood Greek version of it.
Consequently, it might be well to survey the data now available in a
more comprehensive way with the hope that they may shed some light
on the problems that one has in the interpretation and use of Hab 2 : 3 -
4 in the New Testament.
I« The Text of Hab 2:3-4 in Pre-New Testament Usage
T h e passage that concerns us reads as follows in the Hebrew of the

MT (Hab 2:3-4):
Habakkuk 2:3-4 and the New Testament 237
ÜT31 xVl ypb Πΰη "Wu 1 ? ]ΊΤΠ 11V Ό 3
.omo xb χα' xa-Ό i^-nan ΓΓΟΠΏΓΡ-ΠΚ
:ΓΡΓΡ iriJinxa pnan ia IU/QJ n w i A rAay ran 4
The Hebrew text of Hab 2:3-4 has usually been translated somewhat
as follows:
3
For still the vision awaits its time;
it hastens to the end—it will not He.
If it seem slow, wait for it;
it will surely come, it will not delay.
4
Behold, he whose soul is not upright in him shall fail,
but the righteous shall live by his faith. (RSV)
Or:
3
For the vision still has its time,
presses on to fulfillment, and will not disappoint;
Η it delays, wait for it,
it will surely come, it will not be late.
4
The rash man has no integrity;
but the just man, because of his faith, shall live. (NAB)
In the original context of Habakkuk, these verses form part of

Yahweh's reply to the prophet's second complaint about the continuing
oppression of Judah. Chaldean invaders, who are expected and whose
god is their might, are contrasted with Judah, whose deliverance lies in
fidelity to Yahweh. Yahweh has just ordered the prophet to record the
vision clearly upon tablets so that even a runner can read it. Then
follow vv. 3-4, which tell of a vision destined for an appointed time,
which will make clear that Judah's deliverance will not depend on its
wealth; rather, only fidelity to Yahweh will prove its righteousness and
bring life. The Hebrew word *emünäht "fidelity, steadfastness," ex-
presses the key idea.
The meaning of these verses has been queried in recent times by a
number of writers. In particular, v. 3, as translated above, may really
express a slightly different idea. T h e crucial word is wyph (vocalized in
the MT asweyäpeah) and is usually translated, "hastens"; related to it is
'wd (vocalized as cod), "still." Frequently enough, the word wyph has
been regarded as a verb, derived from the root pwhlpyh, and related to a
similar formyäfnah in Proverbs (6:19; 12:17; 14:5, 25; 19:5, 9, 26) and
Ps 27:12. Recently, however, it has become clear that yph must mean
"witness" in a good number of these instances, since this root is now
abundantly attested in Ugaritic. 2 Baumgartner has admitted this expla-
nation for ydpeah in Ps 27:12. 3 W. McKane has made use of this
meaning, "witness," for the passages in his commentary on Proverbs. 4
Because of the parallelism found there between yäpiah and ced, which
has the same meaning, it has been further suggested that possibly in
Hab 2:3 one should rather read cwd as cyd in the first bicolon, and then
take wyph in parallelism with it. Recently, D. Pardee essayed such an
interpretation:
For there is yet a vision (or: the vision is a witness) for a set time,
Even a witness for the end,
One that will not lie.5
If Pardee's suggestion proves correct—though he is still somewhat tied
to the older mode of rendering the bicola, given his double transla-
tion—then it is clear that Habakkuk's text here carries a nuance slightly
different from that to which we have been accustomed.
However, Hab 2:3 is quoted in full in l Q p H a b 7:5-10. T h e second

word of v. 3 was read there by M. Burrows as cwd in the editio princeps.6
However, the word could just as easily be read as cyd.7 If so, then
possibly the Qumra n reading would support this more recent mode of
understanding Hab .2:3. T h e difficulty is that waw and yod in this
Qumran text are not always clearly distinguished; and Burrows almost
certainly read cwd under the influence of the M T In eliminating the
waw before ypyh, the Qumran form removes the possibility of under-
standing the word as a verb, as is done in various Greek translations
(see below).
T h e text of l Q p H a b 7:5-8:3 is presented below so that one can see
how it has interpreted Hab 2:3-4 and preserved parts of those verses.
rim T>y κ α 5
1
ητη ' ioVi ypb ΓΡΕΡ lyin^ 6
1
Vin bv "irm ]ηπκη γρπ ηηκ IU/K nws 7
nbzrtb VK τ ι ΚΌ nnonrr n m -tuw 8
κ\*τ\ K\y* κιη ΚΌ I*7 nnn n?3nnrT' ΠΝ 9
ηηκπ ^ κ bv nu/s "iruo 10
rrnnyn ΠΓΡΤ ιατ* mb "iw rmnn "»uny 11
κ ο ρ-ιπκη γρπ orp^y -|urnm ΠΏΝΠ 12
ppn IU/IO DyDr6 ικιη1 Vx ^ p în 13
mmv K\b {n}b^v run inmv Tin an1? 14
amVy iVa^ -»«/κ nu/Q [in IU/QI] 15
[ ]b[ ] nusu/nn w v [κφ[ι οητικυπ] 16
[ΓΡΓΤ> i n r a i u p n n ] 17
Ίΐ£/κ ΠΤΙΓΤ» η·>ηη η-ηηη ->uny Vin ^y "num 1

•ηηηκι D^ny -rrnyn usu;nn rr>nn ^κ a ^ y ' 2
p-ryn ητιηη 3
*For a vision {is) a witness Gfor a set-time, a -witnessfor the end-time, and it wilt not
lie. 7 The interpretation of it: The final end-time will be long and (will be) an
extension beyond all 8 that the prophets have said, because the mysteries of
God are amazing. 9Ifit tarries, wait for it, because it will surely come and will not
l0
delay. The interpretation of it concerns the men of truth, "the observers
of the Law, whose hands slacken not in the service of 12the truth, as the final
end-time is prolonged over them, for 13all Gods times will come according
to their appointment, as he has determined 14for them in the mysteries of
his providence. Now (as for the) puffed-up one, [his soul] is not found upright
is
[within him]. The interpretation of it: [Their sins] will be doubled upon
them, 16[and] they will n[ot] be found acceptable at their judgment
17
[ ; but {the) nghteous one because of hL· fidelity shall find life].
8:1
The interpretation of it concerns the observers of the Law in the house of
Judah, whom 2 God shall deliver from the house of judgment because of
their struggle and their fidelity to the Teacher of Righteousness.8
Unfortunately, the peser sheds little light on the words zwd/cyd orypyh,
since the autho r concentrates only on t h e extension of t h e final end-
time beyond that which was a n n o u n c e d by the prophets . Again, the
peser in lines 9 - 1 4 assures the sectarians of the coming of the end-time
and recalls to t h e m their need not to slacken their allegiance. T h e
commentary on v. 4a does not present a clear interpretation of the
words of Habakkuk, because it is almost as incomprehensible as the
original, a n d the two last words of it (npsw bw) may not be correctly
restored. Hesitation about this restoration will be m o r e evident when
one considers the Greek translation in the LXX where eudokei may
correspond in some way to the verb yrsw (from rsy), even t h o u g h the
form itself seems to be different. T h e p h r a s e he psyche mou en autö, which
changes the sense of the M T , may be closer to what t h e autho r of the
peser originally wrote. In any case, vv. 4a and 4b in the commentary
seem to contrast two types of persons, those not u p r i g h t and those who
are righteous. T h o u g h t h e lemma of v. 4b is missing in the fragmentary
col. 7, the c o m m e nt on it makes it clear that it was once there. Because
of struggle a n d loyalty to t h e Teache r of Righteousness God will deliver
them from the house of j u d g m e n t .
Over against such an u n d e r s t a n d i n g of the text of H a b a k k uk one has

to consider the various Greek translations of it that exist today. T h e
oldest is probably that of t h e so-called Septuagint, which r u n s as
follows:
3 dioti eti horasis eis kairon kai anatelei eis peras

kai ouk eis kenon·
ean hysterese, hypomeinon auton, hod erchomenos
hexei kai ou me chronise.
\ean hyposteiletai, ouk eudokei he psyche mou en auto-
ho de dikaios ek pisteös mou zesetai.9
Mss X, B, Q, W* read ek pisteös mou; MSS A, C read dikaios mou ek

pisteös; and MS Wc omitsmou. A corrector of X2 read apangelei instead of
anatelei, subsequently erased. T h e LXX may be translated thus:
3
For (there is) still a vision for the set-time, and it will appear for the end,
and not for naught; if it tarries, wait for it, because it will surely come and
will not delay. 4If one draws back, my soul takes no delight in him; but the
righteous one because of my fidelity shall find life (MSS A, C: but my
righteous one shall find life).
When one compares this LXX text with the MT, one notes that its
Hebrew Vorlage clearly read hod, here translated a s ^ , "still." Moreover,
the Hebr. wyph (with the conjunction) was understood as a verbal form,
here translated as anatelei, "will appear" (lit., will spring u p on the
horizon). T h e reading in MS X2, introduced by a corrector, apangelei,
"will announce," shows that the same word was also understood as a
verb. Through this could be seen as expressing the function of a
witness, the Greek translator scarcely had this in mind. In any case,
these words, eti and anatelei (or apangelei), are undoubtedly the reason
for the more or less traditional mode of translating v. 3.
In the treatment of v. 4, the LXX has understood Hebr. cuppeldh as a
verb (hyposteiletai) and yäseräh similarly (eudokei); the latter seems to be
related torsh, found in l Q p H a b 7:16. Above, I followed the vocaliza-
tion of E. Lohse, who took yrsiv as a niphal impf.;10 if correct, then it
seems that both the Qumran commentator and the LXX translator
understood the Hebr. Vorlage in a somewhat similar way. But the LXX
translator obviously read Hebr. napso as napsi, "my soul."
It is, however, the last clause in v. 4 that is of more interest. Whereas
the MT has wesaddiq be^bnünätöyihyeh, "but the righteous one because of
his fidelity shall find life," the LXX has either changed it to Yahweh's
righteousness (MSS X, B, Q, W*: ek pisteös mou, "because of my fidelity")
or introduced a close connection between the righteous one and
Yahweh himself (MSS A, C: ho de dikaios mou ek pisteös, "my righteous
one because of [his] fidelity will find life").11 What is at work here again
is the confusion of a waw and ayodh (frmwntwlb^mwnty), as in npswlnpsy
above.
There is, however, another Greek translation of Habakkuk, unfortu-
nately fragmentary, with which that of the LXX can be compared. It is
found in the scroll of the Minor Prophets in Greek that comes from the
eighth cave of Wadi Habra (Nahal Hever), 8HevXIIgr, col. 12. What is
preserved of it reads as follows:
3 [ h]airoii kai emphaneset[ai kai on di]a-
pseusetai. Ean stran[geusetai au]ton hoti
erchotnenos lw[xei ]
4 id[ou] skotia ouk eutheia psyche autou[ ]
[dik]aios en pistei autou ze$et[ai].12
3[ se]t-time and it will appeafr and it will not]

lie- If it (or: he) tar[ries, i]t {or: h]im), because it (or:
4
he) will surely co[me .] No[w] (as for) darkness,
his soul is not upright[ ; but the ri]ghteous one with his
fidelity will find li[fe].
T h e hexaplaric apparatus cnticus of Ziegler's edition of the LXX

Minor Prophets reveals that Aquila read kai dikaios en pistei autou zesetai
(see also Eusebius, Dem. evang., p . 269). But Symmachus had a
significant addition ho (de) dikaios te heautou pütei zesei.13
What is striking here is that the Greek translation from Wadi
Habra, usually r e g a r d e d as from Proto-Theodotion, 1 4 seems to be
independent of the so-called LXX. T h e few words that it has in
common with LXX a r e kairon kai, ean, auton, hoti, erchomenos hexei,
ouk, psyche, dikaios, zesetai (with pistis in a different case).
More striking, however, is t h e use of emphanesetai for yph a n d skotia
for cuppeläh. I n t h e LXX the verb emphainein is used to translateyp c ; and
skotia the n o u n *öpel. Is a confusion of hlc a n d ψ at the bottom of this?
More noteworthy is the translation of t h e last clause of v. 4 : [ho de
di]kaios en pistei autou zesetai. T h i s is a closer r e n d e r i n g of the Hebrew of
the M T a n d differs from t h e various preserved LXX forms.
In any case, it is clear that t h e New Testamen t passages that m a k e use
of Hab 2 : 3 - 4 a r e m o r e d e p e n d e n t on a Greek translation-tradition that
is related to the LXX t h a n to this Greek text of t h e Wadi H a b r a cave, of
Palestinian provenience. It is not easy to say to what extent this New
Testament Greek text m i g h t r e p r e s e nt a Palestinian tradition. I n any
case, the New T e s t a m e n t quotations of H a b 2 : 3 - 4 stand closer to
what is found in the Egyptian text-tradition.
I I . The Text of Hab 2:3-4 in the New Testament
In turning to the New Testament passages in which H a b 2 : 3 - 4

occurs we can treat the two Pauline passages with m o r e dispatch than
that in Hebrews, since they m a k e use of only the last clause of H a b 2:4.
In Gal 3:11 Paul really only alludes to the passage. It reads:
hoti de en noma oudeu dikaioutai para tö theo delon,

hoti ho dikaios ek pisteös zesetai.
It is evident that no one is accepted as righteous by God for obeying the

Law, since the righteous one because of faith will find life. (My translation)
And in Rom 1:17 Paul writes, quoting Habakkuk explicitly:
kathös gegraptai. ho de dikaios ek pisteös zesetai
. . . , as it has been written (in Scripture), 'The righteous one because

of faith shall find life.' (My translation)
Now Paul, in using ek pisteös, is clearly dependent on the text-tradition

which we know from the LXX; he does not translate the Hebrew text of
Habakkuk, nor does he use the Proto-Theodotionic version, en pistei
autou.15 Strikingly, he omits the personal pronoun entirely, and un-
doubtedly the reason for this omission is that, although the wordpistis is
the same in his texts as in either the LXX or the Proto-Theodotionic
version, he fills that word with his own Christian meaning of "faith."
T h e meaning of êmunäh which we preferred earlier, "fidelity, stead-
fastness," seems to be demanded by the original context. In l Q p H a b
8:2 the word also has to be translated in the same way, again not only
because of the context which speaks of "the observers of the Law" (cose
hattöräh), but also because *mwntm is set in juxtaposition to cmlm, "their
struggle," suggesting that the former must have some meaning like
"fidelity" or "loyalty" to the Teacher o^ Righteousness. 16 For Paul,
however, the wordpistis is pregnant with all that he means by that in his
view of Christian experience. 17 It would not have been impossible for
Paul to use the readingekphteös mou (referring to God); but that would
have introduced an entirely different notion, since Paul was speaking of
something that involved a human self-involving act. In this regard, the
reading of MSS A and C (ho de dikaios mou ek pisteös zesetai) would
probably have been more congenial to him. But he avoids both of them,
omitting the mou, probably because of the sense in which he wanted
pistis to be understood. 1 8
When one turns to Heb 10:37-38, the matter is a little more

complicated. T h e author has finished his main expose of christology
and soteriology, of the way in which he understood Jesus Christ and
what he once did for all human beings. He makes use of Hab 2:3-4
as part of an exhortation addressed to his readers, which recalls
their struggles and sufferings when they first became Christians and
encourages them to endurance, confidence, and faith. After having
quoted Hab 2:3-4, he says, "But we are not of those who draw back
and are liable to destruction, but of those who have faith and ac-
quire life" (10:39). On the heels of that declaration, he introduces
his famous description of faith and his recital of its Old Testament
heroes and heroines. Into such a context he introduces the quota-
tion of Habakkuk, which reads as follows:
37
eti gar mikron hoson hoson
ho erchomenos hexei kai ou chronisei.
38
ho de dikaios mou ek pisteös zesetai
kai ean hyposteiletai, ouk eudokei he psyche mou en autö.
37
Foryet a little while (and) the coming one will come and will not delay;
38
my righteous one because of fidelity will find life; and if one draws back,
my soul delights not in him. (My translation)
First of all, the author of Hebrews has conflated the verses of

Habakkuk with a phrase from Isa 26:20 (LXX: mikron hoson hoson),
which is added to the adverb eti, "still," undoubtedly derived from the
LXX of Hab 2:3 (the conjunction gar serves as the author's introduction
of the quotation from Habakkuk). The phrase is impossible to trans-
late; it merely intensifies "yet."
Second, the author of Hebrews adds the definite article to the
participle erchomenos, which served in the LXX as the translation of the
intensifying infinitive absolute of the Hebr. b*yb*. In adding the article
ho, the translator has personalized the participle and made it refer to
Jesus himself (in this parousiac appearance). T h e steadfastness that he
demands of the Christians to whom he addresses his hortatory homily is
that demanded by the coming of Christ.
Third, the author of Hebrews has inverted the order of phrases in
Hab 2:4, and the reason for it is not clear. There does not seem to be at
present any justification for this order in the various MSS of the LXX; so
it must be the work of the author of Hebrews.
Fourth, the author of Hebrews reads Hab 2:4b as in MSS A and C of
the LXX: ho de dikaios mou ekpisteös zesetai, "my righteous one because of
fidelity will find life" (or possibly, "because of faith"). "My righteous
one" in this context must mean the person who finds a righteous status
in the sight of God. It may be queried whether one should translate
pistis here in Hebrews as "fidelity" or as "faith." The former certainly
suits the general context of the homily, but some other passages in
Hebrews may demand a different understanding of the word. Cer-
tainly, the word in Heb 4:2 has to be understood as a reaction to a
"word of hearing" (ho logos tes akoes) and the description of pistis in chap.
11 would also color the notion. In any case, pistis here in Hebrews
should not be simply equated with Pauline "faith," even though
Christian faith is meant.
Of Hab 2:3-4 used in Heb 10:37-38 G. Howard has said that the use
is "unlike either" the H e b r e w text of H a b a k k u k or the LXX, but is

u n d e r "LXX influence." 1 9 T h i s is a correct assessment of t h e textual
situation. H e has also noted that it is not right "to characterize the
quotations in H e b r e w s as always Septuagintal," since "a great many of
t h e m d o not c o r r e s p o nd exactly to any Septuagint, a n d some agree with
a known Hebrew text, either whole or in part, against the Septuagint." 2 0
H e has also asked w h e t h e r the New T e s t a m e n t might not have
influenced the MSS of t h e LXX. His query takes on significance in the
light of the r e a d i n g ho de dikaios mou ek pisteös zesetai in H e b 10:38. Is it
possible that this r e a d i n g in MSS A a n d C of t h e LXX has been
influenced by the text of Hebrews? After all, those LXX MSS are
Christian copies a n d d o not a n t e d a t e the fourth/fifth centur y A . D . 2 1
NOTES
* Originally published in De la Lot au Mesne: he developpement d'une es-

perance: Etudes d'historie et de theologie offertes a Henri Gazelles (ed. J. Dore et
al.; Paris: Desclee, 1981).
1
See P. J. M. Southwell, "A Note on Habakkuk iL 4"JTS 19 (1968) 614-17;
A. S. van der Woude, "Der Gerechte wird durch seine Treue leben: Erwä-
gungen zu Habakuk 2:4-5," Studm biblica et semitica Theodoro Christiano Vriezen
. . . dedicata (Wageningen: Veenman 8c Zonen, 1966) 367-75.
2
See D. Pardee, "Yph 'Witness in Hebrew and Ugaritic," VT 28 (1978)
204-13 (and the literature cited by him). Cf. J. Obermann, "Survival of an
Old Canaanite Participle and Its Impact on Biblical Exegesis," fBL 70 (1951)
204-6.
3
Hebräisches und aramäisches Lexikon zum Alten Testament (3d ed.; Leiden: Brill),
Lief. 2 (1974) 405. Cf. P. D. Miller, Jr., "Yäpwh in Psalm xii 6," VT 29 (1979)
495-501.
4
Proverbs: A New Approach (London/Philadelphia: Westminster, 1970) 229,
445.
5
"Yph * Witness/ " 210. At first sight, it might seem that the Hebrew syntax
would be against such an interpretation. What we would have is a predicate +
subject -I- prepositional phrase (dependent on the predicate). This construction,
though not the most common, is found in the MT. See Exod 14:3 (nebüktm hem
ba7ares)\ Num 10:29 (nöseHm ânahnu *el hammäqom . . .); Deut. 7:17 (rabbtm
haggoyim ha?e~lleh mimmenni); see further Gen 4:13; 49:12; F. I. Andersen, The
Hebrew Verbless Clause in the Pentateuch (SBLMS 14; Nashville: Abingdon, 1970)
66-67.
6
The Dead Sea ScrolL· of St. Mark's Monastery: Volume I, The Isaiah Manuscript and
the Habakkuk Commentary (New Haven: A.S.O.R., 1950) pi. lviii. See also F. M.
Cross et al. (eds.), ScrolL· from Qumran Cave I: The Great Isaiah Scroll, The Order of
the Community, The Pesher to Habakkuk, from Photographs by John C. Trever
(Jerusalem: Albright Institute of Archaeological Research and the Shrine of the
Book, 1972) 156-57.
7
Cf. CD 9:23; 10:1.
8
Note the following differences in the Q u m r a n text from the MT of Hab 2 : 3 -
4 (apart from scriptio plena like bw* or ky>); <yd (if correctly read) for W ; ypyh
(without initial waw)\ ywsrk (pual pf. 3d sg. fern.). T h e form cwplh, apart from
the scriptio plena, is as enigmatic here as in the MT. I follow the suggestion in
BHS (\Q5\,app. cril.) to read cuppäl or cappal. T h e latter is more difficult for the
consonants in l Q p H a b , but seems to be a better form; a masc. substantive is
needed (without the article) for the parallelism with saddiq. In line 16 I have
followed the emendation of E. Lohse, Die Texte aus Qumran hebräisch und deutsch
(Munich: Kösel, 1964) 236.
Another Hebrew text of Habakkuk is found in the scroll of the Minor
Prophets from a Murabba'at cave (Mur 88); see P. Benoit, J. Τ Milik, and R. de
Vaux (eds.), Les grottes de Murabbacat (DJD 2; Oxford: Clarendon, 1961) 199.
But only wyph is preserved of the verses in which we are interested (col. xviii, line
19 + pi. 1 xviii).
See further K. Elliger, Studien zum Habakuk-Kommentar vom Toten Meer (BHT
15; Tübingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 1953) 191-96. For further use oi*mwnh in QL,
see 1 Q S 8 : 3 ; 1QM 13:3; 1QH 16:17; 17:14; lQSb 5:26; H Q P s a 19:14.
9
See J. Ziegler, Septuaginta: Vetus Testamentum graecum, XIII: Duodecim
Prophetae (Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1967) 264. See C. Tischendorf,
Bibliorum codex nnaiticus petropolitanus (4 vols.; Hildesheim: G. Olms, 1969), I.
xvi*.
10
Die Texte aus Qumran, 236.
11
It is scarcely likely that mow in MSS A, C is to be understood as a prepositive
modifier of ek pisteös. Note too that a corrector of MS W deleted the mou; but he
may well have been influenced by the Pauline use of the text. It is certainly not
demanded by the Hebrew of the MT.
12
See D. Barthelemy, Les devanciers d'Aquila: Premiere publication integrale du
texte des fragments du Dodecapropheton trouves dans le Desert de Juda, precedee d'une
etude sur les traductions et recensions grecques de la Bible realisees au premier siecle de
notre ere sous Γ influence du rabbinat palestinien (VTSup 10; Leiden: Brill, 1963)
175.
13
Septuaginta, XIII: Duodecim Prophetae, 264-65. It is this text-tradition (Proto-
Theodotion, Aquila, and especially Symmachus) that is related to the Latin
Vulgate translation, iustus autem in fide sua vivet.
Eusebius (Dem. evang. 6.14 §276-77 [GCS 23. 268-69]) shows his dependence
on Heb 10:37-38 when he quotes the Greek text of Habakkuk in 6.14,1 with
the article ho before erchomenos. T h e erchomenos hexei of Hab 2:3 was understood
in a personal sense by Eusebius because of Zech 6:12 (anatole onoma autou is used
to explain the mysterious verb anatelei). He actually quotes Hebrews 10.
Actually, he reads the verse in three ways: (a) ho de dikaios ek pisteös mou zesetai
(16.4,3); (b) ho de dikaios ek pisteös zesetai (16.4,6—influenced by Paul's phrase?);
(c) ho de dikaios mou ek pisteös zesetai (16.4,8).
14
See F. M. Cross, "The History of the Biblical Text in the Light ot
Discoveries in the J u d a e a n Desert," Qumran and the History of the Biblwal Text (ed.
F. M. Cross and S. Talmon; Cambridge, MA: Harvard University, 1975) 177-
95, esp. p. 178. t J Jt, . . D ..-
15
T h e original hand of MS C inserted mou after ho de dikaios m Rom 1.17,
obviously making the passage conform to its own reading of Hab lAb.
* 6 J. Carmignac ("Interpretation de prophetes et de psaumes, Us textes de
Qumran traduits et annotes [ed. J. Carmignac et P. Guilbert; 2 vols.; Paris:

Letouzey et Ane, 1961, 1963], 2. 107) remarks: "Le contexte, qui parle de la
pratique de la Loi, indique suffisamment qu'il s'agit d e la fidelite aux directives
du Docteur de Justice sur l'observation de cette Loi. Ce contexte interdit de
projeter ici la notion chretienne de la 'foi' (c'est-k-dire: adhesion d e
i'intelligence) et de c o m p r e n d r e : 'La foi aux paroles d u Docteur de Justice', ou ä
plus forte raison: 'la foi ä la personne du Docteur d e Justice'." Carmignac is
correct, but I should hesitate to say that for Paul pistis can be simply defined as
an "adhesion de I'intelligence."J. A. Sanders ("Habakkuk in Q u m r a n , Paul, and
the Old Testament," JR 39 [1959] 232-44) has noted, however, that the
interpretation in l Q p H a b shares with Paul a notion of faith that is "centered in a
person" and a belief which involves commitment and and [sic] perseverance in
the face of adversity and suffering" (p. 233). Does it really?
17
For an attempt to describe Pauline pistL·, see my Pauline' Theology: A Brief
Sketch (Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice-Hall, 1967) 6 7 - 6 5 ; cf.JßC, art. 79, § 1 2 5 -
27.
18
See further A. Feuillet, "La citation d'Habacuc ii. 4 et les huit premiers
chapitres de l'epkre aux Romains," NTS 6 (1959-60) 52-80.
19
"Hebrews and the Old Testament Quotations," NovT 10 (1968) 2 0 8 - 1 6 ,
esp. p. 210.
20
Ibid., 215.
21
Note that, when Eusebius quotes H e b 10:37-38 [Dem. evang. 6.14, 3 [GCS,
23.268]), he reads ek pisteos mou. See n. 13 above.
See further J. C. McCullough, " T h e Old Testament Quotations in Hebrews,"
NTS 26 (1979-80) 3 6 3 - 7 9 , esp. p p . 3 7 6 - 7 7 ; J. G. Janzen, "Habakkuk 2 : 2 - 4 in
the Light of Recent Philological Advances," HTR 73 (1980) 5 3 - 7 8 .
Part III
LUCAN
TOPICS
Twelve
JESUS IN THE EARLY CHURCH
THROUGH THE EYES OF LUKE-ACTS*
IN RECENT DECADES we have learnt to speak more precisely about the Marcan
Jesus, the Matthean Jesus, or the Johannine Jesus. Now the topic of our concern
is the Lucan Jesus: How has Luke presented Jesus of Nazareth in his two-
volume work? It may be that this distinction of different kinds of Jesus has
undermined the global view of him that earlier writers of so-called New
Testament theology sought to construct; but it has enriched the individual
portraits of him sketched by the various New Testament writers. It has taught
us how diversely Jesus of Nazareth was comprehended in the heritage of the
early Christian communities.
This enrichment is important for the faith of twentieth-century Christians.
As Christians, people today acknowledge not only their faith in and allegiance
to the Jesus of history, but also their indebtedness to the diverse portraits of him
and interpretations of his ministry and work enshrined in the first records put
in writing about him. Both must be kept in tandem: Jesus himself and the early
testimony to him, diverse though it be. For Christian faith necessarily has a
backward-looking aspect; we are Christians because we look back to him and
to the tradition inherited about him from his earliest followers. Indeed, without
that recorded tradition we would have no other access to him, but the diversity
of that recorded tradition accounts for the different Gospels that we have in-
herited. It may be puzzling why in God's providence we have been given four
different Gospel portraits, and not just one. How simple it would be to understand
Jesus if we had, say, only the Matthean or the Johannine Gospel! How different
would be our understanding of Jesus of Nazareth! And how impoverished it
would be! . , , „ ,
The diversity of the gospel tradition that we have inhented makes us reflect
at the outset on the growth and development ofthat tradition. Today we realize that
we must keep in mind two different aspects of such growth and development. First,
the development of the gospel tradition out of the church's primitive kerygma.1
Traces of this kerygma or early proclamation are still found in various New
Testament passages (such as 1 Cor 15:3-5; Rom 1:3-4; 4:25; 10:9; and parts of the
early speeches in Acts). The first development beyond the early kerygma was the
passion narrative, the continuous account of what happened to Jesus during his last
days, from at least his arrest onward (something like Mark 14:43 to 16:8 or possibly
Mark 14:1 on). All four canonical Gospels (the Synoptic as well as the Johannine)
manifest this development, despite their diversity of detail, with a remarkable
similarity. In time, there was prefixed to the passion narrative the ministry narra-
tive, the account that told of what Jesus did and said. It sought to explain in part
why his earthly career ended as it did. This stage of the development is best seen
in the Marcan Gospel (apart from its canonical appendix, 16:9-20). Eventually, two
further developments emerged in the gospel tradition, and it is hard to say which
came first. There was the resurrection narrative, the account of diverse appearances
of the risen Christ to Cephas and other select followers, who were destined to
become "witnesses of his resurrection" (Acts 1:22). There was also the infancy
narrative (or other gospel beginning), which was prefixed to the ministry narrative;
in the case of Matthew and Luke we have the well-known narratives of chapters 1
and 2; in the case of the Johannine Gospel, we have instead the quasi-poetic
Prologue to the Logos. Moreover, we realize today that both the Matthean and the
Lucan Gospels made use of the Marcan Gospel and supplemented that tradition
with other material from a postulated Greek written source that we usually call
"Q" and from other private sources (respectively called "M" and "L"). It is all a
development of the gospel tradition that bears on the Lucan portrait of Jesus, as we
shall see.
Second, we have also learned to view that gospel tradition from another
important standpoint, according to which we must distinguish in it three stages:
(a) Stage I, representing A.D. 1-33, which has to do with what Jesus of
Nazareth, the Jesus of history, did and said, i.e., with the actual words and deeds
of his earthly ministry up until his crucifixion and death.
(b) Stage II, representing A.D. 33-65, which has to do with what the apostles
and disciples of Jesus preached and taught about him to Jews and Gentiles after
his death and resurrection. A.D. 65 is taken as the time of the composition of the
earliest Gospel (Mark). Up to that time the disciples were concerned about
spreading the word about him, his impact, and his message in various parts of
the eastern Mediterranean world.
(c) Stage III, representing A.D. 65-95, which has to do with what the
evangelists recorded in writing about Jesus the Christ, as they culled from the
preaching and teaching of Stage II, synthesized it in literary forms, and expli-
cated or explained it according to the needs of the Christian communities for
which they wrote.2
Jesus in the Early Church through the Eyes of Luke-Acts 251
When, then, we ask about Jesus in the early church as seen through the eyes
of Luke-Acts, we are clearly asking about how an evangelist of Stage HI
understood him. Luke's portrait of Jesus is presented to us in a unique way. He
is the only evangelist who has not only recounted Jesus' conception and birth,
his preparation for a public ministry, his preaching of the kingdom of God in
Galilee, Judea, and Jerusalem, his teaching of a new way of salvation, and his
performance of mighty deeds on behalf of human beings beset with various sorts
of sickness, but has also narrated the sequel to that Jesus-story. He has penned
for us a continuation of that story in an extended, often idyllic, account of early
Christian communities in the Acts of the Apostles. In Luke's writings, then, we
are confronted with a two-volume account, composed during Stage ΠΙ of the
gospel tradition, and set in writing about A.D. 80-85. It is an account that builds
on Stage II, as Luke's prologue makes clear: he has consulted "eyewitnesses
and ministers of the word" (Luke 1:2), i.e., eyewitnesses who became ministers
of the word. His Gospel presents us with a view of Stage I, but the Lucan account
is neither stenographic nor cinematographic. (To maintain that Stage III presents
such a report of Stage I would be to subscribe to the fundamentalist reading of
the Gospels.) It is the Lucan literary interpretation of the life and ministry of
Jesus.
With such preliminary remarks that have attempted to make clear my
understanding of the growth and development of the gospel tradition and of the
sense in which one must think about the Lucan portrait of Jesus, I pass on to
the main part of this discussion. I shall describe how that portrait of Jesus is
painted in Luke-Acts under four headings: (I) the Lucan kerygma; (II) the geo-
graphical and historical perspectives of the Lucan portrait of Jesus; (III) the
Lucan emphasis in his use of christological titles; and (IV) the Lucan view of
Jesus and the Spirit.
L The Lucan Kerygma
We may begin by admitting with Rudolf Bultmann that the primitive kerygma
of the early church was the proclamation about Jesus Christ, crucified and risen,
as God's eschatologicai act of salvation; or, as the challenging word in the
salvific act of Christ — God's proclamation made in the crucifixion and resur-
rection of Jesus the Christ for our salvation.3 In other words, in what Jesus Christ
did and suffered God proclaimed to humanity a new mode of salvation, which
brought to a climax all that he had done for the chosen people of Israel. That is
what is meant by the "eschatologicai act of salvation." In that primitive kerygma
Jesus himself was not only the preacher who announced that salvation, but also
the one "who formerly had been the bearer of the message [but who] was [now]
drawn into it and became its essential content. The proclaimer became the
proclaimed."4 Bultmann's formulation of the early kerygma is widely admitted

today. Yet, given such an understanding of it, is it found in Luke-Acts?
Bultmann himself once claimed that Luke had "surrendered the original
kerygmatic sense of the Jesus-tradition," because it had become for Luke "an
entity of world history."5 Luke rooted the kerygma in world history and sub-
jected it to historicization and periodization; the result was that Luke deformed
the kerygma. In this, too, Bultmann has had a wide following.
How accurate is this view of Luke's treatment of the kerygma? As we shall
see, Luke is the only evangelist who roots the Jesus-event in history; but does
that mean that he deformed the kerygma? As O. Betz has noted, Luke has not
written the Antiquities of the Christians,6 as a counterpart of the Antiquities of
the Jews of the historian Josephus. To read Luke-Acts in such a way would be
to miss its fundamental proclamatory and accosting thrust; it is clearly a work
that has been composed in faith and seeks to stir up the response of faith in a
reader like Theophilus, to whom Luke in his best Hellenistic literary style
dedicates his two volumes. Luke's opus contains a proclamation of the Christ-
event, and even if it is no longer cast in terms of "gospel" or "power," as was
the Pauline proclamation (Rom 1:16), it no less challenges the reader to respond
with faith in the risen Christ and his significance for humanity. Luke has not
spoiled or deformed the kerygma; he has simply played it in another key,
historical though that may be. In the process he proclaims to Theophilus the
basic Christian message and assures him (Luke 1:4, asphaleia) that what the
church of his own day was preaching as the Christian message was indeed rooted
in the teaching of Jesus himself. Luke makes the proclamation itself the
guarantee and assurance. He has not composed his account in order to guarantee
the kerygma, as E. Käsemann would have us believe.7 If one has to ask what it
is that guarantees the Lucan kerygma, it is the proclaimed Spirit, as his account
time after time shows.
I shall restrict my further comments on the Lucan kerygma to its content sense,
even though one could also discuss kerygma as an act of proclamation in the Lucan
writings.8 In the content sense, the kerygma includes what Luke depicts Jesus
preaching, what the disciples preached, and what Luke himself proclaims. In each
of these details we see that Luke has not only preserved the primitive kerygma, but
has also given it a distinctive Lucan nuance. First, he presents Jesus proclaiming
himself as the fulfillment of Isa 61:1-2, and in such a radical way that his own
townspeople of Nazareth cannot accept it (4:16-30). Second, he presents Jesus
proclaiming the kingdom of God; it is the task for which he has been sent (4:34).
Third, in the Lucan Gospel Jesus himself is the kingdom preacher par excellence.
Though in Matt 3:2 John the Baptist is portrayed preaching the kingdom in the
same words as Jesus would later proclaim it (4:17), in the Lucan Gospel Jesus is
the sole kingdom preacher. His proclamation of it is an event: the Lucan Jesus does
not deliver a professorial lecture on the nature of God's kingship.9 Rather, Luke's
emphasis on such preaching is found in the announcement of this kingdom as

present in Jesus' own person and activity: it is "among you" (17:21), i.e., some-
thing within your grasp and reach, something you can possess. The force with
which the Lucan Jesus makes this proclamation is no less radical than in the
Marcan Gospel, from which the evangelist indeed inherits the theme of Jesus'
kingdom preaching (see Luke 8:19; 9:27; 18:16) as well as from "Q" (see Luke
6:20; 7:28; 10:9).
Equally important is the way Luke depicts Jesus' disciples proclaiming the
kerygma, especially after his death and resurrection; now it becomes a procla-
mation about Jesus himself: the proclaimer has become the proclaimed one.
First, during Jesus' own ministry, the disciples are sent out by him to announce
the kingdom (Luke 9:2; 10:9). This is continued in Acts 8:12; 14:22; 19:8; 20:25.
Their proclamation, however, is often made in Acts in terms of "the word" or
"the word of God," which is a Lucan recasting of the fundamental message
derived from Jesus (Acts 4:4, 29, 31; 6:2, 4; 8:4, 14, 25; 10:36, 37, 44; 20:32).
Second, the disciples also announce the Christ-event itself as a manifestation of
that kingdom: Jesus as the crucified, risen, exalted Messiah and Lord. Thus Peter
proclaims on Pentecost, "This Jesus God has raised up; . . . Let all the house
of Israel know for sure, then, that God has made him both Lord and Messiah,
this Jesus whom you crucified" (Acts 2:32, 36). Later on, as he appears before
the Sanhedrin and the high priest, Peter declares, "The God of our fathers raised
up Jesus whom you killed by hanging him on a tree; God exalted him at his
right hand as Leader and Savior, to give Israel repentance and forgiveness of
sins" (Acts 5:30-31). Still later, Paul similarly proclaims to the Jews in the
Thessalonian synagogue that same truth, explaining from the Scriptures and
proving that it was necessary for the Messiah to suffer and rise from the dead:
"This Jesus, whom I proclaim to you, is the Messiah" (Acts 17:2-3).
Third, Luke's own formulation of the content of the kerygma comes through
most clearly in Acts, especially in Peter's preaching in Jerusalem: "Let it be
known to you and to all the people of Israel that in the name of Jesus Christ of
Nazareth, whom you crucified and whom God has raised from the dead, through
him this man stands before you sound and well. . . . There is salvation in no
one else, for there is no other name under heaven given to human beings by
which we must be saved" (Acts 4:10, 12). So Peter preaches before the elders
and scribes in Jerusalem, after the cure of the lame man at the Gate of the Temple
called Beautiful. In this case the formulation is clearly Lucan, but it is not for
that reason any less kerygmatic. Indeed, Luke uses the word onoma, "name,"
in the Old Testament sense of "person" (cf. Joel 3:5 [2:32E], quoted in Acts
2:21). He means: "there is no other person under heaven " Thus one may
query, Does a Lucan formulation of the kerygma in the content sense differ
really from the Pauline, even if one were to admit that it is less eschatologically
nuanced? Paul speaks of the scandal of the cross (1 Cor 1:23); but Luke differs
little from him when he puts on the lips of Simeon the declaration that the child
the old man holds in his arms is "marked for the fall and rise of many in Israel,
a symbol that men will reject" (Luke 2:34).
Finally, we must at least mention some aspects of Luke's soteriology as part
of the content-sense of the proclamation that he makes in Luke-Acts. There is
not space to develop these aspects, but one would have to include them in a
fuller discussion of the Lucan view of the effects of the Christ-event: What has
Christ done for humanity in the Lucan view. He sums up the effects of the
Christ-event under four headings: (1) Salvation: Jesus has saved, rescued, or
delivered humanity from evil (from physical evil, political evil, cataclysmic evil,
and moral evil [sin]); (2) Forgiveness of Sins: Jesus has brought about pardon
of our offences before God; (3) Peace: Jesus has put us at ease with God and
showered us with bounty from God; (4) Life: Jesus has become the Leader and
Author of Life (meaning eternal life).10
So much for remarks on the Lucan kerygma. I now come to the second
point in this discussion.
IL The Geographical and Historical Perspectives

of the Lucan Portrait of Jesus
It may seem strange that I should use two such adjectives as "geographical"
and "historical" of the Lucan portrait of Jesus, but they are both highly important
aspects of the literary and theological portrait that Luke sketches.
The geographical perspective is seen in various ways. In his Gospel Luke
has followed the basic order of the Marcan Gospel, with its one journey of Jesus
to Jerusalem, in contrast to the Johannine Gospel, with three journeys. Yet Luke
gives greater emphasis to that one journey by his artificially expanded travel
account (9:51 to 19:27), the central portion of the Third Gospel. H. Conzelmann
and W. C. Robinson, Jr. have, in particular, devoted much attention to this
geographical aspect of the Third Gospel.11
The overarching geographical perspective in Luke-Acts is seen in the
author's preoccupation with Jerusalem as the goal of Jesus' movements and as
the pivot-city whence the new message of salvation will go forth. Throughout
the Gospel Luke is concerned to depict Jesus moving without distraction towards
the city of David's throne; it is his goal (Luke 13:33), and there he will bring
about his exodos (9:31), his transit to the Father through suffering, death, and
resurrection. From Jerusalem "the word of God" will likewise go forth in Acts
and spread "to the end of the earth" (Acts 1:8). Thus Jerusalem is not merely
the place where Jesus dies and is raised to glory, but is also the place where
salvation itself is thus accomplished for humanity and whence preordained and
trained witnesses carry forth the kerygma.
The Lucan Gospel begins and ends in Jerusalem: It begins with the service
of Zechariah in its Temple (Luke 1:9) and ends with the Eleven and others
praising God there (24:53). The infancy narrative strikes the chord of this
important Lucan motif, as the child Jesus is taken there twice by his parents (in
2:22, for the presentation in the Temple; and in 2:42, for the feast of the Passover,
when he as a twelve-year old stays behind in his Father's house). Thus the
infancy narrative itself ends with an episode involving Jerusalem, as does the
Gospel itself. In the preparatory episodes of the ministry narrative, the same
motif accounts for the ordering of the temptation scenes, where the sequence in
the Lucan Gospel is desert — view of world kingdoms — pinnacle of the
Temple, in contrast to the Matthean sequence of desert — pinnacle — high
mountain.12
In the ministry narrative Jesus is active in Galilee, Samaria, and Judea or
Jerusalem, as in the Marcan Gospel, but one detects the Lucan concern to move
Jesus from Galilee to Jerusalem without distraction. To it the Son of Man makes
his way, "as it has been determined" (Luke 22:22). This geographical perspec-
tive accounts for the Big Omission in the Third Gospel, the dropping of what
corresponds to Mark 6:45-8:26, where Jesus leaves Galilee for Bethsaida, Tyre,
Sidon, and the Decapolis.13 All of this is passed over in the Lucan Gospel, where
one reads instead about Jesus, realizing that "the days were drawing near when
he was to be taken up (to heaven)," "sets his face resolutely towards Jerusalem"
(9:51). Only in this Gospel among the Synoptics is such a notice found. Later
on, not even the threat from Herod, "that fox," can deter Jesus from moving
on: "Today, tomorrow, and the next day I must keep on my way, because it is
impossible that a prophet will die outside of Jerusalem" (13:33). In the trans-
figuration scene Luke depicts Jesus with Moses and Elijah, as does Mark (9:4),
but only Luke adds that they "were conversing with him" and "speaking about
his departure, the one that he was to complete in Jerusalem" (9:31). For it was
in Jerusalem that the Lucan Jesus was destined to accomplish his transit to the
Father through suffering, death, resurrection, and ascension.
All of this geographical perspective is skillfully orchestrated by Luke in the
use of the word hodos, "way," and its various compounds, eisodos, "entrance"
(Acts 13:23); exodos, "departure" (Luke 9:31), and of the word dromos,
"course" (Acts 13:25). Indeed, to this idea of Jesus making his way to his destiny
is related an important aspect of Lucan discipleship, for the disciple must be
one who follows Jesus on his way.
This geographical perspective is also linked to the Lucan historical perspec-
tive. By this I do not mean a concern for historicity or any emphasis on Luke's
role as a historian (see the prologue, Luke 1:3-4). It is rather this evangelist's
concern to anchor the Jesus-story and its sequel about the church in time or in
human history. In contrast with the Pauline or the Marcan kerygma, where the
emphasis falls on proclamation and the challenge it presents, the kerygmatic
message in the Lucan writings is rather proclaimed in a narrative that is rooted

in history.14 This historical concern is seen in various ways.
First, in Acts 26:26 Luke depicts Paul speaking before King Agrippa and
rehearsing details of his own conversion and of the Christ-event and saying,
"None of these things has escaped the king's notice, for this was not done in a
corner." By contrast, all these things might well have come to pass in a corner,
if we had to depend on information from Paul, Mark, Matthew, or John about
when they happened. Apart from the mention of Pontius Pilate, none of them,
save Matthew (in one isolated reference: 2:1, about Jesus' birth in the days of
Herod), ever supplies a date for the Jesus-story. Luke, however, goes out of his
way to do so.
Second, Luke relates the Christ-event to human history in three ways: (a) To
Roman history: He connects the birth of Jesus with a decree of Caesar Augustus
and with the census of Quirinius (2:1-2), thus depicting Jesus as one born in the
well-known period of Pax Augusta, "the Augustan Peace." Later on, he relates
the beginning of the ministry of John the Baptist, and indirectly of Jesus himself,
to the fifteenth year of the Emperor Tiberius (probably August/September A.D.
28) and to the prefecture of Pontius Pilate (A.D. 26-36). Luke makes further
allusion to a famine in the days of Emperor Claudius (A.D. 41-54) in Acts 11:28.
Finally, he depicts Paul haled before the proconsul Gallio in Achaia, which is
now certainly dated to the summer of A.D. 52. (b) To Palestinian history: Luke
links the birth of Jesus to the "days of Herod" the Great (37-4 B.C.) in 1:5, and
his ministry to the high priesthood of Annas and Caiaphas, as well as to the
reigns of Herod Antipas, tetrarch of Galilee, of Philip, tetrarch of Iturea and
Trachonitis, and of Lysanias, tetrarch of Abilene (Luke 3:1). Though this sixfold
synchronism raises some problems in detail, they need not concern us now.15 It
is these references to Roman and Palestinian rule, the historical anchoring of
the Jesus-story, that Bultmann and others think have spoiled the kerygma. (c) To
church history: Luke is the only evangelist who joins to his account of Jesus'
ministry a sequel, an account of the beginnings of the early church. As one
watches in Acts the spread of the word of God from Jerusalem, to Judea, to
Samaria, to parts of the eastern Mediterranean world, and even to "the end of
the earth," i.e., Rome (in the Lucan story),16 one cannot fail to see how the
Jesus-movement is thus related to church history as well as to Roman and
Palestinian history.
Luke alone has in this way sought to relate his account of the Jesus-story
to known human history, but this is not all there is to his historical perspective,
because for him it is all part of sacred history. If Luke has sought to depict Jesus
of Nazareth as an important figure in human history, he has done so in order to
make clear how God himself has intervened in that history to give it a new
direction and to relate the manifestation of his kingship to humanity in a new
way. Luke speaks of it as "God's design" (he boule tou theou, Luke 7:30) or
as "God's will" (thelema, 22:42), for "the Son of Man goes his way, as it has
been determined" (Luke 22:22; cf. Acts 10:42).
This is Lucan salvation history, and it is seen to have three phases: (a) the
Period of Israel (from creation to John the Baptist); (b) the Period of Jesus
(from John the Baptist to the ascension); and (c) the Period of the Church under
Stress (from the ascension to the parousia).
This threefold division of salvation history, first proposed by H. von Baer
and later worked out in greater detail by H. Conzelmann,17 is widely accepted
today. Conzelmann makes much of Luke 16:16, ''Up until John it was the law
and the prophets, from that time on the kingdom of God is being preached, and
everyone is pressed to enter it." Despite proposals by others (e.g., W. G. Küm-
mel, Η. Η. Oliver, S. G. Wilson, and C. H. Talbert)1* who have preferred to
speak of a two-phased Lucan salvation history, governed by promise and ful-
fillment, I insist on the threefold distinction that Conzelmann has used, even
though I make some slight modification of it.19 Promise and fulfillment are not
distinctive enough, since one finds this in the Matthean and Johannine Gospels
as well, whereas only the Lucan story has the sequel about the post-ascension
phase, which cannot be simply categorized as part of the fulfillment. Luke
recounts the ascension of Jesus twice (once in Luke 24:50-51, and again in Acts
1:9-11), and in the context of the ascension depicts the disciples asking the risen
Christ whether "at this time" he is going to restore the kingdom to Israel (Acts
1:6), clearly showing that "this time" is different from that which preceded in
the Period of Jesus himself, when salvation was wrought, die Mitte der Zeit, to
use Conzelmann's phrase for it.
What I have sketched in this part of my discussion is the exclusive emphasis
on the way that this evangelist has presented the ministry of Jesus and its sequel.
One will find nothing like it in any of the other Gospels. It orients the ministry
of Jesus in a peculiar way to Jerusalem; it ties down the Jesus-story in time and
place. Thus it plays the basic kerygma of the early church in a different key.
With this I shall pass on to my third point.
III. The Lucan Emphasis in His Use of Christological Titles
One of the important elements in New Testament Christology is the use of titles
for Jesus. From them one learns quickly how the early church came to regard
him. Some of these titles emerged during the earthly ministry of Jesus itself.
Indeed, one or other may have been used by him of himself; but others emerged
only in the post-resurrection period. In the latter period, they may have served
either a kerygmatic or a confessional function, i.e., they may have been part of
the kerygmatic proclamation in Palestine or elsewhere, or they may have been
used in confessional creeds and the cultic liturgy. Some of them arose as a result
258 TO A D V A N C E THE GOSPEL
of a fuller awareness of who Jesus was that developed with post-resurrection

faith and the corporate gift of the Spirit to his followers.
In studying such christological titles one has to ask oneself about three
aspects of them: (1) What was the origin, background, or matrix of the title?
Was it an Old Testament title, a Palestinian Jewish title, or a Hellenistic title?
(2) What did the title mean? (3) Where or in what context was it first predicated
of Jesus? To what phase of his existence was it first applied?
The answers to these questions are not easy, and the last one is especially
important, because we realize today that New Testament writers have sometimes
retrojected christological titles, i.e., they have often pushed them back into
earlier phases of Jesus' existence from the post-resurrection phase where they
first came to be used of him. In the limited space available I cannot undertake
such a threefold discussion of every title used of Jesus in the Lucan writings.
Instead, I shall concentrate on a few of the titles to which Luke has given a
peculiar emphasis or nuance, but I shall list the Lucan titles, to give an overview
of the diversity of Jesus' titles that this New Testament writer has employed.
They are: (1) Christos, "Christ, Messiah," (2) Kyrios, "Lord," (3) Söter, "Sav-
ior," (4) Huios or Huios tou Theou, "Son" or "Son of God," (5) Ho huios tou
anthwpou, "Son of Man," (6) Doulos, "Servant," (7) Prophetes, "Prophet,"
(8) Basileus, "King," (9) Huios David, "Son of David," (10) Archegos or
Archegos tes zöes, "Leader," "Pioneer," or "Pioneer of Life," (11) Ho Hagios,
"Holy One," (12) Ho Dikaios, "Righteous One," (13) Ho Eklektos, "Chosen
One," (14) Krites, "Judge," (15) Didaskalos or Epistates, "Teacher" or "Mas-
ter," and (16) possibly Theos, "God."20
From such a lineup of christological titles in the Lucan writings one realizes
that most of them are traditional, being used already in the Marcan Gospel, in
"Q," or in earlier New Testament writings. In some instances Luke uses tradi-
tional titles in the same sense as other evangelists, especially those who would
have written after Mark or in dependence on him. In other instances, he has
introduced his own nuances, and on these I now prefer to concentrate.
The more or less exclusively Lucan title for Jesus is söter, "Savior." Although
John uses it once (4:42), it is found in the Synoptics only in Luke. In the message
given by the angels to the shepherds of Bethlehem, Jesus is identified as "Savior,
Messiah, and Lord" (Luke 2:11). It occurs again in Acts 5:31; 13:23, 34 and is
closely related to the primary abstract way in which Luke refers to effects of the
Christ-event, viz. "salvation."21 Although söter was used in the contemporary
Greco-Roman world for a god, philosopher, statesman, or king, it also has an Old
Testament background. There "Savior" is used of individuals whom God has
raised up for the deliverance of his people (Judg 3:9, 15) and also of God himself
(1 Sam 10:19; Isa 45:15, 21), where he is called in Hebrew mostcV and in Greek
Söter. Hence, in this instance the background of the christological title may be
disputed, whether it is Jewish or Hellenistic in origin. As applied to Jesus, it
designates him as the deliverer, the one who rescues human beings from evil, be
it physical, psychic, political, cataclysmic, or moral evil (sin).
A more important Lucan title for Jesus, however, is Christos, and one may
debate how one should translate it, whether as "Christ" or as "Messiah," which
it means. Only Luke tells us that because of this title Jesus' followers came to
be known as "Christians" (Acts 11:26; cf. 26:28). He uses Christos as a title
about 24 times, but it has also become for him a sort of second name, Jesus
Christ, having lost its titular sense (especially in Acts 2:38; 3:6; 4:10, etc.). As
a title, it is derived from Palestinian Judaism, where it was often used to designate
an "anointed agent" of Yahweh for the service, protection, and deliverance of
Israel. Within the last two centuries before the time of Jesus it came to connote
further an expected anointed agent, to be sent by God either in the Davidic
(kingly or political) tradition for the restoration of Israel and the triumph of
God's power, or in the priestly tradition. From the Dead Sea Scrolls we know
how both a Messiah of Israel and a Messiah of Aaron were expected (1QS 9:11).
This title was adopted by Christians and used of Jesus, in reality, only after his
death. I follow N. A. Dahl in thinking that Pilate's inscription on the cross, which
attributed to Jesus a kingly status, was the catalyst for the Christian use of it by
Jesus' followers. If he were "the king of the Jews" (Mark 15:26), then he easily
became for his followers God's anointed kingly agent of that salvation being
wrought in a new sense by his death on that cross.23 The title then became
kerygmatic; it formed part of the early Christian proclamation, as 1 Cor 15:3
reveals: "Christ died for our sins in accordance with the Scriptures." And Peter
proclaims in his pentecostal sermon, "This Jesus whom you crucified, God has
made Lord and Messiah" (Acts 2:36).
Luke, however, has given a distinctive nuance to this title: the idea that
Jesus was a suffering Messiah. "Was not the Messiah bound to suffer all this
before entering into his glory?" So the risen Christ queries the disciples on the
road to Emmaus in the Lucan Gospel (24:26). Or again, "This is what stands
written: the Messiah shall suffer and rise from the dead . . ." (24:46; cf. Acts
3:18; 17:3; 26:23). The idea of a suffering Messiah is found nowhere in the Old
Testament or in any Jewish literature prior to or contemporaneous with the New
Testament. This has to be maintained, despite what Luke himself attributes to
"Moses," "all the prophets," and "all the Scriptures" in his Gospel (24:27,46).
Nor does any other New Testament writer ever speak of Jesus as a suffering
Messiah. This is an exclusively Lucan theologoumenon. Luke may well have
developed it from Mark 8:29-31, where after Peter's confession at Caesarea
Philippi Jesus begins to teach the disciples about "the Son of Man who must
suffer, be rejected, and killed by his people's leaders." Needless to say, one
should not confuse the Suffering Servant of Isa 52:13-53:12 with a suffering
Messiah. The Suffering Servant is eventually called "the Messiah" in the Jewish
tradition, but that cannot be traced back earlier than the fourth century A.D.*3
The most frequently used title for Jesus in Luke-Acts is Kyrios, "Lord."
The absolute, unmodified use of this title, Kyrios or ho Kyrios, has often been
attributed to the efforts of Christian missionaries carrying the Christian message
into the eastern Mediterranean Greek world. When such emissary disciples
preached there, they would have recognized, 'Though there are many 'lords,'
yet for us there is . . . one Lord, Jesus Christ" (1 Cor 8:5-6). Indeed, R. Bultmann
maintained that it was "unthinkable" that a Palestinian Jew would have used
"the Lord" of Yahweh.24 So it could not have emerged as a title for Jesus on
Palestinian soil. In this Bultmann has been followed by many NT interpreters,
but it is now clear that Yahweh was indeed referred to as "Lord," not only in
Aramaic as märeh, or in Hebrew as 'äddn, but even in Greek as Kyrios (by
Greek-speaking Jews).25 The upshot of this is that a Palestinian matrix is not
impossible for the transfer of this absolute title used among Jews for Yahweh
to the risen Christ himself among Semitic- and Greek-speaking Jewish Chris-
tians. Indeed, the slogan-like statement, "Jesus is Lord" (1 Cor 12:3; Rom 10:9),
which can easily be retroverted into contemporary Aramaic or Hebrew, could
well have been part of the kerygmatic proclamation in Palestine, as well as in
the eastern Mediterranean Greco-Roman world. To call the risen Christ "Lord"
or "the Lord" was thus to use of him a title that had been used of Yahweh; it
gave to Christ a status equal to Yahweh. It does not mean that Christ was
identified with Yahweh, for he is never said to be abba; but it did put him on a
par with Yahweh, and his lordship was something that all Christians came to
acknowledge.
In using Kyrios of Christ, Luke has also given it a nuance, for in his writings
it is no longer reserved for the risen Christ. Luke never predicates it of Christ
at his parousia, and Peter's speech on Pentecost clearly relates it to the resur-
rection: "This Jesus God has raised up . . . ; this Jesus whom you crucified God
has made Lord and Messiah" (Acts 2:32, 36). All of this would be conventional
enough, but Luke has further retrojected this title not only into the ministry
narrative, but even into the infancy narrative. Whereas Kyrios is employed only
once during Jesus' ministry in the Marcan Gospel (11:3), Luke frequently intro-
duces the title into his account of the ministry: "and the Lord said" (e.g., Luke
12:42a; 17:5, 6; 19:8). In all this title occurs about 20 times, and Luke is simply
using for Jesus the title that had become current in his own day, as the narrative
in Acts clearly shows (1:21; 4:33; 5:14; 8:16, etc.). But he even retrojects it into
the infancy narrative, where the child just born is announced to shepherds of
Bethlehem as "Savior, Messiah, and Lord" (Luke 2:11). Here we see how a
title, born of resurrection faith, has been made applicable to the ministry and
even to the time of Jesus' birth, to the Period of Israel itself.
I terminate my discussion of the distinctive Lucan emphasis given to tradi-
tional New Testament titles of Jesus in order to give some brief treatment of yet
another important aspect of Lucan Christology.
IV The Lucan View of Jesus and the Spirit
No account of Lucan Christology would be complete without some discussion

of Jesus and the Holy Spirit. This is, in fact, only one aspect of the Lucan
treatment of the Spirit, for a full treatment would have to deal with the relation
of the Spirit to the Father and his salvific plan, to Jesus the Christ, and to the
emergent Christian church.
References to the Spirit in the Lucan writings are far in excess of anything
in Mark, Matthew, or John. Whereas Mark mentions the Spirit six times, and
Matthew 12 times, Luke refers to the Spirit 17/18 times in his Gospel and 57
times in Acts. It has been claimed that the Spirit is "the connecting thread" that
runs through the two works; this may be true, but it needs to be nuanced a bit
differently. For of the 17/18 times that the Spirit appears in the Lucan Gospel,
seven of them occur in the infancy narrative, six in the chapters that inaugurate
the public ministry (chaps. 3-4), and four in the opening chapters of the travel
account (chaps. 10-12). it is not easy to say why the Spirit does not appear
towards the end of the travel account, or in the Jerusalem ministry of Jesus, or
in the passion narrative, or even in the resurrection narrative, save for the vague,
unidentified "promise of my Father" in Luke 24:49 (for the identification of
which one has to wait until Acts 1:4). Similarly, the Spirit appears often in Acts
1-16, but from chapter 17 on only 12 times in all. From all of this it appears
that the Spirit is considered by Luke to be, above all, a divine inaugurating
influence not only in the career of Jesus, but also in the life of the early church.
In most instances, the Spirit appears in the Lucan writings as it does in the
Old Testament: a force expressive of God's presence to his people or his world
in an active, creative, prophetic, or renovative way. Occasionally, Luke attributes
to it personal activity (Luke 2:26; 4:1; Acts 16:7).
Conzelmann maintained that the Spirit in Luke-Acts was no longer regarded
as God's gift in the eschaton but had rather become a substitute for the delayed
parousia.26 But other writers (e.g., W. B. Tatum et al.)27 have rightly emphasized
the work of the Spirit in the Period of Israel, especially its influence in the Lucan
infancy narrative. Indeed, one has to insist that it is the same Spirit that is
promised for the eschaton ("the promise of my Father"), which is active in the
Lucan infancy narrative and under whose influence the Lucan Jesus inaugurates
his ministry. "The promise of my Father" (Luke 24:49) clearly relates the Spirit
to the Father and his salvific plan, but, as Peter proclaims on Pentecost, it is
Jesus, "having been exalted to the right hand of God," who has "received from
the Father the promised Holy Spirit and poured it out" (Acts 2:33).
The Period of Jesus begins with the preaching of John the Baptist, as he
announces the imminent arrival of One-Who-Is-to-Come; he will baptize with
the Holy Spirit (3:16), and his Spirit baptism will transcend John's own water
baptism. Luke retains from his Marcan source the baptism of Jesus. In Mark
this scene is of supreme importance in that through it the evangelist first iden-
tifies Jesus' relation to heaven. In the Lucan Gospel, however, especially in its
present form with the prefixed infancy narrative, in which Jesus is already
identified not only as "Savior, Lord, and Messiah" (2:11), but even as "the Son
of God" (1:35), that function of the baptismal scene is no longer so important.
Yet Luke retains it because it reveals the beginning of the ministry of Jesus
under the influence of the Spirit. Nothing in that episode determines Jesus'
relationship to heaven as "messianic," despite what is often said about it. Yet
in Acts 10:38, Luke interprets that baptism as an anointing of Jesus with the
Holy Spirit. Thus he goes beyond the details of the baptism scene itself and
stresses the inaugurating role of the Spirit in Jesus' ministry.
Finally, the Spirit poured out on Pentecost performs another inaugural
function. Now it is no longer with reference to Jesus himself, but with the new
phase of salvation history, the Period of the Church under Stress. The role of
the Spirit as initiator was important for the inception of both Jesus' life and his
ministry; and now it has become the initiator of the common testimony of his
followers. The Spirit becomes the dynamo and the guiding force of Christian
disciples. Indeed, through the Spirit Jesus will henceforth be present to his
followers, no longer in the visible way of appearances of the risen Christ, but
they will know him "in the breaking of the bread" (24:35) and in the "promise
of my Father" (24:49).
These remarks terminate my discussion of Lucan Christology. Luke has
painted a portrait of Jesus of Nazareth that depicts him as a fully human being,
"a man (andra) attested to you by God with mighty deeds, wonders, and signs
that God did through him in your midst" (Acts 2:22), but also with characteristics
that transcend such a human condition: virginally conceived through the power
of the Holy Spirit, carrying out a ministry among human beings that was further
guided by the same Spirit, a ministry in which he manifested an absolute
dedication to his heavenly Father (Luke 2:49; 13:33; 22:42). He completed that
ministry by suffering and dying at the hands of those who rejected him and
handed him over to the Roman authorities, and he was raised to glory by the
Father's power. Exalted at the right hand of God, he poured forth the Spirit; he
thus became the bearer of God's Spirit to humanity, the dynamo of its spiritual
life. So Jesus appears in the writings of Luke, which form a quarter of the New
Testament itself.
NOTES
* Originally published in Scripture Bulletin 17 (1987) 26-35; an abbreviated form of the
essay can also be found as "Luke's Portrait of Jesus: The Bearer of God's Spirit," Church
6/1 (1990)24-28.
1. See C. H. Dodd, The Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (London- Hodder
and Stoughton, 1936).
2. These three stages were born of the form-critical study of the Gospels in the early
part of this century. For further explanation of them, see the Instruction of the Biblical
Commission, ' O n the Historical Truth of the Gospels" of 1964. A translation of the
Instruction and a commentary on it can be found in my booklet, Λ Christological
Catechism: New Testament Answers: New Revised and Expanded Edition (New
York/Mahwah, NJ: Paulist, 1991) 119-62.
3. The Theology of the New Testament (2 vols.; London: SCM, 1952-55), 1.33.
4. Ibid.; Bultmann's italics.
5. Ibid., 2.116-17.
6. "The Kerygma of Luke," Int 22 (1968) 131-46.
7. "Probleme der neutestamentlichen Arbeit in Deutschland," Die Freiheit des
Evangeliums und die Ordnung der Gesellschaft (BEvT 15; Munich: Kaiser, 1952) 133-52.
8. For the active sense of kerygma (as an act of proclamation), see my commentary,
The Gospel according to Luke (AB 28, 28A; Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1981-85)
149-53.
9. See J. Friedrich, TDNT, 3.710.
10. See further Luke (n. 8 above), 221-27.
11. SeeH. Conzelmann, The Theology of St Luke (New York: Harper & Bros., 1960)
18-94; cf. W. C. Robinson, Jr., Der Weg des Herrn: Studien zur Geschichte und Escha-
tologie im Lukas-Evangelium: Ein Gespräch mit Hans Conzelmann (TF 36; Hamburg-
Bergstedt: Reich, 1964).
12. See Luke (n. 8 above), 506-13.
13. Even when Jesus is depicted as going to the region of the Gerasenes, Luke takes
pains to relate that territory to Galilee: "in the region of the Gerasenes opposite Galilee"
(Luke 8:26).
14. See N. Perrin, Rediscovering the Teaching of Jesus (New York: Harper & Row,
1967) 15.
15. See Luke (n. 8 above), 455-58.
16. See my forthcoming commentary, The Acts of the Apostles: A New Translation
with Introduction and Commentary (AB 31; New York: Doubleday, 1998).
17. Theology (n. 11 above), 12-17.
18. See W. G. Kümmel, Promise and Fulfilment: The Eschatological Message of
Jesus (SBT 23; Naperville, IL: Allenson, 1957); "Current Theological Accusations
against Luke," Andover Newton Quarterly 16 (1975) 131-45, esp. 138; Η. Η. Oliver,
"The Lucan Birth Stories and the Purpose of Luke-Acts," NTS 10 (1963-64) 202-26,
esp. 216-19; S. G. Wilson, "Lukan Eschatology," ibid, 16 (1969-70) 330-47.
19. See Luke (n. 8 above), 185-87.
20. For the study of such titles, see V. Taylor, The Names of Jesus (London: Mac-
millan, 1953); W. Kramer, Christ Lord, Son of God (SBT 50; London: SCM, 1966);
O. Cullmann, The Christology of the New Testament (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1959;
2d ed., 1963); F. Hahn, The Titles of Jesus in Christology: Their History in Early
Christianity (London: Lutterworth, 1969). Cf. Luke (n. 8 above), 197-219.
21. Ibid., 222-23.
22. The Crucified Messiah and Other Essays (Minneapolis: Augsburg, 1974)23-28.
23. See Targum Jonathan of the Prophets, Isa 52:13 (A. Sperber, The Bible in
Aramaic [4 vols.; Leiden: Brill, 1959-73], 3.107). Also G. H. Dalman, Der leidende und
sterbende Messias der Synagoge im ersten nachchristlichen Jahrtausend (Berlin: Reu-
ther, 1888).
Cf. S. H. Levey, The Messiah: An Aramaic interpretation: The Messianic Exegesis
of the Targum (Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College, 1974) 63-67; B. Chilton, Λ Galilean
Rabbi and His Bible; Jesus'Own Interpretation of Isaiah (London: SPCK, 1984) 199-200.
The last two works should be read with discernment.
24. Theology (n. 3 above), 1.51. Cf. H. Conzelmann, An Outline of the Theology of
the New Testament (New York/Evanston: Harper & Row, 1968) 82-84; W. Kramer, Christ
(n. 20 above), 70-71.
25. See my articles, "The Semitic Background of the New Testament Kyrios-Titie,"
WA, 115-42; "New Testament Kyrios and Maranatha and Their Aramaic Background,*'
TAG, 218-35. Cf. G. Howard, "The Tetragram and the New Testament," JBL 96 (1977)
63-83.
26. Theology (n. 11 above), 95, 136.
27. See W. B. Tatum, "The Epoch of Israel: Luke i-ii and the Theological Plan of
Luke-Acts,"NTS 13 (1966-67) 184-95; G. W. H. Lampe, "The Holy Spirit in the Writings
of St Luke," in Studies in the Gospels: Essays in Memory of R. H. Lightfoot (ed. D. E.
Nineham; Oxford: Blackwell, 1957) 159-200.
Thirteen
THE ASCENSION OF CHRIST
AND PENTECOST*
DID LUKE INVENT the ascension? Why is the Christian feast of Pentecost referred
to only by Luke in the New Testament?1 How are these two early Christian
events recounted by him to be understood in relation to the resurrection of
Christ? These modern questions are occasioned by the annual liturgical celebra-
tion of the Ascension between two feasts inherited by the Christian community
from the Palestinian Jewish calendar and "baptized": Passover celebrated as
paschal Easter and the Feast of Weeks celebrated as Pentecost. The article of
the Creed of Nicaea and Constantinople recited by Christians every Sunday
includes the affirmation "He ascended into heaven," but only rarely does one
reflect on the implications of such an affirmation. Furthermore, the way in which
modern Christians think about the ascension of Christ and about the Pentecost
experience often gives rise to problems in the understanding of the New Testa-
ment texts that treat of these two early Christian events. Hence it may be
worthwhile to try once again to sort out what the New Testament itself has to
say about the ascension of Christ and about Pentecost to deepen our theological
understanding of them, for the two events are not only intimately connected but
are also related to the resurrection, the heart of Chnstian faith.
I. The Ascension of Christ
Data about Christ's ascension are found only in certain New Testament writing-
in fact, in the majority of the books there is not a line about it: noth ng in
Matthew, Marien most of the Pauline corpus, the Catholic Epistles, » R e l a t i o n .
Allusions to the ascension are found in Romans, Ephes.ans, John an Heb ew
whereas the appendix of the Marcan Gospel and Luke-Acts treat .t explicitly. It
265
is an affirmation of major importance in Lucan Christology and intimately

related to the Lucan theme of testimony about the word of God and the Lucan
teaching about the Spirit. The relation of the Lucan material to the rest of the
New Testament data has been discussed before from a variety of viewpoints,
but not always with the requisite distinctions. 3 If such distinctions are not
properly made, one runs the risk of picturing to oneself the ascension differently
from the way the New Testament itself presents it. In this study I shall treat the
New Testament data that bear on the ascension under three headings: (1) the
exaltation of Christ; (2) diverse New Testament assertions about the ascension;
and (3) the New Testament meaning of the ascension.
1. The Exaltation of Christ
The earliest New Testament references to the phase of Christ's existence following
his burial cast it in terms of exaltation, i.e., his being taken up to the glorious
presence of the Father, but without specifying the mode of such a taking up.
Such an assertion is found in the pre-Pauline hymn, probably of Jewish-
Christian origin, preserved in Phil 2:5-11. 4 According to a widespread opinion
today Paul has incorporated into chap. 2 of his letter to the Philippians an early
(probably Jewish) Christian hymn to Christ, as he seeks to motivate his beloved
converts of Philippi to a proper or befitting attitude of mind:
Have this mind among you, which was also in Christ Jesus,
6
Who, though of divine status,
did not treat like a miser's booty
his right to be like God,
7
but emptied himself of it,
to take up the status of a slave
and become like humans;
having assumed human form,
8
he still further humbled himself
with an obedience that meant death —
even death on a cross!
9
That is why God has so greatly exalted him
and given him the name
which is above all others:
10
that everyone at Jesus' name
should bend his knee
in heaven, on earth, and under the earth;
1]
that every tongue should proclaim
unto the glory of God the Father
that Jesus Christ is Lord! (2:5-11)
The Ascension of Christ and Pentecost 267
In using this primitive hymn, the structure of which traces the bend of a parabola
(with a descending arm and an ascending arm), Paul sings of Christ Jesus and
his pouring out of himself in six strophes:
(a) his divine preexistence;

(b) the humiliation in shedding his divine status and becoming human;
(c) the further humiliation of death — t o which Paul adds the gloss, "even
death on a cross!";
(d) (as the parabola begins its upward swing) Christ Jesus' celestial exaltation;
(e) the adoration of him by the entire universe;
(f) the new name the exalted one receives, "Lord."
In a striking assertion about the sequel to Jesus' obedience in crucifixion

and death, early Christians acknowledged that God had "exalted" him and
bestowed on him a name superior to every other name, i.e., Kyrios, the title par
excellence for the risen Christ. What is noteworthy in this early Christian
homologia or confession is the omission of any reference to Jesus' resurrection,
or even his burial; one passes from his death on the cross to his exaltation to
glory. Likewise noteworthy is the adoration which is owed to him as Kyrios:
that which Isa 45:23 ascribed to Yahweh, as the allusion makes clear, "to me
(God ['£/]) every knee shall bend, every tongue shall swear." In this pre-Pauline
hymn one finds affirmed the adoration of the crucified and exalted Christ.
Another reference to Christ's exaltation without mention of the resurrection
is found in another primitive Christian confession embedded in a much later
writing, 1 Tim 3:16:
Who was manifested in the flesh,

vindicated by the Spirit;
seen by angels,
preached among the nations;
believed in throughout the world,
taken up in glory.5
Whereas the pre-Pauline hymn in Philippians 2 affirmed that God had "so
greatly exalted him" (hyperypsösen, lit. "superexalted him"), Christ is here said
to have been "taken up in glory" (anelemphthe), i.e., enthroned. In both in-
stances "glory" (doxa) is associated with Christ's risen status, and in this
instance it is the term of the various phases of his existence mentioned: earthly
manifestation, vindication (by God's Spirit), association with angels, object of
proclamation and faith, and glorious enthronement. Again, in noteworthy fashion
all this is acknowledged without any reference to the resurrection.
To such early references to the exaltation of Christ one has to relate certain
intriguing assertions in the Johannine Gospel that seem to allude to the same
phase of his existence. In his conversation with Nicodemus the Johannine Jesus
says, "As Moses lifted on high the serpent in the desert, so must the Son of
Man be lifted on high (hypsöthenai), that everyone who believes in him may
have life eternal" (3:14). Later on Jesus says to Jews, "When you have lifted
on high the Son of Man, then you will know that I am (he)" (8:28). In this
instance the allusion seems to be to a lifting on high in crucifixion, because
human beings are the subject of the verb (hypsösete). The ambiguity, whether
lifting up on the cross or lifting up to glory, may be found in 12:32, "If I am
lifted up (hypsöthö) from the earth, I shall draw all (human beings) to myself";
or again in 12:34, when the crowd replies that it has learned from the Law that
the Messiah remains forever, "How then can you say that the Son of Man must
be lifted up (hypsöthenai)?" Although some commentators would restrict the
"lifting on high" in 3:14 and 12:32, 34 to the crucifixion of Jesus, as in 8:28,6
the verb hypsoun is used elsewhere in the New Testament of Jesus' glorious
exaltation (Acts 2:33; 5:31) and may be a relic of a primitive tradition about
such exaltation. Other commentators on the Johannine Gospel have little diffi-
culty in seeing Jesus' "being lifted on high" in these verses as "one continuous
action of ascent,"7 in which he begins his transit to the Father in crucifixion
and completes it with exaltation. Even though the final redaction of the Johan-
nine Gospel postdates the Synoptic Gospels, it contains early Christian tradi-
tional affirmations, which have developed independently of the Synoptic tradi-
tion.8
In time, however, references to Jesus' exaltation came to be coupled with
his resurrection. Indeed, this is found in the so-called Jerusalem kerygma, ele-
ments of which have been embedded in the early speeches in Acts, according
to the thesis of C. H. Dodd.9 In his speech on the first Christian Pentecost Peter
affirms, "This Jesus God raised up (anestesen), and of that we are all witnesses.
Being therefore lifted on high (hypsötheis) to the right hand of God, and having
received from the Father the promise of the Holy Spirit, he has poured it out —
this which you see and hear" (Acts 2:33). Similarly 5:30-31.
Thus some of the earliest references to Jesus' postcrucifixion status were
expressed in terms of his exaltation, sometimes without allusion to his resurrec-
tion, sometimes with it. Those without the allusion do not deny the resurrection,
but they reveal at least that Jesus' status as the risen Kyrios was at times thought
of independently as an exaltation to the Father's glory, as a glorious enthrone-
ment. Indeed, on one occasion Paul even speaks of Jesus' resurrection as being
effected by "the glory of the Father": ". . . so that as Christ was raised from
the dead by the glory of the Father, we too might walk in newness of life" (Rom
6:4). Ό
This belief in the glorious exaltation of Christ is further implied in a series
of New Testament texts that speak of his being in heaven or at the right hand
of the Father, with no mention of how he arrived there. Thus, in Paul's earliest
letter, the Thessalonians are said to be awaiting "his Son from heaven whom
he raised from the dead, Jesus who delivers us from the coming wrath" (1 Thess
1:10); or "he will come down from heaven" (1 Thess 4:16).11 The same presence
of Christ in heaven is depicted with apocalyptic stage props in the book of
Revelation (1:12-18; 3:21; 6:1-7; 7:17). in all these instances the celestial exis-
tence of Christ is affirmed or assumed without any reference to ascension.
2. Diverse New Testament Assertions about the Ascension
Since there are New Testament assertions of Christ's exaltation to heavenly glory
without any mention of his resurrection, it is not surprising to find the primitive
proclamation of his resurrection without any reference to exaltation or ascension.
Thus, in the fragment of early kerygmatic preaching passed on by Paul in 1 Cor
15:3-5, "that Christ died for our sins according to the Scriptures, that he was
buried, that he was raised on the third day according to the Scriptures, and that
he appeared to Cephas, then to the Twelve. . . ." Here, though the resurrection
and Jesus' postresurrectional appearances are proclaimed, nothing is said of the
ascension.
That the exaltation of Christ should in time have been thought of in terms
of an assumption or an ascension is not surprising, given the Old Testament
notices of the assumption of Enoch (Gen 5:24) and Elijah (2 Kgs 2:11) and the
development of this theme about other Old Testament figures in intertestamental
and later Jewish literature. 12
In dealing with Jesus' ascension in New Testament writings, one has to
distinguish two sorts of references: (1) those which allude to an ascension in
the context of other affirmations, without describing it; and (2) those which
describe or depict it, i.e., which situate it in time and space.
(1) Texts Alluding to Jesus' Ascension. One must further distinguish between
texts (a) that imply motion upwards without using the word "ascend"; and
(b) those that employ the verb or its equivalent. Thus (a) in Heb 4:14, Jesus is
"a great high priest who has passed through the heavens" {dielelythota tous
ouranous; cf. 6:19-20); or he has "entered . . . into heaven itself" {eiselthen . . .
eis auton ton ouranon, 9:24). Or again, in 1 Pet 3:22, "who has gone into heaven
(poreutheis eis ouranon) and is at the right hand of God." In these passages the
motion is not only that of Christ himself, but one that implies either passage
through the heavens (plural ouranoi) or into heaven (ouranos, understood as a
place).
There are also the texts (b) that employ the word "ascend" in a context
where some other affirmation is primary. Thus in Romans Paul argues that God's
new way of righteousness through faith in Christ Jesus is open to all and easy
of access. He alludes to Deut 30:11-14, where Moses persuades the Israelites

that the observance of the Law just promulgated does not require one laboriously
to scale the heights or descend to the depths. Paul accommodates these words
of Moses in an allusion to Christ himself. The ease of the new righteousness is
seen because the heights have been scaled and the depths have been plumbed,
for Christ has come to the world of humanity and been raised from the dead:
" 'Who will ascend into heaven' (that is, to bring Christ down) or 'who will
descend into the abyss' (that is, to bring Christ up from the dead)? But what
does it say? The word is near to you, on your lips and in your h e a r t . . . " (10:6-8).
Paul thus alludes to the incarnation and resurrection of Jesus; but his use of
anabesetai in v. 6, though derived from Deut 30:12 (LXX), makes the Christian
reader think of someone "ascending" into heaven, as Christ Jesus did. The
allusion to the ascension may be remote, but it is unmistakable, even when Paul's
main concern is the ease of Christian faith as the way to righteousness.
Such an allusion is, however, clearer in Eph 4:7-11. In this Deutero-Pauline
writing, the author speaks of the gifts that the risen Christ has bestowed on his
church:
To each one grace has been given according to the measure of Christ's gift.
That is why it [Scripture] says, "Ascending on high, he led a host of captives;
he gave gifts to human beings." In saying "he ascended," what does it mean
but that he also descended to the lowest parts of the earth? He who descended
is the same as he who ascended far above all the heavens, that he might fill all
things. His gifts were that some should be apostles, some prophets, some
evangelists, some pastors and teachers.
In these verses the writer quotes Ps 68:19 (LXX: "You ascended on high, you
took captivity captive; you took gifts [from] among men"); but he adapts the
words to his purpose by inserting the verb edöken, "he gave" (gifts), in place
of elabes, "you took" (gifts), thus Christianizing the quoted psalm in order to
affirm that the ascended Christ has graced his church with apostles, prophets,
evangelists, pastors, and teachers. His main affirmation bears on the gift of
church officials, and the ascension of Christ is affirmed incidentally to that
affirmation.
To this category also belongs Jesus' statement to Mary Magdalene on the
day of the discovery of the empty tomb, when he appears to her and bids her
not to cling to him, "for I have not yet ascended" (John 20:17). Immediately
he adds the charge that she go to his brethren and tell them, "I am ascending
to my Father and your Father, to my God and your God." Jesus' intention in
this Johannine episode is to get Mary Magdalene to go and inform his disciples
about his risen status: he is returning to him who sent him, 13 and the tense of
the verbs is not to be pressed. Jesus speaks of his "ascension," which in this
Gospel is to be understood as "the terminus of 'the hour' in which Jesus passed

from this world to the Father (xiii 1)." π i n ot her words, for the Johannine Jesus
the "lifting on high," which began with the crucifixion, finds its climax in his
"ascending to my Father" (20:17).
(2) Texts That Describe or Depict the Ascension. The ascension in these pas-
sages is now treated as something happening to the risen Christ, situating it as
an event in time and space, as "an observable incident,"15 an "objectified
ascension,"16 or an "objectified transfer,"17 as various writers have sought to
describe it. To this category belong three New Testament passages:
(a) Luke 24:50-51: "Then he [Jesus] led them [the Eleven and others] out
as far as Bethany, and raising up his hands he blessed them. While he was
blessing them, he happened to be parted from them and was carried up into
heaven."
Several things should be noted: (i) The last clause of v. 51, "and was carried
up into heaven," has been treated as a Western Non-Interpolation ever since
Westcott and Hort published their critical edition of the Greek New Testament
in 1881.18 Because of their influence, the last part of v. 51 has either been
bracketed or omitted entirely in many modern critical editions of the Greek New
Testament. The reason: because it is lacking in the so-called Western text-
tradition of the Lucan writings. As late as the 25th edition of Nestle-Aland
(1975), it was still relegated to a footnote, despite the fact that all the major
Greek manuscripts except the prima /nanus of Codex Sinaiticus and the Codex
Bezae contain it.19 The discovery and publication in 1961, however, of Papyrus
Bodmer XIV (P75),20 a text dated to A.D. 200 (±25 years), has clinched the matter.
It contains the clause and supports what is in reality the lectio dijficilior, which
is to be preferred. As a result, the 26th and 27th editions of Nestle-Aland and
the UBSGNT (3d and 4th editions) read the clause without brackets.21 Yet, even
if someone were to continue to question the reading, one would have to cope
with the beginning of the Lucan second volume, which implies that the "first
volume" (prötos logos) ended with a mention of the ascension: "until the day
when he was taken up" (Acts 1:2), seemingly a reference to Luke 24:51b.
(ii) The Greek verb in 24:51 is the passive anephereto, "he was carried
up," and not a form of the intransitive anabainein, "go up, ascend." Here one
encounters the same sort of problem as when the New Testament speaks of
Jesus' resurrection in the passive, egegertai or egerthe, "He has been/was raised"
(1 Cor 15:12; Rom 4:25), rather than in the active intransitive aneste, "he
rose."22 In all these instances one has to do with the so-called theological
passive, "he was carried up" or "he was raised" by God. In the ease of the
resurrection one also finds the active of egeirein with "God" or "the Father"
as its subject (e.g., 1 Thess 1:10; Gal 1:1; 1 Cor 6:14)« The apparently more
primitive expressions of the ascension, as of the resurrection, were couched in
the passive; with the gradual development of a higher Christology in the early
Christian communities, the use of the active intransitive forms for both the
resurrection and the ascension became more common.
(iii) This taking up of Jesus from Bethany, as he was blessing his disciples
in a priestly act, is recounted in Luke 24 as happening on the evening of the
day of the discovery of the empty tomb. The series of temporal adverbs, prep-
ositional phrases, and subordinate clauses used in that chapter make this dating
clear: v. 1, "on the first day of the week" (i.e., Sunday); v. 13, "that same day"
(Cleopas and his companion leave for Emmaus); v. 33, "that same hour" (they
set out to return to Jerusalem); v. 36, "as they were saying these things" (the
Eleven and others report about Jesus' appearance to Simon; thereupon Jesus
appears to them all); vv. 45, 50, "but" (= "then," RSV). Thus Luke ends his
first volume with a description of Jesus being carried up to heaven from Bethany
on the first Easter Sunday evening. In this connection one should recall the
timing of Jesus' statement to Mary Magdalene (John 20:17) discussed above.24
(b) Acts 1:9-11. The second text in this category is found at the beginning
of Luke's second volume, addressed to the same Theophilus and fitted with an
allusion to Jesus' being "taken up" (anelemphthe, Acts 1:2), a reference to the
detail at the end of the first volume (Luke 24:5 lb). The first two verses of Acts
make it clear that Luke regards the ascension of Jesus as the term of his public
ministry.25 If the reference to Jesus' ascension were confined to vv. 1-2, there
would be no problem; his being "taken up" would simply be understood as a
reference to that which was recounted at the end of Luke 24. Immediately
thereafter, however, one reads about the appearance of the risen Christ to the
"apostles whom he had chosen" (v. 2b; cf. Luke 6:13) and about his "speaking
of the kingdom of God" during a period of "forty days" (v. 3). At first one
might think that these were postascension appearances of Christ, but then we
soon learn that during one of the appearances, when he had commissioned the
apostles to be witnesses to him "in Jerusalem and in all Judea and Samaria, and
even to the end of the earth" (v. 8), he was taken up from them: "As they were
looking on, he was lifted up (eperthe), and a cloud took him out of their sight"
(v. 9). As they continued to gaze into the sky, two white-robed persons stood
by and asked, "Galileans, why do you stand looking into heaven? This Jesus,
who has been taken up (anelemphthe) from you into heaven, will come in the
same way as you have seen him go into heaven" (v. II). 26
Again, several things should be noted: (i) The "forty days" of appearances
of Christ and of instruction about the kingdom now create a problem when this
time notice is compared with Luke 24:51. It seems clear that this difference in
timing is the reason for the textual omission of v. 51b mentioned above.27
(ii) This passage in Acts supplies a date for Jesus' "ascension" sometime
after "forty days" had elapsed from his resurrection; but in Acts 13:31 the
interval is given merely as "many days" (epi hemeras pleious), which suggests
that Luke was taking "forty days" merely as a round number. In any case, this
passage supplies not only a temporal terminus ad quern for this event in Christ's
existence, but also a spatial terminus a quo, the Mount of Olives (1:12),28 and
a spatial terminus ad quern, "heaven" (1:11). Moreover, it specifies the mode
of motion, "lifted up," with a cloud taking him out of sight and with angels
commenting on the connection of his ascension with his parousia.
(iii) Here Luke has employed apocalyptic stage props to recount the ascen-
sion of Christ. Whereas in the Lucan Gospel Christ was simply "carried up into
heaven," in Acts this is done with the aid of clouds29 and angel-interpreters.30
Such props are found only in the Lucan story.
(iv) Some commentators think that vv. 9-11 are actually a later insertion by
Luke into a context that originally did not contain these verses or that Luke had
originally composed a continuous story that would have gone from Luke 24:49
directly to Acts 1:3 (without the mention of the "forty days").31 Whatever one
wants to think about such suggestions, the second alternative is attractive,
because the story would flow smoothly from Luke 24:49, with its mention of
the "promise of my Father," to the reference of Jesus' appearance "alive after
his passion" and his instructions about the kingdom, and especially to the further
charge to await the "promise of the Father . . . before many days" (Acts 1:3-5).
I shall return to the question of the "forty days" in the second part, but one
should note now that the insertion of "during forty days" into Acts 1:3 could
well have come to pass when Luke decided to divide his opus ad Theophilum
into two books. Further discussion of the matter would involve the whole
question of the composition of Luke-Acts, into the details of which I cannot
enter now. I need only recall that many commentators on the Lucan writings
consider it likely that these works existed at one time in an earlier form, to which
Luke later added not only the infancy narrative (Luke 1:5-2:52) and prologue
(Luke 1:1-4), but even the secondary prologue (Acts 1:1-2).32
Why would Luke insert a reference to the ascension of Christ on two
occasions, on the day of the discovery of the empty tomb in Luke 24 and after
forty days in Acts 1? Part of the reason was his decision to divide his opus into
two parts; part of it was his lack of concern to eliminate all inconsistencies in
his writing; and no little part of it was the emphasis that the double reference
gives to the ascension as the caesura or line of demarcation between two periods
of salvation history. That is why Conzelmann's theory of the three phases of
Lucan salvation history is basically correct,33 and not the two-phased theory of
W. G. Kümmel, C. H. Talbert, and others.34
(c) Mark 16:19: "When the Lord Jesus had spoken to them, he was taken
up into heaven (anelemphthe eis ton ouranon) and took his seat at the right hand
of God." This third text records that, after Christ "appeared to the Eleven
themselves as they sat at table" (16:14, presumably still in Jerusalem on the
evening of the day of the discovery of the empty tomb), he was so taken up.
(Verses 12-13 record a short, primitive form of the Emmaus episode [expanded
and dramatized in Luke 24:13-35].) Once again, there is a notice of Jesus'
ascension on Easter Sunday evening and of its spatial terminus ad quern.
These, then, are the different ways in which New Testament writers allude
to or depict the ascension of Christ. They range from mere allusions to graphic
descriptions of his passage through the heavens. Given this diversity of modes
of speaking about the ascension, we have to pose the real question about its
meaning in the New Testament. It is important, however, to stress at this point
that the "ascension" of Christ is scarcely a Lucan creation or invention. Even
though Luke may be the only one to describe it, apart from the author of the
appendix to the Marcan Gospel, and situate it in space and time, other New
Testament writers have already noted Jesus' exaltation, sometimes with a clear
distinction of it from his resurrection, and sometimes without that distinction.
In other words, the exaltation is pre-Lucan, even if the graphic details of its
mode are not.
3. The New Testament Meaning of the Ascension

The major problem for modern readers of the New Testament passages referring
to the ascension stems from the way they tend to think about or imagine to
themselves what the New Testament is saying about it or about the risen Christ.
In this regard several things must be recalled.
(1) Despite Acts 1:22, where criteria are set forth for the person to replace
Judas among the Twelve and one of them is that such a person must have been
a "witness to the resurrection," no one witnessed the resurrection of Jesus. It is
never so stated or depicted, not even in Matt 28:2, where, as the earth quaked,
an angel of the Lord descends to roll back the tombstone and sit on it. The
resurrection itself is not described. In Acts 1:22, Luke has formulated abstractly
what he really means: the person to replace Judas has to be someone who has
been a witness to the risen Lord, someone to whom the risen Christ has appeared.
For none of the canonical Gospels does for the resurrection what the later
apocryphal Gospel of Peter does.35 The sort of development found in that
apocryphal Gospel for the resurrection is similar to what Luke has provided for
the ascension. He describes it in Acts 1:9-11, albeit in a more sober fashion. He
has supplied the concrete termini for what was earlier known in the tradition as
the "exaltation" or the "ascension."
(2) The New Testament never presents the resurrection of Jesus as a re-
suscitation, i.e., a return to his former mode of physical, terrestrial existence,
such as that of, say, Lazarus in John 11:43-44; 12:1-2. Jesus is never depicted
in the New Testament as inhabiting the earth for forty days. Indeed, he walks
the road from Jerusalem to Emmaus with Cleopas and his companion: "Jesus
himself drew near and walked with them" (Luke 24:15). Their eyes were at first
kept from recognizing him (v. 16), and when they were finally opened (v. 31),
Jesus "vanished from their sight." The question to be asked here is, whence did
Jesus appear to them along that road? What was the spatial terminus a quo of
his appearance?
(3) We are never told in the New Testament whence Christ appears in his
postresurrection encounters with his disciples. Regularly enough, the beginning
of these encounters is narrated; but at the end, where does he go? A clue,
however, is hidden away in the Emmaus account, one on which most readers
do not reflect. At one point the Lucan Jesus exclaims to the two disciples, "Was
not the Messiah bound to suffer all this before entering into his glory?" (24:26).
Thus on the day of the discovery of the empty tomb, Luke depicts Jesus speaking
of having entered "his glory," i.e., the glory (doxa) of his Father's presence.
The implication, then, is that the crucified and risen Christ appears to his
disciples from glory, i.e., from the glorious presence of his heavenly Father, on
whose right hand he has already been installed.36
(4) The foregoing considerations also shed light on the transit of Christ
Jesus from "death on a cross" to the status of exaltation in the glory of the
Father, to which the pre-Pauline hymn in Phil 2:6-11 referred. They also explain
the ambiguity of assertions about his "being lifted up" in the Johannine texts
to which we have referred earlier.
(5) "Ascent/ascension" means motion upwards, and implied in the New
Testament account of Jesus' ascension is his movement upward through the
heavens or the celestial spheres (see Eph 4:10).37 It is this sort of time-
conditioned thinking about where God is that likewise led to the use of apoca-
lyptic stage props to describe Jesus' ascent: "He was lifted up, and a cloud took
him out of their sight" (Acts 1:9). Though the Lucan description has made use
of such time-conditioned stage props, they are not necessarily part of the essen-
tial New Testament affirmation of the presence of the risen/ascended/exalted
Christ in the Father's glory, wherever that may be. From the Father's glory the
risen Christ not only appears to his disciples but also sends forth the promise
of the Father, the Holy Spirit.
(6) Once we understand these fundamental New Testament modes of speak-
ing about the risen/ascended Christ, we can see that his "ascension" is nothing
more than the appearance from glory in which Christ took his final leave from
the community of his followers, his last visible leave-taking from the assembled
followers: "And when he had said this . . ." (Acts 1:9). In other words, Christ
would no longer present himself visibly to them in their coiporate unity. Hence-
forth, his "presence" to them would be either through "the promise of my
Father" (Luke 24;49; Acts 1:4), which he as the exalted One pours out (Acts
2:33), or "in the breaking of the bread," as the Emmaus incident makes clear
(Luke 24:35): " . . . how he became known to them in the breaking of the bread."
(7) Finally, this explains why Luke, John, and the appendix of the Marcan
Gospel speak of the "ascension" of Christ as an aspect of his entrance into glory
associated with the day of the discovery of the empty tomb. If the exaltation or
ascension of Christ makes it easier to understand the period during which he
manifested himself as risen to his early followers, we see that the risen Christ could
appear to his disciples at any time, on the day of the discovery of the empty tomb
or "many days" later (Acts 13:31). Luke has not invented the "ascension" as
distinct from Jesus' resurrection, for that was in the tradition before him; but he
has historicized it in a way that no other New Testament writer has done, by his
introduction of the "forty days," about which I shall say more in connection with
Pentecost.38 Luke has done this because of his concern for a historical perspective,
which he more than any other evangelist has introduced into his form of the early
Christian kerygma and the Jesus-story.39 He has, indeed, periodized aspects of the
existence of the risen Christ in a way that no other Christian writer has done. The
passion, death, burial, resurrection, exaltation or ascension, and heavenly interces-
sion of Christ have often been called the "paschal mystery." Luke has periodized
aspects of this unit in an attempt to make it more comprehensible — in effect, to
describe the indescribable.
Moreover, one might recall the diverse ways in which the ascension of
Christ was understood in the patristic tradition.40 It was not until the fourth
century A.D. that the feast of the Ascension was celebrated distinctly. Even so,
Jerome could still write that "the Lord's Day, the day of the Resurrection, the
day of Christians . . . is also called the Lord's Day, because on it the Lord
ascended as a victor to the Father."41
In concluding this first part, I must stress that the ascension of Christ is the
guarantee of Christian destiny. Even if Luke assures the Christian reader that
"this Jesus, who was taken up from you into heaven, will come in the same
way as you saw him go to heaven" (Acts 1:11), Paul in his earliest letter to his
Christian followers assures them that "the Lord will descend from heaven with
a cry of command, with the archangel's call, and with the sound of the trumpet
of God; and the dead in Christ will rise first; then we who are alive . . . shall
be caught up together with them in the clouds to meet the Lord in the air; and
so we shall always be with the Lora"' (1 Thess 4:16-17). Paul, no less than Luke,
makes use of apocalyptic stage props to assure his Christian followers of their
destiny, "to be with the Lord always." In his own way the author of the Epistle
to the Hebrews affirms this belief, too, when he says that "we have this as a
sure and steadfast anchor of the soul, a hope that enters into the inner shrine
behind the curtain, where Jesus has gone as a forerunner on our behalf, having
become a high priest forever after the order of Melchizedek" (6:19-20).
According to Luke 24:50, Jesus' final leave-taking was accompanied by a
hieratic gesture: "Lifting up his hands, he blessed them." Like Melchizedek,
"priest of God Most High," who blessed Abram (Gen 14:16-19), or like Aaron
of old blessing the people of Israel (Num 6:23-27), or even like Simon son of
Onias, the high priest (219-196 B.C.), who blessed the "whole congregation of
the children of Israel" (Sir 50:20), the departing risen Christ calls heaven's
blessing down upon the assembly of his followers.
We may now pass to the second part of this paper.
IL Pentecost
Before Christ ascends in Luke 24, he charges his disciples to await "the promise
of my Father" (24:49). In that chapter we are not told what that promise is, but
at the beginning of the second Lucan volume the risen Christ describes it as a
baptism "with the Holy Spirit" (Acts 1:5). As the Lucan story continues, when
"the day of Pentecost" (2:1) arrives and is running its course, the promise is
realized: a sound from heaven like a mighty wind fills the whole house where
the apostles and others are sitting; tongues as of fire appear resting on them,
and they are all filled with the Holy Spirit and begin to speak in other tongues
(2:2-4). Readers of Acts 2 tend to think that what is recorded in vv. 2-4 is the
most important part of the early Christian Pentecost-experience. However, the
outpouring of the Spirit occupies but three of the forty-two verses that Luke
devotes to his pentecostal account. Those three verses are only introductory to
the real pentecostal event, the first proclamation by Spirit-filled, tongue-speaking
Galileans to "Jews and proselytes" sojourning in Jerusalem from all over the
Jewish diaspora. For Peter stands up with the Eleven and addresses such Jews
in Jerusalem, climaxing his discourse with the words, "Let the whole house of
Israel know with certainty that God has made this Jesus, whom you crucified,
both Lord and Messiah" (2:36). Shortly before this climax Peter has explained
that the phenomenon of tongues is not caused by "new wine" (2:13) or by the
drunkenness of the speakers (2:15), but by the outpouring of the Spirit: "This
Jesus God raised up, and of that we are all witnesses; being exalted then at the
right hand of God and having received from the Father the promise of the Holy
Spirit, he has poured it out; this is what you see and hear" (2:32-33). The event
of Pentecost, then, was not merely the outpouring of the Spirit on Jesus' fol-
lowers, but more so the first Spirit-filled proclamation of "the word of the
gospel" (Acts 15:7) made by the spokesman of the group, Peter, to the Jews in
Jerusalem.
As the Lucan story continues, the newly empowered Christian community
grows daily into the Spirit-guided institutional church, so idyllically depicted in
the rest of Acts. The promise of the Father has been realized in the pouring out
of the Spirit by the risen/ascended Christ. This gift of the Spirit to the Christian
community is known, however, elsewhere in the New Testament, but it is spoken
of in different ways. These differences raise questions about the origin of the
Christian Pentecost and the meaning of that event in the Lucan story.*2 The
different descriptions of the gift of the Spirit also create problems in the modern
understanding of that primitive phenomenon. Hence an attempt has to be made
again to sort out the different aspects of this so important heavenly gift from
the ascended Christ to his church. These problems will be treated under four
headings: (1) the relation of the Lucan story to the Johannine and other New
Testament references to the gift of the Spirit; (2) the relation of the gift of the
Spirit to Pentecost; (3) the relation of the fifty to the forty days; and (4) the role
of the Spirit of the ascended Christ in Christian life.
1. The Relation of the Lucan Story to the Johannine and Other New
Testament References to the Gift of the Spirit
We have just recalled briefly the Lucan story of the gift of the Spirit, with which
the apostles and others were to be clothed (Luke 24:49) or baptized (Acts 1:5)
on "the day of Pentecost" (Acts 2:1). In the Lucan story "fifty days" have
elapsed since Jesus' resurrection. In the Johannine Gospel, however, the risen
Christ appears to the disciples on "the evening of that day" (20:19), announces
his peace, commissions them, and then breathes on them, saying, "Receive the
holy Spirit! If you forgive the sins of any people, they are forgiven; if you hold
back the sins of any, they are held back" (20:22-23). In both the Lucan and the
Johannine stories the phrase for the gift bestowed is the same, "a Holy Spirit"
(pneuma hagion). In Luke-Acts fifty days separate the discovery of Jesus' empty
tomb from the outpouring of the Spirit (Acts 2:1, 33), whereas in John the
insufflation of the Spirit takes place on the occasion of Christ's first appearance
to assembled disciples on the very day ofthat discovery (20:19-23). Some writers
have even called this episode the "Johannine Pentecost."43 In contrast to the
effect of the outpouring of the Spirit in the Lucan story, by which Peter and the
others are emboldened to stand up and proclaim the risen/ascended Christ, the
breathing of the Spirit on the disciples in the Johannine story has no recorded
effect. In fact, "eight days later" (20:26) the disciples are still closeted in the
house, apparently as yet "for fear of the Jews" (20:19). This difference of
description of the bestowal of the Spirit on the Christian community raises again
the question whether Pentecost is a Lucan "invention."
Moreover, Paul shows no awareness of the meaning of Pentecost for Chris-
tian life or conduct,44 or for that matter of the Johannine "insufflation," even
though he is fully aware of the gift of the Spirit to Christians. In his earliest
letter, the first to the Thessalonians, he stressed that his gospel came to them
"not only in word but also in power and in the Holy Spirit" (1:5). A few years
later, in writing to the Galatians, he expostulated, "O foolish Galatians, who has
bewitched you? . . . Did you receive the Spirit through deeds of the law or
through a hearing with faith?" (Gal 3:1-2). With the Corinthians he insisted,
"No one can say 'Jesus is Lord' except through the Holy Spirit" (1 Cor 12:3).
Paul even speaks of the "outpouring" of God's love into Christian hearts
"through the Holy Spirit" (Rom 5:5), but it is unrelated to Pentecost. His
formulation may be no more than an independent echo of Joel 3:1-2 or an
antithetical reflection of the Old Testament idea of God pouring out the wrath
of anger on his people.45 At any rate, Paul either affirms or takes for granted
the bestowal of God's Spirit on the Christian community in a way related to
faith in the risen/ascended Christ.46 The same awareness of the presence of the
Spirit to Christians is found in other New Testament writings as well (e.g., Heb
2:4; 10:15; Jas 2:5; Jude 20), but again without reference to Pentecost.
Although Luke has similarly recorded the bestowal of the Spirit on the
Christian community, only he has temporally distanced its bestowal from the
resurrection of Christ. This again ties in with what we have noted above about
his periodization of salvation history.47 What John has closely related to the
newly risen Christ, Luke has associated with the exalted/ascended Christ in his
view of such history. The result is that we cannot be sure today just when the
early Christian community first became aware of the gift of the Spirit to it, or
apropos of what function it was performing, whether the forgiveness of sins, as
in John 20:22-23, or the first proclamation of the Christian message to Jews in
Jerusalem, as in Acts 2:5-41. Neither the Lucan nor the Johannine testimony
about the time of that bestowal comes to us from the earliest strata of New
Testament tradition. This is, in itself, an indication of the amount of time it took
early Christians to realize the presence and activity of the Spirit among them as
a gift of the risen/ascended Christ.
It is important, however, to note that the Lucan tradition is not alone in
separating temporally the Christian disciples' reaction to the resurrection of
Christ from their carrying out of the commission laid on them by the risen Lord.
The Lucan Christ, appearing to the disciples on the day of the discovery of the
empty tomb, commissions them to preach repentance and the forgiveness of sins
in his name to all the nations, beginning from Jerusalem: ''You are witnesses
of this" (Luke 24:47-48). They first must remain, however, "in the city" and
await "what my Father has promised" (v. 49). So Luke explains the interval.
The Johannine Christ, however, though he charges his disciples, "As the Father
has sent me, so I too send you" (20:21), says nothing further either about the
specifics of their mission or about a waiting period. Yet the disciples likewise
delay in the Johannine story. Indeed, the Johannine account distances the first
appearance of the risen Christ from another one "eight days later," when Thomas
is present with them, presumably in the same house (20:26). The Johannine
appendix (chap. 21) even portrays seven of the disciples, having returned to
their old haunts, going out to fish. In fact, we never learn from the Johannine
Gospel whether the disciples ever carried out the mission on which they were
tl
sent" (20:21). That, of course, is implied, but what is important is that the
Johannine Gospel, in effect, testifies to a period between the resurrection of
Christ and the beginning of the Christian mission, to a period during which the
risen/ascended Christ appeared to his followers. This shows that the periodiza-
tion that one finds in the Lucan tradition is not without some foundation in the
general gospel tradition. The Johannine Gospel may not know of a "Pentecost"
in the Lucan sense; but it does imply that the period between the resurrection
and the beginning of the Christian mission was more than a matter of hours.
2. The Relation of the Gift of the Spirit to Pentecost

Only two of the great Jewish feasts of old have become part of the Christian
tradition, Passover and Pentecost. The Feast of Booths or Tabernacles, though
mentioned in John 7:2 as an occasion when Jesus made his way to Jerusalem
(7:10) and perhaps reflected in the transfiguration scene of the Synoptic tradition
(Mark 9:5 and parallels), has remained without significance for the Christian
community. Passover (pesah) was transformed into the Christian paschal feast
of the resurrection at an early date. Paul may already be alluding to such a
Christian feast when he writes, ''Christ, our passover lamb, has been sacrificed;
let us celebrate, then, the festival not with the old leaven, the leaven of wicked-
ness and evil, but with the unleavened bread of sincerity and truth" (1 Cor 5:7-8).
The first feast that would normally occur after Passover in the Jewish
calendar was the Feast of Weeks (hag säbüKöt, Deut 16:10). Although Luke is
the only New Testament writer to pass on to us an event connected with such
a Jewish feast, he has scarcely invented this connection. E. Lohse would have
us believe that Luke inherited an oral tradition about a mass ecstasy of members
of the primitive Christian community, with some of them speaking in tongues
on some occasion.48 Haenchen rather associates with Pentecost the beginning
of the church's mission to diaspora Judaism.49 Either of these suggestions is
possible, but it seems more likely that Luke inherited a tradition about Jerusalem
as the place and Pentecost as the occasion when Peter and the Eleven, em-
powered and emboldened by the Spirit, confronted both diaspora and Jerusalem
Jews for the first time with the kerygma about the crucified and risen Jesus, who
was now for them Lord and Messiah. The dramatization of the scene is Lucan,
and the details are sketched in typically Lucan style in imitation of the LXX.
Why would Pentecost have been the occasion? To answer that question, I
have to say something about the nature and celebration of this feast among
Palestinian Jews of the first century. This will enable us to appreciate the
significance of the Lucan story in Acts 2.
The Feast of Weeks was known among Greek-speaking Jews as Pentecost:
he hemera pentekoste, "the fiftieth day," or he hemera pentekostes, "the Day
of Pentecost" (or "of the Fiftieth"), or even he pentekoste he heorte, he estin
hagia hepta hebdomadön, "the fiftieth feast, which is the sacred (festival) of
Seven Weeks."50 It was originally a farmers' feast at the end of a harvest. In
Num 29:26 it is identified with "the day of the first-fruits" (yom habbikkunm,
cf. Exod 23:16a), but in time it came to be understood specifically as the feast
at the end of the wheat harvest (Exod 34:22: bikküre qestr hitttm). According
to Deut 16:9, one was to "count seven weeks from the time you first put the
sickle to the standing grain." In time this was more specifically explained as a
counting "from the morrow after the sabbath (mimmohörat hassabbät), from
the day that you brought the sheaf of the wave offering: seven full weeks shall
they be, counting fifty days to the morrow of the seventh sabbath" (Lev 23:15-
16). This became the feast when two loaves made of new flour and baked with
leaven were to be offered to Yahweh. Hence, fifty days after the beginning of
the harvest, fifty days after Passover, when massot, "unleavened bread," had
been eaten, the Jews would offer farmers' leavened bread to the Lord. The date
of the Feast of Weeks, however, was not really fixed until the Priestly tradition
had related it to the joined feasts of Passover and Unleavened Bread.51
Then debate ensued among the Jews of Palestine. Some of them, the Sad-
ducees, started to count the fifty days from "the morrow after the Sabbath,"
understanding sabbät genetically as "feast day," hence equal to Passover itself
(14 Nisan, the first month). Reckoning from the day after Passover, they cele-
brated Pentecost on 6 Siwan (the third month). Other Jews, the Pharisees,
counted from the Sabbath after Passover, whenever that would come; and still
others, the Essene community of Qumran and those who used the Book of
Jubilees and followed a calendar in which the feasts fell every year on the same
day of the week, held that the first sheaf, which was to be offered on "the
morrow of the Sabbath," was to be presented on the Sunday following the
Passover octave (21 Nisan).52 Reckoning from that date, they celebrated the
Feast of Weeks on the 15th of Siwan (the third month).53 The debate persisted
for centuries, and traces of it are found in the rabbinical writings of subsequent
centuries.54 This dispute about how to reckon the date of Pentecost need not
detain us, since in the Lucan story the only important thing is "the fiftieth day,"
and the connotations that it carried.
According to Exod 19:1, Israel arrived in its exodus wanderings at Mt. Sinai
in the third month after leaving Egypt, i.e., after Passover. This gave rise in time
to the celebration of the making of the covenant, or to a yearly renewal of the
Sinai covenant, in the middle of the third month. This celebration may be
reflected in the assembly of Jews in Jerusalem in the fifteenth year of King Asa
recorded in 2 Chr 15:10-12, but in recent decades it has been customary to think
that the association of the renewal of the Sinai covenant with the Feast of Weeks
was attested in Judaism only in the Christian period.55
A more thorough study of the Book of Jubilees and of some Qumran
writings, however, seems to show that at least some Palestinian Jews were
celebrating the Feast of Weeks in the middle of the third month precisely as the
renewal of the Sinai covenant. From Jub. 1:1; 6:17-19; 14:20 it has been
concluded that on that feast all the ancient covenants, from Noah to Sinai, were
celebrated in renewal.56 Moreover, part of the ritual of an annual celebration
seems to be recorded in the Qumran Manual of Discipline (1QS 1:16-2:25).57
According to many interpreters of the Qumran literature, this celebration was
held on the Feast of Weeks itself.58 However, the question is not unanimously
answered in the affirmative, for R. de Vaux has stated categorically that "there
is no connection between the Christian feast of Pentecost and the Feast of Weeks
as understood by the Qumran community, or in later days, by orthodox Judaism.
The story in Acts contains no allusion to the Sinaitic Covenant nor to the New
Covenant of which Christ is the mediator."59 That might seem to clinch the
matter, but many New Testament commentators continue to associate the Jewish
celebration of Pentecost with the giving of the Torah at Sinai.60
In the Lucan story of Pentecost there is no direct reference to the Sinaitic
Covenant, but there are allusions to be pondered. First of all, Luke recounts
the gift of the Spirit on an occasion when not only "Judeans" but "devout
Jews from every nation under heaven" (Acts 2:5; cf. Deut 2:25) are gathered
or assembled for a feast in Jerusalem. Even though Luke says to plethos
synelthen, "the multitude came together" (RSV), he may be speaking of a
festive assembly, what Josephus called asartha {Ant. 3.10.6 §252), the Aramaic
name for Pentecost ('äsartä'). Second, Peter, "standing up with the Eleven"
(Acts 2:14), confronts the assembled Jews. In other words, the "twelve apos-
tles" (Luke 6:13) confront "the twelve tribes of Israel" and function as their
judges (Luke 22:29). This scene clearly echoes the saying of Jesus at the Last
Supper in the Lucan Gospel, wherein only shortly before allusion was made
to the shedding of Jesus' blood as a sign of "the new covenant" (Luke 22:29,
20). This allusion may seem subtle, but in a correct understanding of Lucan
foreshadowing it is not. Now Peter as the spokesman for the newly reconsti-
tuted Twelve confronts the assembled "house of Israel" on its 'äsartä9, its
Feast of Weeks, and lets it be known that, despite what it had done in crucifying
"this Jesus," the promise of old made by God to that house was still valid for
it and its children, far and near, as being those "whom the Lord our God calls
to him" (Acts 2:39). That "promise" cannot be limited in the Lucan story to
the ancient experience of the twelve tribes at Sinai. Third, J. Dupont has
worked out a list of verbal allusions in Acts 2 to the important chaps. 19 and
20 of Exodus, wherein are recounted the theophany at Sinai and the giving of
the Torah.61 Thus, the adverb homou, "together" — or its variant homothyma-
don62 — may be an echo of pas ho laos homothymadon of Exod 19:8, "all the
people together." In Acts the "sound" from heaven is echos (v. 2) and phone
(v. 6); in Exod 19:16 one reads, eginonto phönai, "there were sounds"
(= thunders) and phone tes salpingos echei mega, "a sound of the trumpet
blasted loudly." The source of the sound is ek tou ouranou, "from heaven"
(Acts 2:2); compare Exod 20:22, ek tou ouranou lelaleka pros hymas, "I have
spoken to you from he.aven." Yahweh's descent to Mt. Sinai in fire (Exod
19:18) provides an Old Testament background for "the tongues as of fire"
(Acts 2:3). Further support for the allusions may come from an unfortunately
fragmentary liturgical text of Qumran, which associates "tongues of fire"
(lesonot 'es) with Yahweh commanding assembled Israelites to "observe all
these words" (1Q29 1:3 and 5:1-7:4),63 and one fragment of which carries the
isolated word töräh (frg. 16). Dupont further suggests that Acts 2:33, which
mentions Jesus' exaltation to the right hand of God, may be an allusion to Ps
68:19, the very passage used in Eph 4:8 (about the ascension!), and drawn
from a psalm which Jews of the later rabbinic tradition interpreted of Moses
and his ascent of Mt. Sinai to get the Law and promulgate it.64 The last
suggestion, however, is far from clear. Admittedly, none of these allusions is
unambiguous, but if there is any validity to them, they may supply an Old
Testament and Palestinian Jewish background for the first Christian Pentecost,
when the newly reconstituted Twelve, filled with and emboldened by the Spirit,
confronted "the whole house of Israel" (2:36) with its "word of the gospel"
(Acts 15:7) on the Feast of its Assembly for the renewal of the Sinai Covenant.
Until recently it has been customary to interpret the Pentecost of Acts 2
as the equivalent of the Feast of Weeks alone, i.e., as the feast celebrated at
the end of the wheat harvest, when at least some Palestinian Jews may have
gathered for the renewal of the Sinai Covenant. In the newly published Temple
Scroll from Qumran Cave 11, however, we learn that the Jews, who used this
scroll and who may have considered it as their "sectarian Torah,"65 actually
celebrated three pentecostal feasts, and one of them may shed some light on
what has always been a puzzling aspect of the Lucan story of the first Christian
Pentecost.
Texts of the Temple Scroll speak of the three pentecostal celebrations as
follows:
(1) JlQTemple 18:10-13 Feast of Weeks or Feast of First Fruits, third month,
fifteenth day (hag säbuöt wehag bikkurim, HQTemple 19:9):
10 wsprth
u
[lkmh] sb' sbtwt tmymwt mywm hby'kmh V h'wmr
n
[htnwph tsjpwrw 'd mmwhrt hsbt hsby'yt tspwrw
l3
[hmsyn] ywm whby^wtmh mnhh hdsh lyhwh . . .
10
You will count
11
[for yourselves] seven Sabbaths complete from the day you bring the sheaf
12
[of waving]; you will count until the morrow of the seventh Sabbath; you
will count
13
[fifty] days and you will bring a new meal-offering to Yahweh . . .
(2) HQTemple 19:11-14 Feast of New Wine, fifth month, third day (hag yayin
hddas):
l[
[wspr]tmh Ikmh tnywm hby^kmh 't hmnhh hdsh lykw[h]
12
/X/ Ihm hbkwrym sb'h sbw'wt sb' sbtwt tmymwt
^[thyynh r]d mmwhrt hsbt hsby'yt tspwrw hmsym ywm
^w[hby'wt]mh yyn hds Insk . . .
11
You [will count] for yourselves from the day you bring the new
meal-offering to Yahweh,
12
[the] bread as the first fruit, seven weeks; seven Sabbaths complete
13
[they will be un]til the morrow of the seventh Sabbath; you will count
fifty days,
14
and [you will bring] new wine for a libation . . .
(3) HQTemple 21:12-16 Feast of New Oil, sixth month, twenty-second day
(hag semen hddas):
12
wspr[tm]h [lkm]h mywm hzh sbeh sb'wt sbe p'mym ts'h
13
wWym ywm sb' sbtwt tmymwt thyynh 'd mmwhrt hsbt
14
hsbyryt tspwrw hmsym ywm whqrbtmh smn hds mmsbwt
I5
[m]twt b[ny ys*]r'l mhsyt hhyn 'hd mn hmth smn hds ktyt
16
[ ] yshr '1 mzbh hcwlh bkwrym lpny yhwh.
12
You w[ill] count for yfourselves] from this day seven weeks, seven times
(seven), forty-nine
13
days, seven Sabbaths complete they will be until the morrow of the
seventh
14
Sabbath; you will count fifty days, and you will offer new oil from the
dwelling-places of
15
[the] tribes of the Is[rael]ites, a half hin from each tribe, new oil crushed
16
[ ], fresh oil upon the altar of holocaust as fresh-fruits before
Yahweh.
In other words, fifty days from the morrow of the Sabbath of the Passover octave
occurred the Pentecost of New Grain/Wheat. Then, fifty days from the morrow
of the Pentecost of New Grain/Wheat was celebrated the Pentecost of New Wine.
Finally, fifty days from the morrow of the Pentecost of New Wine was celebrated
the Pentecost of New Oil. 66
This seems to have been the complete cycle of pentecostal feasts for the
Palestinian Jews who used this document. One should note the express mention
of ''fifty days" in the formulation of each of the regulations.
If I am right in thinking that Luke was a non-Jewish Semite, a native or

incola of Syrian Antioch, to which ancient ecclesiastical tradition has rather
uniformly assigned him,«" then it is readily understandable how he did not
comprehend everything perfectly about Palestinian Judaism. He had certainly
heard about the Jewish Feast of Pentecost, and maybe even about Jewish Pente-
costs; perhaps he has unwittingly mixed some of their details. This may be why
he introduces Peter justifying the disciples' speaking in "other tongues" as not
being "filled with new wine" (Acts 2:13, 15). It has always been puzzling why
Peter mentions "new wine," since new grain and new wine were not normally
harvested at the same time.68 Now that we see from the Temple Scroll that there
were multiple Pentecosts in some forms of Palestinian Jewish life, that may
provide a background for Luke's association of "new wine" with Pentecost.
In his story of the first Christian Pentecost, Luke has probably mingled
allusions to details of the Jewish Pentecost of New Grain and the Pentecost of
New Wine. For him it makes little difference, since the only thing that is
important is that a period of "fifty days" has separated the resurrection of Christ,
shortly after Passover, from the occasion when the Spirit-guided proclamation
of the gospel was made to Jews of Jerusalem, "Judeans" and Jews assembled
"from every nation under the heavens."
Lastly, if there is any value in the proposal that I am making, it would be
a substitute explanation for the connection between "new wine" with the speak-
ing in "other tongues." O. Betz once tried to explain that connection by appeal-
ing to Isa 28:7-13, where the prophet inveighs against religious leaders and
teachers who reel with wine and stagger with strong drink. Betz had to resort
to the later targumic translation of it in his attempt to establish such a farfetched
connection.69
In any case, in the Lucan story the "promise of the Father" is bestowed on
the nucleus of the Christian community, empowering it to begin its mission of
testimony on a feast that is marked in more than one way as pentecostal.
3. The Relation of the Fifty to the Forty Days

According to Conzelmann, the dating of the Pentecost event is related to the
"forty days" of Acts 1:3 and "thus does not necessarily belong to the substance
of the story."™ χ 0 m y w a y 0 f thinking, the "fiftieth day" is more important
than the forty days, since that is the import of Luke's formula "when the day
of Pentecost was running its course" (lit. "was being filled out").71 This specific
designation stands in contrast to the vague phrase "during forty days" (1:3). If
Luke has, indeed, inherited from the tradition before him Jerusalem as the place
and Pentecost as the time when the Twelve confronted Jerusalem Jews with the
kerygma, what is the point of the "forty days"? Several things must be con-
sidered in answering that question. First, because Acts 13:31 reters to the same
interval merely as "many days" (hemeras pleious), "forty" is undoubtedly to

be understood as a round number, as its Old Testament background may also
suggest.72 Second, the "forty days" are not meant by Luke as a period needed
by Jesus himself, i.e., for some development in his role in salvation history.73
Third, chap. 1 of Acts suggests rather that the interval was needed by the
disciples, who were being further instructed about the kingdom (v. 3). Their
continuing misunderstanding of the role of the risen Christ in regard to the
kingdom is recorded in v. 6, "Lord, are you going to restore the kingship to
Israel at this time?" Though Christ corrects this misunderstanding, he commis-
sions them to bear witness to him in Jerusalem, Judea, Samaria, and "to the end
of the earth" (v. 8), once they have received the promise of the Father. Fourth,
since in the Lucan understanding of salvation history the exalted Christ had to
be with the Father in order to pour forth the promised Spirit (Acts 2:33), Luke
has used the end of that classic interval of forty days to depict the final leave-
taking of the risen Christ from his disciples as a preparation for the fiftieth day.
This is thus part of the Lucan periodization of salvation history, already ex-
plained.
4. The Role of the Spirit of the Ascended Christ in Christian Life

As we have seen, the gift of the Spirit of Christ to the Christian community is
not a Lucan invention. Pauline, Johannine, and other New Testament writings
are likewise tributary to what was a primitive tradition about that gift. If only
Luke links that gift with Pentecost, he clearly wants the connotations of that
feast of old to be associated with the gift. In the Palestinian Jewish tradition,
Pentecost, despite its Greek name, was clearly a feast of first-fruits, whether
they be understood in the conventional sense of the wheat harvest or now, in
light of the Temple Scroll, of multiple harvests, wheat, wine, or oil. This nuance
of Pentecost explains why the story in Acts 2 ends with the note of the first
Christian harvest: "Those who welcomed his [Peter's] word were baptized, and
that day there were added about three thousand persons" (2:41). Thus the
first-fruits of the Christian harvest come from the Spirit-inspired proclamation
of Peter, the spokesman of the nucleus community.
A. R. C. Leaney once summed up various ways in which the Lucan pente-
costal story has been interpreted: "The reversal of Babel, the proclamation of
the New Law, the fulfilment of the prophecy of Joel, of the threat of John the
Baptist and of the promise of Jesus, and an earnest of the spread of the gospel
throughout the world."74 The last-mentioned interpretation is related to the
suggestion made in the foregoing paragraph, but goes beyond it. Most of the
other modes of interpreting the Lucan story tend to be eisegetical, apart from
the fulfillment of Joel's prophecy; yet to put emphasis on that minor detail in
Peter's speech might be inappropriate. Anything that might be valid in these
suggestions has to be subordinated to the main Lucan emphasis: the Spirit, as

the promise of the Father now poured out by the ascended Christ, empowers
the Twelve to make the first proclamation of the Christ-event to Jews in Jeru-
salem, which results in three thousand of them becoming the first-fruits of the
new Christian pentecostal harvest. This is the inaugurating role of the Spirit in
the corporate life of the early Christian community. This is the real Lucan
emphasis.
Another aspect of the role of the Spirit of the ascended Christ is found in
the Epistle to the Ephesians: "You were sealed with the Holy Spirit of promise"
(1:13). Although "the Holy Spirit of promise" resonates with the Lucan view
of the Spirit, Ephesians adds that individual Christians have been marked or
"sealed" as belonging to that Spirit, since in antiquity a seal (sphragis) was
often used to show ownership. Again, in the same writing the author mentions
how Gentiles have become "fellow heirs, members of the same body, and fellow
sharers of the promise in Christ through the gospel" (3:6). The "promise"
appears again and resembles the Lucan relation of the Spirit as "the promise of
the Father," even if the Spirit's influence is described as having other effects on
individuals, even on Gentiles. In the use of "promise" in both Luke-Acts and
Ephesians, one detects the Old Testament background of God's promise made
to the patriarchs of old, which is now related to the Spirit of God and thus
realized in a new way, as the promise of the Father and of the risen/ascended
Christ.
It would take another article to discuss fully the role of the Spirit in Christian
life, which is not my purpose here. Accordingly, I have limited the discussion
to the role of the Spirit of the ascended Christ, which is the Lucan emphasis.
For Paul, the Spirit is the gift of the risen Christ (1 Cor 15:45; 2 Cor 3:17),
especially to individuals, whereas the Spirit is the gift of the ascended Christ in
Acts bestowed more in a corporate sense.
NOTES
* Originally published in TS 45 (1984) 409-40.

1. In 1 Cor 16:8 Paul speaks of staying in Ephesus for a feast of Pentecost. That is
undoubtedly to be understood as Pentecost according to the Jewish calendar; see E. Lohse,
"Pentekoste," TDNT, 6.50; cf. C. K. Barrett, A Commentary on the First Epistle to the
Corinthians (HNTC; New York: Harper & Row, 1968) 389. In Acts 20:16 Paul is depicted
hurrying to be in Jerusalem for the day of Pentecost, again probably meant as the Jewtsh
festival. Even if this be understood as the Christian Pentecost, it is still a Lucan reference.
See further A. Weiser, "Pentekoste," EDNT, 3.70.
2. I.e., apart from the non-Marcan, canonical appendix to this Gospel, 16:9-20, which
will be discussed below.
3. The literature on the New Testament references to the ascension is vast. Among
the more important recent literature one may cite: J. E. Alsup, The Post-Resurrection
Appearance Stories of the Gospel Tradition (Calwer theologische Monographien 5;
Stuttgart: Calwer-V., 1975); A. W. Argyle, 'The Ascension," ExpTim 66 (1954-55) 240-
42; P. Benoit, "The Ascension," Jesus and the Gospel 1 (New York: Herder and Herder,
1973) 209-53; G. Bouwman, "Die Erhöhung Jesu in der Iukanischen Theologie," BZ 14
(1970) 257-63; J. G. Davies, He Ascended into Heaven (London: Lutterworth, 1958);
J. van Goudoever, Biblical Calendars (Leiden: Brill, 1959) 195-205; J. Haroutounian,
"The Doctrine of the Ascension: A Study of the New Testament Teaching," Int 10 (1956)
270-81; W. Kern, "Das Fortgehen Jesu und das Kommen des Geistes oder Christi Him-
melfahrt," GuL4\ (1968) 85-90; G. Kretschmar, "Himmelfahrt und Pfingsten," ZKG 66
(1954-55) 209-53; X. Leon-Dufour, Resurrection and the Message of Easter (New York:
Holt, Rinehart and Winston, 1974) 80-94; G. Lohfink, Die Himmelfahrt Jesu: Unter-
suchungen zu den Himmelfahrts- und Erhöhungstexten bei Lukas (SANT 26; Munich:
Kösel, 1971); "Der historische Ansatz der Himmelfahrt Christi," Catholica 17 (1963)
44-84; M. McNamara, "The Ascension and the Exaltation of Christ in the Fourth
Gospel," Scr 19 (1967) 65-73; J. R Maile, "The Ascension in Luke-Acts," TynBull 37
(1986) 29-59; P.-H. Menoud, *' 'Pendant quarante jours' (Actes i 3)," Neotestamentica
et patristica: Eine Freundesgabe, Herrn Prof. Dr. Oscar Cullmann . . . (NovTSup 6;
Leiden: Brill, 1962) 148-56; "Remarques sur les textes de Γ Ascension dans Luc-Actes,"
Neutestamentliche Studien für Rudolf Bultmann . . . (BZNW 21; ed. E. Eltester; Berlin:
Töpelmann, 1954) 148-56; Β. Μ. Metzger, "The Ascension of Jesus Christ," Historical
and Literary Studies: Pagan, Jewish, and Christian (NTTS 8; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,
1968) 77-87; "The Meaning of Christ's Ascension," Search the Scriptures: New Testa-
ment Studies in Honor of Raymond T. Stamm (Gettysburg Theological Studies 3; ed. J. M.
Meyers et al.; Leiden: Brill, 1969) 118-28; P. Miquel, "Le mystere de Γ Ascension,"
Questions liturgiques et paroissiales 40 (1959) 105-26; C. F. D. Moule, "The Post-
Resurrection Appearances in the Light of Festival Pilgrimages," NTS 4 (1957-58) 58-61;
J. Neuner, "He Ascended into Heaven," Vidyajyoti 59 (1995) 400-404; M..C. Parsons,
The Departure of Jesus in Luke-Acts: The Ascension Narratives in Context (JSNTSup
21; Sheffield, UK: JSOT, 1987); R. Pesch, "Der Anfang der Apostelgeschichte: Apg
1,1-11: Kommentarstudie," EKKNTVor. 3 (1971) 7-35; A. M. Ramsey, "What Was the
Ascension?" SNTS Bulletin 2 (1951) 43-50; Β. Rigaux, Dien Va resuscite: Exegese et
theologie biblique (Gembloux: Duculot, 1973) 258-63; Κ. Η. Schelkle, "Christi Him-
melfahrt," GuL4\ (1968) 81-85; G. Schule, "Die Himmelfahrt," ZNW51 (1966) 182-99;
E. Schillebeeckx, "Ascension and Pentecost," Worship 35 (1960-61) 336-63; Η. Schlier,
"Jesu Himmelfahrt nach den Iukanischen Schriften," GuL 34 (1961) 91-99; A. Weiser,
"Himmelfahrt Christi (I: Neues Testament)," TRE 15 (1986) 332; A. Wikenhauser, "Die
Belehrung der Apostel durch den Auferstandenen nach Apg 1,3," Vom Wort des Lebens:
Festschrift für Max Meinem (NTAbh Erg. 1; Münster in W.: Aschendorff, 1951) 105-13;
S. G. Wilson, "The Ascension, a Critique and an Interpretation," ZNW 59 (1968) 269-81;
A. W. Zwiep, "The Text of the Ascension Narratives (Luke 24.50-3; Acts 1.1-2,9-11),"
NTS 42 (1996) 219-44.
4. See further R. P. Martin, Carmen Christi: Philippians ii.5-11 in Recent Interpreta-

tion and in the Setting of Early Christian Worship (SNTSMS 4; Cambridge: Cambridge
University, 1967; repr. Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1983) 197-248; P. Grelot, "Deux notes
critiques sur Philippiens 2,6-11," Bib 54 (1973) 169-86, esp. 176-79; J. A. Fitzmyer, WA,
118-25; "The Aramaic Background of Philippians 2:6-11," CBQ 50 (1988) 470-83; repr.
as "The Christological Hymn of Philippians 2:6-11," According to Paul: Studies in the

Theology of the Apostle (New York/Mahwah, NJ: Paulist, 1993) 89-105, 149-51.
5. See further J. T. Sanders, The New Testament Christological Hymns: Their
Historical Religious Background (SNTSMS 15; Cambridge: Cambridge University
1971) 15-17, 94-95; E. Schweizer, "Two Early Christian Creeds Compared, I Corinthi-
ans 15.3-5 and I Timothy 3.16," Current Issues in New Testament Interpretation (ed.
W. Klassen and G. F. Snyder; New York: Harper & Row, 1962) 168-77; Lordship and
Discipleship (SBT 28; London: SCM, 1960) 64-66; J. Jeremias, Die Briefe an
Timotheus und Titus (NTD 9; 8th ed.; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1963)
23-25; Μ. Dibelius and Η. Conzelmann, The Pastoral Epistles (Hermeneia; Philadel-
phia: Fortress, 1972) 61-63.
6. E.g., J. H. Bernard, Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Gospel according
to St. John I (Edinburgh: Clark, 1928) 114.
7. E.g., R. E. Brown, The Gospel according to John (AB 29, 29A; Garden City,
NY: Doubleday, 1966, 1970), 1.146; C. K. Barrett, The Gospel according to St. John (2d
ed.; Philadelphia, PA: Westminster, 1978) 427; B. Lindars, The Gospel of John (NCB;
Greenwood, SC: Attic, 1972) 157; R. Schnackenburg, The Gospel according to St. John
(3 vols.; New York: Crossroad, 1980-82), 1.396. Cf. G. Bertram, "Die Himmelfahrt Jesu
vom Kreuz aus und der Glaube an seine Auferstehung," Festgabe für Adolf Deissmann ...
(Tübingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 1927) 187-217.
8. See further C. H. Dodd, Historical Tradition in the Fourth Gospel (Cambridge,
UK: Cambridge University, 1965).
9. The Apostolic Preaching and Its Developments (London: Hodder and Stoughton,
1936; repr. New York: Harper, 1962) 17-24. For another view of this matter, see U. Wil-
ckens, Die Missionsreden der Apostelgeschichte (WMANT 5; Neukirchen-Vluyn:
Neukirchener-V., 1961); cf. J. Dupont, "Les discours missionnaires des Actes des
Apotres," RB 69 (1962) 37-60, esp. 39-50.
10. For the relation of the Father's "glory" to his "power" in the resurrection, see
J. A. Fitzmyer, " ' T o Know Him and the Power of His Resurrection' (Phil 3:10),"
Melanges bibliques en hommage au R. P. Beda Rigaux (ed. A. Descamps et al.; Gem-
bloux: Duculot, 1970) 411-25; repr. TAG, 202-17, esp. 209-13.
11. See further Phil 3:20; 1 Cor 4:5; 15:47; Rom 8:34; cf. 2 Thess 1:7; Col 3:1; Eph
1:3, 20; 2:6; 6:9; 1 Pet 3:22; 2 Tim 4:18; Acts 7:55; Heb 1:3, 13; 7:26; 8:1; 9:12, 24;
10:12-13; 12:2.
12. See G. Bertram, "Der religionsgeschichtliche Hintergrund des Begriffs der
'Erhöhung' in der Septuaginta," Z W 68 (1956) 57-71; E. Bock, "Von der Himmelfahrt
im Alten und Neuen Testament," Christengemeinschaft 4 (1927) 45-50; and especially
G. Lohfink, Die Himmelfahrt Jesu (n. 3 above), 32-79.
13. See further John 7:33; 16:5; or (going to the Father) 13:1; 14:28; 16:10, 17,28;
17:11; or (going to God) 13:3.
14. R. E. Brown, John (n. 7 above), 1012; A. Vergote, "L'Exaltation du Christ en
croix selon le quatrieme evangile," ETL 28 (1952) 5-23.
15. C. K. Barrett, Gospel according to St. John (n. 7 above), 566.
16. E. J. Epp, "The Ascension in the Textual Tradition of Luke-Acts," New Testa-
ment Textual Criticism: Its Signflcance for Exegesis: Essays in Honour of Bruce M.
Metzger (ed. Ε. J. Epp and G. D. Fee; Oxford: Clarendon, 1981) 131-45, esp. 134.
17. Ibid., 144.
18. The New Testament in the Original Greek (2 vols.; rev. ed.; Cambridge/London:
Macmillan, 1890-96).
19. On the Western Non-Interpolations, see my commentary, The Gospel according
to Luke (AB 28, 28A; Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1981, 1985) 130-32; cf. Β. Μ.
Metzger, TCGNT (2d ed., 1994) 5*-7*.
20. See V. Martin and R. Kasser, Papyrus Bodmer XIV-XV: Evangiles de Luc et
Jean 1 (Cologny: Bibliotheca Bodmeriana, 1961) 150. For a good survey of all the
evidence, see Epp, "The Ascension" (n. 16 above); cf. A. W. Zwiep, "The Text" (n. 3
above), 222-34.
21. In TCGNT (1st ed., 1971), 189-90, the pejorative judgment of the committee is
recorded as D ("a very high degree of doubt concerning the reading selected for the
text," xxviii). In the 4th ed. of the UBSGNT (1993), this clause now bears the reading
Β ("the text is almost certain," 3*); compare TCGNT (2d ed., 1994), 162-63. Note,
however, that A. Huck and H. Greeven (Synopse der drei ersten Evangelien . . . [Tübin-
gen: Mohr (Siebeck), 1981] 281) still relegated it to the apparatus criticus, despite the
fact that it was the lectio dijficilior and the form of the text that best explained the other
variants.
22. Contrast the passive expressions for the resurrection in 1 Cor 15:20; 2 Cor 5:15;
Rom 6:4, 9; 7:4; 8:34 with the active intransitive forms in 1 Thess 4:14; Mark 8:31; 9:9,
31; Luke 24:46; Acts 17:3. Cf. J. Fernandez y Fernandez, "La ascension del Senor: Subio
al cielo por su propria virtud," CB 11 (1954) 134-42; J. Dupont, Etudes sur les Actes des
Apötres (LD 45; Paris: Cerf, 1967) 477-80.
23. See "To Know Him" (n. 10 above), 413-14 or 204-6.
24. For details, see R. E. Brown, John (n. 7 above), 992-94; Schnackenburg, John
(n. 7 above), 3.318-19.
25. For the textual problems of v. 2 and the reading of the Western Text that does
not include the verb anelemphthe, see Epp, "The Ascension" (n. 16 above), 136-37; cf.
TCGNT (2d ed., 1994), 236-41.
26. For the textual problems of vv. 9-11, see Epp, "The Ascension" (n. 16 above),
137-44.
27. One should not neglect the further reference to the ascension in Acts 1:22; as
in 1:2, it is again used to mark the end of Jesus' public ministry. In this context, however,
that end is to be understood as some forty days after the resurrection.
28. In Luke 24:50 it was "Bethany," a locality not significantly different, since that
village was on the Mount of Olives.
29. For clouds in other apocalyptic passages, see Dan 7:13; 1 Enoch 14:8; 1 Thess
4:17; Rev 1:7; 11:12. More remote Old Testament background can be found in Exod
13:21-22; 24:15-18 (as a sign of divine or heavenly presence). Cf. W. K. Lowther Clarke,
"The Clouds of Heaven: An Eschatological Study," Theology 31 (1935) 63-72, 128-41;
R. Β. Υ Scott, " 'Behold, He Cometh with Clouds,' "NTS5 (1958-59) 127-32; M. D. R.
Willinck, "Studies in Texts: Ά Cloud Received Him' (Acts 1:9)," Theology 24 (1927)
297-99.
30. For angel-interpreters, see 1 Enoch 19:1; 22:3; 23:4; Rev 10:9; 19:9-10; 22:8.
Cf. I Thess 4:17.
31. See R. Pesch, "Der Anfang" (η. 3 above), 7-35; G. Lohfink, Die Himmelfahrt
Jesu (n. 3 above), 147-62.
32. See Pesch, "Der Anfang" (n. 3 above), 25-32.
33. The Theology of St Luke (New York: Harper & Bros 1960) 12-16- cf Luke
(n. 19 above), 179-87.
34. See chap. 12, n. 18.
35. See chap. 19 below for a further discussion of this description (p. 377)
36. See further W. Michaelis, TDNT, 5.355-56. For other aspects of the appearances
of the risen Christ, see chap. 19 (pp. 377-78).
37. In this connection one may recall Paul's boast, "A man in Christ . . . who was
caught up to the third heaven — whether in the body or out of the body I do not know"
(2 Cor 11:2). Cf. Aristotle, Metaphysics 12.8 §1037a.
38. This has to be emphasized in contrast to such modern writers as A. R. C. Leaney,
who speaks of Luke's having "invented the Ascension as a physical event" ("Why There
Were Forty Days between the Resurrection and the Ascension in Acts 1,3," SE IV [TU
102] 417-19, esp. 417). I am also uneasy with G. Schille's description of the Lucan story
in Acts 1:9-11 as a Kultcitiologie for an assembly of the Jerusalem community on the
Mount of Olives forty days after Passover, in which the ascension of Jesus was recalled
("Die Himmelfahrt," Z W 57 [1966] 183-99, esp. 193). See the critique of this view by
Wilson, ' T h e Ascension" (n. 3 above).
39. See Luke (n. 19 above), 171-92.
40. See V. Larranaga, L Ascension de Notre-Seigneur dans le Nouveau Testament
(Scripta Pontificii Instituti Biblici; Rome: Biblical Institute, 1938) 12-17; P. Benoit, "The
Ascension" (n. 3 above), 218-21; U. Holzmeister, "Der Tag der Himmelfahrt des Herrn,"
ZKT55 (1931) 44-82; J. G. Davies, He Ascended (η. 3 above), 108-11.
41. In die dominica Paschae 51-52; CCLat 78.550. See G. Morin, "S. Hieronymi
presbyteri tractatus novissime reperti," Anecdota maredsolana 3/2 (1902) 418. See also
Barn. 15.9; Tertullian, Adv. lud. 13.23; CCLat 2.1389; Eusebius, De eccl. theol. 3.5; PG
24.1009.
42. Again, the literature on Pentecost in the New Testament is vast; the more
important recent studies are the following: N. Adler, Das erste christliche Pfingstfest:
Sinn und Bedeutung des Pfingstberichtes Apg 2,1-13 (NTAbh 18/1; Münster in W.:
Aschendorff, 1938); C. K. Barrett, A Critical and Exegetical Commentary on the Acts of
the Apostles (ICC; Edinburgh: Clark, 1994), 1.106-57; F. Bovon, "Le recit de la Pente-
cote," Luc le theologien: Vingt-cinq ans de recherches (1950-1975) (Neuchätel: Dela-
chaux et Niestle, 1978) 235-44; S. Brown, "Easter and Pentecost: A Biblical Reflection
on Their Relationship," Worship 36 (1972) 277-86; M. Delcor, "Pentecöte (La fete de
la)," DBS, 7.858-79; J. D. G. Dunn, Baptism in the Holy Spirit: A Reexamination of the
New Testament Teaching on the Gift of the Spirit in Relation to Pentecostalism Today
(SBT 2/15; London: SCM; Naperville, IL: Allenson, 1970); J. Dupont, "La nouvelle
Pentecote (Ac 2,1-11)," AsSeign n.s. 30 (1970) 30-34; "The First Christian Pentecost,"
The Salvation of the Gentiles (Ramsey, NJ: Paulist, 1979) 35-59; C. H. Giblin, "Com-
plementarity of Symbolic Event and Discourse in Acts 2,1-40," SE VI (TU 112 [1973])
186-96; W. Grundmann, "Der Pfingstbericht der Apostelgeschichte in seinem theolo-
gischen Sinn," SE II (TU 87 [1964]) 584-94; K. Haacker, "Das Pfingstwunder als
exegetisches Problem," Verborum veritas: Festschrift für Gustav Stählin . . . (ed. O. Bö-
cher and K. Haacker; Wuppertal: Brockhaus, 1970) 125-31; E. Haenchen, The Acts of
the Apostles: A Commentary (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1971) 166-89; J. Kremer,
Pfingstbericht und Pfingstgeschehen: Eine exegetische Untersuchimg zu Apg 2,1-13 (SBS
63-64; Stuttgart: Katholisches Bibelwerk, 1973); "Was geschah Pfingsten? Zur Histonzi-
tat des Apg. 2,1013 berichteten Pfingstereignisses," Wort und Wahrheit 28 (1973) 195-
207; Ι. Η. Marshall, "The Significance of Pentecost," SJT 30 (1977) 247-69; P.-H.
Menoud, "La Pentecote lucanien et l'histoire," RHPR 42 (1962) 141-47; R. Pesch, Die
Apostelgeschichte (EKKNT 5/1-2; Einsiedeln: Benziger; Neukirchen-Vluyη: Neukir-
chener-V., 1986), 1.97-128; L. Potin, Lafetejuive de la Pentecote (LD 65; 2 vols.; Paris:
Cerf, 1971); J. Ramos Garcia, "Significacion del fenomeno del Pentecostes apostolico,"
EstBib 3 (1944) 269-93; J. Roloff, Die Apostelgeschichte (NTD 5; Göttingen: Vanden-
hoeck & Ruprecht, 1981) 37-64; R. Schnackenburg, "Pfingsten damals und heute,"
Glaubensimpulse aus dem Neuen Testament (Düsseldorf: Patmos, 1972) 106-12;
G. Schneider, Die Apostelgeschichte (HTKNT 5; Freiburg im B.: Herder, 1980, 1982),
1.239-79; D. L. Tiede, "Acts 2:1-47," Int 33 (1979) 62-67.
43. Bp. Cassien, as quoted by P.-H. Menoud, "La Pentecote lucanien" (n. 42 above),
146 η. 11; Μ.-A. Chevallier, "'Pentecötes' lucaniennes et 'Pentecötes'johanniques,"
RSR 69 (1981) 301-13.
44. Despite 1 Cor 16:8, on which see n. 1 above.
45. See Ezek 20:8, 13, 21; 30:15; 36:18.
46. Sometimes Paul does not clearly distinguish the Spirit from the risen Lord (e.g.,
2 Cor 3:17, "the Lord is the Spirit"; or 1 Cor 15:45, "the last Adam became a life-giving
Spirit").
47. See no. 7 of the section "The New Testament Meaning of the Ascension" above.
48. TDNT,6.5\.
49. See Acts of the Apostles (n. 42 above), 75.
50. See the LXX of Tob 2:1 (Sinaiticus omits hepta); cf. 2 Mace 12:32. Josephus
(Ant. 3.10.6 §252) records the postbiblical Aramaic name of the feast as Asanha, which
he interprets as meaning "fiftieth." That meaning is impossible, since Aramaic 'äsartä*
means "gathering," a generic term for a festive assembly. In time, it was used specifically
for the gathering of Jews for the Feast of Weeks (see Tg. Onqelos of Num 28:26). Cf.
Ant. 13.8.4 §252; 14.13.4 §337; 17.10.2 §254; Philo, De Decalogo 30 §160; De specia-
libus legibus 2.30 §176.
51. See further R. de Vaux, Ancient Israel: Its Life and Institutions (New York:
McGraw-Hill, 1961) 493-95; E. Lohse, TDNT, 6.44-53.
52. Note the LXX version of Lev 23:11: te epaurion tes prates.
53. SeeJub. 15:1; 44:4-5.
54. See Str-B, 2.598-600. The dispute continues even today; see M. A. Sweeney,
"Sefirah at Qumran: Aspects of the Counting Formulas for the First Fruits Festivals in
the Temple Scroll," BASOR 251 (1983) 61-66, and the literature cited by him.
55. According to Str-B (2.601), the Feast of Weeks in the Old Testament was a
thanksgiving festival for the recently ended wheat harvest, and the interpretation of it as
the feast of the memorial of the Sinai covenant cannot be traced back quellenmässig
before the second century of the Christian era.
56. See B. Noack, "The Day of Pentecost in Jubilees, Qumran, and Acta," ASTI 1
(1962) 73-95. For a different interpretation of some of these texts, see M. Delcor, "Das
Bundesfest in Qumran und das Pfingstfest," BibLeb 4 (1963) 188-204. Delcor would
translate hag säbuöt as "Feast of Oaths," but that is a farfetched solution.
57. See M. Burrows, The Dead Sea Scrolls of St. Mark's Monastery: 2/2, Plates and
Transcription of the Manual of Discipline (New Haven: American Schools of Oriental
Research, 1951). Cf. A. Dupont-Sommer, The Essene Writings from Qumran (Oxford:
Blackwell, 1961) 74-76; Ο. Betz, "Die Proselytentaufe der Qumransekte und die Taufe
im Neuen Testament," RevQ 1 (1958-59) 213-28. In this passage the renewal of the
covenant is made into a ritual for the renewal of the members' commitment to the
community. Of particular significance in it is the recounting of the deeds of God by the
priests and of the iniquities of Israel by the levites, with corresponding blessings and
curses.
58. See J. T. Milik, Ten Years of Discovery in the Wilderness of Judaea (SBT 26;
Naperville, IL: Allenson, 1959) 103, 116-18; G. Vermes, The Dead Sea Scrolls: Qumran
in Perspective (Cleveland: Collins & World, 1978) 177-79. Cf. F. M. Cross, The Ancient
Library of Qumran and Modern Biblical Studies: Revised Edition (Grand Rapids: Baker,
1980) 90 n. 74, 219 n. 40; T. Elgvin, "The Qumran Covenant Festival and the Temple
Scroll," JJS 36 (1985) 103-6.
59. Ancient Israel (n. 51 above), 495. See further H. Conzelmann, Acts of the
Apostles (Hermeneia; Philadelphia: Fortress, 1987) 16.
60. See G. Kretschmar, "Himmelfahrt" (η. 3 above); G. Schneider, Apostel-
geschichte (η. 42 above), 1.246-47.
61. "The First Christian Pentecost," The Salvation of the Gentiles (n. 42 above),
35-59; "La nouvelle Pentecote (Ac 2,11)," AsSeign n.s. 30 (1970) 30-34.
62. So read in mss. C 3 , E, and the Koine text-tradition.
63. See D. Barthelemy and J. T. Milik, Qumran Cave I (DJD 1; Oxford: Clarendon,
1955) 130-32.
64. "Ascension du Christ et don de l'Esprit d'apres Actes 2:33," Christ and Spirit
in the New Testament: In Honour of Charles Francis Digby Moule (ed. B. Lindars and
S. S. Smalley; Cambridge: University of Cambridge, 1973) 219-28.
65. As Y. Yadin has proposed, "the author's purpose was to present a sort of
expanded and fully supplemented Deuteronomy — or Mishneh Torah — that is, a
complete written law of God, by which one is to conduct oneself in the conditions of
life prevailing in the Promised Land." The Temple Scroll (3 vols.; Jerusalem: Israel
Exploration Society, 1983), 3.87. Cf. Β. Ζ. Wacholder, The Dawn of Qumran: The
Sectarian Torah and the Teacher of Righteousness (Cincinnati: Hebrew Union College,
1983) 1-4.
66. See Y. Yadin, The Temple Scroll, 2.78-96; cf. 1.105-14. See also G. Brooke,
"The Feast of New Wine and the Question of Fasting," ExpTim 95 (1983-84) 175-76;
R. T. Beckwith, "The Feast of New Wine and the Question of Fasting," ExpTim 95
(1983-84) 334-35; J. C. Reeves, "The Feast of the First Fruits of Wine and the Ancient
Canaanite Calendar," VT42 (1992) 350-61.
67. See Luke (n. 19 above), 35-47.
68. See Conzelmann, Acts (n. 59 above), 15: "The objection that there would not
yet be any 'new wine' at Pentecost is ridiculous."
69. "Zungenreden und süsser Wein: Zur eschatologischen Exegese von Jesaja 28 in
Qumran und im Neuen Testament," Bibel und Qumran: Beiträge zur Erforschung der
Beziehungen zwischen Bibel- und Qumranwissenschaft: Hans Bardtke zum 22.9.1966
(ed. S. Wagner; Berlin: Evangelische Haupt Bibelgesellschaft, 1968) 20-36.
70. Acts (n. 59 above), 13. His original German says: "und braucht daher nicht zur
Substanz der Geschichte zu gehören." Compare Η. Sahlin, "Die vierzig Tage zwischen
Auferstehung und Himmelfahrt Jesu," Der Messias und das Gottesvolk: Studien zur
protolukanischen Theologie (ASNU 12; Uppsala: Almqvist, 1945) 343-47.
71. The formula en tö symplerousthai ten hemeran tes pentekostes echoes an Old
Testament phrase (Gen 25:24; Lev 8:33; 12:4; 25:30). It scarcely is meant to express
some eschatological fulfillment, denoting rather the completion of a period of time.
72. See, e.g., Gen 7:4, 12, 17; 8:6; Exod 24:18; 34:28; Deut 9:9, 18, 25; 1 Sam
17:16; Jonah 3:4. Cf. H. Balz, TDNT, 8.136-37; EDNT, 3.352.
73. Compare Ε. Ε Harrison, "The Ministry of Our Lord during the Forty Days,"
BSac 95 (1938) 45-68.
74. "Why There Were Forty Days between the Resurrection and the Ascension in
Acts," SE IV (TU 102)419.
Fourteen
THE USE OF THE OLD TESTAMENT
IN LUKE-ACTS*
THE MATRIX OF CHRISTIANITY was Palestinian Judaism. So it is not surprising

that Christianity made use of the sacred writings of Palestinian Jews. Jesus of
Nazareth was himself a Palestinian Jew, brought up and trained in the tradition
of his people, whose spiritual life was nourished by such writings. In the New
Testament writings, which record what he did and said, he is often said to have
alluded to or quoted the Hebrew Scriptures of old. When his ministry began a
movement among his followers, it developed a tradition of its own, which not
only built upon Jesus' teaching and preaching, but used the Hebrew Scriptures
to enhance the transmission of that teaching.
After Jesus' death and resurrection his disciples proclaimed him as the
Messiah or Christ and fashioned by their own preaching and teaching about him
a tradition that has been passed on to Christians throughout the centuries that
followed. Part of that tradition was eventually consigned to writing under the
guidance of the Holy Spirit in what we have come to know as the Gospels,
Epistles, and other books of the New Testament. Yet those writings not only
preserve a record of what Jesus did and said or an interpretation of his teaching
and his meaning for humanity, but they also associate with that record and
interpretation numerous teachings of the Old Testament itself. They draw upon
the very Scriptures that Jesus himself used, as he derived from them inspiration
and motivation for his ministry. Thus the Christian tradition itself was formed
by the preexistent Scriptures of Palestinian Jews. In this way, Christianity be-
came a Religion of the Book, a religion shaped by the Hebrew Scriptures of old
and by a pre-written Christian tradition that eventually developed its own book,
what we call the New Testament. These Christian Scriptures grew out of the
existent Old Testament and the early Christian pre-written tradition. From this
experience the early church has evolved its Scripture and Tradition.
The Third Gospel and the Acts of the Apostles are not the earliest writings
of the New Testament, being composed about A.D. 80-85. Luke-Acts was
preceded by some of the Pauline letters and other writings of the gospel tradition.
Acts, however, presents us with a picture of the emergent Christian community,
of the body of followers with whom Jesus had surrounded himself and who
eventually became his church, as well as of their preaching, teaching, and activity
that gradually fashioned the tradition of that church. Acts is a good example of
a New Testament writing that reflects the use of the Old Testament; it reveals
the role that the Old Testament played in the formation of the nascent Christian
community and of the tradition that antedated the consignment of part of it to
writing.
Moreover, Acts was written by Luke the evangelist, who also gave us an
account of the life and ministry of Jesus of Nazareth. For this reason the Lucan
writings, the Third Gospel and the Acts of the Apostles, are a unique New
Testament record of the early beginnings of Christianity. The way that the Old
Testament is used in them is unparalleled. Other New Testament writers, to be
sure, quote the Old Testament, but Luke-Acts, written by one person, represents
about a quarter of the New Testament. The Lucan writings show us, then, how
one New Testament writer used the Old Testament to enhance his story about
Jesus and about the sequel to the movement that he started, viz. the early church.
Yet the imitation of Old Testament phrases would be expected in a writing that
seeks to tell that story in the manner of biblical history or of the historical
narratives of the Old Testament.1 For this is recognized today as one of the
purposes of Luke-Acts: Luke sought to retell the Jesus-story and its sequel in a
fashion that imitated the historical narratives of the Old Testament.
To illustrate the use of the Old Testament in Luke-Acts, I shall devote my
remarks to four main topics: (1) formulas used by Luke to introduce explicit
Old Testament quotations; (2) Old Testament passages that Luke explicitly
quotes; (3) the mode in which Luke quotes the Old Testament; and (4) the
significance of the Lucan use of the Old Testament.2
L Formulas Used by Luke to Introduce

Explicit Old Testament Quotations
Luke not only quotes Old Testament passages in an explicit fashion, making use
of introductory formulas to identify them as such, but often alludes to Old
Testament episodes or employs Old Testament phrases without calling attention
to them. In at least three places in his Gospel and seventeen places in Acts he
incorporates such allusive phrases: Luke 21:27; 22:69; 23:30; Acts 2:30, 31, 39;
3:13; 7:3, 5b, 7, 18, 27-28, 30, 32, 33, 34, 35, 37, 40; 13:22.3 In many other
places he does so, but not as clearly.4
The Use of the Old Testament in Luke-Acts 297
Luke also quotes the Old Testament explicitly in twenty-three instances in
his Gospel and in twenty-two instances in Acts,* introducing them by special
formulas that relate his account to the Old Testament as a continuation of its
biblical history. Such quotations show the connection between Christianity and
Judaism, between the Christ-event and its sequel and Old Testament history.
Luke uses introductory formulas to show that he is deliberately citing Old
Testament writings and thereby relating his account to the history enshrined in
those writings. He uses different forms of two/three verbs, "to write" and "to
say," which were commonly used by contemporary Palestinian Jewish writers,
when they were quoting other writers.
(1) Using γράφειν, "write," Luke employs such formulas as these:
(a) γέγραπται, "it has been written" (Luke 4:8; 19:46).

(b) γέγραπται οτι, "it has been written that" (Luke 4:4).
(c) γέγραπται γαρ οτι, "for it has been written that" (Luke 4:10; Acts 23:5).
(d) γέγραπται γαρ εν βίβλω ψαλµών, "for it has been written in (the) Book of
Psalms" (Acts 1:20).
(e) καθώς γέγραπται, "as it has been written" (Acts 15:15).
(f) καθώς γέγραπται εν νόµω Κυρίου οτι, "as it has been written in (the) law
of the Lord" (Luke 2:23)!
(g) καθώς γέγραπται έν βίβλω των προφητών, "as it has been written in (the)
book of the prophets" (Acts 7:42).
(h) ώς γέγραπται έν βίβλω λόγων Ήσαίου τοϋ προφήτου, "as has been written
in (the) book of the sayings of Isaiah the prophet" (Luke 3:4).
(i) ώς και έν τω ψαλµω γέγραπται τω δευτέρω, "as it has also been written
in the second psalm" (Acts 13:33).6
(j) ούτος έστιν περί ού γέγραπται, "this is the one about whom it has been
written" (Luke 7:27).
(k) τι ούν έστιν το γεγραµµένον τοΰτο, "What, then, is this which has been
written?" (Luke 20:17).
(1) τοΰτο το γεγραµµένον δει τελεσθήναι έν έµοί· τό, "that which has been
written must be fulfilled in me, namely" (Luke 22:37).
(m) τον τόπον ου ήν γεγραµµένον, "the place where it was written" (Luke
4:17).
(n) Μωϋσής έγραψεν ήµΐν, "Moses wrote for us" (Luke 20:28).
(2) Using λέγειν, "say," or λαλεϊν, "speak," Luke employs such formulas
as these:
(ο) λέγει ό θεός, "God says" (Acts 1:20).

(ρ) ό Θεός εΐπεν, "God has said" (Acts 7:7).
(q) ώς λέγει, "as He/it says" (Luke 20:37).
(r) εϊρηται, "it is said" (Luke 4:12).

(s) έλάλησεν δε οΰτως ό θεός δτι, "and in this way God said that. . ." (Acts
7:6).
(t) λέγει δε αυτός [Δαυίδ], "but [David] himself says" (Acts 2:34).
(u) Δαυίδ γαρ λέγει είς αυτόν, "for David says about him" (Acts 2:25).
(ν) αυτός γαρ Δαυίδ λέγει έν βίβλφ ψαλµών, "for David himself says in the
Book of Psalms" (Luke 20:42).
(w) Μωϋσής µεν εϊπεν δτι, "now Moses has said that" (Acts 3:22).
(χ) λέγων προς Αβραάµ, "saying to Abraham" (Acts 3:25).
(y) καθώς ό προφήτης λέγει, "as the prophet (Isaiah) says" (Acts 7:48).
(ζ) οϋτως εϊρηκεν δτι, "so he has said that . . ." (Acts 13:34).
(aa) διότι και έν έτέρω λέγει, "because it also says in another [psalm]" (Acts
13:35).
(bb) βλέπετε οΰν µή έπέλθη το ειρηµένον έν τοις προφήταις, "see to it, then,
that what was said in the prophets does not come about" (Acts 13:40).
(cc) ό τοϋ πατρός ηµών δια πνεύµατος αγίου στόµατος Δαυίδ παιδός σου
ειπών, "(You, Ο Lord), who said by the Holy Spirit (through) the mouth
of our father David, your servant" (Acts 4:25-26).
(dd) καλώς το πνεΰµα το άγιον έλάλησεν δια Ήσαΐου τοΰ προφήτου προς τους
πατέρας υµών λέγων, "well indeed has the Holy Spirit spoken through
Isaiah the prophet to your fathers, saying" (Acts 28:26).
(ee) κατά το ειρηµένον έν τω νόµω Κυρίου, "according to what has been said
in the law of the Lord" (Luke 2:24).
(3) Lastly, sometimes Luke writes simply:
(ff) και δτι, "and that" (introducing a follow-up quotation, Luke 4:11).
(gg) ουτός έστιν, "this is. . ." (Acts 4:11).
(hh) τουτό έστιν το ειρηµένον δια τοϋ προφήτον Ίωήλ, "this is what was said
by the prophet Joel" (Acts 2:16).
(ii) ούτος έστιν ό Μωϋσής ό εϊπας τοις υίοίς 'Ισραήλ, "this is the Moses who
said to the children of Israel" (Acts 7:37).
(jj) ούτως γαρ έντέταλται ήµΐν ό Κύριος, "for so the Lord has commanded
us" (Acts 13:47).
(kk) ή δε περιοχή της γραφής ην άνεγίνωσκεν ήν αύτη, "now the passage of
Scripture that he was reading was this" (Acts 8:32).
(11) τάς έντολάς οΐδας, "you know the commandments" (Luke 18:20).
(mm) ίνα, "in order that" (Luke 8:10).
Two instances need special attention. In one, Jesus asks a question, using
a formula, which does not introduce an Old Testament passage that he cites:
(nn) έν τω νόµω τί γέγραπται; πώς άναγινώσκεις; "What is written in the law?
How do you read (it)?" (Luke 10:26). The lawyer's answer then quotes part of
the Decalogue. In the other instance, the risen Christ purportedly quotes the Old
Testament, but no one has ever been able to identify the passage: (oo) οΰτως
γέγραπται, παθεΐν τον Χριστόν και άναστηναι εκ νεκρών τη τρίτη ήµερα,
"thus it has been written, 'the Messiah must suffer and rise on the third day' "
(Luke 24:46).
Significantly, not many of these introductory formulas turn up in the LXX,
though one or other does: καθώς γέγραπται is used in 2 Kgs 14:6; 23:21; 2 Chr
23:18 (καθώς γέγραπται εν νόµω Μωυσή); 25:4;7 1 Esdr 3:9; Tob 1:6; and in
the Theodotion text of Dan 9:13.
Much more significantly, however, a good number of these introductory
formulas have Hebrew counterparts in Qumran texts, in which isolated Old
Testament verses are similarly quoted.8 Thus, καθώς γέγραπται corresponds to
which is also found in the MT of Dan 9:13. In 2 Kgs 14:6 and
2 Chr 23:18 there is the abbreviated form is often used in
Qumran writings: 1QS 5:17; 8:14; CD 7:19; 4QFlor 1-2 i 12; 4QpIsac 4-7 ii 18;
47:2; 4QCatenaa 10-11:1; 4Q178 3:2.
Similarly, one finds in the same writings other Hebrew equivalents of Lucan
formulas. For instance, with the verb "to write":
"as (is) written in the book of [Moses]" (4QFlor

1-2 i 2). Compare d and f above.
, "as (is) written about it in the
songs of David, who said" (HQMelch 2:9-10; cf. 2:23). Compare d above,
"for so it (is) written" (1QS 5:15; CD 11:18). Compare oo
above.
"for (it is) written" (CD 11:20). Compare c above.
"as/what (has been) written in the book
of Isaiah the prophet" (4QFlor 1-2 i 15). Compare g and h above.
"as/what (has been) written in the book
of Daniel the prophet" (4QFlor 1-2 ii 3). Compare g above.
"and these are the things
about which (it has been) written in the book of Ezekiel the prophet"
(4QFlor 1-2 i 16). Compare i and hh above.
"this is the time about which it has been
written" (CD 1:13). Compare j above.
"when
there comes to pass the thing which (is) written in the words of Isaiah
son of Amoz the prophet, who said" (CD 7:10-11). Compare h, which is
not exact, and also bb, which may be a sort of opposite formula.
"when there comes to pass the
thing which (has been) written by Zechariah the prophet" (CD 19:7).
With a verb "to say":
"as He/it said" (CD 7:8 [= 19:5], 14, 16; 20:16 [13:23]). Com-
pare q above.
"as He/it said" (CD 19:15). Compare q above.
"as Moses said" (4QOrd [4Q159] 5:7). Compare w
above.
"what/as God has said about them" (CD 6:13; 8:9).
Compare ο and ρ above.
"about whom Levi son of Jacob said" (CD
4:15). Compare u above.
"what/as He said through Ezekiel" (CD 19:1142).
"what/as Isaiah said" (CD 6:7-8). Compare y above.
"what/as David said" (4QCatenaa 12-13 i 2). Compare t
above.
"what/as Dan[iel] said [about it]" (HQMelch
2:18). Compare u above.
"what/as Moses said to Israel" (CD 8:14;
19:26-27). Compare ii above.
"and Moses said" (CD 5:8). Compare w above.
"what/as [Moses] informed us" (1QM 10:1). Com-
pare ii above.
"[fo]r that is what it says" (lQpHab 3:13-14; 5:6;
CD 10:16; 16:10). Compare gg and hh above.
"this is the word that Jeremiah spoke
to Baruch" (CD 19:7). Compare hh above.
"as God said through Isaiah
the prophet, son of Amoz" (CD 4:13). Compare cc and dd above.
"God's commandment, which said to him" (CD
9:7). Compare 11 above.
"about the oath which said" (CD 9:9).
The Lucan formulas are not in every instance an exact equivalent, but they
resemble the Palestinian Jewish formulas enough to reveal how closely Luke
depends on a genuine Palestinian Jewish custom of quoting the Hebrew Scrip-
tures in other writings. This is noteworthy, because Luke is the evangelist most
influenced by his Hellenistic ambiance. Despite it, his interpretation of Old
Testament passages reveals his dependence on such a Palestinian Jewish ex-
egetical tradition. This has been noted by other writers as well.9 It is thus a mode
of relating Luke's understanding of the Christ-event and its sequel to the record
of God's salvation history in the sacred writings of the Jewish people.
Moreover, these Lucan formulas reflect a first-century Palestinian Jewish
mode of quoting Scripture, and precisely as this mode differs from the later
rabbinic mode. Although introductory formulas are used in the early rabbinic
writing, the Mishnah, and even various forms with the verbs "write," or
"say," the Lucan formulas are closer to those of Qumran writings than to
the Mishnaic forms. In fact, very few of the Mishnaic formulas find counterparts
in Luke-Acts. Only three or four Lucan formulas are listed by Β. Μ. Metzger
in his comparative study of the Mishnaic and New Testament introductory
formulas.10 They are not exact, but again only somewhat similar:
"as (is) written in the law of Moses,

your servant, saying" (m. Yoma 3:8; 6:2 [4:2]).11 Compare f above.
"and thus (it is) written
in the book of Psalms by David, the king of Israel" (m. Aboth 6:9 [with
variants in some mss.]). Compare d above.
"which/it is said" (m. Shabb. 9:1-4). This niphal form (seneyemar)
is very common in the Mishnah. Compare r above.
"How do you read?" (m. Abod. Zar. 2:5). Compare nn
above.
Here we are confronted with a difference of the Mishnaic from the Qumran
formulas because of the relative dating of them; those in Qumran literature date
roughly from the end of the second century B.C. to the second or third quarter
of the first century A.D., whereas those in the Mishnah do not antedate A.D. 200.
The fact that the Lucan formulas conform to those in Qumran literature more
than they do to the Mishnaic types is yet another indication of the kind of Jewish
literature that best illustrates the Palestinian background of the New Testament,
and even of the Lucan writings.
Related to this mode of introducing Old Testament quotations in his narra-
tive account or discourses is the way Luke introduces a quotation from classical
Greek literature in the Areopagus speech (Acts 17:28). R. Renehan has shown
that the use of the plural ώς καί τίνες των καθ' υµάς ποιητών, "as even some
of your own poets (have said)," is a normal Greek method to introduce a single
and specific poetic quotation,12 and that the only poetic citation used here by
Luke is Aratus' half-verse, τοϋ γαρ και γένος έσµεν, "for we are indeed his
offspring,"^ Luke's introductory formulas should probably also be compared
with those of a writer like Josephus.14
II. The Old Testament Passages That Luke Explicitly Quotes
In considering the passages that Luke quotes explicitly, one should note four
things:
(1) Normally, Luke does not cite an extended passage from the Old Testa-
ment, but only a verse or two. The only exception to this is found in Acts 2:17-21,
where five verses of Joel 3 are cited (vv. l-5a). Moreover, he does not cite the
Old Testament either in the manner of a Qumran pesher, i.e. citing continuously
verse after verse, commenting on them, and relating them to his account,15 or
in the manner of later rabbinic midrashim.
(2) The chapters in the Gospel and Acts in which the Old Testament quo-
tations occur and the literary forms into which Luke has introduced them may
be significant. Conversely, the chapters in which they do not appear and the
literary forms in which he has not introduced them may also be noteworthy.
For instance, although the Lucan infancy narrative is written in heavily
Septuagintal Greek, it contains only two explicit quotations: Exod 13:2, 12,
15 (regulations about the presentation of the firstborn) in Luke 2:23; and Lev
12:8 (offering of turtledoves or pigeons) in Luke 2:24. The story of Jesus'
temptation, however, is a dialogue in which the conversation is wholly that of
Old Testament quotations: Deut 8:3 in Luke 4:4; Deut 6:13 in 4:8; Ps 91:11-12
in 4:10-11; Deut 6:16 in 4:12. This is derived from "Q," and so it may not be
a characteristically Lucan feature.16 The programmatic scene in the Nazareth
synagogue (4:18-19), where Jesus speaks of being anointed with the Spirit to
preach good news to the poor, is built on Isa 61:1-2, conflated with Isa 58:6.
Thus nine of the Old Testament quotations occur in these early chapters in the
Gospel. The other fourteen are scattered through chaps. 7, 8, 10, 13, 18, 19,
20, 22, 23, without any apparent reason for their appearance apart from the
earlier gospel tradition on which Luke depends (either "Mk" or "Q"). Again,
it may be noteworthy that there is no Old Testament quotation in the Lucan
resurrection narrative.
As for Acts, there are no explicit quotations of Old Testament passages in
chaps. 5, 6, 9-12, 15, 16-22, and 24-27 of Acts. This means that Luke has seen
fit not to incorporate such quotations into his narrative of the persecution of
early Christians, the story of Paul's conversion, the evangelization of Judea and
Samaria, Peter's mission in Palestine, the Cornelius incident and the inauguration
of preaching to Gentiles, most of Paul's first missionary journey (apart from the
speech in the synagogue of Pisidian Antioch), the entire story of Paul's later
missionary journeys (II and III), and the accounts of Paul's arrest in Jerusalem
and voyage to Rome. In the whole second half of Acts Luke introduces an
explicit Old Testament quotation only once: in 23:5, when Paul appears before
the Sanhedrin, he excuses himself for having unwittingly called the high priest
a "whitewashed wall" by citing Exod 22:27, which forbids anyone to speak
against or curse a leader in Israel. Finally, at the very end of Acts (28:26-27),
as Paul addresses the leaders of the Roman Jews, he is made to quote against
them the prophetic saying about a people of ears that hear not and eyes that see
not (Isa 6:9-10).
(3) In Acts the vast majority of the explicit quotations of the Old Testament
are found in chaps. 1-4, 7, and 13, with isolated individual quotations in the
narratives of chaps. 8, 15, 23, and 28. In the first group, the Old Testament is
quoted in the four speeches of Peter (chaps. 1-4), in the speech of Stephen (chap.
7), and in the speech of Paul in Pisidian Antioch (chap. 13). From these occur-
rences we see that Luke has used the quotations, never in his well-known
summary statements, rarely in his narrative episodes, and frequently in the
discourses put on the lips of important figures in his story.17
Apart from the address of Peter before the selection of Matthias to replace
Judas as a member of the Twelve (1:16-24), the Old Testament quotations occur
in the missionary discourses of Peter (2:14-36; 3:12-26; 4:8-11) and of Paul
(13:16-41, 46-47), and in the indictment that Stephen addresses to the Jews of
Jerusalem (7:2-53), in effect, in speeches addressed to Jews. Apart from these
occurrences in speeches, an isolated quotation is used in the prayer of the early
Jewish Christian community in Jerusalem in 4:24-30.
In the discourses of Stephen and Paul it is, on the one hand, easy to see
why so many Old Testament passages would be used, since both of these
discourses include resumes of Israel's history as part of their argument. Israel's
history forms part of Stephen's indictment of the Jerusalem Jews as well as of
the background to Jesus' ministry that Paul presents to the Jews of Pisidian
Antioch. Likewise in these speeches of Stephen and Paul, most of the allusions
to the Old Testament or phrases drawn from it occur. Stephen's speech (chap.
7) includes forty such allusions, and Paul's speech (chap. 13) seven. On the
other hand, it is not surprising that there are no explicit quotations from the Old
Testament in the speeches that Paul addresses to pagans in Lystra (14:15-17) or
to Athenians on the Areopagus (17:22-31). There are Old Testament phrases,
however, even in these speeches: one from Exod 20:11 in the speech at Lystra
(14:15),18 and two in the speech to the Athenians, from Isa 42:5 in Acts 17:24,
and from Ps 9:919 in Acts 17:31. In the latter Paul cites a pagan poet instead of
Scripture (Acts 17:28), the third-century Aratus of Soli in Cilicia, τοϋ γαρ και
γένος έσµέν, "for we are indeed his offspring" (Phainomena 5), a suitable
substitute for his non-Jewish audience.
(4) When one looks at the Old Testament books from which Luke draws
his explicit quotations, one finds that he derives sixteen of them from the
Pentateuch (ten in the Gospel and six in Acts), sixteen from the Prophets
(seven in the Gospel and nine in Acts), and fourteen from the Psalms (seven
in the Gospel and seven in Acts). Interestingly enough, there are no quotations
from the historical books (Joshua, Judges, 1-2 Samuel, 1-2 Kings, 1-2 Chron-
icles, Ezra, Nehemiah). This is striking, because Luke's obvious desire in
writing Luke-Acts is to construct a story of the Jesus-event and its sequel in
imitation of biblical narratives of old. Though he quotes from the prophets
Isaiah, Jeremiah, Joel, Amos, Habakkuk, and Malachi, there are no quotations
from Ezekiel or Daniel, and none from the so-called Writings, apart from the
Psalter.
Thus, Luke has quoted from those parts of the Old Testament that he himself
has mentioned in Luke 24:44, where he depicts the risen Christ appearing to the
disciples and saying, "Now this is what my words meant which I addressed to
you while I was still with you: all that was written about me in the Law of
Moses, in the Prophets, and in the Psalms must see fulfillment." This mode of
referring to the Old Testament has often been appealed to as an indication of
the parts of the Old Testament that were then regarded as canonical among the
Jews of Luke's day:20 the the and t h e W e have always
been puzzled why Luke mentions only the Psalms from among the Writings
. Were other parts of the Writings not yet regarded as books that "defile
the hands" (m. Yadaim 3:5),21 or what Christians would call canonical? Now
that we have analyzed Luke's Old Testament quotations, we may have at least
a partial answer to that question, why Luke speaks only of the Law, the Prophets,
and the Psalms.
III. The Mode in Which Luke Quotes the Old Testament
When we scrutinize the way in which Luke cites the Old Testament, we see that
he normally quotes it in its Greek form, according to what we usually call the
Septuagint (LXX). Thus in sixteen instances the quotation is drawn from the
LXX verbatim:
Lev 19:18 in Luke 10:27d

Deut6:16 in Luke 4:12
Deut 8:3 in Luke 4:4
Isa 6:9-10 (except for the introductory phrase) in Acts 28:26-2722
Isa 53:7-8 in Acts 8:32-33
Isa 61:1-2 (with a clause omitted, but conflated with Isa 58:6) in Luke
4:18-19
Isa 66:1-2 (with a change of word order) in Acts 7:49-50
Ps 2:1-2 in Acts 4:25-2623
Ps 2:7 in Acts 13:33
Ps 16:8-1 lab in Acts 2:25-2824
Ps 16:10 in Acts 13:35
Ps 91:11 in Luke 4:10
Ps 91:12 in Luke 4:11
Ps 110:1 in Luke 20:42-43 and Acts 2:34-35
Ps 118:22 in Luke 20:1725
Ps 118:26 in Luke 13:35 and 19:38
In twenty-three instances Luke cites the Old Testament text in a manner

close to but not exactly corresponding to the Greek of the LXX:
Gen 15:13-14 in Acts 7:6-7a

Gen 22:18 in Acts 3:25
Exod 3:15 in Luke 20:37
Exod 22:27 in Acts 23:5
Lev 12:8 in Luke 2:24
Lev 23:29 (conflated with Deut 18:19) in Acts 3:23
Deut 5:17-20, 16 (or possibly Exod 20:13-16, 12) in Luke 18:2026
Deut 6:5 (with influence from Deut 10:12) in Luke 10:27bc
Deut 6:13 in Luke 4:8
Deut 18:15 in Acts 3:22 and 7:37
Isa 40:3 in Luke 3:4-5
Isa 49:6 in Acts 13:4727
Isa 53:12 in Luke 22:37
Isa 55:3 in Acts 13:34
Isa 56:7 in Luke 19:46
Jer7:ll in Luke 19:46
Joel 3:l r 5a in Acts 2:17-21
Amos 5:25-27 in Acts 7:42-43
Amos 9:11-12 in Acts 15:16-17
Hab 1:5 in Acts 13:41
Ps 31:6 in Luke 23:46
Ps 69:26 in Acts 1:20a
Ps 109:8 in Acts 1:20b
In six instances the quotation is not close to the Greek text of the LXX at
all; it is impossible to tell whether Luke is conflating, quoting from memory, or
using a Greek version different from the LXX:
Exod 3:12 in Acts 7:7b

Exod 13:2, 12, 15 in Luke 2:23
Deut 25:5 (influenced by Gen 38:8) in Luke 20:38
Isa 6:9 in Luke 8:10
Mai 3:1 (influenced by Exod 23:30) in Luke 7:27
Ps 118:22 in Acts 4:11
In these forty-five examples of Old Testament quotations introduced explic-

itly by formulas, there is no instance of a citation that follows the Hebrew MT
rather than the Greek, when the latter differs from the Hebrew. Even in Acts
4:11, when Luke cites Ps 118:22, his text is clearly a rewording of the Greek
and not a translation of the Hebrew; similarly in Acts 7:7b the Lucan quotation
does not correspond to the Hebrew. In such instances either Luke has freely
reworded the quotation or was using another Greek translation different from
the LXX; the last option is the least likely.
In some instances of explicit quotations one finds variant readings. Some
of these variants, when they occur in the LXX, may reflect the form of the
quotations in Acts, where Christian copyists of the LXX have harmonized the
Old Testament text to make it agree with the Lucan text of Acts. Again, some
variants in the quotations in Acts seem to be a copyist's harmonization of the
Lucan text to make it agree with the LXX.
In one instance (Acts 13:41), where Hab 1:5 is quoted, the Lucan text reads:
ϊδετε, οι καταφρονηταί, και θαυµάσατε και άφανίσθητε οτι έργον εργάζοµαι
έγώ εν ταΐς ήµέραις υµών, έργον ο ου µή πιστεύσητε έάν τις έκδιηγήται ύµΐν,
"Look, you scoffers, be amazed and disappear! For I am doing a deed in your
days, a deed which you will not believe, even if someone tells you (about it)."
In this case every word in the Lucan text corresponds to a word in the LXX
version, except for the repeated έργον before the relative pronoun o, which Luke
has added. It omits some words that are in the Greek text of the LXX; but, more
importantly, the Lucan text reads ΐδετε, οί καταφρονηταί, "Look, you scoffers,"
as does the LXX. This reading, however, does not translate the Hebrew of the
MT, ! "Look at the nations." Both the Lucan and LXX forms pre-
suppose as a Hebrew Vorlage a reading which is now attested in
lQpHab 2:1-2, where the pesher on Hab 1:5 — the verse itself is unfortunately
missing in the fragmentary Qumran text — begins:
"[the interpretation of the saying concerns] the scoffers along with
the Man of the Lie (because they did no[t listen to the words of] the Teacher of
Righteousness)."28 In this case the Lucan text preserves a better translation of
Hab 1:5, one that is the same as that of the LXX and reflects that of the Peshitta
(marähe), but also a Hebrew Vorlage previously not known to have existed.
Because Luke quotes the Old Testament almost always in a form either
corresponding to the LXX or close to it, and not according to the Hebrew MT,
it bolsters the identity of Luke himself. He is often said to have been a "Greek"
or "an Antiochene Greek."29 Yet that identification hardly accords with what
can be garnered from his two-volume writing or with the early ecclesiastical
tradition that considered him a Syrian from Antioch.30 If he were, indeed, a
Syrian from Antioch, well educated in Hellenistic tradition, this would account
for his not using the Hebrew text of the Old Testament, but for his depending
rather on a Greek translation of it. As a Syrian, he would have been a non-Jewish
Semite, an incola of the Roman province of Syria, whose native language would
have been Aramaic; but not necessarily one who would have used or read
Hebrew. None of this is certain, but it is noteworthy that Luke shows his
familiarity with the Old Testament in Greek.
IV The Significance of the Lucan Use of the Old Testament
As other New Testament writers have done, Luke has quoted the Old Testament
as an illustration of what the God of the Hebrew Scriptures of old has now
brought to pass in the life and ministry of Jesus of Nazareth and in their sequel,
the early Christian church. In a unique way, Luke prefixed to his Gospel a
carefully constructed literary prologue, the like of which is found in no other
evangelist's writing. In that prologue he calls attention to "the events that have
come to fulfillment among us" (Luke 1:1). What he means by τα πεπληροφορη-
µένα έν ύµϊν πράγµατα is not mere "facts" or "happenings/' which any secular
historian or pagan annalist might have recounted. For Luke, the πράγµατα were
rather "events" of salvation history, the significance of which depended on their
relation to the mighty acts of God recorded in the Old Testament and were
regarded as foreshadowing what was to be brought to realization in the Christ-
event. Thus the special Lucan nuance given to the Old Testament was its
preparation for the "events that have come to fulfillment among us." What God
planned of old as a mode of salvation for his chosen people has now come to
a realization and a climax in the life and ministry of Jesus of Nazareth, and in
the sequel to them.
Due significance has to be accorded the fact that so many of the Old
Testament quotations in Luke-Acts are found in the Lucan discourses in Acts,
in the speeches of Peter, Paul, and Stephen. These speeches were either mis-
sionary discourses, intended to stir up belief among Jews in Jesus as the Messiah
and in his role in salvation history, or a polemical and apologetic discourse, in
which Stephen is portrayed indicting the Jews for their disbelief.31 It is well
known that Luke often draws a parallel between Peter and Paul; hence it is not
surprising that Paul's first recorded address to Jews in the synagogue of Pisidian
Antioch echoes that of Peter speaking to the Jews gathered in Jerusalem on
Pentecost. Paul's speech, recorded in chap. 13, serves as a turning point in his
ministry and also as a turning point in the Lucan story of evangelization. At the
end of his discourse, as he notes the reaction of the Jews of Antioch to his
proclamation of Jesus as the resurrected "Son" of God (13:30-33), Paul an-
nounces, "The word of God had to be addressed to you first, but since you reject
it and condemn yourselves as unworthy of eternal life, we turn now to the
Gentiles" (13:46). Just prior to that announcement Paul quotes the verse from
Hab 1:5 discussed above, "Look, you scoffers, be amazed and disappear! For I
am doing a deed in your days, a deed which you will not believe, even if someone
tells you (about it)" (13:41); and right after it, he cites Isa 49:6, "I have made
you a light of the Gentiles, that you may be a (means of) salvation unto the end
of the earth" (13:47). So Luke ends the Pauline discourse. As Paul and his
companion Barnabas turn in their missionary work to evangelize Gentiles, Luke
never again uses Old Testament quotations in his narrative of Pauline evange-
listic activity. There are isolated instances in chap. 15, where James of Jerusalem
at the so-called Council quotes Amos 9:11-12 on behalf of the Gentiles, who
are not to be burdened with circumcision, or in chap. 23, where Paul cites Exod
22:27 in his defense before the Sanhedrin in Jerusalem, but not in an evangelical
endeavor. Finally in chap. 28, where Paul quotes Isa 6:9-10 against the leaders
of the Jews of Rome, Luke makes Paul more or less repeat what he had intimated
in chap. 13. Chapter 13, then, serves not only as the turning point in Luke's
story of Paul's evangelical ministry, but also in Luke's own appeal to the Old
Testament in Acts. The "word of God" had to be addressed first to the Jewish
people, and in addressing it to them Luke makes Peter and Paul appeal to their
Scriptures to bolster up the Christian message, the story of whose spread to the
end of the earth is the message of Acts itself.
In effect, we see that Luke has used quotations from the Law, the Prophets,
and the Psalms in a global fashion, interpreting the bulk of the Old Testament
in a christological sense. He makes passages that he quotes from the Pentateuch
and the Psalter, passages that really have nothing to do with prophecy, into
prophetic passages that not only announce God's message to humanity, as Old
Testament "prophecy" was intended to do, but even into predictive passages.32
This is why Luke can quote the Old Testament and assert its relation to the
"events that have come to fulfillment among us" (Luke 1:1). He makes use of
the Old Testament for this proof-from-prophecy argument in his two-volume
work. Paul Schubert rightly called attention years ago to this element "proof
from prophecy" in the story of Luke 24,33 but it applies to the whole Lucan
work as well. Luke's argument, then, depends in large part on his way of reading
the Old Testament as predictive of what was to come, of the "events that have
come to fulfillment among us."
This aspect of Lucan composition comes to the fore at the end of the Gospel.
There Luke not only quotes a specific Old Testament text in 22:37, introducing
it explicitly with a fulfillment formula, λέγω γαρ ύµϊν οτι τοΰτο το γεγραµµένον
δει τελεσθήναι εν έµοί, τό· και µετά ανόµων έλογίσθη, "For I tell you, what
has been written in Scripture must find its final sense in me: He was classed
even with outlaws" quoting the Servant Song of Isa 53:12. Luke also depicts
Jesus globally interpreting the Old Testament as referring to himself: άρξάµενος
από Μωϋσέως και από πάντων των προφητών διερµήνευσεν αύτοϊς έν πάσαις
ταΐς γραφαϊς τα περί εαυτού, "Then he began with Moses and all the prophets
and interpreted for them what pertained to himself in every part of Scripture"
(Luke 24:27). Or again, οΰτως γέγραπται παθεϊν τον Χριστον και άναστηναι
εκ νεκρών τη τρίτη ήµερα, "Thus it stands written, The Messiah shall suffer
and rise from the dead on the third day' " (24:46). In neither of the last two
quoted passages does Luke hint at what Old Testament passages he has been
thinking of. He is content to interpret the Old Testament globally in a christo-
logical sense.34 Cf. Acts 10:43, which echoes this global mode.
This christological interpretation of a specific Old Testament passage is

perhaps best seen in what Luke makes of Psalm 16 in Acts 2. It is cited there
as scriptural testimony for the resurrection of Christ,35 or better to show that
God was present to Jesus not only in his life, but also in his death, for he did
not allow him to see the "corruption" of the grave, but restored him to life (with
himself). Thus the quotation of Ps 16:10-11 is cited as proof of God's providence
for what Luke has made Peter say in vv. 23-24, and possibly even in vv. 22-24.
God has been with Jesus, and as a result he is with God now. It has always been
puzzling why Luke does not round off his citation by quoting Ps 16:11c (τερ-
πνότητες εν τη δεξιά σου εις τέλος, "delights at your right hand without end").
Commentators debate whether there is an allusion to this part of the verse in
Acts 2:33, "Being exalted, therefore, at God's right hand, he has received the
promise of the Holy Spirit from the Father and poured it out."36 Possibly Luke
sees the "delights" as the risen Christ's reception of the Spirit to be poured out.
In any case, this citation of Psalm 16 is a prime example of the christological
interpretation of the Old Testament by Luke in his writings.
Thus in considering the ways in which Luke has introduced his explicit
quotations of the Old Testament into the Gospel and Acts with the use of special
formulas, the passages that he has quoted from it, the form in which he has cited
them from the Greek LXX, and finally in considering the meaning of his use
of the Old Testament, we understand through his example not only the impor-
tance of the Old Testament to New Testament writers, but also the relevance of
the Old Testament to Christian faith even today. Our faith-heritage has been
nourished by the Hebrew Scriptures, by the Scriptures that God entrusted to his
chosen people of old. Those Scriptures have become part of the Christian Bible
and part of the Christian tradition. For us who are Christians in the twentieth
century, the Hebrew Scriptures have been a source for our spiritual lives pre-
cisely because they have been picked up in the New Testament and animate the
message of Jesus of Nazareth, which the New Testament writings bring to us.
No little part of that heritage is owing to the way Luke quotes the Old Testament
in his Gospel and in Acts.
When, then, Luke wrote his Gospel and Acts as the continuation of the
history of God's dealings with his people, he was clearly concerned to show
how the Jesus-movement and its sequel in the early church fitted into that history.
Thus he, too, wrote biblical history. In order to achieve such a goal, as he has
manifested in his writing, even though he does not call explicit attention to it,
he made use of the device of promise and fulfillment. He saw that that record
of God's dealings with his people in the Old Testament was meant as a promise
of what God would accomplish in the ministry of Jesus of Nazareth and its
sequel. When Luke recorded the events of that ministry and of the birth of the
Christian church, he saw it all as the fulfillment of such a promise. For this
reason the characterization of the writing of the Acts of the Apostles as an
explanation of the delay of the parousia or as an account of how the Spirit

became the Ersatz for the parousia, as Conzelmann once tried to maintain, 37 is
today seen as misguided and wrongheaded. Acts itself turns out to be an account
of how Jesus the Messiah fulfills that promise, of how God brings about in a
new way the salvation of his people. Luke shows how God has been faithful to
his promise, and Jesus becomes the proof incarnate of God's fidelity to the
promise made through Moses and the prophets of old.
Luke's biblical history also explains Christianity as the Way (Acts 9:2; 19:9,
23; 22:4; 24:14, 22), the way to follow Christ. 38 In appointing the Twelve as
apostles, the Lucan Jesus restored the twelve tribes of Israel under the symbol
of the patriarchs of old. These Twelve have continued the work of Jesus himself,
and the Christian Way that they have preached becomes the restored Israel, made
up of Jews and Gentiles, who put faith in Jesus of Nazareth, thus the reconstituted
Israel, the People of God in a new sense. This is the meaning that underlies the
quotation of the Old Testament in the Lucan writings, both in his Gospel and
in the Acts of the Apostles.
NOTES
* Originally published in SBL Seminar Papers 1992 (ed. Ε. Η. Lovering, Jr.; Atlanta,
GA: Scholars, 1992) 524-38.
1. This is not the stated puipose of the Lucan writings (for which see Luke 1:1-4),
but anyone who considers the puipose of Luke-Acts soon realizes that this imitation of
biblical history is one of the main reasons why Luke has composed this two-volume
work. See further The Gospel according ίο Luke (AB 28-28A; Garden City, NY: Dou-
bleday, 1981, 1985) 9-10, and the relevant literature cited there.
2. See further C. K. Barrett, "Luke/Acts," It is Written: Scripture Citing Scripture
(ed. D. A. Carson and H. G. M. Williamson; Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University,
1988) 231-44; D. L. Bock, Proclamation from Prophecy and Pattern: Lucan Old Testa-
ment Christology (JSNTSup 12; Sheffield, UK: Academic, 1987); F. Bovon, Luke the
Theologian: Thirty-Three Years of Research (1950-1983) (Allison Park, PA: Pickwick
Publications, 1987) 82-108; W. K. Lowther Clarke, 'The Use of the Septuagint in Acts,"
The Beginnings of Christianity: Part I, The Acts of the Apostles (5 vols.; London:
Macmillan, 1920-33; repr. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House, 1979), 2.66-105; Ε. Ε.
Ellis, The Old Testament in Early Christianity: Canon and Interpretation in the Light of
Modern Research (WUNT 54; Tübingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 1991); Τ. Holz. Untersuchun-
gen über die alttestamentliche Zitate hei Lukas (TU 104; Berlin: Akademie, 1968);
J. Jervell, "Die Mitte der Schrift: Zum lukanischen Verständnis des Alten Testamentes,"
Die Mitte des Neuen Testaments: Einheit und Vielfalt neutestamentlicher Theologie:
Festschrift für Eduard Schweizer . . . (ed. U. Luz und H. Wieder; Göttingen: Vanden-
hoeck & Ruprecht, 1983) 79-96; B. J. Koet, Five Studies on Interpretation of Scripture
in Luke-Acts (Studiorum Novi Testament! auxilia 24; Louvain: Leuven University/Pee-
ters, 1989); R. Longenecker, Biblical Exegesis in the Apostolic Period (Grand Rapids:
Eerdmans, 1975) 79-103; R. V. G. Tasker, The Old Testament in the New Testament
(Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1963) 63-79.
3. Phrases in these passages are set in boldface Greek in the UBSGNp.
4. The 20th ed. of Nestle's Greek text sets additional phrases in boldface: Luke 1:13
17, 32, 33,35, 37; most ofthe Magnificat and the Benedictus; 2-22 30 31-32 52-4-26-
6:4; 7:22; 9:54; 10:28; 21:24, 25; 23:34, 35, 49; Acts 4:24; 5:30; T2 5z 8 9 10 Ί Γ
12, 13, 14, 15, 16, 17, 19, 20, 21, 23, 24, 29, 36, 39, 41, 42, 44, 45, 46, 47 51a 5 1 *
8:21,23; 10:34,36,38,40; 13:10, 17c, 18, 19,26,36; 14:10, 15; 15:18; 17:24,31-,20:2¾
32; 26:16, 17, 18; 28:28. Here modern editorial practice enters in, compounding the
problem of how often Luke alludes to the Old Testament. There is also the difficulty:
Who sees the allusion? Luke himself, or the modern editor?
5. In three instances (Luke 4:18-19; 19:46; Acts 3:22-23) he combines two quotations
(Isa 61:1-2 and Isa 58:6; Isa 56:7 and Jer 7:11; Deut 18:15 and Lev 23:29, conflated with
Deut 18:19). In all, then, there are twenty-five Old Testament passages cited in the Gospel,
and twenty-three Old Testament passages cited in Acts.
6. See the apparatus criticus. Some mss. (D, d, gig) and patristic writers (Origen,
Hilary, Ps.-Jerome) read ώς έν τω πρώτω ψαλµω γεγραπται, a reading that may reflect
a Jewish practice of joining Psalms 1 and 2.
7. The MT reads whereas the LXX has simply καθώς
γεγραπται.
8. This is an updating of my list of introductory formulas, which was first published
in "The Use of Explicit Old Testament Quotations in Qumran Literature and in the New
Testament," NTS 1 (1960-61) 297-333; slightly revised in ESBNT, 3-57. Cf. F. L. Horton,
Jr., "Formulas of Introduction in the Qumran Literature," RevQ 7 (1969-71) 505-14.
9. See M. Rese, "Die Funktion der alttestamentlichen Zitate und Anspielungen in
den Reden der Apostelgeschichte," Les Actes des Apötres: Traditions, redaction, theo-
logie (BETL 48; ed. J. Kremer; Louvain: Leuven University; Gembloux: Duculot, 1979)
61-79, esp. 62-72; B. Lindars, "The Place of the Old Testament in the Formation of New
Testament Theology: Prolegomena," NTS 23 (1976-77) 59-66, esp. 61.
10. "The Formulas Introducing Quotations of Scripture in the New Testament and
the Mishnah," JBL 70 (1951) 297-307; slightly revised in Historical and Literary Studies:
Pagan, Jewish, and Christian (NTTS 8; Leiden: Brill, 1968) 52-63.
11. In this instance one should note the dependence on 2 Kgs 14:6, 2 Chr 23:18, or
2 Chr 25:4 (in the last case, according to the MT, not the LXX).
12. "Acts 17.28," Greek, Roman and Byzantine Studies 20 (1979) 347-53; "Clas-
sical Greek Quotations in the New Testament," The Heritage ofthe Early Church: Essays
in Honor of Georges Vasilievich Florovsky (Orientalia Christiana analecta 195; Rome:
Oriental Institute, 1973) 17-46, esp. 37-42. As parallels to the use ofthe plural to introduce
a single quotation, Renehan cites Lycurgus, Contra Leocratem 21.92 and 33.132; Aris-
totle, Politics 1.1.9 § 1252b 7-8 and 7.14.11 § 1335b 33-34; [Aristotle], Magna moralia
2.15 §1212b 27.
13. Phainomena 5. Actually Aratus used the Ionic form εΐµεν, for which Luke has
substituted the Attic έσµεν. See U. von Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, Hellenstiche Dichtung
(Berlin: Weidmann, 1924), 2.274-76. The words quoted from Aratus resemble somewhat
Cleamhes' Hymn to Zeus 4: εκ σοΰ γαρ γένος εΐσ ήχου µίµηµα λαχόντες, which is
quoted in Stobaeus, Eel 1.1.12, but they are not exact. See H. von Arnim, Stoicorum
veterumfragmenta (4 vols.; Leipzig: Teubner, 1905-24), 1.121.
14. Here are some samples of formulas that Josephus uses in quoting other authors:
£στι δε οΰτω γεγραµµένον, "and so (it) is written" (supposedly quoting Aristotle in Ag.Ap.
1.22 §176); φησι δε οΰτως, "he says thus" (quoting Manetho in Ag.Ap. 1.15 §94); ούτος
[Δϊος] τοίνυν έν ταϊς περί Φοινίκων ίστορίαις γράφει τον τρόπον τοΰτον, "He [Dius]
writes in his history of the Phoenicians (in) this way" (quoting an otherwise unknown
Dius in Ag.Ap. 1.17 §112); έπειτα γενόµενος κατά τον Εϊρωµόν ταΰτά φησι, "then
coming to Hiram, he says" (quoting Menander of Ephesus in Ag.Ap. 1.18 §117); λέγει
γαρ οΰτως δια της τρίτης, "for he says so in his third (book)" (quoting Berosus in AgAp.
1.20 §146); έν τούτοις γέγραπται, οτι έν Ίεροσολύµοις φκοδοµήθη ναός υπό Σολο-
µώνος τοΰ βασιλέως, "in these [Phoenician chronicles] it was written that a temple was
built in Jerusalem by Solomon the king" (Ag.Ap. 1.17 §108); γέγραπται γαρ έν αύταϊς
οτι Ναβουχοδονόσορος . . . τον παρ' ήµιν ναόν ήρήµωσεν, "for in these [Phoenician
records] it was written that Nebuchadnezzar. . . laid waste our temple" (AgAp. 1.21
§154); λέγει δε ό προφήτης· τοΰτον ύµϊν ό θεός έδωκε βασιλέα, "the prophet [1 Sam
10:24] says, 'God has given you this man as king' " (Ant. 6.4.6 §66); λέγει δε σοι ό θεός,
Νινευή, οτι άφανιώ σε και ούκέτι λέοντες έκ σοϋ πορευόµενοι έπιτάξουσι τω κόσµω,
"God says to you, Nineveh, Ί shall blot you out, and lions will no more go forth from
you to rule the world' " (Ant. 9.11.3 §241, alluding to Nah 2:8-9).
15. See the elaborate study of this mode of quoting the Hebrew Scriptures by M. P.
Horgan, Pesharim: Qumran Interpretations of Biblical Books (CBQMS 8; Washington,
DC: Catholic Biblical Association, 1979).
16. To admit this, however, is not to agree with A. W. Argyle that the passage was
formulated originally in Greek, and not translated from an earlier, possibly Aramaic, form
of the story. See his article, "The Accounts of the Temptations of Jesus in Relation to
the Q Hypothesis," ExpTim 64 (1952-53) 382.
17. J. W. Bowker ("Speeches in Acts: A Study in Proem and Yelammedenu Form,"
NTS 14 [1967-68] 96-111) seeks to explain Luke's use of Old Testament quotations in
some speeches in Acts as involved in the homiletic modes known from rabbinic speeches,
called proem and yelammedenu modes. He uses, however, the rabbinic evidence uncriti-
cally, claiming that "as always with rabbinic literature, individual elements may be much
earlier than the works in which they are preserved" (97). That is a grand petitio principii.
Similarly, J. W. Doeve (Jewish Hermeneutics in the Synoptic Gospels and Acts [Assen:
Van Gorcum, 1954], 168-76) sees two midrashim about Christ's resurrection in the use
of Ps 16:10 in Peter's speech (Acts 2:25-28) and in Paul's speech (13:24-28), which he
claims are based on "inferences from Hebrew roots" (p. 176). Compare the remarks of
J. Neusner, SJT44 (1991) 77, 85.
18. As F. F. Bruce has noted in "Paul's Use of the Old Testament in Acts," Tradition
and Interpretation in the New Testament: Essays in Honor ofE. Earle Ellis . . . (ed. G. F.
Hawthorne and O. Betz; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans; Tübingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 1987)
71 -79, esp. 74. Bruce's claim, however, that there is an allusion to Gen 8:22 in Acts 14:17
is farfetched.
19. Or possibly from Ps 96:13, or Ps 98:9. See B. Gartner, The Areopagus Speech
and Natural Revelation (ASNU 21; Lund: Gleerup, 1955).
20. See, e.g., I. H. Marshall, The Gospel of Luke (NIGTC; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans,
1978) 905; G. Schneider, Das Evangelium nach Lukas (Ökumenischer Taschenbuch-
Kommentar zum Neuen Testament 3/1-2; Würzburg: Echter; Gütersloh: Mohn, 1984)
502.
21. The prologue of Sirach speaks only of "the Law and the Prophets and the others
that followed them." It is not yet clear just what "the others" were or how many they
numbered. Compare Josephus, Ag.Ap. 1.7 §40.
22. See D. Seccombe, "Luke and Isaiah," NTS 27 (1980-81) 252-59.
23. See J. Dupont, '^'Interpretation des Psaumes dans les Actes des Apötres,"
Etudes sur les Actes des Apötres (LD 45; Paris: Cerf, 1967) 283-305.
24. For a more detailed analysis of this quotation, see M. Rese, "Die Funktion"
(η. 9 above), 73-76.
25. See J. A. Sanders, "A New Testament Hermeneutic Fabric: Psalm 118 in the
Entrance Narrative," Early Jewish and Christian Exegesis: Studies in Memory of William
Hugh Brownlee (ed. C. A. Evans and W. F. Stinespring; Atlanta, GA: Scholars, 1987)
179-90.
26. The quotation here has to cope with variant readings in different mss. It may,
moreover, be the result of what K. J. Thomas has called a "liturgical citation." See
"Liturgical Citations in the Synoptics," NTS 22 (1975-76) 205-14.
27. See further M. Rese, "Die Funktion" (η. 9 above), 76-78.
28. See M. Burrows, The Dead Sea Scrolls of St. Mark's Monastery: Volume I, The
Isaiah Manuscript and the Habakkuk Commentary (New Haven, CT: American Schools
of Oriental Research, 1950) pi. 55.
29. So K. Lake, "Luke," in Dictionary of the Apostolic Church (New York: Scribner,
1922), 1.179. Similarly G. B. Caird, A. Harnack, W. K. Hobart, W. G. Kümmel, W. Man-
son, A. Plummer, Κ. Rengstorf, J. Schmid, and P. Vielhauer.
30. See the ancient extratextual Prologue to the Gospel of Luke (K. Aland, Synopsis
quattuor evangeliorum [Stuttgart: Deutsche Bibelanstalt, 1964] 533). Cf. J. A. Fitzmyer,
Luke (n. 1 above), 35-51.
31. See J. Dupont, "U Utilisation apologetique de l'Ancien Testament dans les
discours des Actes," Etudes (η. 23 above), 247-82.
32. See J. T. Sanders, "The Prophetic Use of the Scriptures in Luke-Acts," Early
Jewish and Christian Exegesis (n. 25 above), 191-98.
33. See ' T h e Structure and Significance of Luke 24," Neutestamentliche Studien
für Rudolf Bultmann . . . (BZNW 26; ed. W. Ehester; Berlin: Töpelmann, 1954) 165-86.
34. See further M. Black, "The Christological Use of the Old Testament in the New
Testament," NTS 18 (1971-72) 1-14, esp. 3-4. Cf. M. Rese, Alttestamentliche Motive in
der Christologie des Lukas (SNT 1; Gütersloh: Mohn, 1969).
35. See Α. Schmitt, "Ps 16,8-11 als Zeugnis der Auferstehung in der Apg," BZ 17
(1973)229-48.
36. See M. Rese, "Die Funktion" (n. 9 above), 73; cf. B. Lindars, New Testament
Apologetic: The Doctrinal Significance of the Old Testament Quotations (London: SCM;
Philadelphia: Westminster, 1961)42.
37. The Theology of St Luke (New York: Harper & Bros., 1960) 96-97.
38. See Luke (n. 1 above), 241-43.
Fifteen
THE DESIGNATIONS OF CHRISTIANS
IN ACTS AND THEIR SIGNIFICANCE*
THE PROBLEM OF THE LOCAL CHURCH in its relation to the universal people of
God has to be viewed from the data in the New Testament that record traces of
the emergence of the Christian community as "church." The Acts of the Apostles
purports to describe the emergence of that community as the sequel to the
Jesus-story. In fact, Luke is the only evangelist1 who has provided us with such
a sequel, and even though it recounts the beginnings of that community, it does
so from the viewpoint of a writer already conscious that he belongs to "the
church." For Luke seeks to give Theophilus and readers like him asphaleia,
"assurance" (Luke 1:4), that what the church of his own day is teaching (peri
hön katechethes logon) is rooted in the teaching of Jesus of Nazareth himself.
Yet we have in the New Testament writings that antedate the Lucan two-volume
work and that offer even more primitive data about the emergence of the early
Christian community and of its awareness of being "church," e.g., some Pauline
letters. In Acts Luke writes with hindsight, and his later perceptions have colored
some of his descriptions of the beginnings of that community. Hence an attempt
has to be made to sort out from the many designations used in Acts for Christians
as a body what may be Lucan traits (reflecting his theological view of the
Jesus-movement) and what may be primitive nomenclature.
When one looks at the Acts of the Apostles, one notes the variety of designa-
tions used to express the early Christians as a group. Some of these designations
have been studied before, either in part2 or as part of data drawn from a wider
ancient scope (e.g., the New Testament and patristic literature).3 When one looks
at the lists presented in such earlier studies, one realizes immediately two prelimi-
nary problems that confront anyone who begins to study these denominations.
First, are all the designations rightly to be called "names," since some of them,
especially those that occur only once or twice, seem to be rather descriptive phrases
The Designations of Christians in Acts and Their Significance 315
and not real names? Second, it is not easy to sort out the designations that were
imposed on the group from without from those that may have been the result of
conscious choice, i.e., self-designation. The latter problem bears on the signifi-
cance of some of the designations or names. Moreover, Acts depicts the early
Christians, despite their faith in Jesus Christ as "Lord and Messiah" (2:36), as still
frequenting the Temple and sharing in its Jewish cult at stated hours of prayer (2:46;
3:1). Their separation from Judaism comes only in the course of time, and this
implies a difference or an isolation that was not experienced from the outset. The
gradual development of events may account for the variety of designations used
to express the Christians as a group.
My plan is to present the various denominations in a list and comment on
their meaning and significance as an aid to understanding the awareness of the
early Christians as a church, as this is presented in the Acts of the Apostles. I
shall list first the descriptive phrases and then what may be regarded as the real
names for the Christians as a body or group. The order of the listings cannot
claim any real priority in time or in importance. The frequency of usage will in
the long run determine the latter. Finally, I shall conclude with some comments
of the relation of the local church to the universal people of God.
L Word or Phrase Designations for the Christians as a Group
These words or phrases, even though they are not regarded as real names for
the body of Christians, form the beginning of our inquiry because they reveal
something about the way early the Christians perceived themselves or were
perceived by others.
(1) Witnesses of the Risen Christ4

This designation is rooted in the commission that the risen Christ gives to "the
Eleven and their companions" (Luke 24:33) before he departs from them by
ascension on the evening of the day of the discovery of the empty tomb: "In
his [i.e., the Messiah's] name repentance for the forgiveness of sins shall be
preached to all the nations — beginning from Jerusalem. You are witnesses of
this!" (hymeis martyres touton).5 This is repeated in a slightly different form in
Acts 1:8: "You shall be my witnesses both in Jerusalem and in all Judea and
Samaria and to the end of the earth." Thereafter on several occasions Christian
individuals and groups are depicted as aware of their role of having to testify
to the risen Christ and refer to themselves as "witnesses" (martyres, 1:22; 2:32;
3:15; 4:33; 5:32; 10:39; 13:31; 22:15, 20; 26:16). That the term refers to a group
can be seen from the part that it plays in the reconstitution of the Twelve after
the death of Judas (1:22). "We are witnesses to this" (3:15) reveals not only the
group's awareness of itself, but also of its obligation to speak out boldly about
the new mode of God's salvation that comes only through the name of Jesus
Christ of Nazareth.
(2) Brethren6
The first expression used in Acts to designate the early Christians' corporate
existence is adelphoi: "Peter stood up among the brethren" (1:15).7 This abso-
lute use of adelphoi is further found throughout the Book of Acts (1:16; 9:30;
10:23; 11:1, 12, 29; 12:17; 14:2; 15:3, 22, 32, 33, 40; 17:6, 10, 14; 18:18, 27;
21:7, 17, 20; 28:14, 15).8 The term has nothing to do with blood relationship or
kinship and designates the closeness experienced by those who were followers
of the risen Christ. That Peter addresses the Jews assembled in Jerusalem as
adelphoi (2:29; 3:17), as does Stephen (7:2, 26), shows that the early Christians
took over from their former co-religionists a designation already common among
them. Indeed, Stephen depicts Moses visiting "his brethren, the sons of Israel"
(7:23). Because "brethren" could express the common bond that united Jews
to each other, it became almost a natural term to adopt for the self-designation
of Jewish Christians in that early period still so intimately connected with its
Jewish matrix. This source of the Christian usage is further suggested by 22:5;
28:21, but the bond clearly expressed more than it did for the Jews, for it was
expressive of the solidarity of the Christians in their newfound faith in Jesus
Christ. Subsequently, the term disappears in Christian usage, save in sermons
or in common religious life.9
(3) Believers10
Luke sometimes designates the Christians simply as hoi pisteuontes, "the believ-
ers" (present participle in 2:44; 4:32 [aorist]; 5:14, 15 [perfect]; 18:27 [perfect];
19:18 [perfect]; 22:19). By the phrase Luke means those who have come to faith
in Jesus Christ as the risen Lord, as 9:42; 11:21 show.11 On one occasion (10:45)
he refers to them simply as hoi pistol This designation is basic, since it expresses
the fundamental relationship of these persons and the link that binds them
together as a religious group. That these participles sometimes appear with
modifying phrases ("in you," 22:19; "through grace," 18:27), and not always
absolutely, made H. J. Cadbury query whether they are really "fixed terms."12
This is why they are discussed here as designations and not in section II; they
are not real names. R. Bultmann expressed well the significance of this desig-
nation when he described faith as the acceptance of the kerygma:
The importance of this act of believing acceptance of the message, the act which
makes the believing one a member of the Congregation, had the result that the
concept "faith" took on a meaning which it had not had either in the Old
Testament or in other ancient religions. In Christianity, for the first time "faith"
became the prevailing term for man's relation to the divine; in Christianity, but
not before it, "faith" came to be understood as the attitude which through and
through governs the life of the religious man.13
(4) Those Who Call upon the Name of the LordH
Though this phrase has its roots in the OT (Joel 3:5 [2:32E]), as 2:21 reveals,
it becomes a designation for Christians later in Acts, when Kyrios is understood
to mean the risen Christ (hoi epikalountes to onoma Kyriou). Thus in 9:14, 21
it designates the members of the group that Paul was commissioned by the chief
priests to imprison. Cf. 22:16. The phrase expresses the cultic affirmation of
Jesus Christ as Lord: to acknowledge his lordship was part of the early Christian
cult.15 Closely related to it is also the idea of baptism in his name (see 2:38;
8:16; 10:48; 19:5).
(5) Those Being Saved16
Hoi sözomenoi occurs only once (2:47), in a Lucan summary, where we learn
that the Lord "added to their number day by day those who were being saved."
Cadbury linked this designation with hoi pisteuontes and rightly queried whether
it is merely used ad hoc or has "a more established character." 17 Though
Cadbury toyed with the possibility that hoi sözomenoi might be middle, "im-
plying the initiative of believing," the passive sense is preferred because of its
LXX background and its use in the remnant passages of Isa 37:32; 45:20. 18
Given the Lucan emphasis on salvation as an effect of the Christ-event,19 the
designation takes on added significance as a term for the Christians as a group
in Acts. 20
(6) Miscellaneous Designations

I list here terms that appear in some lists of earlier students, but that are only
possibly meant as generic designations. These are:
(a) The Flock21 In 20:28-29 Luke depicts Paul speaking about the church as
poimnion, "a flock/' entrusted to the elders as overseers appointed by the Holy
Spirit. Is "flock" an "established term," as Cadbury himself queried, or only a
commonly used pastoral figure, as 1 Pet 5:2-3 seems to suggest?
(b) The Company^ The noun plethos, when used to denote a large number
of Christians gathered together, is usually qualified by some modifier, e.g., to
plethos tön pisteusantön, "the company of believers" (4:32); to plethos tön

mathetön, "the company of disciples" (6:2); loudaiön te kai Hellenön poly
plethos, "a great company of Jews and Greeks" (came to believe, 14:1). How-
ever, in 6:5 pan to plethos, "the whole company," is used absolutely, referring
in the context to that mentioned in 6:2. Similarly in 15:12 pan to plethos is used
absolutely, but it refers to those Christians gathered together (James, the apostles,
and the elders), not to the whole Christian church, even of Jerusalem. Only in
15:30 does the absolute usage refer to the congregation in Antioch, i.e., to the
specific Antiochene community of Christians. It is, moreover, difficult to say
whether plethos designates the group of ordinary Christians as distinct from their
leaders, as becomes clear in Ignatius, Smyrn. 8:2. Such a distinction may be
present in Acts 6:2; 15:30, but it is not clear elsewhere.
(c) Fellowship23 The noun koinönia occurs only in 2:42, where Luke tells of
the early Christians devoting themselves to "the apostles' teaching, the fellow-
ship, the breaking of bread, and the prayers." In a sense, it might be regarded
as the earliest abstract designation of the Christian group, but it is in reality more
expressive of the group's activity of sharing in common (see 2:44-45) than of
a static quality or name like "the Fellowship."24
(d) Jesus25 With no little hesitation I list this last designation, lesous. It ap-
pears in the words of the risen Christ to Paul in the three accounts of his
experience near Damascus: "I am Jesus [the Nazorean], whom you are persecut-
ing" (9:5; 22:8; 26:15). The risen Christ thus identifies his persecuted followers
with himself. When we look in the context at the designations for the persecuted
Christians, they turn out to be terms that we shall be considering as names in
section Π: thus "the Lord's disciples" (9:1), "the Way" (9:2; 22:4); "many of
the saints" (26:10). Significantly, the word ekklesia is absent from these contexts.
In any case, the words of the risen Christ express the solidarity of his persecuted
followers with himself, an important item in Lucan theology.
This terminates the discussion of the Lucan generic designations for the
Christians as a group in Acts. We turn now to the terms that have been more
widely recognized as "names" for the Christians as a body in this New Testament
book.
IL The Names for the Christians as a Group
In this section I propose to discuss the following terms that appear in Acts: the
Disciples, the Saints, the Way, the Church, Christians, the Sect of the Nazoreans,
and Galilaeans. Only the first six of them will be recognized as real names for
the body of Christians.
(1) The Disciples26
Luke uses both the masculine mathetes and the feminine mathetria, the latter
only in the singular in 9:36. It may be significant that the term hoi mathetai,
"disciples," does not occur in chaps. 1-5. Its first occurrence is noted when the
disciples were increasing in number (6:1) and the Hellenists (Greek-speaking
Jewish Christians of Jerusalem) complained about the treatment of their widows.
Whether the absence of hoi mathetai in the first five chapters is owing merely
to chance or whether it reflects the passage of a certain amount of time in early
church history before the followers of Jesus came to call themselves mathetai
is not easy to say. The idea of discipleship has often been discussed, and its use
in a religious sense may be, practically speaking, a Christian phenomenon.
Talmxd is almost wholly absent from the Old Testament,27 and is completely so
in Qumran literature. Mathetes occurs abundantly in the four Gospels to denote
those who personally have been called to attach themselves as "followers" to
Jesus the "teacher," but apart from Acts, the term is conspicuously absent from
the rest of the New Testament writings. Its emergence in the Gospels is often
attributed to Hellenistic influence on that growing tradition.28 By contrast, we
read in the Old Testament of followers: "son of the prophets" (= a prophetic
guild, 1 Kgs 20:35; 2 Kgs 2:3, 5, 7, 15; 5:22; 6:1; 9:1); Elisha, who "followed
after" Elijah (1 Kgs 19:20); Baruch and Jeremiah. They are never called "dis-
ciples," and the religious sense of discipleship or even of following is practically
nonexistent.29
In the Greek world, however, "disciples" of eminent teachers appear from
the fifth century on: of the Sophists, of Pythagoras, of the Stoics, of Epicurus.
Socrates would not allow his companions to be called mathetai, and in this he
was followed by Plato and Aristotle, but many others encouraged the relationship
of teacher-disciple, and among them the idea of mimesis, "imitation," developed.
This relationship provides the background for the specific personal attachment
of many persons depicted as followers of Jesus, who not only preached the
kingdom but also engaged in teaching. There are also abundant references in
the four Gospels to the use of akolouthein to express that relationship of fol-
lowers to Jesus. Such data suggest that in Stage I of the gospel tradition (= the
words and deeds of the earthly Jesus, roughly A.D. 1-33) the relationship was
expressed more in terms of "following" (as in the Old Testament) than of
discipleship. The latter seems to have been the result of a gradual reinterpretation
of the former under Hellenistic influence, when the gospel tradition was carried
into the Greco-Roman world.30 In any case, both "following" and "discipleship"
expressed originally a close personal relationship to Jesus of Nazareth, often
initiated by an invitation from him. Discipleship was eventually extended to
others through faith, when he became the preached one in the kerygma.
Hoi mathetai occurs abundantly in Acts from 6:1 on as the name for the
body of Christians, whether in Jerusalem, Damascus, Antioch, or Ephesus (6:2,

7; 9:1, 19, 25, 38; 11:26, 29; 13:52; 14:20, 22, 28; 15:10; 18:23, 27; 19:1, 9,
20; 20:1, 20; 21:4, 16; the singular is used in the same sense in 9:10, 26, 36;
16:1; 21:16). Whereas the nuance originally intended by the relationship was
the personal schooling of the follower by the teacher Jesus, that was extended
after his death and resurrection to a personal commitment in faith. A distinctively
Christian nuance of discipleship is detected in the Gospels, as the "disciples"
are "called" (see Mark 2:14; Matt 8:24; Luke 5:27; John 1:43). The disciples
do not choose the teacher, as in the Greek world. Though hoi mathetai has a
dependent genitive in 9:1, "the disciples of the Lord," it is otherwise used
absolutely in Acts. Strangely enough, the use of mathetai eventually dies out,
for what reason it is hard to say; its last appearance in the Lucan story is at Acts
21:16, which tells of Mnason of Cyprus, an "early disciple" (archaios
mathetes).31
(2) The Saints32

Of less extensive use in Acts is another name for the body of Christians, hoi
hagioi, "the Saints" or "the Holy Ones," which occurs in 9:13, 32, 41; 26:10,
in the first and last instances for those persons whom Paul was sent to imprison,
hence Christians. Related to these occurrences is 20:32, where hoi hegiasmenoi
pantes, "all the sanctified," occurs, undoubtedly another way of saying the same
thing (cf. 26:18). Cadbury may well be right in tracing the name to Septuagintal
usage (Ps 34:10; Isa 4:3; Dan 7:18,22) and in suggesting that the name probably
had "an eschatological rather than an ethical significance, though of course the
ethical element is not wanting."33 There is undoubtedly also a cultic nuance in
the use of this name, since Christians are called such precisely as redeemed by
Christ and gifted by his Spirit. As such they are dedicated to God's service in
a new way (continuing the Old Testament sense of dedication to Yahweh and
his awesome cult). As hoi hagioi, Christians are thus related to the "Holy and
Righteous One" (Acts 3:14) and to God's "holy Servant Jesus" (4:27), just as
Christianoi are related to ho Christos (11:26).34 It should be noted that Luke
does not share the Pauline idea of Christians as "called holy ones" (kletoi hagioi,
Rom 1:7).
(3) The Way35

An exclusively Lucan name for the early Christians as a group is he hodos, "the
Way" (9:2; 19:9,23; 22:4; 24:14,22). Though it occurs in two of Luke's accounts
of Paul's experience on the road to Damascus as the name for those whom Paul
is persecuting (9:2; 22:4), it is not confined to those accounts; nor does it always
appear on Paul's lips. It is a name that Luke reveals was known not only in
Palestine but even in Ephesus (19:9, 23) and to the Roman procurator Felix
(24:22). Is this unusual name for the mode of life lived by Christians a Lucan
creation? Haenchen claims that "we do not know for certain — despite Repo's
fine study — the origin of the absolute use of hodos for Christianity/'36
Haenchen rightly relates the name to the phrases "the way of the Lord" (18:25)
or "the way of God" (18:26), which undoubtedly lie behind the abridged name.
The first of these phrases echoes Isa 40:3, "make ready the way of the LORD"
(used by Luke of John the Baptist in his Gospel, 3:4), but this Old Testament
background does not explain th& absolute use of the expression as a name for
Christianity. Haenchen is also right in rejecting the parallels in rabbinic literature
cited in Str-B (2.690); but his agnosticism and his passing over the Qumran
parallels are eloquent indeed. The absolute use of Hebrew derek or hadderek to
designate the Essene way of life is attested in Qumran literature: Ibwhry drk,
"those who have chosen the Way" (1QS 9:17-18); hm sry drk, "these are they
who turn away from the Way" (CD 1:13; cf. 1QS 10:21); 7ft tkwny hdrk Imskl,
"these are the regulations of the Way for the Master" (1QS 9:21).37 Among the
Essenes of Qumran, "the Way" referred above all to the strict observance of
the Law of Moses, as understood by the community.38 This is made clear in
1QS 8:12-15, with its quotation of Isa 40:3, where "the way" is explicitly
interpreted as mdrs htwrh, "the study of the Law."39 Although both the Essenes
and the early Christians could have derived the name from Isaiah 40 indepen-
dently, it is much more plausible that the absolute term he hodos in the Lucan
story reflects a memento of an early historical name for the Christian community,
which imitated Essene usage. After all, this is not the sole instance of such
contact between the Essenes of Qumran and the early Christians in Palestine.40
(4) The Church*1

The term he ekklesia, which became the standard and enduring name for the
body of Christians, is notoriously absent from the Gospels, save for Matt 16:18;
18:17, and it occurs in none of the early chapters of Acts. When it does first
appear in Acts (5:11), it is found in the comment with which Luke concludes
his account of the Ananias and Sapphira incident: "Great fear fell upon the
whole church." There Luke is using the name current in his own day to designate
(with hindsight) the early Jerusalem Christian community, the idyllic existence
of which has been shattered by the deception of Ananias and his wife. The
comment employs characteristic Lucan hyperbole, hole he ekklesia (cf. 15:22).
Otherwise, the name ekklesia first appears with the beginning of the story of
Paul and the great persecution against "the church in Jerusalem" (8:1). From
then on, the name occurs frequently: 29 times in all. It is used not only of the
Christian community in Jerusalem (8:3; 11:22; 12:1, 5; 15:4, 22; 18:22), but
also of that in Antioch (11:26; 13:1; 14:27; 15:3), Lystra and Iconium (14:23),
Syria and Cilicia (15:41), Ephesus (20:17, 28), unnamed cities (16:4), and
throughout all Judea, Galilee, and Samaria (9:31).
The pericope in Matt 16:16b-19 — a retrojected post-resurrection narrative
of the appearance of the risen Christ to Peter?42 — ascribes to Jesus the building
of his ekklesia on Cephas. The absence of a parallel to this pericope in the other
Gospels creates its own problem.43 Consequently, the gradual emergence of the
use of ekklesia in Acts, though it is hardly a Lucan creation, may reflect the
historical growth in awareness of the early Christians that they were "church."
The name was certainly in use before Luke begins to associate it with the
Paul-story. Paul's own abundant use of the name (44 times in his seven undis-
puted letters44) attests the early usage, at least by A.D. 51. Though the name is
a Greek word (and used by Luke as such in Acts 19:32, 39, 41, "town as-
sembly"), its religious connotation is colored by the Old Testament qähäl, which
is translated regularly in the LXX by ekklesia. This Jewish usage is important
and cannot be discounted in the discussion of the Christian use of ekklesia.
Indeed, the Lucan story itself suggests this Old Testament origin of the name,
when Stephen refers to Israel of old as he ekklesia en te eremö, "the congregation
in the desert" (7:38, alluding to Deut 9:10). In the LXX ekklesia translates
Hebrew qähäl (Deut 23:2; Judg 20:2; 1 Kgs 8:55; 1 Chr 29:10), especially when
it denotes the religious and cultic gathering of Israel. Strikingly enough, ekklesia
tou theou is not found there, save possibly in Neh 13:1 (where mss. S, L read
kyriou against the others). New Testament commentators have normally ap-
pealed to qehal YHWH of such passages as Num 16:3; 1 Chr 28:8 as the
background of the expression, but qehal ΈΙ, the exact Hebrew equivalent, is
found in 1QM 4:10, where it is to be the slogan on the sixth campaign-banner
of the Essenes marching out to the holy war. A Palestinian Jewish religious use
of qähäl implying a relation to "the congregation of the people of God" (Judg
20:2), is thus seen as the background to the Christian use of Greek ekklesia.
Luke never refers to this Old Testament passage, but his use of ekklesia almost
certainly reflects an early Christian use of this name that existed before he began
to write.45 For Luke the Christian "church" is the reconstituted Israel, and it is
the eschatological fulfillment of the people of God called in a new way to
salvation through the ministry and preaching of Jesus and his followers.
From the use of the plural ekklesiai (15:41; 16:5) it is clear that Luke speaks
at times of local Christian communities as "churches." Similarly, his use of the
distributive phrase kaf ekklesian, "church by church" (14:23), and his reference
en Antiocheia kata ten ousan ekklesian, "in the church at Antioch" {RSV, 13:1),
show his awareness of ekklesia as a name for a local church. The local sense is
further demanded by the context in 8:3 (Jerusalem), 11:26 (Antioch), 14:27
(Antioch), 15:3 (Antioch), 15:4 (Jerusalem), 18:22 (probably Jerusalem), and
20:17 (Ephesus). Luke also uses he ekklesia in a generic sense (12:1, 5) and
even in the expression "the whole church" (5:11; 15:22). In the first instance
of the latter phrase (5:11), it denotes the whole local church in Jerusalem, since
we have not yet learned that there were Christians elsewhere, whereas'in the
second instance (15:22), where it has seemed good "to the apostles and the
elders with the whole church" (syn hole te ekklesia), a broader sense of ekklesia
may be intended by Luke.46 Related to this distinction between a "local church"
and "church" in a broader, generic sense are the problematic Lucan phrases
such as he ekklesia he en lewsolymois/Ierousalem, ''the church in Jerusalem"
(8:1; 11:22), or he ekklesia kath' holes tes Ioudaias kai Galilaias kai Samareias,
"the church throughout all Judea, Galilee, and Samaria" (9:31). The former of
these last two phrases seems to mean the local "church in Jerusalem," but it
may denote "the church" (in the broader sense) as it is found "in Jerusalem."
This broader meaning is certainly the sense in the latter instance, which speaks
of "the church throughout all of Judea, Galilee, and Samaria," since the singular
ekklesia names as a unit the Christian group in the different geographical locali-
ties. Finally, the last mention of ekklesia in Acts, which occurs in the phrase he
ekklesia toil theou, "the church of God" (20:28),47 is noteworthy. Though it
refers prima facie to the church of Ephesus, the dependent genitive enhances
ekklesia with a broader meaning,48 suggesting the divine origin or relation of
this Christian body.
(5) Christians49
If Luke can speak of Jesus' followers in Acts 12:1 as hoi apo tes ekklesias, it is
not surprising that he is the New Testament writer who tells us where the name
Christianoi was first used. After mentioning how Barnabas sought out Saul in
Tarsus and brought him to Antioch, where they both labored for a whole year
en te ekklesia, "in the church," he records that chrematisai te prötös en Antio-
cheia tous mathetas Christianous ". . . that the disciples in Antioch were called
for the first time Christians" (11:26).50 Even though the mss. N* and 81 write
the name three times over as Chrestianoi,5] the best-attested spelling of it is
with iota, relating the name clearly to Christos. The Greek name is a Latinism,
reflecting the formation of proper adjectives by the addition of -ianus to a
personal name (compare Greek Herödianoi, "Herodians" [Mark 3:6; 12:13],
Kaisarianoi). This reveals that Christos, originally a verbal adjective of chriein,
"anoint," and used to translate the Hebrew noun mäsiah or the Aramaic mesiha,
"anointed one" (transcribed in Greek as Messias in John 4:25), had already
become a name, "Christ," as it so often appears in the Pauline corpus. It is
sometimes suggested that it was originally a nickname or Scheltname (deroga-
tory name) given to Jesus' followers.5? That may be, but neither in Acts 11:26;
26:28 nor in 1 Pet 4:16, its earliest attestations, does it necessarily carry that
nuance.
The real problem in the Lucan notice in Acts 11:26 is the meaning of the
infinitive chrematisai. Cadbury maintained that the "intransitive active in the

sense 'be named' is abundantly illustrated by the papyri,"53 and he refers to
R Preisigke's dictionary.54 This would mean that "Christians" was first a name
given to Jesus' followers by others, and all sorts of candidates for those who
coined the name have been suggested by interpreters who follow Cadbury's line
of thinking: Jews who did not accept the Christ, Gentiles who wanted to express
scorn (thus with differing nuances, J. B. Lightfoot, A. Harnack, Η. Β. Mattingly,
R de Labriolle, G. Ricciotti et al), or authorities of the Roman government
(E. Peters, Μ. Η. Shepherd).
However, E. J. Bickerrnan has contested this passive meaning of the active
infinitive. Having analyzed many texts of Greek writers and papyrus usage, he
argues for a middle meaning of the intransitive active, "to style oneself."55 This
would mean that Luke is recording that the disciples of Jesus at Antioch were
the first to style themselves "Christians," i.e., "agents, representatives of the
Messiah."56 Spicq, too, argues for the same meaning: "Le verbe chrematizö
'designer'. . . 'porter officiellement tel nom ou tel titre' . . . , etant ici un aoriste
ingressif, il faut Γ entendre comme une reference chronologique; les croyants
commencerent ä se denommer des Chretiens; c'est leur titulature officielle dans
l'histoire religieuse du monde. . . ." 57 Spicq explains the adopted name thus:
"Christianoi are those who belong to Christ, who claim to be his, adhere to his
teaching, imitate his example, depend on his help, belong body and soul to him,
and are assimilated to his person."58
Another thorough study of the use of chrematizein in the New Testament
and in Hellenistic Greek is needed to resolve this philological question, since
the names of reputable scholars are lined up on both sides of the debate about
the meaning of this verb. In the long run, as far as my purpose is concerned, it
will be a matter of different nuances: whether Christians were so styled officially
by others or so styled themselves for the first time during the early 40s in the
city of Antioch. The important thing is that disciples of Jesus of Nazareth, the
Christ, came to be so called — the item that is common to both sides of the
debate. It was originally a local designation, tied to a definite time and place,
and eventually became the name of the entire body of disciples, no matter where
they were located.
(6) The Sect of the Nazoreans59

This name for the early Christians, stemming clearly from a Jewish background,
is recorded by Luke only in Acts 24:5. Its Jewish origin is also revealed in the
use of hairesisy "sect," not only in this passage but also in 24:14, where it
explains "the Way," and in 28:22, where Roman Jews tell Paul that they want
to hear more about this group related to Judaism, which "is everywhere spoken
against." Its relation to Judaism is clear from the Lucan use of hairesis for
Sadducees (5:17) and for Pharisees (15:5; 26:5). Luke thus considers Christianity
to be another "sect" of Judaism.«® This is also concluded from his general
presentation of Christianity in his two-volume work: it has as much right to licit
recognition in the Roman empire as Judaism, since it is the logical outgrowth
of Pharisaic Judaism.61 In the context of 24:5, the phrase is meant to be pejora-
tive: Tertullus regards Paul as the ringleader of this "sect of the Nazoraeans."
The name of the sect is Nazöraioi, an enigmatic appellation that cannot be
explained with certainty. It is often translated simply as "Nazarenes," which
would mean followers of Jesus of Nazareth. That name, however, is spelled
more properly Nazarenoi (Luke 4:34; 24:19), whereas Luke uses the form
Nazoraios as an apposite for Jesus (Luke 18:37) and consistently in Acts not
only for Jesus (2:22; 3:6; 4:10; 6:14; 22:8; 26:9) but also for his followers (24:5).
Hence for Luke Nazöraioi is to Iesous ho Nazoraios as Christianoi is to Christos.
It is also clear that for Luke Nazoraios = Nazarenos, whatever may have been
the real etymological meaning of Nazoraios.^2
(7) Galileans63
In Acts 1:11, as Christ is carried up to heaven, two men in white robes address
his followers as andres Galilaioi, "Galileans." Again in 2:7 the brethren who
address the assembled Jerusalem Jews are recognized as Galilaioi. Though
earlier students of the names for Christians in Acts have included this designation
in their lists, I question the inclusion. In 2:7 it expresses merely the geographical
origin of the speakers and may imply scorn for those so addressed, but it scarcely
denotes the corporate character of the new Christians. Similarly in 1:11. The
name has been included in earlier lists because of its use in later tradition,64 but
there is no reason to list it under "eigentliche Namen," as far as Acts is con-
cerned.
In neither of the above categories, designations or names, have I included
such expressions as hoi douloi, "servants/slaves" (4:29; 16:17) or hoi philoi,
"friends" (27:3), because, though they are used of Christians, they do not clearly
express their corporate character or connote the body of Christians.
JIL Conclusion
Having thus listed the designations and names for Christians in Acts and com-
mented on their significance, I conclude by asking to what extent these desig-
nations or names in Acts shed light on the problem of the local church in its
relation to the universal people of God.
Prima facie, all the designations and names used of Christians in Acts could
clearly be applied to the universal people of God, understood in the new Christian
sense. But the question should rather be asked whether any of them either deals
with or transcends local bounds. The designations "brethren," "believers,"
"those who call upon the name of the Lord," and "those being saved" have no
limitation to local congregations of Christians. The designations "flock" and
"company," though used of specific local communities (Ephesus and Jerusalem
respectively), are in no way intrinsically restricted to such a meaning. Similarly,
the bodies of Christians persecuted by Paul in Jerusalem and Damascus, which
were identified by the risen Christ as "Jesus," would not necessarily be locally
limited. Indeed, the term "witnesses," which expresses a function of Christian
followers commissioned by Christ, would transcend the local bounds of Jerusa-
lem, Judea, and Samaria, being destined for testimony even to "the end of the
earth" (1:8).
The same lack of specific local connotation is found in the names "dis-
ciples," "saints," "Nazoreans," and "Christians," even though the last men-
tioned is traced to an Antiochene origin. "The Way" is given as the name for
the body of Christians not only in Jerusalem (22:4; 24:14) but also in Damascus
(9:2) and Ephesus (19:9, 23).
The name "church," however, which gradually emerges as the enduring
name for the body of early Christians, is used not only to designate local bodies
of Christians in specific geographical areas (as the plural ekklesiai in 15:41;
16:5 and the distributive kaf ekklesian in 14:23 show), but also to mark the
"church" in a generic sense that transcends local areas: the singular ekklesia
that is found "throughout all Judea, Galilee, and Samaria" (9:31). It is the
emergence of this singular usage that permits Luke, writing in the penultimate
decade of the first century A.D., to speak even of "the whole church" (5:11),
when he mentions ekklesia for the first time. Although Luke can identify per-
secuted Christians with "Jesus" (9:5; 22:8; 26:15) and can speak of hole he
ekklesia, "the whole church," he does not yet bring himself to say, as does
Ignatius of Antioch, hopou an e Iesous Christos, ekei he katholike ekklesia,
"where Jesus is, there is the catholic church" (Smyrn. 8:2). Lastly, it is note-
worthy that Luke nowhere in Acts speaks of Christians in a corporate sense as
"the people of God."65
Such designations, however, which emerged early as appellations of Chris-
tians as a group, reveal that the difference of local churches from "the whole
church" or the church universal is a question related to the growth and devel-
opment of the group, as it gradually became more numerous and spread to other
places and as it gradually became more and more aware of itself as "church."
The Lucan designations show that there were Christians around, functioning in
a communal and corporate way, even prior to the tensions that inevitably
emerged between local churches and the universal people of God. Even though
such designations can be applied to either local groups of Christians or the
universal Christian people as "the church," they provide a background for the
proper discussion of the relation of local or individual churches to the universal

people of God or the church as a whole.
NOTES
* Originally published in Unite et diversite dans UEglise: Texte officiel de la Commission

Biblique Pontificale et travaux personnels des membres (Vatican City: Libreria Editrice
Vaticana, 1989)223-36.
1. For reasons why one can still speak in a nuanced way of Luke as the author of
Luke-Acts, as ancient tradition once held, see my commentary, The Gospel according to
Luke (AB 28, 28A; Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1981, 1985) 35-53.
2. E.g., H. J. Cadbury, "Names for Christians and Christianity in Acts," The Begin-
nings of Christianity: Part I, The Acts of the Apostles (5 vols.; ed. F. J. Foakes Jackson
and K. Lake; London: Macmillan, 1920-33; repr. Grand Rapids, MI: Baker Book House,
1979), 5.375-92; C. Spicq, Vie chritienne et peregrination selon le Nouveau Testament
(LD 71; Paris: Cerf, 1972) 13-57 (chap. 1, "Les denominations du chretien").
3. E.g., A. Harnack, The Expansion of Christianity in the First Three Centuries
(London: Williams & Norgate, 1904), 2.1-45; H. Karpp, "Christennamen," RAC, 2.1114-
38.
4. This term is listed by neither Harnack, Cadbury, Karpp, nor Spicq.
5. This is the form of the commission that the Lucan Christ gives to his followers.
Contrast that given by the Matthean Christ in Matt 28:18 and by the Marcan Christ in
Mark 16:15. The distinctive form in Luke 24 is derived from his own theology of
discipleship.
6. This term is listed by Harnack, Cadbury, Karpp, and Spicq.
7. Adelphan is the preferred reading in N-A 27 , being attested in mss. X, A, B, C*,
33 v i d , etc. Some mss. read mathetön (C 3 , D, Ε, Ψ, and the Koine text-tradition); P 7 4 has
apostolön. The reason for the substitution in the Western Text "is obvious: to prevent
the reader from confusing these 'brethren' with the brothers of Jesus (ver. 14)" (Β. Μ.
Metzger, TCGNT [2d ed., 1994], 247).
8. Perhaps Acts 15:7, 13, 23 should be included here, but in these verses the term
may refer solely to those assembled at the so-called Council.
9. Josephus describes the Essenes as all enjoying a single patrimony "like brothers"
(J.W 2.8, 3 §122). Note the use of 'ah in 1QS 6:22; lQSa 1:18; 2:13(7). See further
J. Beutler, "Adelphos . . . ," EDNT, 1.28-30; K.-H. Scheikle, "Bruder," RAC, 2.631-40;
H. Schürmann, "Gemeinde als Bruderschaft," Ursprung und Gestalt (Düsseldorf: Pat-
mos, 1970) 61-73; H. von Soden, "Adelphos . . .," TDNT 1.44-46. For a discussion of
the Christian sense of "brother" as contrasted with the secular and Marxist senses, see
J. Ratzinger, The Open Circle: The Meaning of Christian Brotherhood (New York: Sheed
and Ward, 1966).
10. This term is listed by Cadbury, Karpp, and Spicq.
11. See also 8:37, a textually problematic verse.
12. See "Names" (n. 2 above), 382.
13. Theology of the New Testament (2 vols.; London: SCM, 1952-55), 1.89; ci.
C. Spicq, "Les denominations," 15-19.
14. This term is listed by Spicq.

15. C. Spicq, "Les denominations" (n. 2 above), 45-50.
16. This term is listed by Cadbury.
17. "Names" (n. 2 above), 382-83. Cf. Luke 13:23.
18. See B. F. Meyer, 'The Initial Self-Understanding of the Church," CBQ 27 (1965)
35-42, esp. 37-38.
19. See Luke (n. 1 above), 181-92, 222-23.
20. See further W. Radi, "Sözö ...,"EDNT, 3.319-21.
21. This term is listed only by Cadbury.
24. For the possibility that koinönia may reflect the Essene name for its community,
yahad (1QS 1:1, 16; 5:1, 2, 16: 6:21; 7:20; lQSa 1:26-27; 4QPBless 5), see my article,
"Jewish Christianity in Acts in Light of the Qumran Scrolls," ESBNT, 271-303, esp.
283-84.
25. This term appears in no earlier list.
26. This term is listed by Cadbury and Karpp, but not by Spicq.
27. It occurs only in 1 Chr 25:8, being used of pupils in the Temple choir! Rare
instances of limmud, often translated "disciple," occur in Isa 8:16; 50:4; 54:13; cf. Jer
13:23; but in none of these instances does mathetes appear in the LXX. Indeed, J. Jensen
{The Use o/törä by Isaiah [CBQMS 3; Washington: Catholic Biblical Association, 1973]
110) has argued for the meaning of limmüd as "student, pupil" rather than as "disciple"
in the New Testament sense. See further W. G. E. Watson, Bib 56 (1975) 275. Mathetes
is used in the LXX only in Jer 13:21; 20:11; 46:9, but always with a variant reading,
which makes the drawing of any conclusion from such an occurrence very problematic.
28. The same is probably to be said about the use of the term in Philo (13 times,
usually of a pupil/learner) and in Josephus (15 times), but scarcely with the religious
connotation that the term has in the New Testament. See further M. Hengel, The Charis-
matic Leader and His Followers (New York: Crossroad, 1981); A. Schulz, Nachfolgen
und Nachahmen: Studien über das Verhältnis der neutestamentlichen Jüngerschaft zur
urchristlichen Vorbildethik (SANT 6; Munich: Kösel, 1962); E. Schweizer, Lordship and
Discipleship (SBT 28; Naperville, IL: Allenson, 1960); H.-D. Betz, Nachfolge und Nach-
ahmung Jesu Christi im Neuen Testament (BHT 37; Tübingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 1967).
29. The verb akolouthein, "follow," occurs 13 times in the LXX — seven times in
a neutral sense, twice denoting an attendant (1 Sam 25:42; Jdt 15:13), and three times
of one who obeys (Jdt 2:3; 5:7; 2 Mace 8:36 [all Greek deuterocanonical references]).
30. In Mark 2:18; Matt 22:16; Luke 5:33 one reads of "disciples of the Pharisees";
and in Mark 2:18; 6:29; Matt 9:14; 11:2; 14:12 of "disciples of John" (the Baptist). Once
again this mode of expression for the relation of such followers to the Pharisees or John
may reflect the same Hellenization of the later gospel tradition. The rabbinic tradition
knows, indeed, of rabbis and talmtdtm; but no text of that tradition can be dated with
certainty prior to A.D. 200 (the time of Rabbi Judah the Prince and the codification of
the Mishnah), and Greek influence in that Jewish tradition is notorious. For this reason
I hesitate to regard mathetai as the "oldest name" for Christians, as does H. Karpp,
"Christennamen" (n. 3 above), 1115.
31. See further Cadbury. "Names" (n. 2 above), 376-78; Karpp, "Christennamen"
(η. 3 above), 1115; P. Nepper-Christensen, "Mathetes, . . ."EDNT, 2312-1 A.
32. This term is listed by Cadbury, Karpp, and Spicq.

33. "Names" (n. 2 above), 381. Karpp ("Christennamen" [n. 3 above], 1116) refers
to the LXX of Ps 83:4 (tön hagiön sou), where the MT has sepünekä "thy protected
ones" (RSV).
34. To paraphrase a saying of O. Procksch, TDNT, 1.106 n. 59. See further Karpp,
"Christennamen" (η. 3 above), 1116; Spicq, "Les denominations" (n. 2 above), 19-29.'
35. This term is listed by Cadbury, barely by Karpp, and not at all by Spicq.
36. The Acts of the Apostles: A Commentary (Philadelphia: Westminster, 1971) 320
n. 1. He refers to E. Repo, Der "Weg"als Selbstbezeichnung des Urchristentums (Annales
academiae scientiarum fennicae, ser. Β123/2; Helsinki: Suomalainen Tiedeakateemia
1964).
37. See further IQS 4:22; 8:10, 18, 21; 9:5, 9, 19; 11:11; lQSa 1:28; 1QM 14:7;
1QH 1:36. Cf. my article "Jewish Christianity" (n. 24 above), 281-83.
38. The Temple Scroll of Qumran Cave 11, which has been hailed as a "sectarian
Torah," well illustrates the Essene understanding of the Mosaic Law. See Y. Yadin, The
Temple Scroll (3 vols.; Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1983); The Temple Scroll:
Tlie Hidden Law of the Dead Sea Sect (New York: Random House, 1985).
39. Compare the Lucan phrase "the way of the Lord" (Acts 18:25) with the Qumran
phrase drk W V (IQS 8:13) and the Lucan phrase "the way of God" (18:26) with the
Qumran phrase drk Ί (CD 20:18).
40. See further W. Κ. Μ. Grossouw, "The Dead Sea Scrolls and the New Testament:
A Preliminary Survey," Studia Catholica 27 (1952) 1-8; F. Nötscher, Gotteswege und
Menschenwege in der Bibel und Qumran (BBB 15; Bonn: Hanstein, 1958) 76-96, 100-
101; V. McCasland, "The Way," JBL11 (1958) 222-30; G. Vermes, "The Impact of the
Dead Sea Scrolls on the Study of the New Testament," JJS 27 (1976) 107-16; H.-W.
Kuhn, "The Impact of the Qumran Scrolls on the Understanding of Paul," The Dead Sea
Scrolls: Forty Years of Research (STDJ 10; ed. D. Dimant and U. Rappaport; Leiden:
Brill; Jerusalem: Magnes, 1992) 327-39; O. Betz, "Qumran and the New Testament:
Forty Years of Research," Mogilany 1989: Papers on the Dead Sea Scrolls Offered in
Memory of Jean Cannignac . . . (Qumranica mogilanensia 2; ed. Z. J. Kapera; Cracow:
Enigma, 1993), 1.79-100; K. Berger, "Qumran und das Neue Testament," TGI 84 (1944)
159-74; H. Lichtenberger, "Die Texte von Qumran und das Urchristentum," Judaica 50
(1994) 68-82; J. A. Fitzmyer, "The Dead Sea Scrolls and Early Christianity," TD 42
(1995)303-19.
41. This term is listed by Harnack, Cadbury, and Karpp, but not by Spicq.
42. See R. E. Brown et a l (eds.), Peter in the New Testament: A Collaborative
Assessment by Protestant and Roman Catholic Scholars (Minneapolis: Augsburg; New
York: Paulist, 1972) 83-101.
43. SeeBultmann, Theology (n. 13 above), 1.37-38; K. L. Schmidt, TDNT, 3.518-25.
44. The noun occurs also 14 times in the Deutero-Paulines (Col. Eph, 2 Thess) and,
strikingly enough, only three times in 1 Timothy and never in 2 Timothy or Titus^
45. Though the Hebrew noun keneset occurs as a designation of the assembly ot
the Essenes (4QPBless 6; 4QpNah 3-4 iii), the Aramaic kenista is not found in Biblical
Aramaic or in any pre-Christian extrabiblical writings; it is also absent hOm Palestinian
Aramaic texts prior to the Megillat Taänit, where it means "Sanhednn" in this, the tirst
of the Aramaic rabbinic writings (dating from the time of Trajan). See J. A. Fitzmyer and
D. J. Harrington, A Manual of Palestinian Aramaic Texts (Second Century B.CSeconä
Century A.D.) (BibOr 34; Rome: Biblical Institute, 1978) 186-87, 323. K. L. Schmidt
(TDNT, 3.524-26) once claimed that kentstä* was the Aramaic word that underlies the
New Testament ekklesia, and not qehäla, but none of the evidence that he cites from
rabbinic literature antedates A.D. 200. Keriista is found, indeed, abundantly in the classical
targums (Onqelos, Yerushalmi I, Yerushalmi II, Neofiti 1) and in the Late Phase of the
Aramaic language (from A.D. 200 on); but the bearing of such evidence on the Greek of
the New Testament is highly questionable. See my articles "The Phases of the Aramaic
Language," WA, 57-84, esp. 62 and n. 38; "The Aramaic Language and the Study of the
New Testament," JBL 99 (1980) 5-21, esp. 18-21. Cf. A. D. York, "The Dating of
Targumic Literature," JSJ 5 (1974) 49-62; K. G. Kümmel, Kirchenbegriff und Ge~
schichtsbewusstsein in der Urgemeinde und bei Jesus (2d ed.; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck
& Ruprecht, 1968) 23-25; L. Rost, Die Vorstufen von Kirche und Synagoge im Alten
Testament: Eine wortgeschichtliche Untersuchung (BWANT 76; Stuttgart: Kohlhammer,
1938; repr. Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1967). Rost has shown that
kenista normally renders Hebrew 'edäh and Greek synagöge in the targums, whereas
qähäl of the MT is regularly rendered by Aramaic qehäla (see pp. 95-170).
46. This broader sense is hardly certain here, since the phrase may mean no more
than the whole local church of Jerusalem. In this regard one has to reckon with the
composite character of chap. 15 in Acts. For many interpreters of this chapter, Luke has
joined accounts about two decisions made at Jerusalem: that against the need of circum-
cision for the salvation of Gentile Christians (vv. 4-12), a decision made by the so-called
Council; and that about the dietary and porneia problems (vv. 13-31), made by James,
the apostles, and the elders and sent in a letter to the Christians of Antioch, Syria, and
Cilicia. If "the whole church," mentioned in v. 22. really belongs to the context of the
latter decision, then it would refer to the whole local Christian community of Jerusalem,
which along with James, the apostles, and the elders sends a decision to Christians of
other local communities. By "telescoping" the two incidents and making them both seem
to have been decisions of the so-called Council of Jerusalem, Luke insinuates a broader
sense of hole he ekklesia in v. 22. For further discussion of this chapter, see Haenchen,
Acts (n. 36 above), 468-72; G. Schneider, Die Apostelgeschichte (HTKNT 5/1-2; Freiburg
im Β.: Herder, 1980, 1982), 2.189-92; R. E. Brown et al. (eds.), Peter in the New
Testament (n. 42 above), 49-56; and my discussion in the forthcoming The Acts of the
Apostles: A New Translation with Introduction and Commentary (AB 31; New York:
Doubleday, 1998); also in "Acts of the Apostles," JBC, art. 45 §72-77.
47. Or "the church of the Lord," a variant reading in mss. P 7 4 , A, C, D, Ε, Ψ, 33
etc.
48. Being used by Paul in his discourse at Miletus, it may seem to echo the Pauline
use of he ekklesia tou theou, but one should resist the temptation to read the Pauline
nuances of that phrase into the Lucan usage.
49. This term is listed by Harnack, Cadbury, Karpp, and Spicq.
50. The infinitive chrematisai is dependent on a typically Lucan use of egeneto de,
"it happened that." Codex D, however, reads: kai tote proton echrematisan enAntiocheia
hoi mathetai Christianoi, "and then for the first time in Antioch the disciples were called
Christians."
51. See H. J. Cadbury, "Names" (n. 2 above), 384.
52. See A. Gercke, "Der Christenname ein Scheltname," Festschrift zur Jahr-
hundertfeier der Universität Breslau am 2. August 1911 (ed. Schlesischer Philologen-
verein; Breslau: Trewendt & Granier, 1911) 360-73. He argues for the origin of the name
in Rome during the persecution of Nero.
53. "Names" (n. 2 above), 385, n. 4.
54. Wörterbuch der greichischen Papyrusurkunden. . . (ed. Ε. Kiesslin«; 3 vols •
Berlin: Privately published, 1925-31), 2.753-54: "einen rechtsgiltigen NanTen (Titel)
führen, benanntwerden, heissen." See further BAG (2d ed., 1979) 885, Meaning 2: "bear
a name, be called or named," with abundant references to Polybius, Strabo, Plutarch,
Philo, Josephus, inscriptions, and papyri. Similarly MM, 692: "take a name from, am
called"; EDNT, 3.474: "bear a name, be called." B. Reicke, "Chrema . . . ,"TDNT,
9.481-82; "the disciples were publicly known as Christians"; P. Labriolle, "Christianus,"
Bulletin du Cange: Archivum latinitatis medii aevi 5 (1929-30) 69-88: "signifie, non pas
s'attribuer un nom, mais le recevoir ou le porter" (p. 74); A. Harnack, The Expansion
(n. 3 above), 16; C. Cecchelli, "II nome e la 'setta' dei Cristiani," Rivista di archeologia
cristiana3l (1955)55-73: "Non si trattadi nomeassunto, madi nome attribuito" (p. 61).
55. "The Name of Christians," HTR 42 (1949) 109-24.
56. Ibid., 123. Karpp ("Christennamen" [n. 3 above], 1132) rejects the arguments
given by Bickeiman on pp. 110-14, citing Philo, Quod Deus imm. 121; Origen, Contra
Cels. 8.25 (GCS 2.241, 27); John Chrysostom, Horn, in Acta 25.1 (PG 60.192). Bicker-
man's interpretation is also contested by M. H. Shepherd, "The Occasion of the initial
Break between Judaism and Christianity," Harry Austryn Wolfson Jubilee Volume . . . (3
vols.; Jerusalem: Academy for Jewish Research, 1965), 2.703-17, esp. 709; and Η. Β.
Mattingly, "The Origin of the Name Christiani," JTS n.s. 9 (1958) 26-37, esp. 28 n. 3.
57. "Les denominations" (n. 2 above), 13 n. 1. See also "Ce que signifie le titre de
Chretien," ST 15 (1961) 68-78, esp. 68. Spicq does not discuss the word in his Theological
Lexicon of the New Testament (3 vols; Peabody, MA: Hendrickson, 1994).
58. "Les denominations" (n. 2 above), 13.
60. Josephus also uses hairesis to designate different kinds of Jews: Pharisees,
Sadducees, and Essenes {Life 2 §10, 12; Ant. 13.5.9 §171).
61. See Luke (n. 1 above), 8-11, 178, 289.
62. See further H. Kuhli, "Nazarenos . . . ," EDNT, 2.454-56 (with bibliography).
The change in the adjectival ending (-aios, -enos) is not the problem; it is rather the o,
instead of a, if Nazöraios were to mean apo Nazaret/Nazara, "from Nazareth/Nazara."
Nazöraios as the equivalent of Nazarenos has often been said to be the result of a popular
etymology. Its real etymology, however, is unknown. It has often been explained as a
form related to Hebrew näztr, "one dedicated by vow," or to Hebrew neser, "scion,
sprout," or even to Aramaic näsöräy, "watcher, observer." Each of these suggestions
only raises further questions.
64. See Karpp, "Christennamen" (n. 3 above), 1131.
65. The closest that one comes to this expression is Acts 15:14: labem ex ethnon
laon tö onomati autou, "to take from the nations (or Gentiles) a people for himselt. bee
J. Dupont, Teologia delta chiesa negli Atti degli Apostoli (Bologna: Ediziom Dehomane,
1984)51-60.
Sixteen
'Ά CERTAIN SCEVA, A JEW,
A CHIEF PRIEST" (ACTS 19:14)*
T H E LUCAN ACCOUNT of Paul's ministry in Ephesus (Acts 19:1-20:1), which

lasted for at least two years and three months (19:8, 10), tells of the "uncommon
miracles" wrought by the Apostle, his curing of diseases and his exorcism of
evil spirits. It also reports about itinerant Jewish exorcists who sought to drive
out evil spirits by invoking the name of "the Lord Jesus," using the formula,
"I adjure you by the Jesus whom Paul preaches" (19:13). Then Luke recounts,
"Seven sons of a Jewish high priest named Sceva were doing this" (19:14, as
the RSV renders it). When an evil spirit challenges them, the possessed man
leaps upon them and overpowers them (κατακυριεύσας αµφοτέρων, 19:16), and
they flee naked and wounded.
The Alexandrian text of Acts 19:14 reads: ήσαν δε τίνος Σκευά Ιουδαίου
άρχιερέως επτά υίοΐ τοΰτο ποιοΰντες. But Ρ 3 8 , dated ca. A.D. 300 and considered
a representative of the Western Text of Acts, reads rather:
έν οίς και υ[ΙοΙ σκευ]ΐο[υ ίου]δαίου τινός άρχιερέως ήθ[έλη]σαν [το α]ύτό
ποιήσαι έθος έχοντες [έξορκί]ζειν τους τοιούτους και είσελθό[ντες] προς
δαιµονιζόµενον ήρξα[ντο έπι]καλεΐσθαι το όνοµα λέγοντες π[αραγγέλ]λοµέν
σοι έν ιην δν Παΰλος ό [άπόστο]λος κηρύσσει έξελθεΐν.1
In these circumstances s[ons of Sce]va, a certain [J]ew, a chief priest, also

wi[sh]ed to do [the s]ame, being accustomed [to exor]cise such persons. And
they cam[e] to one who was possessed by a demon and beg[an to in]voke the .
Name, saying, "We com[man]d you by Jesus whom Paul the [Apost]le preaches
to come out."
The later Codex Bezae, also of the Western text-tradition, has the same
<(
A Certain Sceva, a Jew, A Chief Priest" (Acts 19:14) 333
basic rewriting as P 38 , but reads ιερέως, "priest," instead of άρχιερέως "chief

priest," and omits Ιουδαίου, "Jew." It also reads the aorist indicative είχαν
instead of the participle έχοντες and inverts the order of the last two words
(έξελθεΐν κηρύσσει), which creates an impossible text. In this text-tradition only
the margin of the Harclean Syriac version reads the equivalent of επτά,2 whereas
the rest of the Western tradition has omitted this number, almost certainly
because of αµφοτέρων in 19:16. This word normally means "both," but the RSV
translates it as "all," following a meaning that Β. Μ. Metzger says the word
has in substandard Greek.3
Since, however, the Alexandrian text is supported by P 38 in reading
[ίου]δαίου τινός άρχιερέως, this is to be retained and regarded as the original.
It is the lectio difficilior, and the rest of the Western text-tradition has changed
the last word to ιερέως because of the usual way of understanding τινός Σκευα
'Ιουδαίου άρχιερέως, viz., "a certain Sceva, a Jewish high priest."4 This usual
understanding of the phrase is what I wish to discuss further in this paper.
The name of Sceva is given in most manuscripts as Σκευα, the genitive of
Σκευας, but it appears as Σκευια in ms. A and is restored in P 38 by Sanders as
Σκευ'ίου.5 The name is not Semitic, but that does not create a difficulty, since
other Jewish high priests bore non-Semitic names at times. The name Σκευας
has been explained as a grecized form of Latin Scaeva,6 but that explanation
has likewise been questioned.7 Whether or not it is related to Latin Scaeva, the
name Σκευας is otherwise attested. It was the name of a zealous soldier in the
service of Julius Caesar, Κάσσιος Σκεύας, who, though badly wounded in the
battle of Dyrrachium, smote two of the enemy.8 It is also found in Dio Cassius,
Rom. Hist. 65.16.1,9 but it creates a problem when it is said to be the name of
a "Jewish high priest."
For U. Kellermann Σκευας would have been "a member of the priestly
aristocracy in the Diaspora,"10 and in support of this explanation he cites
Josephus, Ag.Ap. 1.22 §187, which tells of a certain Έζεκίας άρχιερεύς των
'Ιουδαίων who emigrated to Egypt (Alexandria); also Ant. 12.2.13 §108, which
mentions Ιερεύς among the translators of the LXX in Alexandria. That priests,
even chief priests, would have been among the Jews in the diaspora of Alexandria
is thus attested, but nothing similar is known about a "Jewish high priest" in
Ephesus, in the Roman province of Asia. To get around this difficulty, commen-
tators have sometimes noted that Luke does not necessarily mean that Sceva
was himself in Ephesus. 1' This, however, is a subterfuge. If the seven sons were
in Ephesus, the normal presumption would be that Sceva himself was there too;
otherwise why so identify the sons?
Σκευάς is otherwise unknown as having been a "high priest" of the Jews.
For the period from the time of Herod the Great to the First Revolt of the Jews
against Rome the names of twenty-eight high priests are known, - and Ζκευας
is not among them. Yet in both Josephus and the New Testament άρχιερευς is
used in a wider sense.13 Whether one understands this wider sense to include
"members of the noble families from which the High Priests were selected/* as
did Schürer,14 or rather as "chief priests," i.e., "priests of higher rank than the
majority," as did J. Jeremias,15 Luke is possibly using άρχιερεύς of Sceva in
this wider sense, viz., "chief priest" (so the New International Version).
The matter, however, is not so easily decided. Since the episode about the
exorcist sons of Sceva is recounted as occurring at Ephesus, άρχιερεύς may
have an entirely different connotation, for the term was also used there in a
non-Jewish context.
In the provinces of Asia and Bithynia, where people had earlier bestowed
divine honors on Seleucid rulers, such honors were in time transferred to the
Roman emperor, who was regarded more as a benefactor than as a monarch.
Thus people from districts of Asia met in Ephesus and declared Julius Caesar a
"god made manifest." Although Augustus disliked this ruler-cult and adopted
instead the patronymic divifilius, "son of the Deified One," nevertheless even
he eventually tolerated a temple being erected in the province of Asia to "Roma
and Augustus." The Commonalty (κοινόv) of Asia held annual meetings there
to further this cult. These were a festival and a sacred contest, which attracted
contestants from all over, and it often celebrated the birthday of Augustus. The
main leader of the Commonalty was a "chief priest" of Roma and Augustus,
usually called άρχιερεύς της Ασίας, who conducted the cult, but who also had
numerous secular functions. D. Magie in his Roman Rule in Asia Minor to the
End of the Third Century after Christ has an elaborate treatment of "chief
priests" in several cities of Asia: "From the time of Claudius probably —
certainly from that of his successor, Nero — onward there was in many of the
cities of Asia and Greece a priest, usually a 'chief priest,1 of the Augusti in
general."16 In appendix II, Magie lists the known αρχιερείς της Ασίας, "chief
priests of Asia," some of whom bear the specification εν Έφέσω, "in Ephesus."
Sceva is not among those listed, since Magie's list is constructed from inscrip-
tions and papyri. It should also be noted that Magie has a lengthy discussion of
the relations of such "chief priests" of the imperial cult in Asia to the Ασιάρχαι,
"Asiarchs." It is possible that this title was "an alternative, less formal, desig-
nation for the archiereus of the province."17 Now it may be no more than
coincidence that in the same chapter of Acts Luke mentions Asiarchs (19:31),
"who were friends" of Paul.
Jews had settled in Ephesus and elsewhere in Ionia from the mid-third
century B.C.18 Josephus tells of Jews in Ephesus who were Roman citizens, yet
who "came together for sacred and holy rites in accordance with their law"
(Ant. 14.10.12 §227; 14.10.16 §234; 14.10.19 §240). He also recounts how
Herod the Great left "no suitable spot within his realm destitute of some mark
of homage to Caesar" (J.W. 1.21.4 §407). Being a Jew himself, Josephus writes
simply τιµής γυµνόν, "naked of honor," yet immediately thereafter he explains
"A Certain Sceva, a Jew, A Chief Priest" (Acts 19:14) 335
this "homage": "When he had filled his own territory with temples (ναών), he
allowed the memorials of his homage to overflow into the province and estab-
lished in many cities monuments to Caesar (Καισαρεία)." Specifically, Josephus
records that Herod erected at Paneion ναον αύτω, "a temple to him" (i.e., to
Caesar, J.W. 1.21.3 §404). Such modes of honoring Augustus were thus spon-
sored by a king in Judea, whom Josephus calls "a commoner and an Idumean,
that is, a half-Jew" (ιδιώτη τε οντι και Ίδουµαίω, τουτέστιν ήµιιουδαίφ, Ant.
14.15.2 §403). It should be noted, however, that the same word ναός is used by
Josephus for Herod's monuments to Caesar Augustus, as appears in many in-
scriptions mentioning the cult of the Augusti in Ephesus.19 Would it be im-
possible, then, to think of a Jew living in Ephesus itself, not only becoming a
Roman citizen, but even being appointed άρχιερεύς της Ασίας? After all, Luke
may be implying that the sons of Sceva were among "the itinerant Jewish
exorcists," who undertook to pronounce the name of the Lord Jesus over those
with evil spirits. The problem here is to understand why Jewish exorcists would
want to invoke Jesus. What kind of Jews were found in Ephesus?20
Having investigated all this, I subsequently discovered that this meaning
for άρχιερεύς in Acts 19:14 had already been suggested in a brief note by Β. Ε.
Taylor.21 B. A. Mastin also mentions Taylor's suggestion only to comment that
"it cannot be shown that άρχιερεύς does not have this meaning in Acts xix. 14
or that it does not refer to some other pagan high priesthood." 22
Now if Sceva were such an άρχιερεύς of the imperial cult, would it mean
that he was "a renegade Jew" (Mastin's term)? Mastin himself offers a few
parallels:
If in the first century A.D. Julia Severa, who is also known as άρχιέρεια of a
pagan cult, could build a synagogue in Phrygia, and if, as Ε. Μ. Smallwood
has argued, Flavius Clemens, who was consul in A.D. 95, and his wife Flavia
Domitilla were condemned by Domitian in Rome as σεβόµενοι, it is perhaps
not wholly impossible that a Jew should attain sufficient prominence in public
life to be appointed to the essentially political post of άρχιερεύς of the imperial
cult^
In rejecting this interpretation of άρχιερεύς in Acts 19:14, Mastin prefers to

compare the Lucan designation of the seven sons of Sceva, a "chief priest,
with Zatchlas, a priestly figure who works wonders in Apuleius, Metamorphoses
2.28ff. The connection of the seven exorcist sons to a chief priest is essential
for him. However, that comparison is farfetched in my opinion, mainly because
of the date of the Metamorphoses in the late second century A.D.
It should be evident that there is no real proof that the Sceva of Acts y .14
was άοχιεοεύς in the imperial cult. Yet, if the verse in Acts were to be t r a n «
"Seven sons of a certain Sceva, a Jew, a chief priest, were doing this, and the
designation "chief priest" were to be understood of the imperial cult, the prob-
lematic "Jewish high priest" would be avoided and the main point of the Lucan
story would still be retained. This can be shown by rewording slightly
Haenchen's analysis of the meaning of the episode:
If these highly respected Jewish exorcists, sons of an actual chief priest of the
imperial cult, had experienced such a fiasco, then what Luke wanted to bring
before the eyes of his readers with this story would be palpably clear: so
powerful was Paul's success that the great Jewish exorcists had themselves to
take over the όνοµα which he invoked if they wanted to remain competitive.
But even more, this attempt reveals that no one is able to imitate Paul, the
representative of the Christian church.24
The Jesus that Paul preaches cannot be taken over by outsiders, neither in
Ephesus nor elsewhere.
NOTES
* Originally published in Der Treue Gottes trauen. Beiträge zum Werk des Lukas, Für
Gerhard Schneider (ed. C. Bussmann and W. Radi; Freiburg im B.: Herder, 1991) 299-
305.
1. See H. A. Sanders in Papyri in the University of Michigan Collection: Miscel-
laneous Papyri (ed. J. G. Winter; University of Michigan Studies, Humanistic Series 40;
Michigan Papyri vol. Ill; Ann Arbor: University of Michigan, 1936), 15-16, 18 (papyrus
138). See further his article, "A Papyrus Fragment of Acts in the Michigan Collection,"
HTR 20 (1927) 1-19, esp. 16-18.
2. See M.-E. Boismard and A. Lamouille, Le texte occidental des Actes des Apötres:
Re constitution et rehabilitation (2 vols.; Synthese 17; Paris: Editions Recherche sur les
Civilisations, 1984), 1.193; 2.134. Also Β. Μ. Metzger, TCGNT (2d ed., 1994), 417-18.
3. Ibid., 417; cf. B-A, 93. For an explanation of how "seven" may have been
substituted for "two," see C. C. Torrey, " 'Two Sons' in Acts 19:14," ATR 26 (1944)
253-55. (In the first century Greek β [= 2] looked very much like ς [= 7].) Codex Gigas
of the Vetus Itala reads v. 14 as "filii Sceve duo sacerdotis." J. H. Moulton, A Grammar
of New Testament Greek (3 vols.; 3d ed.; Edinburgh: Clark, 1908-1963), 1.246 mentions
as "an ingenious suggestion" that επτά arose from a gloss, Σκευα = SOW = επτά!
Ingenious is hardly the word for it.
4. Pace A. C. Clark (The Acts of the Apostles: A Critical Edition with Introduction
and Notes on Selected Passages [Oxford: Clarendon, 1970] 123,223), Ιουδαίου is hardly
an interpolation, and Ιερέως is not "indubitably right." It is the other way round.
5. See Papyri (n. 1 above), 18: "The form supplied, σκευ'ΐου. supposes that the
rather rare genitive Σκευά of Doric origin was changed to the common ου genitive ending
of most masculines in -ης and -ας. See Mayser, Grammatik, I, 250f." However, A. C.
Clark (The Acts [n. 4 above], 222) reads line 10 of the papyrus without the restoration
of σκευ at the end and makes ιο[υ] at the beginning of line 11 part of the adjective
"A Certain Sceva, a Jew, A Chief Priest" (Acts 19:14) 337
ιο[υ]δαιου. Similarly, R. Eisler, "The Sons of the Jewish High-Priest Scaeva in EühesiK
(Acts 19:14)," BBezC 12 (1937) 77-78. The restoration of υ is simply not sufficient to
fill the lacuna; something more is needed, as Sanders rightly saw
6. SeeB-A, 1507.
7. See BDF §125.2; but cf. BDR §125.2.
8. Plutarch, Caesar 16.2. Cf. Appian, Bell civ. 2.60.
9. See further SEG 33 (1983) 416 §1476. The fact that the name is attested also
makes improbable the suggestion of E. H. Kase, Jr. (in a review of J. G. Winter's edition
of the Papyri [n. 1 above], AHR 43 [1937-38] 347-48) that Σκευάς has emerged from
dittography. See further B. A. Mastin, "A Note on Acts 19,14," Bib 59 (1978) 97-99.
B-A (1507) still lists an inscription from Miletus (C1G 2889) as also reading the name
Σκευας, but L. Robert (Les gladiateurs dans Vorient grec [Bibliotheque de l'Ecole des
Hautes Etudes 278; Paris: Champion, 1940; repr. Amsterdam: Hakkert, 1971] 180, 182)
has long since interpreted the text more correctly, taking σκευας as an adjective, "left-
handed": Θραιξ σκευας Εΰκαρπος [Σ]αµία vi. α', στ. α', "A left-handed Thracian,
Eukarpos, (belonging [as a slave]) to Samia — won once, crowned once."
X0.EDNT, 1.164.
11. See K. Lake and H. J. Cadbury in The Beginnings of Christianity: Part I The
Acts of the Apostles (ed. F. J. Foakes Jackson and K. Lake; New York: Macmillan,
1922-1939; repr. Grand Rapids: Baker Book House, 1979), 4.241.
12. See E. Schürer, The History of the Jewish People in the Age of Jesus Christ (175
B.C.-A.D. 135) (rev. ed. by G. Vermes et al.; 3 vols, in 4; Edinburgh: Clark, 1973-1987),
2.227-36; cf. E. Schürer, "Die αρχιερείς im Neuen Testamente," TSK 45 (1872) 593-657.
13. See Acts 4:6, και οσοι ήσαν έκ γένους αρχιερατικού, "and as many as were
of the high-priestly family." There John and Alexander are also mentioned, who are
likewise unknown as "high priests" (in the strict sense). Josephus uses the phrase
άρχιερατικον γένος (Ant. 15.3.1 §40). See J.W. 6.2.2 §114, which mentions "the chief
priests Joseph and Jesus and certain sons of chief priests"; cf. J.W. 2.20.4 §566; 4.9.11
§574; 5.13.1 §527; Life 39 §197.
14. The History (n. 12 above), 2.235.
15. Jerusalem in the Time of Jesus (Philadelphia: Fortress, 1969) 178.
16. (2 vols.; Princeton: Princeton University, 1950; repr. Salem, NH: Ayer, 1988)
544; cf. 446-49, 1298-1301.
17. Roman Rule (n. 16 above), 1298-99. See further L. L. Taylor, "The Asiarchs,"
Beginnings (n. 11 above), 5.256-62; C. A. Brandis, "Asiarches (Ασιάρχης)," PW
2.1564-78. Compare Mart. Polycarpi 12:2 and 21; see W. Dittenberger, Orientis graeci
inscriptiones selectae (2 vols.; Hildesheim: Olms, 1970), 2. §495 (Τιβερίου Κλαυδίου
Ιέρωνος, άσιάρχου δις και άρχιερέως δίς).
18. See Ε. Μ. Smallwood, The Jews under Roman Rule: From Pompey to Diocletian
(SJLA20; Leiden: Brill, 1976) 121. y
19. E.g., Aristocrates, άρχιερεύς Άσ[ί]ας των ναών έν Έφέσω (C/G 298/b), or Λ.,
αρχιερέως της Ασίας ναοϋ του έν 'Εφέσω (C1G 2965); or Μ. Aurelius Mindms Matt1-
dianus Pollio, άρχιερεύς Ασίας ναών έν Έφέσω (SEG 4.520). See now the updated list
of chief priests and asiarchs published by M. Rossner, "Asiarchen and Arcniereis Astas,
Studii clasice 16 (1974) 101-42, especially the Anhang, 112-41. riniversitv
20. See further A. Pallis, Nates on St Luke and the Acts (London: Oxford University
[Humphrey Milford], 1928) 71-72.
21. "Acts xix. 14," ExpTim 51 (1945-46) 222. Taylor refers to T. Mommsen, The
Provinces of the Roman Empire from Caesar to Diocletian (2 vols.; New York: Scribner,
1887), 1.347-97, esp. 374-76. Cf. B. Reicke, "Skevas," Biblisch-historisches Hand-
wörterbuch (4 vols.; Göttingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht, 1962-1979), 3.1814. Reicke
thinks that Sceva had gone over to "Hellenismus und Römertum."
22. "Scaeva the Chief Priest/' JTS 27 (1976) 405-12, esp. 406-7.
23. Ibid., 406. In the first instance he refers to PW 10.947f.; in the second, to Ε. Μ.
Smallwood, "Domitian's Attitude toward the Jews and Judaism," CP 51 (1956) 1-13,
esp. 5-9, 12-13.
24. The Acts of the Apostles: A Commentary (Philadelphia: Westminister, 1971)565.
PartIV
FURTHER
PAULINE
TOPICS
Seventeen
Κεφαλή IN 1 CORINTHIANS 11:3 *
HAVING ONCE STUDIED the meaning of kephale in 1 Corinthians 11:3,11 return

to the subject to discuss it yet again in order to relate it to a number of recent
discussions of the topic.
The Greek text of 1 Corinthians 11:3 reads:
θέλω δε υµάς είδέναι οτι

παντός ανδρός ή κεφαλή ό Χριστός έστιν,
κεφαλή δε γυναικός ό άνήρ,
κεφαλή δε τοϋ Χριστού ό Θεός.
But I want you to understand that

Christ is the head of every man,
man is the head of woman,
and God is the head of Christ.
The meaning of kephale in this passage has been much debated in recent
times.* Since in verse 3 it cannot mean "head" in the physical, anatomical sense
as it does in verses 4, 5, 7, and 10 of the same chapter of 1 Connthians, itmust
be used figuratively; but then does it mean "head," like the head of a * P ^ £
or does it mean "source," like the source of a river? Tlus is the debat ο «
Wayne Grudem investigated 2,336 instances in Greek itera^ture from the
eighth century B.C. to the fourth cenUuy A.D. and c o n « th t theâre 4
examples of its meaning "head" in the sense of a ruler ο
authority over" someone else: 12 in the New Testament, 13 in the LAA,
other Greek Old Testament translations, 2 from Herodotus 1 from Plato, 1 h o ^
the Testaments of the Twelve Patriarchs, 7 from Plutarcn, D ^ but
the Apostolic Fathers, 1 from the Greek Anthology, ^ ^ ^
no indisputable instances of its meaning "source in e
However, R. S. Cervin, in an article of markedly polemical tone, contested

Grudem's conclusions, dismissing the Pauline evidence as "illegitimate/' because
the instances are themselves disputed, and the Septuagintal occurrences are "trans-
lations," hence "influenced by the original language." He also maintained that
many of the instances from nonbiblical Greek literature before the Byzantine
period were used only in a metaphorical sense and do not mean "ruler" outright.
He further asserted that kephale does not mean "source" in Herodotus 4.91, and
perhaps also in Orphic Fragment 21-21 A; Artemidorus Daldianus, 1.2; 1.35; 3.66;
Testament of Reuben 2:2; and Philo, De praemiis et poenis 19 §114; 20 §125. In
conclusion, he asked, "Does kephale denote 'authority over' or 'leader'? And he
answered, "No. The only clear and unambiguous examples of such a meaning stem
from the Septuagint and The Shepherd of Hermas, and the metaphor may very well
have been influenced from Hebrew in the LXX."3 Grudem then replied with a
lengthy article, answering most of Cervin's objections and discussing the data
brought forth by other writers (B. and A. Mickelsen, R. A. Tucker, P. B. Payne,
W. L. Liefeld, G. Bilezikian, C. C. Kroeger, and G. D. Fee) and myself.4
My purpose now is to review this discussion in an irenic fashion and try to
derive from it what seems to be certain about the meaning of kephale in Greek
literature and its bearing on the Pauline passage in question. I, too, have made
use of the CD-ROM supplied by the Thesaurus Linguae Grecae and checked
many of the examples to corroborate my findings.
First, there are many instances in Greek literature where kephale means
"head" in the physical, anatomical sense (of a human being or an animal).
Grudem counted 2,034 instances. This would be the sense of the word in
1 Corinthians 11:4, 5, 7, and 10.
Second, there are also a good number of instances in which kephale, as the
most important part of the human body, stands for the whole person, often being
used in an apostrophe or salutation, for example, phile kephale, "Dear Head"
(Homer, Iliad 8.281; cf. Plato, Phaedrus 264a; Euripides, Rhesus 226; Plutarch,
Moralia 629d-e). This usage has no pertinence to the Pauline passage.
Third, kephale has the sense of "source" in the following passages:
(a) Herodotus, History 4.91 (where kephalai is clearly used in conjunction with
pegai, "springs," and hence denotes the "sources" of a river).
(b) Orphic Fragment 21A (where kephale is used of Zeus as the "beginning"
of all things; a variant reading arche there even supports this meaning; and
a scholion interprets it as has poietikon ait ion, "as [the] producing cause").5
(c) Philo, De congressu quaerendae eruditionis gratia 12 §61 (where kephale
is used of Esau as the progenitor of a clan and explained as ho genarches
estin Esau, "Esau is the first ancestor").
(d) Philo, De praemiis et poenis 20 §125 (where kephale is used allegorically
as the "source" of the spiritual life of good people in the human race).
«fit
Κεφαλή in I Corinthians 11:3

343
(e) Testament of Reuben 2.2 (where kephale is used in the sense of the "origin"
of deeds of rebellious youth: "Seven spirits were set by Beliar against a
human being, and they are the source of youthful deeds" [kephale tön ergön
neöterismou]).
(f) Artemidorus Daldianus, Oneirocriticon 1.2; 1.35; 3.66 (where kephale is
used metaphorically of a father as the "cause" and "source" of life).
(g) Life of Adam and Eve 19:3 (where kephale is used in the sense of the
"origin" of all sin).6
These examples show that kephale could indeed be used in the sense of
"source." Though it does not occur in as many instances as kephale in the sense
of "ruler, leader," it is a legitimate ancient sense of the word. It could be, then,
the meaning intended in 1 Corinthians 11:3, as claimed by writers such as
Barrett, Bruce, Cervin, Cope, Delobel, the Mickelsens, and Murphy-O'Connor.7
The question still remains, however, whether that meaning suits the context of
1 Cor 11:3 or whether it is any better than the traditional understanding of
kephale as "leader, ruler."
Fourth, kephale has the meaning of "leader, ruler, person in authority" in
the following passages:
(a) Plato, Timaeus 44d (where kephale is used of the physical head of the human
body, but Plato says of it, ho theiotaton te estin kai tön en hymin pantön
despotoun, "which is the most divine [part] and governor of everything
within us"). 8
(b) LXX, Judg 11:11 (where Hebrew wayäsimä ha am 'ötö rälehem lew's
üleqäsin is translated katestesan auton ep' autön eis kephalen eis hegou-
menon in ms. A or kai eis archegon in ms. B), "and they made him head
and leader over them." The second word in each case specifies the nuance
of kephale. Obviously, the Greek translator thought that kephale could bear
that nuance, and it is not derived merely from the second word.
(c) LXX, 2 Sam 22:44 (where David praises God because he will preserve him,
eis kephalen ethnön, "to be the head/leader of nations").9
(d) LXX, Ps 18:43 (where the same phrase occurs: eis kephale ethnön).
(e) LXX, Isa 7:8-9 (where the son of Remaliah is called kephale Somorön, not
just preeminent in Samaria, but its "head," i.e., its leader).1
(f) LXX, Jer 38:7 (in Hebrew: 31:7), where kephalen ethnön occurs, and the
RSV translates it "the chief of the nations").
(g) In four further instances the LXX uses the contrast between kephale^
"head," and oura, "tail," in a figurative sense: Deut 28:13, 44; Isa y.iJ-i ^
19:15 (here kephale has the connotation of "authority" or supremacy ).
<W Philo, De speciality legibus 3.33 §184 (where Philo ™Ρ1™^*^™
of the head to the body, saying ten tou sömatos hegemoman he physis anepse
kephale charisamene, "Nature conferred the leadership of the body on the

head"),
(i) Josephus, J.W. 4.4.3 §261 (where Josephus calls Jerusalem ten kephalen
holou tou ethnous, "the head of the whole nation," by which he clearly
means the capital or leading, not just preeminent, city in the nation),
(j) The Shepherd of Hermas, Similitudes 13 (where the shepherd is considered
to be he kephale tou oikou, "the head of the household").
(k) Plutarch, Pelopidas 2.1 (where the general of an army is said to resemble
the head of a body).
(1) Plutarch, Cicero 14.6 (where kephale is used by Catiline of himself as the
"head" of the republic, i.e., its leader).
(m) Plutarch, Galba A3 (where Galba is urged to become the kephale of a strong
province that was seeking a governor, i.e., one to rule over it).
(n) Libanius, Oration 20.3 (where kephale is used in both the literal and figu-
rative senses of the word; in the latter case it is used of "kings," who are
understood as "leaders"),
(o) Libanius, Oration 52.18 (where kephale is again used of an emperor).
In addition to these instances, one might also mention a few instances where
the meaning is not clear, whether one should understand it as "leader" or as
"preeminent one." Thus:
(p) Philo, De vita Mosis 2.5 §30 (where Ptolemy Π Philadelphus is called
kephalen tropon Una tön basileön, "in some sense the head of kings"),
(q) Philo, De praemiis et poenis 19 §114 (where an individual or a city that is
superior is likened to the head over a body).
In at least a dozen of the foregoing passages, then, kephale clearly has the
sense of "ruler" or "leader," and in some cases it is even so explained. This
means that although kephale does not occur in the early Greek writings in the
sense of "ruler, leader" or "person having authority over" someone or some-
thing, that meaning does begin to appear in Greek literature in the last pre-
Christian centuries and at the beginning of the Christian era. Hence, there is
little reason to doubt that a Hellenistic Jewish writer like Paul of Tarsus could
have intended kephale in 1 Cor 11:3 to have that meaning.
In five of the passages the term is found in the LXX.12 Cervin would write
off this evidence, because such instances are translations of Hebrew ro's, and
so the meaning would be colored by the original, but the matter is not so simple.
Even if Greek translators of the LXX in most cases (109 out of 180 cases)
translated w*s in the sense of "leader" as archön, the few instances (perhaps 8
in all) in which they did not do so show that Greek kephale could tolerate such
a meaning; otherwise, it would not have been so used by them.
It is true that neither Liddell-Scott-Jones (9th ed.),13 nor Moulton-Milligan,
nor Preisigke, nor Chantraine has listed kephale in the sense of "ruler" or
Κεφαλή in 1 Corinthians I]:3
345
"leader" in his dictionary.^ That meaning, however, is found in the dictionaries

of F. Passow15 and H. van Herwerden. 16
Finally, I terminate this overview by adding some of the ways that writers
in the patristic period have used the word kephale or interpreted 1 Cor 11*3
Such writers may have derived what has been called the Byzantine sense of
kephale from what they considered the figurative meaning of this Corinthian
passage. Kephale in the sense of "leader, ruler" is found in a passage of
Athanasius that I have already quoted, which refers to some bishops as kephalai
tosoutön ekklesiön, "heads of such great churches" (Apol. II contra Arianos
89; PG 25.409A). 17 To this example I add a few others. Gregory of Nyssa, in
referring to Peter, says of him: mnemoneuetai Petros he kephale tön apostolön,
"Peter, the head of the apostles, is recalled (and with him the rest of the
members of the church are glorified)" (Encomium in Sanctum Stephanum 2.46;
PG 46.733). John Chrysostom, speaking of the emperor, says: Basileus gar
esti koryphe kai kephale tön epi tes ges anthröpön hapantön, "For the king is
the summit and head of all men on earth" (Ad populum antiochenum 2.2; PG
49.36). Similarly, he says of Antioch: tön garpoleon ton hypo ten heö keimenön
kephale kai meter estin he polis he hemetera, "Of all the cities that lie in the
East our city is the head and mother" (ibid., 3.1).18 Pseudo-Chrysostom asks
about Peter, ho stylos tes ekklesias, he krepis tes pisteös, he kephale tou chorou
tön apostolön, ho Petros, ouk arnesato ton Christon kai hapax kai dis kai
fro; "Did not that pillar of the church, that foundation of faith, that head of
the chorus of the apostles, deny Christ once and twice and thrice?" (In Psalmum
50; PG 55.581).
To such patristic use of kephale one would have to add the many places in
patristic literature where comments are made on 1 Cor 11:3 or use is made of
it. In these places the sense of kephale as "leader, ruler, one having authority
over" is clear. To cite, for instance, Clement of Alexandria: "Therefore the head
is the leading part (kephale toinyn to hegemonikon). And if [the] Lord is the
head of the man, the man is the head of the woman" (Stromateis 4.8.63; GCS
52.277). Then Clement quotes Ephesians 5:21-25.
In discussing the different parts of the high priest's robes and headdress,
Clement explains the mitre as symbolic of the headship of Christ as Logos, by
whom all was made and to whom all is subjected: "It is the symbol of heaven
made by the Word and subjected to Christ, the head of all things" (Stromateis
5.6.37; GCS 52.352).
When John Chrysostom comments on 1 Cor 11:3, he says,
. . . as the man rules over the woman,. . . so too the Father [rules over] Christ.
Therefore just as Christ [rules over] the man, so too the Father rules over the
Son. For he says, "Christ is the head of every man." . . . For if to the extent
that the Son is superior to us, to that extent the Father [is superior] to the Son,
consider to what degree you will bring him. (In Epistolam I ad Connthios,
Homily 26:2; PG 61.214)
Chrysostom significantly adds, "But who will stand for this?" Then he explains.
. . . If [by "head"] Paul had meant to speak about rule and subjection, he would
not have used the example of a wife, but that of a slave and a master. What
does it matter if the wife is subject to us [men]? She is subject as a wife, as
free, and as equal in honor. For with us it is reasonable for the wife to be subject
to the husband, since equality of honor causes contention.
This may save Chrysostom from being a misogynist, but it still reveals that he
understood "head" as meaning "having authority over."
Given such a traditional interpretation of 1 Cor 11:3, 19 one will have to
marshall cogent and convincing arguments to say that Paul intended kephale in
that verse to mean "source" and not "one having authority over." Those who
have claimed that "source" is the meaning intended by Paul have offered no
other argument than their claim that kephale would not have meant "ruler, leader,
one having authority over" in Paul's day. The evidence brought forth above
shows that it was certainly possible for a Hellenistic Jewish writer such as Paul
to use the word in that sense. Hence, their argument has collapsed, and the
traditional understanding of 1 Cor 11:3 has to be retained.
NOTES
* Originally published in Interpretation 47 (1993) 52-59. This essay was part of a tribute
to Paul Achtemeier on the occasion of his sixty-fifth birthday.
1. See "Another Look at Kephale in 1 Corinthians 11.3," NTS 35 (1989) 503-11;
repr. in my book, According to Paul: Studies in the Theology of the Apostle (New
York/Mahwah, NJ: Paulist, 1993) 80-88, 146-48.
2. In addition to my earlier article (n. 1 above), see S. Bedale, "The Meaning of
kephale in the Pauline Epistles," JTS 5 (1954) 211-25; G. Bilezikian, "A Critical Exami-
nation of Wayne Grudem's Treatment of kephale in Ancient Greek Texts," Beyond Sex
Roles (2d ed.; Grand Rapids: Baker, 1990) 215-52; R. E. Cervin, "Does kephale Mean
'Source' or 'Authority over' in Greek Literature? A Rebuttal," TrinJ 10 (1989) 85-112;
L. Cope, "1 Cor. 11:2-16: One Step Further," JBL 97 (1978) 435-36; P. Cotterell and
M. Turner, Linguistics and Biblical Interpretation (London: SPCK, 1989) 141-45;
J. Delobel, "1 Cor 11:2-16: Toward a Coherent Explanation," L'Apotre Paul: Per-
sonalita, style et conception du ministere (BETL 73; ed. A. Vanhoye; Louvain: Leuven
University/Peeters, 1986) 369-89; G. D. Fee, The First Epistle to the Corinthians (NIC;
Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1987) 501-5; W. Grudem, "Does kephale ('Head') Mean
'Source' or 'Authority Over' in Greek Literature? A Survey of 2,336 Examples," TrinJ
6 (1985) 38-59; "The Meaning of kephale ('Head'): A Response to Recent Studies,"
'Tu:
Κεφαλή in 1 Corinthians 11:3

347
TrinJ 11 (1990) 3-72; C. C. Kroeger, "The Classical Concept of Head as 'Source' "
Equal to Serve (ed. G. Gaebelein; Old Tappan, NJ: RevelL 1987) 267-83- W L Liefeld
"Women, Submission and Ministry in 1 Corinthians," Women, Authority, and the Bible
(ed. B. and A. Mickelsen; Downers Grove, IL: InterVaristy, 1986) 134-60, esp 136-48"
B. and A. Mickelsen, "Does Male Dominance Tarnish Our Translations?" ChrT 23
(1978-79) 1312-18; "What Does kephale Mean in the New Testament?" Women, Author-
ity, and the Bible (see above), 97-110; J. Murphy-O'Connor, "Interpolations in' 1 Corin-
thians," CBQ 48 (1986) 81-94, esp. 87-90; "The Non-Pauline Character of 1 Corinthians
11:2-16?" JBL 95 (1976) 615-21; "Sex and Logic in 1 Corinthians 11:2-16," CBQ 42
(1980) 482-500, esp. 491-94; P. B. Payne, "Response," Women, Authority, and the Bible
(see above), 118-32; R. Scroggs, "Paul and the Eschatological Woman," JAAR 40 (1972)
283-303; "Paul and the Eschatological Woman: Revisited," JAAR 42 (1974) 532-37;
"Paul: Chauvinist or Liberationist?" ChrC 89 (1972) 307-9; R. A. Tucker, "A Response,"'
Women, Authority, and the Bible (see above), 111-17.
See further M. D. Hooker, "Authority on Her Head: An Examination of I Cor.
xi.10," NTS 10 (1963-64) 410-16; A. Jaubert, "Le voile des femmes (I Cor. xi.2-16),"
NTS 18 (1971-72)419-30; J. P. Meier, "On the Veiling of Hermeneutics(l Cor 11:2-16),"
CBQ 40 (1978) 212-26; J. Murphy-O'Connor, "1 Corinthians 11:2-16 Once Again,"
CBQ 50 (1988) 165-74; R. Oster, "When Men Wore Veils to Worship: The Historical
Context of 1 Corinthians 11.4," NTS 34 (1988) 481-505; C. L. Thompson, "Hairstyles,
Head-Coverings, and St. Paul: Portraits from Roman Corinth," BA 51 (1988) 99-115;
G. W. Trompf, "On Attitudes toward Women in Paul and Paulinist Literature: 1 Corinthi-
ans 11:3-16 and Its Context," CBQ 42 (1980) 196-215; W. O. Walker, "1 Corinthians
11:2-16 and Paul's Views regarding Women," JBL 94 (1975) 94-110.
3. Cervin, "Does kephale Mean" (n. 2 above) 112.
4. See the references in n. 2 above.
5. This text can also be found in Eusebius, Praeparatio evangelica 3.9.2.
6. See M. D. Johnson's translation in J. H. Charlesworth (ed.), The Old Testament
Pseudepigrapha (2 vols.; Garden City, NY: Doubleday, 1983, 1985), 2.279.
7. See the references in n. 2 above and also in NTS 35 (1989) 505-6.
8. Pace Cervin, the fact that Plato uses despotoun here (lit., "lording over" [neuter
active participle of despotein]) shows that he does not understand kephale merely as "the
preeminent part of the human body" (p. 95). It is clearly the part that exercises authority
over the rest. Even though Plato is speaking of the anatomical head, he attributes to it
precisely the quality in kephale that means "ruler."
9. This phrase is often repeated in the writings of later patristic authors, e.g.,
Eusebius, De die dominica 60, 79, 80, 146, 194.
10. See the comment on this Isaian passage in NTS 35 (1989) 507.
11. See my comments, NTS 35 (1989) 508-9.
12. One might also add the occurrence of kephale in Judg 10:18; 11:8, 9, wheretne
codices Alexandrinus, Coislinianus, and Basiliano-Vaticanus read it, whereas codex -
icanus rather has archön. Clearly the Greek scribe who produced the translation in those
codices saw no difficulty in rendering Hebrew ws in the sense of leader zskepnai ,
the meaning that the Hebrew ws has: "ruler, leader" of the inhabitants ο ™ .
13. Under IV.3, kephale is defined as "head" of persons in the 7thând 8th ed. i o ^
of Liddell-Scott, as a Byzantine usage (p. 801); but that meaning is omitted in
edition.
14. So Payne, "Response" (n. 2 above), 118-32.

15. Handwörterbuch der griechischen Sprache (2 vols.; Leipzig: Vogel, 1831),
1.1270: "5) übertr. Hauptperson. . . ."
16. Lexicon graecum suppletorium et dialecticum (2 vols.; Leiden: Sijthoff, 1910)
797: "Λα,"citing Libanius, Or. 52.18.
17. See NTS 35 (1989) 510.
18. Chrysostom's commentary on Isa 7:5-9, which I quoted in NTS 35 (1989) 507,
and to which I referred previously, is worthy of attention, since it clearly shows that
Chrysostom understood kephale in the sense of "having authority over" someone or
something: "all'he kephale Aram Damaskos": he arche autou, phesin, he exousia autou
en DamaskÖ stesetai kai peraitero ou probesetai. "kai he kephale Damaskou Rhasen";
kai ho archön Damaskou, phesi, kai ho kratön Rhasen estai, toutestin, en tois autou
menei kai pleiona ou prosthesei dynamin autö. " 'The head of Aram is Damascus':
Sovereignty over it, he says, authority over it will stay in Damascus, and it will not spread
beyond [it]. 'And the head of Damascus is Rezin': The ruler of Damascus, he says, and
the one who exercises authority will be Rezin; that is, he will remain in its [territory]
and will not add to it further power" (In Isaiam 7.3; SC 304.306). Again, "ΑΙΓ estai he
kephale Ephraim": toutestin, tön deka phylön, "he Samareia. " ekei gar en he basileia.
kai ouk ektathesetai peraitero. kai he kephale Samareias ho basileus ton Israel, hoper
epi tou Damaskenou elege, touto kai entautha delön, hoti ouden pleon hexousin, hön nyn
katechousin. " 'But the head of Ephraim,' that is, of the ten tribes, 'will be Samaria.' For
there was their kingship, and it will not spread beyond [it]. And the head of Samaria is
the king of Israel. What he said about the Damascene, that he declares here too, that they
will not have more than what they now have" (ibid.).
19. To the evidence of the Greek patristic writers cited, one could also add many
Latin writers of the same period, who similarly explain 1 Cor 11:3 or use a phrase from
it, showing this traditional meaning. I have not cited this evidence in the body of the
article, because Latin caput clearly had the figurative sense of "ruler, leader, one having
authority over." The Oxford Latin Dictionary (ed. P. G. W. Glare; Oxford: Clarendon,
1968-82) 275 cites many instances in classical Latin literature of caput in the sense of
"the prime mover or leader (in any action), ring-leader, principle" (§13) and also in the
sense of "the leading person or persons" (in state, confederacy, etc., §34). As an example
of Latin writers in the patristic period one could quote Tertullian, Adversus Marcionem
5.8.1: "Caput uiri Christus est. Quis Christus? Qui non est uiri auctor? Caput enim ad
auctoritatem posuit, auctoritas autem non alterius erit quam auctoris" (CCLat 1.685).
See further the article of Tucker, "Response" (n. 2 above).
Eighteen
THE CONSECUTIVE MEANING OF
έφ' φ IN ROMANS 5:12*
THE PASSAGE OF ROMANS 5:12-21 has long been a crux interpretum, and espe-
cially v. 12 in that passage. This verse reads:
δια τοϋτο ώσπερ δι' ενός άνθρωπου ή αµαρτία εις τον κόσµον είσήλθεν και
δια της αµαρτίας ό θάνατος, και οΰτως εις πάντας ανθρώπους ό θάνατος
διήλθεν, έφ* ω πάντες ήµαρτον.
This has usually been translated:
"Therefore, just as sin came into the world through one man, and death came
through sin, and so death spread to all because all have sinned" (NRSV).
Four problems confront the interpreter in this verse, the meaning of και
οΰτως, the meaning of θάνατος, the meaning of ήµαρτον, and in particular the
meaning of έφ' φ. If I now return to a discussion of the last item, it is because
of the recent writing of a full-scale commentary on the Letter to the Romans
for the Anchor Bible series. I have realized that much more could be said about
έφ' ω than past discussions of it have undertaken. Many proposals have been
made over the centuries for the understanding of this phrase; some of them have
merit, and others little merit. In my own study of this Pauline writing over the
last few decades, I have normally gone along with most recent interpreters of
the phrase έφ' φ and understood it in a causal sense, "since, inasmuch as." 1
Recent study of the phrase, however, has led me to reconsider that meaning.
My study has been aided by access to occurrences of the phrase in Greek
literature that are now available in the use of the CD-ROM of the Thesaurus
Linguae Graecae,2 So I should like now to present some of the new evidence
349
uncovered, which, I believe, bears on the interpretation of this phrase in Romans

in an important way.3
My discussion of έφ' ω will fall into three parts: (1) a survey of various
meanings of έφ' ω that have been proposed for Rom 5:12 and of problems that
they involve; (2) an assessment of instances of έφ' φ in Greek literature that
bear on the Pauline verse; and (3) a conclusion that can be drawn from such an
assessment.
L Survey of Various Meanings of έφ' φ Proposed for Rom 5:12
In studying the meanings proposed for έφ' φ over past centuries and decades, I
have found that some of them have often been used, and others not so frequently.
A look at them reveals the problems that confront anyone who studies Rom
5:12. In general, the various meanings fall into two categories, depending on
whether έφ' φ is understood as a phrase introducing a relative clause or as the
equivalent of a conjunction.
First of all, the meanings that treat it as introducing a relative clause or that
treat φ as a relative pronoun:
(1) "In whom," with the masculine pronoun, referring to Adam. It would
imply the incorporation of all human beings in the first parent. This meaning is
based on the VL and Vg translation "in quo" and was commonly used in the
western church by many theologians since Ambrosiaster.4 Augustine, who at
first (A.D. 412) explained the antecedent of "quo" as either sin ("peccatum")
or Adam ("ille unus homo"),5 later (A.D. 420) opted for Adam, when he realized
that the Greek word for sin (αµαρτία) was feminine.6 The Augustinian inter-
pretations were generally followed by Latin theologians: either "sive in Adamo,
sive in peccato" (Peter Chrysologus, Ps.-Primasius, Ps.-Bede, Thomas Aquinas,
and Denis of Chaitres) or "in Adamo" (Sedulius, Fulgentius of Ruspe, Walafrid
Strabo, Alexander of Hales, Hugh of Saint-Cher, and Bonaventura). The latter
interpretation was unknown to the Greek Fathers before John Damascene.
Incorporation of humanity in Adam would not have been an impossible idea
for Paul, and it is sometimes further explained by invoking the Old Testament
idea of corporate personality or solidarity.7 Yet if Paul had meant "in whom"
(in the sense of incorporation), he would have written εν φ, just as he writes εν
Αδάµ in 1 Cor 15:22.8 Moreover, ενός άνθρωπου as the personal antecedent of
the relative pronoun is too far removed in the sentence from the pronoun.
(2) "Because of whom," with the masculine pronoun, referring to Adam,
i.e., because of whom all have sinned. So several Greek Fathers: John Chrysos-
tom,9 Theodoret of Cyrrh,10 John Damascene,11 Theophylact,12 and possibly
Oecumenius.13 In modern times they have been followed by J. Cambier.14 Again
this interpretation encounters the difficulty that ενός άνθρωπου as the antecedent
The Consecutive Meaning of έφ' φ in Romans 5:12 351
of the relative pronoun is too far removed and that Paul is actually saying that
all human beings have indeed sinned. The. causality is not solely Adamic
(3) "Because of the one by whom," an interpretation in which έφ' φ is
explained as an ellipse for έπι τούτω έφ' φ and which understands ω as mascu-
line, referring to Adam. It would thus imply "a relationship between the state
of sin and its initiator"; so L. Cerfaux.15 But it is not clear that the phrase is
elliptical, or that the preposition έπί is meant to have two different meaning,
"because of" and "by," in such close proximity.
(4) "After whom," with the masculine pronoun referring to Adam. So J. F.
Schleusner.16
(5) 'To the extent that all have sinned," an interpretation that understands
έφ' φ as neuter and equal to καθ' ö. So Cyril of Alexandria,17 and in modern
times J. Meyendorff.18 A. Nygren also seems to align himself with this mean-
ing.19 Cyril, however, understood it to mean that all sinned in imitation of Adam:
της εν Αδάµ παραβάσεως γεγοναµεν µιµηταί, a meaning that Pelagius also
used, even though he understood έφ' φ as "in quo."
(6) "On the grounds of which," or "because of which," an interpretation
that takes θάνατος, "death," as the antecedent of masculine φ and considers
death as the origin or ground of human sin. So J. Leipoldt,20 H. Schlier,21
Κ. Galling,22 and possibly even R. Bultmann.23 But this meaning is hard to
reconcile with 5:21; 6:23, where death is regarded as the result of sin, not its
source. This interpretation seems to put the cart before the horse.24
(7) "Toward which," again with θάνατος as the antecedent, but expressing
the end or goal of human sin. So J. Hering25 and E. Stauffer.26 But this meaning
is farfetched.
(8) "On the basis of what (law) all sinned," understanding νόµω from the
general context and especially v. 13. So F. W. Danker.27 But that introduces into
the sentence and the verse a notion that is not clearly envisaged.28
(9) "On the basis of which," "under which circumstances," with the ante-
cedent understood as the preceding clauses in the verse. So T. Zahn,29 who thus
stresses the fact of, and the reason for, the universality of sin. Of the relative-
pronoun understandings of έφ' φ, this one makes the best sense, and it has
extrabiblical parallels.30 With this meaning the aorist ήµαρτον could have the
timeless or omnitemporal meaning "sin" (equalling "are sinners").31
The preceding nine interpretations understand έφ' φ as introducing a relative
clause. The following interpretations, however, understand it as the equivalent
of a conjunction. , .. n
(10) "Since, because, inasmuch as," the equivalent of the causal conjunction
διότι, or as the equivalent of the phrase έπί τούτω δτι, "auf Grund der Tatsache
dass," "weil," 'Vest pourquoi,"^ as many modern commentators understand
it, who often compare 2 Cor 5:4; Phil 3:12; 4:10» So ^ ^ ' „ ^
Bardenhewer, Barrett, Bengel, Bonsirven, Brandenburger, Bruce, Bultmann,
Byrne, Cranfield, Dibelius, Dodd, Dunn, Gaugier, Huby, Käsemann, Kümmel,

Kuss, Lagrange, Lindeskog, Meyer, Michel, Moo, Moule, Murray, Pesch, Prat,
Sanday-Headlam, Schlier, Wilckens, and Winer. F. Montagnini thinks that έφ'
φ is the equivalent of Hebrew p *?V and would translate it as "ecco perche,"34
which is only a refinement of the commonly used "since." This interpretation
would ascribe to human beings an individual responsibility for death.
The trouble with this interpretation is that there are almost no certain
instances in Greek literature where έφ' ω is used as the equivalent of causal
διότι. The fourteenth-century grammarian Thomas Magister is quoted as saying
that έφ' φ stands for διότι,35 but he gives only the dubious example of Synesius
quoted below, which others interpret differently. Moreover, alleged examples in
the Pauline corpus apart from Rom 5:12 are far from certain. To these I shall
return below.
Hence, one has to take with a grain of salt the statement of Photius that
myriad examples of this expression in the causal sense can be found.36 For
S. Lyonnet seems to have been right after all in saying that "the alleged current
use" of έφ' φ for δτι or διότι "has in no way been proved."37
(11) "In view of the fact that, on condition that," an interpretation that
employs the proviso meaning of neuter έφ' φ understood as a conjunction, as
in classical and Hellenistic Greek. So R. Rothe,38 J. H. Moulton,39 S. Lyonnet,40
and M. Black.41 Έφ' φ, then, would be taken to mean that Paul is expressing a
condition or proviso about the ratification of Adam's sin by the sins of all
individuals. He would thus be conceding to individual human sins a secondary
causality or personal responsibility for death.
Normally, however, έφ' φ, expressing a proviso, governs a future indicative
or an infinitive. Paul uses it in Rom 5:12 with an aorist indicative, which has
always created a difficulty for understanding the phrase in the proviso sense.
An example of it with an aorist indicative, apart from the instance in Phil 3:12,
has been cited by Lyonnet from a letter of fourth-century Bp. Synesius,42 which
expresses a fulfilled condition: και τον ήλιον ειδεν έπι ρητοϊς άνθρωπος έφ' φ
Γεννάδιον έγράψατο, "and a person saw the sun (only) on condition that he
wrote (an accusation against) Gennadius."43
A. J. M. Wedderburn has questioned whether έφ' φ in the proviso sense
with an aorist indicative would really differ from the causal sense (§ 10 above).44
Perhaps not, but then why would Paul have written έφ' φ, when he could have
written διότι, if he had meant "since, because"?
In any case, it has been said that the last two meanings, both proviso and
causal, seem to make Paul say in 5:12d something contradictory to what he says
in 5:12a-c. At the beginning of v. 12 sin and death are ascribed to Adam; now
death seems to be owing to human acts. This difficulty was perceived by
H. Lietzmann.45
This survey of the various meanings given to έφ' φ over the centuries
provides the background for the further discussion of the phrase that I should
now like to undertake.
IL Assessment of Instances ofέφ' φ in Greek Literature
I shall pass over the numerous instances in which έφ' φ is used to introduce a
normal relative clause and where it means something like "for which" or "on
which," as well as most of those instances in which it is elliptical, standing for
έπι τούτω έφ' φ. My concern is rather with what has sometimes been called the
improper use of έφ' φ, when it is the equivalent of a conjunction. In this category
1 list four usages.
(12) An Elliptical Use. This is the ubiquitous use of έφ' φ in Aristotle,
especially in his philosophical, physical, or mathematical writings, which I find
mentioned nowhere in grammars. The phrase is often omitted in free translations,
being simply passed over. One instance of it will suffice. In his Nicomachean
Ethics, Aristotle writes:
Ποιεί δε την άντίδοσιν τήν κατ' άναλογίαν ή κατά διάµετρον σύζευξις,
οίον οικοδόµοςέφ'ω Α, σκυτοτόµοςέφ1 φ Β, οικίαέφ'φΓ, υπόδηµα έφ'ωΔ . . . ,
"diagonal conjunction produces proportional requital; for example, let A be a
builder, Β a shoemaker, Ca house, and Da shoe.. / ' (5.5.8 [1133a 6-9]).
In this case, one should probably translate οικοδόµος έφ' φ A literally as
"(Let) a builder (be that) for which (the name is) A."46 Many, many other
examples of this Aristotelian usage could be given.47 It has no bearing, however,
on the Pauline usage, but is mentioned here merely for the sake of completeness.
(13) The Proviso Use. As already mentioned, έφ' φ in this construction is used
with the future indicative or the infinitive, or on rare occasions with the subjunctive
or optative, especially in later Greek.48 This proviso usage is well discussed by
grammarians.49 To be noted is that Schwyzer, Kühner-Gerth, and Smyth relate this
proviso usage of έφ' φ to consecutive ώστε. To this relationship I shall return.
(14) The Causal Use. The causal sense of έφ' φ is thought to be valid for
2 Cor 5:4. This Pauline verse reads,
και γαρ oi οντες έν τω σκήνει στενάζοµεν βαρούµενοι, έφ' φ οΰ θέλοµεν

έκδύσασθαι αλλ' έπενδύσασθαι, ϊνα καταποθη το θνητόν ύπό της ζωής.
"For while we are in this tent we groan and are weighed down» because we do
not wish to be unclothed but to be further clothed, so that what is mortal may
be swallowed up by life.*'
So the revised New Testament of the NAB renders it, and the NRSV, NIV,
and REB similarly use "because." The RSV, however, has simply " . . . we sigh
with anxiety; not that we would be unclothed. . . ." 5 0 There is, moreover, a
variant reading επειδή in minuscule manuscripts 7*, 20*, and 93, 51 which would
support the causal meaning of εφ' φ, and the Vg translation has "eo quod." 52
But the sense seems rather to be that of a relative clause with έπί expressing
cause: "we are weighed down because of that which we do not want to take
off, but (because of that which we want) to put on." Indeed, Μ. Ε. Thrall and
N. Baumert have contested the causal-conjunction meaning of έφ' φ in 2 Cor
5:4. Thrall insists that it means "on condition that," as in classical usage, 53
whereas Baumert takes it as the equivalent έπι τούτω ο. 54 if the sense were truly
causal here, it would be an instance with the present indicative θέλοµεν, and
not with the aorist indicative, as in Rom 5:12.
The aorist tense, however, does occur in Phil 3:12:
ούχ δτι ήδη έλαβον ή ήδη τετελείωµοα, διώκω δε εί και καταλάβω, έφ' ω και
κατελήµφθην ύπ6 Χρίστου [Ίησοΰ].
"Not that I have already obtained this or am already perfect; but I press on to
make it my own, because Christ Jesus has made me his own" (RSV, similarly
NRSV).
Though this translation may seem correct, the NN renders the text differ-
ently: ". . . but I press on to take hold of that for which Christ Jesus took hold
of me." 5 5 This rendering understands έφ' ω as elliptical for τοΰτο έφ' φ, which
wholly eliminates the causal sense. 56 In my opinion, the latter understanding is
considerably better.
Again, in Phil 4:10 we read:
έχάρην δέ εν κυρίω µεγάλως δτι ήδη ποτέ άνεθάλετε το υπέρ έµοϋ φρονεϊν,
έφ' φ καΐ έφρονεϊτε, ήκαιρεϊσθε δε.
"I rejoice in the Lord greatly that now at length you have revived your concern
for me; you were indeed concerned for me, but you had no opportunity." (RSV)
The revised New Testament of the NAB and the NRSV imitate the omission
of έφ' φ, and the MV translates similarly, avoiding the issue. 57 I suspect that the
real sense of the text is the following: "you have revived your concern for me,
for whom you were once indeed concerned, but lacked the opportunity"; or
possibly "with regard to which" (i.e., το υπέρ έµοϋ φρονεϊν) you were once
concerned.58 In any case, there is no solid reason to read the causal sense of έφ'
φ in either of the Philippians passages or in Rom 5:12.
Moreover, most of the examples of έφ' φ in the alleged causal sense cited
from elsewhere in Greek literature by BAG or B-A are simply invalid. They do
The Consecutive Meaning of έφ" φ in Romans 5:12 355
not mean "since" as a conjunction and have not been so rendered in standard
translations of such texts. Thus, έφ' φ in Diodorus Siculus, Bibi hist. 19.98,
means "because of this" or "for which reason" (not the conjunction "be-
cause"). 59 Nor is the example Appian, Bell. Civ. 1.112 valid; it means "at which"
or "for which reason" (not the conjunction "because"). 60 Similarly, Aelius
Aristides, Or. 53 (640D),61 should be translated, "on the basis of which." The
passage in Synesius, Ep. 73 should be understood as "on condition that." 62
Hence, of the examples of the causal sense cited in such dictionaries the only
valid one is that of the sixth-century philosopher, Damascius, Vita Isidori 154.63
The causal sense also appears clearly in the tenth-century writer Syntipas,
124/5,127/8. 64 But the problem is whether it occurs earlier. Photius, who claimed
that this usage could be found in myriad extrabiblical writers,65 may merely be
a witness to contemporary ninth-century usage. The only example of a possible
causal sense of έφ' φ that I have found so far occurs in the second-century
historian Appian of Alexandria:
Σικελοί και τέως άγανακτοΰντες έπι τη ώµότητι Μαρκέλλου τοΰ στρατηγού,

µάλλον τι και τωδε τω £ργω συνεταράσσοντο, έφ' ω κατά προδοσίαν ές
Συρακούσας έσήλθεν, καΐ προς 'Ιπποκράτη µετετίθεντο και συνώµνυντο µή
διαλύσασθαι χωρίς αλλήλων.
"The Sicilians, angered for some time at the severity of the general Marcellus,
were still more thrown into confusion even by this deed, because he had entered
Syracuse by treachery, and they joined Hippocrates and swore together not to
seek a solution without the others." (Sicelica 4.1.2-4)
Yet even this instance is not clear, for έφ' φ may simply be relative, with
έργω as the antecedent: "by this deed, by which he entered."
(15) The Consecutive Sense. I have already noted above that the grammar-
ians Schwyzer, Kiihner-Gerth, and Smyth have related the phrase έφ' φ to the
consecutive use of ώστε (see §13 above). Kiihner-Gerth comment: "Statt ώστε
in der Bedeutung: ea condicione, ut oder ita, ut braucht die nachhomerische
Sprache auch: έφ' φ oder έφ' φτε, welchem im Hauptsatze das demonstrative
έπι τούτω (auch έπι τοϊσδε b. Herod, u. Thukyd.) entsprechen kann." 66 They
give no clear examples of this usage. Indeed, I discovered the discussion of
this connection of έφ' φ with ώστε in these grammars only after I had come
to the conclusion that in a number of places in the corpus of Greek literature
έφ' φ had to have the meaning "with the result that, so that." What is
important is that έφ' φ in a consecutive sense occurs with verbs in a past
indicative, especially an aorist, and this is immediately relevant for the pas-
sage in Rom 5:12.
In any case, the instances that seem to have a consecutive sense are the
following.67 The first comes from Athenaeus of Naucratis in Egypt, who ca. A.D.
200 wrote his work on the Learned Banquet. In it he reports, using έφ' φ with
the infinitive:
έθος ην έν τοις δείπνοις τω έστιάτορι κατακλιθέντι προδίδοσθαι γραµµατεί-

διόν τι περιέχον άναγραφήν των παρεσκευασµένων, έφ' φ εΐδέναι δ τι µέλλει
οψον φέρειν ό µάγειρος.
"It was a custom at banquets that a tablet was handed to the diner who had
just reclined containing a list of what had been prepared so that he would know
what food the cook would provide." (Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae 2.49d)
Here one should not be misled by the English translation. Έφ' φ with the
infinitive would not be expressing purpose; its meaning seems rather to be
consecutive, i.e., the intended or potential result. 68 In this instance the relative,
"for which reason," would make little sense.
Again, in the following passage from Diogenes Laertius:
ήγούµενόν τε των έφηβων έπί τίνα θέαν υπ' ανέµου παραγυµνωθήναι καΐ
όφθήναι άχίτωνα· έφ' ω κρότω τιµηθήναι ύπ' Αθηναίων.
"(We are told that) he [the philosopher Cleanthes], while leading some youths
to a (public) spectacle, was exposed by the wind and was seen to be without
an undergarment so that he was honored with applause by the Athenians."
(Diogenes Laertius, Vita e phi los. 7.169.4-6)69
Other examples, which have the verb in a past indicative, are more important
for the interpretation of the passage in Romans. They come from the philosopher
and biographer L. Mestrius Plutarchus, who might have been roughly contem-
porary with Paul the Apostle. In his life of Aratus, a Sicyonian statesman of the
third century B.C., Plutarch tells of the bad reputation that Aratus got because
he permitted the lawless execution of one Aristomachus of Argos:
τον δ' Άριστόµαχον έν Κεγχρεαϊς στρεβλώσαντες κατεπόντισαν, έφ' ω και

µάλιστα κακώς ήκουσεν ό Αρατος, ως ανθρωπον ου πονηρόν, άλλα και
κεχρηµένον έκείνψ και πεπεισµένον άφεΐναι τήν αρχήν και προσαγαγεΐν τοις
Αχαιοΐς τήν πόλιν, όµως περιϊδών παρανόµως άπολλύµενον.
"Having tortured Aristomachus on the rack in Cenchreae, they drowned (him)

in the sea, with the result that Aratus enjoyed an especially bad reputation as
one who had allowed a man to perish in disregard of the law, one who was not
wicked, but who had cooperated with him and who had been persuaded (by
him) to renounce (his) office and attach (his) city to the Achaean League."
(Plutarch, Aratus 44.4.1)
Another example, which might be particularly pertinent because, as in Rom

5:12, it contains πάντες and an aorist indicative, is also found in Plutarch. He
tells of a famous Rusticus, whom the Emperor Domitian later put to death.
Rusticus once attended a lecture of Plutarch in Rome, during which a soldier
arrived with a letter from the emperor for Rusticus:
γενοµένης δέ σιωπής, κάµοϋ διαλιπόντος όπως άναγνω τήν έπιστολήν, ούκ

ήθέλησεν ούδ' έλυσε πρότερον ή διεξελθεΐν έµέ τον λόγον και διαλυθήναι το
άκροατήριον· έφ' ω πάντες έθαύµασαν το βάρος τοϋ ανδρός.
"When silence came (upon all) and I had stopped (lecturing) so that he might
read the letter (from the emperor), he was unwilling (to do so) and did not break
(the seal) before I had finished the lecture and the audience was dispersed, so
that all were amazed at the dignity of the man." (Plutarch, De curiositate 522E
4-6)
Another example of έφ' φ in a consecutive sense can be found in Plutarch's

life of Cimon:
τότε δή πολλή φιλοτιµία τοΰ σηκοΰ µόγις έξευρηθέντος, ενθεµένος ό Κίµων

είς τήν αΰτοϋ τριήρη τα οστά και τάλλα κοσµήσας µεγαλοπρεπώς, κατήγαγεν
εις το άστυ δι' ετών σχεδόν τετρακοσίων· έφ' φ και µάλιστα προς αυτόν ήδέως
ό δήµος εσχεν.
"Then with great enthusiasm Cimon, having discovered with difficulty the
burial-place, placed the bones [of Theseus] and the other things on his own
trireme and brought them back to the city with great pomp after almost 400
years with the result that the citizenry became most kindly disposed toward
him." (Plutarch, Cimon 8.6.4)
Other instances of this consecutive use of έφ' φ can be found in the writings
of the historian Cassius Dio toward the end of the second century. For example,
on one occasion Cassius Dio tells how Gnaeus Domitius Afer, a famous Roman
orator and consul, had angered the emperor Gaius Caligula, because of what he
said about a woman related to the emperor's mother, Agrippina, but was saved
eventually from death by her:
ήχθετο µεν γάρ αύτω και άλλως ό Γάϊος, δτι έπι Τιβερίου γυναικός τίνος τη
Αγριππίνη τη µητρι αύτοΰ προσηκούσης κατηγορήκει, έφ' φ δή εκείνη συναν-
τήσασά ποτέ αύτώ, και µαθοΰσα δτι έξέστη της όδοϋ δι' αίσχύνην, προσε-
καλέσατό τε αυτόν και £φη, Θάρσει, Δοµίτιε, ου γαρ συ µοι αίτιος ει, αλλ'
Αγαµέµνων.
"Gaius [Caligula] was angry with him [Domitius Afer] in any case, because in
the time of Tiberius he had accused a certain woman related to his mother
Agrippina, with the result that, in fact, once, when she later met him and noted
how he stood off from the path out of embarrassment, she called out to him
and said, Tear not, Domitius, you are not to blame in my sight, but rather
Agamemnon'" [alluding to Homer, Iliad 1.335]. (Cassius Dio, Hist Rom.
59.19.1-2)
Again Cassius Dio relates how Gaius Caligula moved against those who
were consuls and removed them from office in order to appoint Domitius to that
post:
εκείνους µέν δή δια ταΰτα αυθηµερόν της αρχής έπαυσε, τάς ράβδους σφών
προσυντρίψας, έφ' ω δή ό έτερος αυτών άδηµονήσας εαυτόν έσφαξε.
"So for these reasons he [Gaius] put an end to their (consular) rule that very
day, having first broken their fasces, so that one of them killed himself in
anguish." (Cassius Dio, Hist Rom. 59.20.3)
Cassius Dio also recounts how Nero, deserted by his bodyguards, fled
toward the villa of Phaon on the Via Nomentana and in his tragic fate came
upon a cave:
µετήλθεν ές το αντρον, κάνταϋθα και έφαγε πεινήσας άρτον όποιον

ούδεπώποτε έβεβρώκει, και έπιε διψήσας -ύδωρ όποιον ούδεπώποτε έπεπώκει,
έφ' ω δυσανασχετήσας είπε 'τοΰτό έστιν εκείνο τό ποτόν το έµόν το άπεφθον.'
"He [Nero] entered the cave and there both ate bread in his hunger such as he
had never eaten before and in his thirst drank water such as he had never drunk
before, so that he was in great distress and said, 'So this is that famous cold
drink of mine.' " (Cassius Dio, Hist Rom. 63.28.5)70
The third-century writer Diogenes Laertius tells a story about Cleanthes,

who had come to Athens to study philosophy under Zeno and was notorious for
his industry and his poverty:
Σωσιθέου τοϋ ποιητοΰ έν θεάτρω είπόντος προς αυτόν παρόντα,

ους ή Κλεάνθους µωρία βοηλατεΐ
έµεινεν επί ταύτοϋ σχήµατος· έφ' ω άγασθέντες οί άκροαταΐ τον µέν

έκρότησαν, τον δέ Σωσίθεον έξέβαλον.
'Once when he [the philosopher Cleanthes] was present, the poet Sositheus
said in the theatre about him,
'Whom the folly of Cleanthes drives like cattle,'
he [Cleanthes] remained unmoved in the same attitude, so that the audience
in amazement applauded him and drove Sositheus from the stage."
(Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philos. 7.173.1-5)
To these instances one should possibly add two further passages from the
fourth-century Greek rhetorician Libanius of Antioch, who in one of his speeches
said of the emperor:
ή γαρ ούχ ούτος εκείνος ό τους θήξαντας έπ' αυτόν τα ξίφη καΐ βεβουλευ-
µένους ποϋ και πότε δει τήν κοινήν ευτυχίαν έκτεµεΐν, έλέγξας µέν και
µεµψάµενος, των ψυχών δε ουκ άποστερήσας, έφ' φ και µάλλον τήν οίκου-
µένην ή τοις τροπαίοις εξέπληξε;
"Was he [the emperor] not that one who, having convicted and blamed those
who had sharpened their swords against him and who had conspired about
where and when they might best cut short the good fortune of all, did not take
their lives so that he astounded the world even more than by his triumphs?
(Libanius, Or 15.43)
Again, in another of his speeches Libanius remarks:
τάς των δυναστευόντων τιµωρίας υπερβάς έπι τήν τοϋ ρήτορος ήκε καΐ παρόν
στρεβλώσαι και άποκτεΐναι λόγω τήν πόλιν αµύνεται, ταύτόν, οΐµαι, και
πρόσθεν πεποιηκώς προς άνδρα Τωµαΐον θρασυνόµενόν τι τοιούτον, έφ' φ
δικαίως άν, ει και µηδέν έτερον, εξέπεσε των όντων.
"Having exceeded the punishments that despots inflict, he turned to that of the
orator and, though it was in his power to torture and kill, he avenged himself
on the city with a discourse, the same one, I gather, that he had previously
delivered against a Roman who had been bold enough to act in some impudent
way, so that he would have justly deprived him of his possessions, if not of
anything else." (Libanius, Or. 18.198)
I consider the preceding examples as especially relevant, as good examples

of the consecutive sense of έφ' φ. There are, however, a few further instances
where the consecutive sense may be present, but where one cannot exclude the
possibility of some relative usage. Thus Plutarch recounts about Cicero:
ήψατο δε και πολέµου, ληστάς των περί τον Αµανόν οικούντων τρεψάµενος,
εφ* ω και αυτοκράτωρ υπό των στρατιωτών άνηγορεύθη.
"He [Cicero] also engaged in war, defeating the bandits who dwelled on Mt.
Amanos, so that he was even acclaimed Imperator by the soldiers. (Plutarch,
Cicero 36.4.5)
Possibly one should translate here merely "for which (reason) he was even
acclaimed" or possibly "at which place."
Similarly, Plutarch, Amatoriae narrationes 775E 8; Sulla 5.5.1; Pseudo-
Plutarch, Vitae decern oral 840F 3-4; 846D 2-3. The same might also have to
be said about the following instance in Cassius Dio:
άχθεσθεις έκελευσεν αυτόν ές τον Τίβεριν έµβληθήναι· έτυχε γαρ πλησίον

αύτοΰ δικάζων, έφ' ω δή ό Δοµίτιος ό Άφρος, πλείστον των καθ' εαυτόν εν
τω συναγορεύειν τισιν ίσχύσας, κάλλιστα άπέσκωψε- δεηθέντος γάρ τίνος
άνθρωπου της παρ' αύτοΰ βοηθείας, επειδή υπό τοϋ Γαλλικού έγκατελείφθη,
εφη προς αυτόν οτι 'και τίς σοι είπεν οτι κρεΐττον εκείνου νήχοµαι;'
"In his anger, he [the Emperor Claudius] ordered him [an orator Julius Gallicus]
to be thrown into the Tiber, for he happened to be arguing a case near him,
with the result that Domitius Afer, who was the most capable of the advocates
of his time, invented the neatest of jests. When he was asked for help by a
certain man who had been left in the lurch by Gallicus, he said to him, 'And
who told you that I swim better than he?' " (Cassius Dio, Hist. Rom. 61.33.8)
In this case έφ' φ might possibly mean merely "on which (occasion)
Domitius Afer . . . invented." To this list I might add the following texts:
και γνούς ό Φλάκκος τούτο έπέθετο αύτοΐς και πάντας απώλεσε και τους
αποµάχους διέφθειρεν απαντάς· έφ* φ ό Δοµιτιανός έπαρθεις είπε προς τήν
βουλήν οτι 'Νασαµώνας έκώλυσα είναι.'
"And Flaccus [the governor of Numidia], learning about this, attacked them
[the Numidians] and annihilated all of them, even destroying all the noncom-
batants, with the result that Domitian, elated, said to the Senate, Ί have pre-
vented the Nasamones from living.' " (Cassius Dio, Hist. Rom. 67.4.6)
καΐ έπιεν έν µέση τη αγωνία καµών, κύλικι ^οπαλωτη παρά γυναικός γλυκύν
οΐνον έψυγµένον λαβών, άµυστί· έφ' φ και ό δήµος καΐ ήµεΐς παραχρήµα
πάντες τούτο δή το έν τοις συµποσίοις εΐωθός λέγεσθαι έξεβοήσαµεν,
'ζήσειας.'
"Becoming weary in the midst of the struggle, he [the Emperor Commodus]

(took) from a woman some chilled sweet wine in a club-shaped cup and drank
it at one gulp, with the result that the people and we [senators] all immediately
shouted out that toast customary to drinking-bouts, 'Life to you!' " (Cassius
Dio, Hist. Rom. 73.18.2)
νεανίσκος τις ίππευς νόµισµα τήν εικόνα αύτοΰ ές πορνεϊον έσήνεγκεν,

έδειξαν- έφ' φ δή τότε µεν ώς και θανατωθησόµενος έδέθη, ύστερον δέ τελευ-
τήσαι φθάσαντος αύτοΰ απελύθη.
''A young knight carried a coin [bearing] his [the emperor's] image into a
brothel, and [informers] reported (it), so that he was thereupon imprisoned to
be put to death; but he was later released, once he [the emperor] had died."
(Cassius Dio, Hist. Rom. 78.16.5)
όπηνίκα νώτα δούς τη έκ Θεοϋ µετά Κωνσταντίνου δυνάµει, τον προ της
πορείας διήει ποταµόν, δν αυτός σκάφεσιν ζεύξας και ευ µάλα γεφυρώσας
µηχανήν ολέθρου καθ' εαυτού συνεστήσατο- έφ' φ ήν ειπείν 'λάκκον ώρυξεν
και άνέσκαψεν αυτόν, και έµπεσείται εις βόθρον ον είργάσατο'. . . .
"When he [Maxentius] turned his back on the God-sent power that was with
Constantine, he crossed the river that lay in his path, by bridging (it) himself quite
well with joined boats, he put together an engine of destruction for himself, so that
it was (possible) to say, 'He made a pit and dug it out, and he will fall into the ditch
that he made.' " (Eusebius, Eccl. Hist. 9.9.5-6 [citing Ps 7:15 at the end])
III. Conclusion
If these examples of έφ' φ have any validity, it is clear that we have a solution to
the problem of έφ' φ πάντες ήµαρτον in Rom 5:12. Paul would, then, be saying:
"Therefore, just as sin entered the world through one man, and through sin
death, and so death spread to all human beings, with the result that all have
sinned."
This solution seems required by the evidence presented above. It also means
that Paul does not necessarily use έφ' φ always in the same sense. Those instances
in 2 Corinthians or Philippians that I have discussed above may, indeed, be

instances of genuine relative clauses, but this would rather be an instance of έφ'
φ as a conjunction, introducing a result clause.
If the έφ' φ clause expresses a result of the sin of Adam, it would be asserting
the universal sinfulness of the conduct of human beings.71 It would also help to
explain the connection between 5:12abc and 5:12d, which has seemed problem-
atic to commentators like Lietzmann, Bultmann, and Kuss. For one should not
lo.se sight of the adverb καΐ οΰτως, "and so, and in this way" (5:12c), which
establishes the connection between the sin of "one man" and the death and sins
of "all human beings." Thus Paul in v. 12 would be ascribing death and human
sinfulness to two causes, not unrelated: to Adam and to the conduct of all human
beings. The fate of sinful humanity ultimately rests on what its head, Adam, has
done to it; the primary causality for its sinful and mortal condition is ascribed
to him, but a secondary resultant causality is attributed to the sinful conduct of
all human beings. For "no one sins entirely alone and no one sins without adding
to the collective burden of mankind."72 Yet no matter how one understands
5:12d, the universal causality of Adam's sin is presupposed in 5:15a, 16a, 17a,
18a, and 19a. Hence it would be false to the thrust of the whole paragraph to
interpret 5:12 as though it implied that the sinful human condition before Christ's
coming were owing solely to individual personal conduct, as Pelagius seems to
have advocated, in imitation of Adam. If the consecutive sense of έφ' φ is valid,
then the connection, expressed by και οΰτως, is confirmed. Paul would thus be
attributing the entire perverse corruption of humanity to Adam in the sense that
it began with his transgression of the command laid by God upon him but
continued as a result in the sinful conduct of those descended from him. Their
mortal and sinful condition, i.e., the upsetting of the normal condition between
humanity and God, the strife between the Ego and the flesh, and humanity's
failure to attain its destined goal, stems from Adam, but not without its own
resultant responsibility.73
NOTES
* Originally published in NTS 39 (1993) 321-39. It was the presidential address, delivered
at the 47th General Meeting of Studiorum Novi Testament! Societas, held in Madrid,
Spain, 28 July 1992.
1. So in "The Letter to the Romans," The Jerome Biblical Commentary (ed. R. E.
Brown et al.; Englewood Cliffs, NJ: Prentice Hall, 1968) art. 53 §56; The New Jerome
Biblical Commentary (1990) art. 51 §56.
2. I wish at this point to acknowledge my indebtedness to the Thesaurus Linguae
Graecae of the University of California at Irvine for the help that I derived from its disc.
I also want to thank a graduate student of the Biblical Studies department at the Catholic
University of America, Rev. Patrick J. Madden, for his assistance in searching for the
phrase on this CD-ROM. My gratitude is likewise due to Professors Francis T. Gignac,

S.J.. of the same university, Alan C. Mitchell of Georgetown University, and G. H. R.
Horsley of LaTrobe University, who read earlier drafts of this paper and offered criticisms
of it. I am also indebted to Professor R. E. Renehan for his criticism of this paper.
3. Specific bibliographical references will be given in notes below. For generic
discussions, see Anon. "Heber eph'hö, bei Römer 5,12," TQ 13 (1831) 397-444; Ε. Bran-
denburger, Adam und Christus: Exegetisch-religionsgeschichtliche Untersuchung zu
Römer5,12-21 (1 Kor. 15) (WMANT7; Neukirchen-Vluyn: Neukirchener, 1962) 168-80;
J. Freundorfer, Erbsünde und Erbtod beim Apostel Paulus: Eine religionsgeschichtliche
und exegetische Untersuchung über Römerbrief 5,12-21 (NTAbh 13/1-2; Münster in W.:
Aschendorff, 1927) 173-214, 232-38; S. Hoekstra, "Proeve van verklaring der woorden:
eph'höpantes hemarton, Rom. 5.12 b ," TTijd 2 (1868) 6-74; W. G. Kümmel, Man in the
New Testament (London: Epworth, 1963) 64 n. 72.
4. In ep. ad Rom. 5.12; CSEL 81.165: "in Adam . . . quasi in massa."
5. De pecc. merit, et remiss. 1.10.11; CSEL 60.12.
6. Contra duas ep. Pelagianorum 4.4.7; CSEL 60.527: "in illo homine peccaverunt
omnes." By the phrase "in illo" Augustine did not mean "in that all sinned," under-
standing "quo" (or φ) as neuter, as E. Evans (Saint Augustine's Enchiridion [London:
SPCK, 1953] 116) believed; see G. Bonner, "Augustine on Romans 5.12," SE V [TU
103; Berlin: Akademie, 1968] 242-47), who sets the matter straight.
7. So J. De Fraine, Adam and the Family of Man (Staten Island, NY: Alba House,
1965) 142-52; F. F. Bruce, The Epistle of Paul to the Romans: An Introduction and
Commentary (TynNTC 6; Leicester: Inter-Varsity; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1985) 126;
Ε. Ε. Ellis, Paul's Use of the Old Testament (Grand Rapids: Baker, 1981) 58-60; The Old
Testament in Early Christianity: Canon and Interpretation in the Light of Modern Re-
search (WUNT 54; Tübingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 1991) 111.
Another form of this interpretation is used by some commentators who translate έφ1
φ as a causal conjunction, but then render it, "because all — in Adam — have sinned."
So Bardenhewer, Bisping, Comely, Freundorfer, Gutjahr, and Sickenberger.
8. Cf. Heb 7:9-10.
9. In ep. ad Rom. Horn. 10.3; PG 60.474, paraphrasing it as εκείνου πεσόντος.
10. lnterpr. ep. ad Rom. 5.12; PG 82.100.
11. In ep. ad Rom. 5.12; PG 95.477, paraphrasing it as δι' ού.
12. Expos, in ep. ad Rom. 5.12; PG 124.404, paraphrasing it as πεσόντος εκείνου.
13. Comm. in ep. ad Rom. 7; PG 118.416.
14. "Peches des hommes et peche d'Adam en Rom. v. 12," NTS 11 (1964-65)
217-55, esp. 247; L'Evangile de Dieu, 1.237-49. For a critique of Cambier's understand-
ing, see F. W. Danker, NTS 14 (1967-68) 424-25, 429, 436.
15. Christ in the Theology of St Paul (New York: Herder and Herder, 1959) 232.
16. Novum lexicon graeco-latinum in Novum Testamentum . . . (5th ed.; 2 vols.;
Glasgow: A. and J. Duncan, 1817), 1.637: "post quern omnes peccarunt."
17. In ep. ad Rom. 5.12; PG 74.784.
18. "Έφ' φ (Rom. 5,12) chez Cyrille d'Alexandrie et Theodoret," Studia patristica
4 (TU 79; Berlin: Akademie, 1961) 157-61. Cf. Theodoret, Interp. ep. ad Rom. 5.12; PG
82.100.
19. Commentary on Romans (Philadelphia: Muhlenberg, 1949) 214.
20. Der Tod bei Griechen und Juden (Leipzig: Wigand, 1942) 61-62.
21. Der alte und der neue Mensch (BEvT 8; Munich: Kaiser, 1942) 26.
22. Das Bild vom Menschen in biblischer Sicht (Mainzer Universitäts-Reden 3;
Mainz: Kupferberg, 1927) 16.
23. R. Bultmann, "Adam and Christ according to Romans 5," Current Issues in
New Testament Interpretation: Essays in Honor of Otto Α. Piper (ed. W. Klassen and
G. F. Snyder; New York: Harper & Bros., 1962) 143-65, esp. 153, where he toys with
this interpretation, even though he translates it "because all sinned," a meaning that he
seems to prefer in TDNT, 3.15 n. 69.
24. That the verse was so understood is clear from the transposition διήλθεν ό
θάνατος read in ms. Ψ and by such patristic writers as Chrysostom and Theodoret.
25. J. Hering, Le royaume de Dieu et sa venue: Etude sur Vesperance de Jesus et
de Vapötre Paul (New ed.; Neuchätel: Delachaux et Niestle, 1959) 155-59, esp. 157:
"c'est pour recolter la mort (έφ' ω) que tous ont peche."
26. New Testament Theology (London: SCM, 1955) 270 n. 176: "in the direction
of"; "death, to which they fell man by man through their sin."
27. "Romans v. 12: Sin under Law," NTS 14 (1967-68) 424-39. He argues that έφ'
φ is the same as έπι τοις αύτοϊς νόµοις έφ' οίσπερ in Menander Frg. 531.6-7. Cf. "Under
Contract," Festschrift to Honor F. Wilbur Gingrich (ed. E. H. Barth and R. E. Cocroft;
Leiden: Brill, 1972) 91-114, esp. 104-5.
28. For a critique of Danker's position, see S. E. Porter, "The Pauline Concept of
Original Sin, in Light of Rabbinic Background," TynBull 41 (1990) 3-30.
29. Der Brief des Paulus an die Römer ausgelegt (Kommentar zum Neuen Testament
6; Leipzig: Deichert, 1910; 3rd ed. rev. F. Hauck, 1925) 265-68: "das relativische έφ' φ
auf den ganzen vorangehenden Satz zu beziehen," p. 268. Cf. Zahn's Grundriß der
neutestamentlichen Theologie (2d ed.; Leipzig: Deichert, 1932) 103: "Unter dem Tode
ist die ganze Verderbtheit der menschlichen Natur zu verstehen, welche bei dem ersten
Menschen infolge seiner Sünde eintrat und von ihm aus auf dem Wege der Fortpflanzung
ein allgemeiner Zustand aller Menschen geworden ist, d.h. die Sterblichkeit und der
leibliche Tod, aber auch die Störung des normalen Verhältnisses zwischen dem Ich und
der leiblichen Natur, die Abhängigkeit des Willens vom Fleisch, die hiedurch bedingte
Gottwidrigkeit des gesamten menschlichen Daseins und der damit gegebene Ausschluß
von der belebenden und beseligenden Gemeinschaft mit Gott."
30. E.g., Demosthenes, In Dionysodorum 42.4-5; Diodorus Siculus, Bibl. Hist.
2.48.7; Dionysius of Halicarnassus, Antiq. Rom. 11.6.1.
31. As S. E. Porter {Verbal Aspect in the Greek of the New Testament [New York:
Lang, 1989] 100, 222, 237) has taken it.
32. The Peshitta translates έφ' φ as behäy de.
33. See B-A, 582; BAG, 287; BDF §235.2 ("for the reason that, because"), §294.4;
EDNT 2.22; M. Zerwick, Biblical Greek Illustrated by Examples (Rome: Biblical Insti-
tute, 1963) §127; A. T. Robertson, A Grammar of the Greek New Testament in the Light
of Historical Research (4th ed.; New York: Doran, 1914) 963 ("έφ' ώ is causal in Ro.
5:12; 2 Cor. 5:4; Ph. 4:10").
34. Rom. 5.12-14 alia luce del dialogo rabbinico (RivBSup 4; Brescia: Paideia, 1971).
35. έφ' φ άντι τοϋ διότι (Ρ. 129, 3). He is so quoted in B-A, 582, which probably
derives it from E. Schwyzer, Griechische Grammatik auf der Grundlage von Karl Brug-
manns Griechischer Grammatik (2 vols.; HAW II.I/1-2; rev. A. Debrunner; Munich:
Beck, 1939, 1950),2.681.
36. Quaest. 84 ad Amphiloch.; PG 101.553: έφ' ω πάντες ήµαρτον, διότι πάντες

ήµαρτον. Και µυρία µεν, και παρά τοις εξω, ή τοιαύτη συνθήκη των λόγων, "And
legion are (the examples), even in outside [i.e. extrabiblical] (writers), of this sort of
collocation of words." Photius then quotes 2 Cor 5:4.
37. "Le sens de eph'hö en Rom 5,12 et l'exegese des Peres grecs," Bib 36 (1955)
436-56, esp. 455; repr. Etudes sur Vepitre aux Romains (AnBib 120; Rome: Istituto
Biblico, 1989) 185-202, esp. 201 (cf. TD 5 [1957-58] 54-57). Cf. "Le peche originel en
Rom 5.12: L'exegese des Peres grecs et les decrets du Concile de Trente," Bib 41 (1960)
325-55. In this judgment N. Baumert, Μ. Black, and J. Cambier now concur.
Lyonnet reports that he was unable to find the causal meaning in any of the
specialized lexica for Aristophanes, Aristotle, Demosthenes, Epictetus, Plato, Plutarch,
or Xenophon, or in those for the Apostolic Fathers, Apologists, or Athanasius.
38. Neuer Versuch einer Auslegung der paulinischen Stelle Römer VI2-21 (Wit-
tenberg: Zimmermann, 1836) 17-19.
39. Λ Grammar of New Testament Greek: I. Prolegomena (Edinburgh: Clark, 1908)
107: "in view of the fact that." N. Turner, however, in vol. 3 (Syntax [1963]) lists it
under επί with the dative meaning cause and translates it "because" (p. 272), influenced
by the note in Sanday-Headlam's commentary. When he later returns to the problem in
Grammatical Insights into the New Testament (Edinburgh: Clark, 1965) 116-18, he prefers
to render it as a genuine relative clause, "under the power of" whom, "within the
jurisdiction of" whom (Adam).
40. Seen. 37 above. Cf. G. Lafont, "Surl'interpretation de Romains v. 15-21,"RSR
45 (1957) 481-513, esp. 498-500.
41. Romans (New Century Bible Commentary; 2d ed.; London: Marshall, Morgan
& Scott; Grand Rapids: Eerdmans, 1989) 81-82.
42. Ep. 73; PG 66.1440B. See also R. Hercher, Epistolographi graeci (Paris: A. Fir-
min Didot, 1873)685.
43. For a critique of Lyonnet's position, see F. W. Danker, NTS 14 (1967-68) 437;
E. Brandenburger, Adam (n. 3 above), 171-72.
44. "The Theological Structure of Romans v. 12," NTS 19 (1972-73) 339-54, esp.
350.
45. An die Römer (HNT 8; 5th ed.; Tubingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 1971) 62. It is echoed
by R. Bultmann, "Adam" (n. 23 above), 153; O. Kuss, Der Römerbrief übersetzt und
erklärt (Regensburg: Pustet, 1963) 230.
46. J. Burnet in his commentary The Ethics of Aristotle, Edited with an Introduction
and Notes (London: Methuen, 1900; repr. New York: Arno, 1973) 225, says "έφ' ω sc.
δρω. . . . The öpoi are neither lines nor points, but dots." Yet it is not clear how one is
to understand this construction or translate it.
47. E.g., Nie. Eth. 5.4.12 (1132b 6-8); Analyt. pr. 30a 29-31; 31b 4-6; De caelo 273a
27-32; Mechan. 850a 15-17; Meteor. 363b 3-5.
48. With a future indicative: Herodotus, Hist. 3.83; 5.82; 6.65; 7.153; 7.158; 8.4;
Thucydides, Pel, War 1.103.1; 1.113.3; 1.126.11; 4.30.4; Aeschines, Ag. Ctesiphon 114;
Xenophon, Sympos. 4.35; Aristotle, Nie. Eth. 9.8.9 (1169a 27-28); [Aristotle], Athen. Pol.
14.4.3-5; 34.3.1-3; 3 Mace 3.28; Athenaeus, Deipnosophistae 1.30a; 6.85.11-13; 12.521a;
Polybius, Hist 1.59.7; Plutarch, Consol. ad Apollon. 112B 4; Pausanias, Desc. Graec.
2.18.4; Strabo, Geogr. 10.4.10; Diogenes Laetius, Vitae phil 10.17.1. This use with the
future indicative is also found in papyrus texts from Egypt: P.Tebt. 1.108.4; 2.381.16;
P.Hib. 1.77.6 (cited in MM, 234); P.Deissmann 59.7 (P. M. Meyer, Griechische Texte aus
Ägypten [Berlin: Weidmann, 1916] 180); PLond. 1727.41; PKaranisMich 562.17;
PZenonMich 62.12.
With an infinitive: Herodotus, Hist. 1.22; 7.154; Plato, Apol. 17 §29C; Demosthenes,
Ag. Androtion 45.5; Ag. Aristogeiton 2.13.3; Ag. Dionysodorus 3.2; 5.3; 20:1; 42.4; 49.1;
Ag. Neaera 32.4; 124.10; Ag. Spudias 4; Aristophanes, Thesm. 1162; Plants 1000;
Aeschines, Ag. Ctesiphon 183; Xenophon, Anab. 4.2.19; 4.4.6; 6.6.22; Hell. 2.2.20;
2.3.11; 2.4.38; 3.5.1; 3.5.24; 6.3.18; Agesilaus 4.1; Menander, Frg. 531.1-2; Aristotle,
Oeconomica 1348b.l-3; Ep. Aristeas 25; Josephus, Ant. 10.9.3 §163; Athenaeus,
Deipnosophistae 6.272c; Polybius, Hist. 1.16.9; 1.31.8; 1.72.5; 1.88.12; 2.46.3; 3.10.3;
3.27.9; 3.62.6; 4.29.7; 4.46.3; 4.76.7; 5.28.2; 5.60.1; 5.67.10; 5.76.9; 7.4.1; 8.25.1;
9.27.11; 11.5.5; 11.29.12; 11.30.3; 18.39.6; 21.26.14; 21.29.14; 22.7.3; 24.4.3; Strabo,
Geogr. 14.1.22; Appian, Samnitica 10.15.3-5; Cassius Dio, Hist. Rom. 1.2; 27.3; 56.22.4;
P.ApolL 57.4-5; PLond. 1691.17; 1693.8 (where both the infinitive and the future indica-
tive occur together).
With a subjunctive: Cassius Dio, Hist. Rom. 36.34.2; 38.32.2; 40.26.1; 41.22.4;
Pausanias, Descr. Graec. 3.6.6; P.ApolL 64.3-4; PLond. 1727.44, 50.
With an optative: Thucydides, Pel. War 5.41.1(7); Cassius Dio, Hist. Rom. 53.25.4.
49. See H. W. Smyth, Greek Grammar (rev. G. M. Messing; Cambridge, MA:
Harvard University, 1956) §2279; W. W. Goodwin, Greek Grammar (rev. C. B. Gulick;
Boston: Ginn and Co., 1930) § 1477; E. Schwyzer, Griechische Grammatik (n. 35 above),
2.681; R. Kühner, Ausführliche Grammatik der griechischen Sprache (2 parts in 4 vols.;
3rd ed., rev. F. Blass and B. Gerth; Hannover: Hahn, 1890, 1892, 1898, 1904; repr.
Darmstadt: Wissenschaftliche Buchgesellschaft, 1966) 2/2, 505; W. W. Goodwin, Syntax
of the Moods and Tenses of the Greek Verb (London: Macmillan, 1897) §610.
50. This causal interpretation of 2 Cor 5:4 is stoutly defended by V. P. Furnish,
II Corinthians Translated with Introduction, Notes, and Commentary (AB 32A; Garden City,
NY: Doubleday, 1984) 269. It is also used by H. Lietzmann, An die Corinther 111 (HNT 9;
rev. W. G. Kümmel; Tübingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 1969) 120 ("weil"); C. K. Barrett, A
Commentary on the Second Epistle to the Corinthians (HNTC; New York: Haiper & Row,
1973) 149 ("because"); S. Lyonnet, Exegesis epistulae secundae ad Corinthios (Rome:
Biblical Institute, 1955-56) 213 ("quatenus," "eo magis quod"). The RSVseems to handle
the phrase as did the Peshitta, which renders that clause simply as welä säbenan.
51. C. Tischendorf, Novum Testamentum graece (8th ed.; 3 parts in 4 vols.; Leipzig:
Giesecke & Devrient, 1869, 1872, 1890, 1894), 2.589. He notes that Oecumenius com-
mented, εφ' φ άντι τοΰ επειδή. Cf. PG 118.969.
52. As does the Neovulgata.
53. Greek Particles in the New Testament: Linguistic and Exegetical Studies (NTTS
3; Leiden: Brill, 1962)93-94.
54. Täglich sterben und auferstehen: Der Literal sinn von 2 Kor 4,12-5,10 (SANT
34; Munich: Kösel, 1973) 195, 386-401. Baumert shows that the causal meaning, "weil,"
does not suit this passage or many others alleged in BAG or B-A to mean that.
55. Similarly the REB, S. Lyonnet, Etudes, 200. The Peshitta renders the last two
clauses as V//ä' rädep *nä dalmä' "adrek lemeddem demettuläteh yadrekan(y) Yesü'
mesiha (probably "that because of which").
56. The Vg has "in quo et comprehensus sum a Christo Iesu," whereas the Neovul-
gata reads, "sicut et comprehensus sum."
The Consecutive Meaning of έφ* φ in Romans 5:12 367
57. The Vg and the Neovulgata both use "sicut et sentiebatis." Similarly the Peshitta,
'aykannä' de"äp yäsepin (h)waytün.
58. As it is understood by C. F. D. Moule, An Idiom Book of New Testament Greek
(Cambridge, UK: Cambridge University, 1953) 132. It is perhaps even better understood
as "in the matter in which you were concerned," as F. W. Danker has suggested (NTS
14 [1967-68] 434). Cf. S. Lyonnet, Etudes (n. 37 above), 200. Thrall (Greek Particles
[n. 53 above], 94) has correctly recognized the unsuitability of the causal meaning here:
"the translation 'because' makes very little sense," but she is hardly correct in saying
that έφ' φ in Rom 5:12 is "undoubtedly causal" (p. 94 n. 4). That begs the question.
59. In this instance, G. B. Winer (A Treatise on the Grammar of New Testament
Greek [2d ed.; rev. W. F. Moulton; Edinburgh: Clark, 1877] 491) translates έφ ω as
"wherefore." Yet F. Biziere reads, not έφ' φ, but έφ' ων, and translates it "De ce fait"
(Diodore de Sicile, Bibliotheque Historique Livre XIX [Coll. Bude; Paris: 'Les Belles
Lettres,' 1975] 133), which is certainly more accurate. See also Lyonnet, Etudes (n. 37
above), 187; Baumert, Täglich sterben (n. 54 above), 388, who have also come to the
same conclusion.
60. Again see Baumert, Taglich sterben (n. 54 above), 388.
61. See Baumert, ibid.
62. See §11 above.
63. The text reads: άλλα γε τοιούτος και ό φιλόσοφος Ιστορείται Ζηνόδοτος,
παιδικά του Πρόκλου καλεϊσθαι µόνος αξιωθείς, έφ* φ δή και τάς µάλιστα έπεΐχεν
ελπίδας, "Such indeed is the philosopher Zenodotus reported to be, the only one con-
sidered worthy to be called the darling pupil of Proclus, on the ground that he offered
the highest hopes" (C. Zintzen, Datnascii vitae Isidori reliquiae [Bibliotheca graeca et
latina suppletoria 1; Hildesheim: Olms, 1967] 206).
64. Again see Baumert, Taglich sterben (n. 54 above), 391.
65. See §10 above.
66. Ausfuhrliche Grammatik (n. 49 above), 2/2.505. Similarly, Schwyzer says, "Mit
ώστε berührt sich bedeutungsmässig έφ' ω(τε), 'unter der Bedingung daß' (vgl. έπί mit
Lok. 'auf Grundlage von, zum Zweck, unter der Bedingung'. . . ; darum wird der ihm
gebührende Indicativ [des Futurums] oft durch den Infinitiv ersetzt," Griechische Gram-
matik (n. 35 above), 2.681 §9). Though Schwyzer says this, he nevertheless defines έφ'
ω as "weil" and refers to Phil 3:12, comparing Phil 4:10, for which he gives the meaning
"denn," "mitrelat. Anschluß"! — Cf. K. Meisterhans, Grammatik der attischen Inschrif-
ten (3rd ed.; Berlin: Weidmann, 1900, repr. 1971) 253 §28: "Für ώστε = 'unter der
Bedingung, daß" tritt mehrfach έφ1 φ ein, sogar in einer und derselben Formel und
Inschrift." He refers to CIA 2, add. 834; 2.8.51. J. M. Stahl, Kritisch-historische Syntax
des griechischen Verbums der klassischen Zeit (Indogermanische Bibliothek 1.1.4;
Heidelberg: Winter, 1907) 501.1.
Α table of occurrences of έφ' φ with the indicative and with the infinitive in Attic
inscriptions can be found in E. Hermann, Griechische Forschungen 1: Die Nebensätze
in den griechischen Dialektinschriften . . . (Leipzig/Berlin: Teubner, 1912) 61-65. This
table lists not only the instances of έφ' φ and έφ' φτε, but also those of ώστε, which again
suggests the close relation of consecutive έφ' φ to result clauses.
Lyonnet (Etudes [n. 37 above], 191), having cited two examples of έφ' φ from
Demosthenes, says of them, "En tous ces exemples, on le voit, bien loin de prendre le
sens de οτι, έφ' φ se rapproche de ώστε, si bien que VIndex Demosthenicus range ces
empiois dans la meme categorie que ceux de ώστε." Having said that, Lyonnet did not
pursue the suggestion that έφ' φ might have a consecutive meaning. S. Preuss (Index
Demosthenicus [Leipzig: Teubner, 1892] 328) lists έφ' φ under ώστε IV, but almost all
the examples express a condition on which something is done, except Demosthenes, Ag.
Aristogeiton 2 §13, which may be an example of the consecutive meaning.
Cf. BDF §235.4, which notes that επί with the dative can express purpose or result;
similarly, BDR §235.4, "Zweck, Folge (klass.)."
Though Liddell-Scott-Jones (Λ Greek-English Lexicon [2 vols.; Oxford: Clarendon,
1940] 747) explains έφ' φ, έφ' φτε as έπι τούτω ώστε and refers to έπί, it then lists (p. 622)
Rom 5:12 under B.III.3 "of the condition upon which a thing is done," and translates it
as "wherefore." This is probably wrong. Note that the KJV introduces Rom 5:12 with
"wherefore" (= δια τοΰτο), but then translates έφ' φ as "for that all have sinned," as
F. Τ Gignac has called to my attention.
67.1 have checked the following texts in standard editions. The translations are my
own and seek to bring out as literally as possible the sense of the writer. I have often
checked my translations against those in the Loeb Classical Library or against translations
in other modern languages.
68. So BDF §391.3 explains the use of ώστε with the infinitive in Luke 4:29 (ώστε
κατακρηµνίσαι αυτόν, "to throw him over it"), where mss. A, C, and Ψ and the Koine
text-tradition read rather εις τό. Cf. Luke 9:52, where there is a variant reading of ως;
also Matt 10:1; 27:1; Luke 20:20; Acts 19:10; Heb 13:6. Cf. BDR §391.3 and n. 7. See
also E. Mayser, Grammatik der griechischen Papyri aus der Ptolomäerzeit . . . (Ber-
lin/Leipzig: de Gruyter) 2/1 (1926) 214: he, too, speaks of the "beabsichtige Folge" and
lists many instances of έφ' φ in this sense with the future indicative and one with the
infinitive (P.Hibeh 77.6). Cf. M. J. Higgins, "New Testament Result Clauses with Infini-
tive," CBQ 23 (1961) 233-41; T. Muraoka, "Purpose or Result? "Ωστε in Biblical Greek,"
NovT\5 (1973)205-19.
69. This construction of consecutive έφ' φ with the infinitive is also found in
Polybius, Hist. 9.28.7 ("so that he did damage only to you"). It may also occur in
Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philos. 6.10.4; 6.91.3, where translators often use simply
"whereupon." This meaning would also suit some instances of έφ' φ with the indicative:
Cassius Dio, Hist. Rom. 67.8.4; 77.5.1.
70. This is a reference to decocta, "boiled (water)," a chilled drink that Nero had
invented; see Pliny, Nat Hist 31.23.40; Suetonius, Neronis vita 48.3.
71. Even though C. Ε. Β. Cranfield prefers to interpret έφ' φ as "because," he caught
the right sense of the clause when he wrote that one must "understand ήµαρτον as
referring to men's sinning in their own persons but as a result of the corrupt nature
inherited from Adam" (SJT22 [1969] 331). Though it is undoubtedly better to speak of
the tainted nature inherited from Adam, Cranfield recognizes this situation as a "result,"
for which the evidence of this paper argues.
72. B. Byrne, Reckoning with Romans: A Contemporary Reading of Paul's Gospel
(Good News Studies 18; Wilmington, DE: Glazier, 1986) 116.
73. For a discussion of the passage as a whole, see Romans: A New Translation with
Introduction and Commentary (AB 33; New York: Doubleday, 1993) 405-28.
Nineteen
THE RESURRECTION OF
JESUS CHRIST ACCORDING
TO THE NEW TESTAMENT*
W H E N PAUL OF TARSUS WROTE to the Christians of ancient Corinth, he exclaimed

in his First Letter, "If Christ has not been raised [from the dead], then our
preaching [to you] is in vain, and your faith is in vain" (15:14). In other words,
one is not a Christian unless one believes in the resurrection of Christ. For the
essence of one's allegiance to Jesus of Nazareth as God's Christ or Messiah is
intimately tied up with belief in his resurrection. This is also the implication of
the early Christian slogan, "Jesus is Lord," which one even finds today pasted
on the bumpers of cars of evangelical Christians in the U.S.A. "Lord" or Kyrios
is the title par excellence in the New Testament writings for the risen Christ. To
acknowledge the influence of Jesus' lordship in one's daily life is to associate
oneself with a venerable tradition of Christian allegiance. Paul himself spelled
out the implications of the slogan "Jesus is Lord" when he wrote to the Chris-
tians of Rome, "If you admit with your lips that Jesus is Lord and believe in
your heart that God raised him from the dead, you will be saved" (10:9). In
other words, Christian salvation depends on such an acknowledgment and faith.
The modern problem is to explain what is meant by "God raised him from
the dead." All too frequently that clause, derived from Rom 10:9, is given
nuances that create difficulties of understanding for people today. My purpose
in this discussion is to try to clear the air for a proper understanding of what the
New Testament itself is saying when it affirms the resurrection of Jesus Christ.1
My purpose is not to debate the philosophical presuppositions of what the New
Testament purports to affirm. I am rather concerned to delimit the New Testa-
ment affirmation, which is, after all, the beginning of the modern problem of
the resurrection of Jesus Christ.2
All four Gospels tell of Jesus dying on the cross (Mark 15:37; Matt 27:50;
369
Luke 23:46; John 19:30); they also tell of his burial in a nearby tomb outside
of Jerusalem (Mark 15:46; Matt 27:60; Luke 23:53; John 19:41). These events,
the death and burial of Jesus, are clear and uncontested; but it is the sequel to
the death and burial that is the subject of much modern debate and questioning.
No little part of the debate is involved in the nuances with which one reads the
New Testament data about that sequel.
In my treatment of such data I shall make my remarks under three headings:
(1) New Testament ways of referring to the sequel of Jesus' death and burial;
(2) New Testament accounts of the appearances of the risen Christ; and (3) the
meaning of Christ's resurrection as depicted in the New Testament. By dividing
up the material in this way, I hope to reflect the groping of the early Christians
themselves, as they gradually tried to understand that sequel to Jesus' death and
burial and to formulate their faith in it in words and phrases of human speech.
I. New Testament Ways of Referring

to the Sequel of Jesus' Death and Burial
The ways in which the New Testament refers to the sequel of Jesus' death and
burial are not all derived from the earliest period of the primitive tradition about
the risen Christ, but I shall start with the earlier testimonies and move on to the
later ones. I shall begin with ways that do not immediately use the verbs "raise,"
"resurrect," or the noun "resurrection," because some of the earliest material
speaks about that sequel in other terminology.
The earliest texts to be mentioned are those that have already been discussed
in Chapter 13 above, "The Ascension of Christ and Pentecost."3 There I recalled
the way in which Paul in Phil 2:5-11 spoke of the sequel as an "exaltation":
"God has so greatly exalted him" (hyperypsösen, 2:9). In that primitive pre-
Pauline hymn God is said to have "exalted" Christ Jesus to heavenly glory
without any mention of the resurrection. Similarly, in the primitive hymnic
composition embedded in 1 Tim 3:16, where six aspects of Christ's career are
listed. The first of the six affirmations refers to the incarnation ("Who was made
manifest in the flesh"), but the other five are interpretations of the sequel of his
death ("vindicated by the Spirit, seen by angels, preached among the nations,
believed in throughout the world, and taken up in glory"). Not only is Jesus'
death not mentioned here, but his resurrection is also passed over in silence. Yet
it ends with his being "taken up in glory" (anelemphthe en doxe).4 To these
texts I also related the various passages in the Fourth Gospel in which the
Johannine Jesus speaks in an ambiguous way about his being "lifted up" (hy-
psoun, John 3:14; 8:28; 12:32-34), where one finds that his being raised on the
cross implies a raising to glory.5 Being lifted up on the cross is seen as the
beginning of a process of exaltation to glory. These passages are partly found
The Resurrection of Jesus Christ according to the New Testament 371
in later New Testament writings, but commentators are inclined to regard them
as traces of early tradition preserved there. In any case, this way of expressing
the sequel to Jesus' death and burial bypasses the resurrection. The sequel to
Jesus' death is expressed indeed, but in terms of his exaltation, as if he were
exalted to celestial existence from the cross itself: "Therefore God superexalted
him and bestowed on him the name that is above all others" (Phil 2:9). One
may ask whether "exaltation" is only another way of referring to Jesus' ascen-
sion, but that only compounds the problem of the mysterious silence about the
resurrection itself.
Before I turn to the explicit use of verbs that express "resurrection," I
shall cite two other ways of expressing the sequel to Jesus' death and burial
in a later New Testament writer. They do not make use of the verbs "raise"
or "resurrect." Yet they provide other insights into the understanding of that
sequel. They are both drawn from the Lucan Gospel. As Jesus hangs on the
cross, crucified between two criminals, one of them taunts him and challenges
him as the Messiah to save himself and them. The other criminal chides the
first one and turns in repentance to Jesus, saying, "Jesus, remember me when
you come into your kingdom" (23:42). The crucified Jesus answers, "Today,
you shall be with me in Paradise!" (23:43). One often meditates on the gracious
and merciful response of the crucified Savior made to a penitent outcast of
humanity, but few ponder the further implications of that answer. The word
"paradise" is strange. It probably means no more than the "glory" of the
Father's presence. Much more important, however, is the implication of the
crucified Jesus' use of "Today (semewn), you shall be with me in Paradise/
glory." Why "today"? One may wonder how that fits in with "resurrection"
or "on the third day" (1 Cor 15:4)? Thus this Lucan passage seems to imply
a passage directly from death to glory.6
The other passage is in the last chapter of the Lucan Gospel, where the risen
Christ walks with Cleopas and his companion towards the village of Emmaus.
Having explained what the prophets had spoken about him, the risen Christ
queries, "Was not the Messiah bound to suffer all this before entering his glory?"
{ouchi tauta edei pathein ton Christon kai eiselthein eis ten doxan autou, 24:26).
Here the "suffering" refers to all that we normally understand as Jesus' passion
and death; but the sequel to it is immediately expressed in terms of the "glory"
into which he had to enter. The impersonal verb dei, "it is necessary," is used
in the past tense already on the evening of the day of the discovery of the empty
tomb. Moreover, Jesus has entered this glory without any reference to the
resurrection or ascension.7
Now none of the foregoing ways of referring to the sequel of Jesus' death
and burial is meant to deny the resurrection. They are simply other modes of
describing that sequel and reflect other, perhaps earlier, attempts to express it.8
However, in primitive kerygmatic fragments that the Apostle Paul has incor-
porated into his letters the sequel is clearly expressed as "resurrection." Thus
in Rom 4:25, Paul speaks of Jesus our Lord as one who "was handed over to
death for our trespasses and raised (egerthe) for our justification." Similarly, in
the famous kerygmatic fragment used by him in 1 Cor 15:3-5, Paul affirms as
traditional the belief "that Christ died because of our sins according to the
Scriptures, that he was buried, that he was raised (egegertai) on the third day
according to the Scriptures, and that he appeared to Cephas. . . ." To this one
can add a passage from his earliest letter, 1 Thess 1:10. The verb egeirein, "wake
up" (from the sleep of death), or anastesai, "cause to stand up," eventually
came to dominate the way of speaking about that sequel, and from the latter
verb we derive the noun anastasis, "resurrection."9
In one of the early speeches of Peter in Acts, the two notions of resurrection
and exaltation are combined. On Pentecost, when Peter addresses the Jews
assembled in the city of Jerusalem for the Feast of the Assembly or the Feast
of Weeks, he asserts, "This Jesus God has raised up (anestesen)y and of that we
are all witnesses. Being therefore exalted (hypsötheis) at the right hand of God,
and having received from the Father the promise of the Holy Spirit, he has
poured this out. . ." (Acts 2:32-33).
I shall return to implications of this diversity of language used to describe
the sequel of the death and burial of Jesus in the third part.
II. New Testament Accounts of the Appearances of the Risen Christ
Each of the canonical Gospels ends with a resurrection narrative of some sort.
The remarkable parallelism that one notes in the passion narratives of the
Synoptic and Johannine Gospels continues into the first episode of the resurrec-
tion narratives, for not only the Synoptics (Mark, Matthew, and Luke), but even
the Fourth Gospel begins the sequel to the passion narrative with the account
of the discovery of the empty tomb. Yet once its discovery by the women is
recounted, each of the resurrection narratives goes its own way, recounting
appearances of the risen Christ to his followers. There is no further parallelism,
and no similarity of order, time, or place. Some of the appearances take place
in Jerusalem or its environs; others in Galilee.
Two things make up the usual resurrection narrative in each Gospel: the
story of the discovery of the empty tomb and accounts of the appearances of
the risen Christ. Although I am mainly interested here in the accounts of the
appearances of the risen Christ, two comments have to be made first about the
discovery of the empty tomb.10
First, was the tomb really found empty? People often pose this query today.
Yet it has not been asked for the first time only in the twentieth century.
Matthew's Gospel reveals that it was already being raised in the first century.
That Gospel even incorporates a tradition that purports to answer objections

about the empty tomb. In Matt 27:62-66 the tomb is sealed and guards are posted
by the chief priests and Pharisees, "lest his disciples come and steal him away
and tell the people, 'He has risen from the dead/ " Again, in Matt 28:11-15 the
guards report to the chief priests about all that has happened, and bribes are
given to them to get them to say "that Jesus' disciples came by night and stole
him away." No one reading such passages today can mistake the defensive
apologetics against "the Jews" (28:15) that underlay the composition of such
passages. They show that queries about the reality of the empty tomb were
surfacing in Matthew's time. Yet this sort of defensive apologetics, though it
clearly marks the Matthean account, is not detected in every form of the story
of the discovery of the empty tomb. The two passages about guards at the tomb
are exclusive to the Matthean Gospel, and neither the earlier Marcan account
of the empty tomb nor the almost certainly independent Johannine account has
that apologetic thrust.
Moreover, it is sometimes argued that the story of the empty tomb is a late
addition to the gospel tradition about Christ's death and resurrection. This is
maintained because the primitive kerygmatic fragment inserted into 1 Cor 15:3-
5, which we quoted earlier, makes no mention of the empty tomb. One will
recall the text itself and will note its four parallel thats: ". . . that Christ died
because of our sins according to the Scriptures, that he was buried, that he was
raised on the third day according to the Scriptures, and that he appeared to
Cephas. . . ." Here one finds the sequence death, burial, resurrection, and ap-
pearances, but no mention of the empty tomb. From this failure to mention the
empty tomb some have concluded that the story of its discovery is really of later
vintage than the early kerygma and that it has been evoked by the very apologetic
need that Matthew 27-28 reflects. Yet it should be noted that the kerygmatic
fragment of 1 Cor 15:3-5 is stylized; its fourfold repetition of the conjunction
hod, "that," reveals its stereotyped character, which was preferred for mnemonic
purposes to the inclusion of all details. No one will deny that the narrative
account of the discovery of the empty tomb may reflect a later vintage than the
kerygma quoted, but that later emergence or formation of the narrative does not
deprive the discovery itself of all factuality.
Second, the more important element in the story of the empty tomb is the
praeconium paschale, "Easter proclamation," the message conveyed to the
women who visit the tomb by the "young man" (Mark 16:6) or "the angel"
(Matt 28:5): "You seek Jesus of Nazareth who was crucified; he has been raised,
he is not here." So runs the essential message in that passage in all four Gospels
despite its variant wording. It is the proclamation of Christ's resurrection, his
triumph over death and over the evil that caused it. As Paul would put it, "We
know that Christ, being raised from the dead, will never die again; death no
longer has dominion over him. The death he died, he died to sin, once for all;
but the life he lives, he lives to God" (Rom 6:9-10). Cf. 1 Cor 15:55-57. The
Easter proclamation in the four Gospels thus captures the sense of the story of
the empty tomb.
When we turn to the other element in the resurrection narratives, the ac-
counts of the appearances of the risen Christ to his followers, we have to
distinguish in the New Testament itself six different forms of such accounts:
(1) Mark 16:1-8.1' This is, in reality, not only the story of the empty tomb,
but the end of the Marcan Gospel in some of the best Greek mss. (X, B, 304,
2386) and in some ancient versions (Latin, Syriac, Armenian, and Georgian).12
Verses 1-8 recount the discovery of the empty tomb by the women, the Easter
proclamation made to them, and the charge given them by a "young man" to
go tell the disciples and Peter that Jesus precedes them to Galilee, where they
will see him. In fear the women depart and say nothing to anyone. What is
striking here is the form of the Marcan resurrection narrative in which no
appearance of the risen Christ is recounted, but only promised (and that in
Galilee). Moreover, there is no description of the resurrection itself. Did the
Marcan Gospel really end with v. 8? As is well known, some English Bibles
mark the termination of the Marcan Gospel thus (in dependence on the best
Greek mss.), without any account of an appearance of the risen Christ.
(2) Matt 28:1-20.13 This is the conclusion of the Matthean Gospel. It reports
the discovery of the empty tomb (28:1-8) with the same proclamatory message
and charge given to the women as in Mark 16:1-8. Then Jesus appears to the
women in Jerusalem as they make their way to the disciples (28:9-10). This
appearance is followed by the Matthean insertion, the story of the bribing of the
guards (28:11-15) and then by the story of the appearance of Christ to the Eleven
in Galilee, when he commissions them to make disciples, to teach, and to baptize
(28:16-20). In this Matthean resurrection narrative there is, again, no description
of the resurrection, even though it does contain accounts of two appearances of
the risen Christ, one in Jerusalem and one in Galilee.
(3) Luke 23:56b-24:53.14 This is the conclusion of the Lucan Gospel, with
five episodes that all take place on the day of the discovery of the empty tomb
itself: (a) The story of the discovery (23:56b-24:ll), with the Easter proclama-
tion and the charge to the women; this time they are bidden to recall what Jesus
had told them in Galilee (thus is eliminated all need to mention an appearance
of the risen Christ in Galilee). The women go and make their report, but "the
Eleven and all the others" (24:9) fail to believe their tale. To this story, however,
Luke adds a piece of tradition about Peter visiting the empty tomb (v. 12, a verse
once relegated by Westcott and Hort to their "Western Non-Interpolations," but
now recognized as part of Luke's original account).15 (b) Christ's appearance to
two disciples on the road to Emmaus, their recognition of him, their return to
Jerusalem, and their report (24:13-35). (c) Christ's appearance to the Eleven and
those who were with them in Jerusalem (24:36-43). (d) Christ's commission to
these followers to be witnesses of him (24:44-49). Finally, (e) Christ leads these
followers out to Bethany, where he parts from them and is carried off to heaven
(24:50-53). Amid all this detail, Luke never describes the resurrection, as he
does the ascension (Acts 1:9-11), and he depicts the risen Christ appearing to
his followers only in Jerusalem or its environs, never in Galilee. The new details
in this Lucan account are two: the primitive report that "the Lord has risen
indeed and has appeared to Simon" (24:34); and the notice of the ascension of
Christ on Easter Sunday night itself.
(A) John 20:7-29. 16 This is the original conclusion of the Johannine Gospel.
It includes the story of the empty tomb, in which Mary Magdalene, Peter, and
the Beloved Disciple visit it (20:1-10); further, the appearance of Christ to Mary
Magdalene near the tomb (20:11-18), then his appearance to the disciples in
Jerusalem, with Thomas absent (20:19-23), and again his appearance to them a
week later, with Thomas present (20:24-29). Once again, we find here no
description of the resurrection itself, and all three appearances of the risen Christ
take place in Jerusalem. An oblique reference is made to Christ's ascension in
v. 17, when Jesus tells Mary to stop clinging to him.17
(5) John 21:1-23.ls The last chapter of the Johannine Gospel is really an
appendix to it (possibly added by the editors of the Gospel in a final stage of
its development). Being an appendix, it contains no story of the empty tomb,
but only an account of an appearance of the risen Christ in Galilee, who reveals
himself to seven disciples who have gone fishing at the Sea of Tiberias (21:1-14).
Immediately afterwards Christ commissions Peter to feed his flock, and the
future roles of Peter and the Beloved Disciple are contrasted (21:15-23). This
appearance of Christ is said to be "the third time that Jesus manifested himself
to the [male] disciples since he was raised from the dead" (21:14).19
(6) Mark 16:9-20.20 This is the so-called appendix to the Marcan Gospel,
being found only in some Greek mss. of Mark (A, C, D, K, W, Χ, Δ, Θ, Π, Ψ, 099,
0112,/73, and the Koine text-tradition); with additional material in v. 8 and v. 14
in some mss.21 Verses 9-20 are not of Marcan authorship, but they are stylistically
different and are considered as canonical in the Roman Catholic and Orthodox
churches. The appendix was added to make up for the missing accounts of
appearances of the risen Christ in the form of the Marcan Gospel mentioned under
(1) above. In a sense, it parallels the appendix to the Johannine Gospel in chap. 21.
This appendix to the Marcan Gospel records three appearances of Christ in
Jerusalem: (a) to Mary Magdalene (16:9-11); (b) to two disciples walking in the
nearby countryside, who go back to Jerusalem and report the appearance to
incredulous disciples (16:12-13); and (c) to the Eleven seated at table, who are
upbraided for their disbelief, but whom Christ eventually commissions to preach
the gospel to all creation (16:14-18). The appendix ends with the notice of "the
Lord Jesus" being "taken up into heaven" (16:19), not from Bethany, as in Luke
24:50, but from the room where the Eleven sat at table on Easter Sunday night.
In these resurrection narratives one notes the parallelism in the empty-tomb

story in each Gospel (along with its Easter proclamation), but also the difference
of the accounts of the appearances of the risen Christ, save for two details:
(a) The appearance of Christ to two disciples walking in the countryside, de-
scribed in Mark 16:12-13, is the kernel of a tradition known also to Luke, who
develops it into a dramatic account of 23 verses, the Emmaus story (24:13-35).
(b) The ascension of Jesus on Easter Sunday night is recounted in both Mark
16:19 and Luke 24:50-53, albeit with varying details.
In these different accounts, the emphasis falls on Jesus' resurrection and on
the appearance of the risen Christ to followers under varied circumstances. When
we consider the variety of detail along with the diverse ways of referring to the
sequel of Jesus' death and burial, which we discussed in section I, we are
naturally led to the question of the meaning of Christ's resurrection as conveyed
in the New Testament, which brings us to section III.
III. The Meaning of Christ's Resurrection

as Depicted in the New Testament
Here we must guard against reading things into the text of the various New
Testament passages that deal with the resurrection. We must concentrate rather
on what the texts are actually saying about the sequel to Christ's death and
burial.
I begin by recalling what is said in chap. 13 about Acts 1:21-22. After Judas
has died, a need is felt to reconstitute the Twelve. Someone has to take his place
along with the Eleven. Peter stands up among the brethren and clarifies the need:
"One of the men (andrön) who accompanied us during all the time that the Lord
Jesus went in and out among us, beginning from the baptism of John up until
the day that he was taken up from us, one of these men must become with us
a witness of his resurrection" (1:21-22). Luke depicts Peter desiring someone
who can bear witness not only to the risen Christ but also to the earthly ministry
of Jesus. Such a man must become "a witness of his resurrection." (The same
expression occurs again in Acts 4:33.) The problem is that no one in the New
Testament is ever depicted as witnessing the resurrection. Since Luke is giving
criteria for the choice of Judas' successor, he formulates this requirement in the
abstract. What he really means is that the one chosen to take Judas' place must
likewise be one to whom the risen Christ has appeared. In that sense he must
be a "witness of his resurrection." This Lucan abstract formulation, however,
sometimes leads readers to think that someone in the New Testament is actually
said to have observed the resurrection of Jesus itself.
When I was discussing the various forms of the story of the empty tomb, I
pointed out that in no Gospel was there a description of the resurrection. Not
even Matt 28:2, which tells how the stone before the tomb was rolled back by
''the angel of the Lord," goes on to describe the resurrection itself. No New
Testament writer does for the resurrection what Luke has done in describing
Christ's ascension in Acts 1:9-11.22
What no canonical evangelist has done for the resurrection of Jesus, that
the author of the apocryphal Gospel of Peter does:
Now in the night in which the Lord's day dawned, when the soldiers were
keeping guard, two by two in every watch, there rang out a loud voice in heaven.
They saw the heavens opened, and two men came down from there in great
splendor and drew near to the tomb. That stone, which had been laid against
the entrance, started to roll of itself and gave way to the side. The tomb was
opened, and both of the young men entered in. When then the soldiers saw this,
;
they woke up the centurion and the elders, for they too were there to assist at
the watch. While they were relating what they had seen, they again saw three
men come out of the tomb, two of them sustaining the other, and a cross
following them. They saw the heads of the two reaching to the heavens, but
that of him who was led by them by the hand surpassing the heavens. Then
they heard a voice crying out from the heavens, "Hast thou preached to them
that sleep?" And from the cross there was heard the answer, "Yes." (§35-42).23
The developing gospel tradition has finally come to a description of the resur-
rection such as none of the canonical Gospels contains.
What the Gospel of Peter has supplied is the answer to the question that
readers of the canonical Gospels might naturally have asked, "Well, how did it
happen?" It is an answer that the Christian church never saw fit to incorporate
into its canonical Scriptures. Because no one "witnessed" the resurrection,
despite Luke's abstract formulation of a criterion for membership in the Twelve,
early Christian curiosity about the event eventually made up the imaginative
description just excerpted from the apocryphal Gospel of Peter.
Moreover, no New Testament writer ever depicts the resurrection of Christ
as a resuscitation or a reanimation. Here one must distinguish the resurrection
of Christ from the miracles of resuscitation found in the New Testament: that
of Lazarus (John 11:42-43), the son of the widow of Nain (Luke 7:11-17), the
daughter of Jairus (Mark 5:35-43 parr.), or Tabitha (Acts 9:36-41). In each of
these instances the resuscitated person returns to a former mode of terrestrial
existence. The risen Christ, however, is never portrayed so inhabiting the earth,
not even for forty days. He is not like someone ensconced behind an arras, or
even a stage curtain. Luke, moreover, goes out of his way in 24:37-39 to reject
the idea that Christ was like a spook. The risen Christ walked the road, indeed,
to Emmaus with Cleopas and his companion; but after being recognized by them
"in the breaking of the bread" (24:35), he "vanished from their sight" (kai autos
aphantos egeneto ap' autön, 24:31). Vanishing from sight is hardly the mode of
departure or withdrawal for a person enjoying natural, terrestrial existence. The
real question is, "Whither did he vanish?"
Though the New Testament does not say so explicitly, it implies time and
again that when the risen Christ appeared, he appeared from "glory," i.e., from
the presence of the Father who raised him from the dead by his own "glory"
(Rom 6:4). The risen Christ himself queries Cleopas and his companion on the
road to Emmaus, "Was not the Messiah bound to suffer all this before entering
his glory?" Or to put it more literally, "Was it not necessary for the Messiah to
suffer these things and [so] enter into his glory?" (24:26). Again, even on the
evening of the day of the discovery of his empty tomb Christ uses the past tense,
implying that he has already entered that glory, prior to the ascension that is
still to be recounted in 24:50-53! Hence, from such glory the risen Christ appears
to his followers, and to such glory he vanishes at Emmaus. To explain Acts 1:3,
from such glory "he presented himself alive after his passion by many proofs,
appearing to them [the apostles] during forty days." From this we can see that
the basic affirmation of the New Testament about the sequel to the death and
burial of Jesus is that of a passage from death to the Father's glorious presence,
whether one calls that passage an "exaltation," a "resurrection," or an "ascen-
sion." It is a way of affirming the mysterious triumph that is Christ's over death
itself. I repeat the words of Peter on Pentecost, proclaimed to the Jews assembled
from Judea and the diaspora and gathered in Jerusalem for their feast: "[David]
foresaw and spoke of the resurrection of the Messiah, that he was not abandoned
to Hades and his flesh did not see corruption. This Jesus God raised up
(anestesen), and of that we are all witnesses. Being therefore exalted at the right
hand of God, and having received from the Father the promise of the Holy Spirit,
he has poured this out. . . . Therefore let all the house of Israel know that God
has made both Lord and Messiah this Jesus whom you crucified" (Acts 2:31-33,
36). The passage from death and burial to glory also explains why the crucified
Jesus says to the penitent criminal crucified beside him, "Today, you shall be
with me in Paradise" (Luke 23:43).
To make this point a bit clearer, one may ask what difference there was
between the appearance of the risen Christ "to Cephas, to the Twelve," etc.
(1 Cor 15:5-6) and his appearance to Paul on the road to Damascus (Gal 1:12,
16; cf. Acts 9:3-5; 22:6-8; 26:13-15). As far as I can see, the only difference
was temporal: in Paul's case it was postpentecostal, whereas for the others it
was prepentecostal; but in either case its "spatial" terminus a quo was the same,
viz., from heavenly glory. In this connection one might recall that Paul says that
Christ was "raised from the dead by the glory of the Father" (Rom 6:4). The
spatial terminus a quo, then, for all the appearances of the risen Christ to his
disciples was the glory of the Father's presence — if one may be permitted the
use of the adjective "spatial."
Whereas the risen Christ who appears to his followers insists on his identity,
he is also said to have appeared to two of them "[in another form"] (en hetera
morphe), as they were walking into the country (appendix to Mark, 16:12). For
this reason he is not at first recognized either by Cleopas and his companion
(Luke 24:16) or by Mary Magdalene, who at first supposes him "to be the
gardener" (John 20:15). However one wants to explain this "difference, yet
identity," one must recall what Paul says about the difference between a "physi-
cal body" sown in death and a "spiritual body" raised therefrom (1 Cor 15:42-
44). Indeed, when Paul tries to describe the risen body, he identifies it expressly
with all that is not "body," viz., with "spirit" or "spiritual." That may be
something more than rhetorical oxymoron, but it is not very enlightening. It at
least cautions us about how we should or should not imagine to ourselves the
risen Christ and his "glorified" body. In the long run much of the modern
difficulty about the resurrection of Christ stems from how one imagines or
depicts for oneself the reality of the risen Christ.
The affirmation that Christ was raised from the dead belongs to the primitive
Palestinian kerygma or the basic proclamation of the Christian church, which
originated in Jewish Palestine itself. The fragment of such preaching preserved
in 1 Cor 15:3-5 affirms the death, burial, resurrection, and appearance of Christ.
Originating in such a Jewish-Christian setting, where many Jews (the Pharisees
at least, and probably also the Essenes24) believed in the resurection of the dead
(see Dan 12:2; cf. Acts 23:6), that kerygma must have carried with it the
connotation of a bodily resurrection. For Jewish Palestine was a milieu where
the philosophical dichotomy of body and soul was not yet widely borrowed from
Hellenism.25 So the resurrection of Christ is never presented in terms of immor-
tality, a Greek notion found in the Book of Wisdom, indeed, but in a book of
Alexandrian, not Palestinian, provenience. When, then, one uses the New Testa-
ment expression "resurrection" for the sequel of Jesus' death and burial, that
has to be understood in terms of Dan 12:2, which refers to a bodily resurrection.
Such a kerygma would imply that Jesus had been "raised" by the Father to the
state of glory in some bodily form, even if modern expositors cannot explain
adequately what a bodily resurrection is or how it would happen, any more than
Paul could.26 Yet that does not mean that the New Testament does not conceive
of Christ's resurrection in such a bodily or corporeal manner. The primitive
kerygma did not content itself to proclaim merely that Jesus was alive or that
he was a living influence in the existence of his followers. It included an
admission that he had been "raised" to a state of glory in the presence of his
Father, and that would have had to mean "raised bodily."
In light of such an understanding of the resurrection we recall what has
already been explained as the "ascension" of Christ?27 Luke is the only New
Testament writer who describes the "ascension," and that he does 40 days after
the resurrection, according to Acts 1:9-11. Although he mentions the ascension
at the end of his Gospel on Easter Sunday night itself (24:50-53), as does Mark
16:9, it is not described in detail there. The "ascension," however, was in reality
the last appearance of the risen Christ to his followers assembled as a group. It
was his final, dramatic farewell to them in their corporate apostolic unity, as he
appeared to them from glory for this event, to make known to them that hence-
forth they would be aware of his presence among them "in the breaking of the
bread" (24:35) and in the "promise of my Father" (24:49), i.e., through the
Holy Spirit (as that "promise" is eventually explained in Acts 1:4-5). Luke
historicized and dramatized that final appearance to separate the resurrection
from the ascension in preparation for the fiftieth day, Pentecost itself.
In all of this matter the greatest difficulty is how we picture to ourselves
what the New Testament has said about the resurrection of Christ. It is imperative
that we learn to listen to its formulations and not impose on them our own,
sometimes preconceived, ideas.
NOTES
* Originally published in The Month 258 (no. 1439, November 1987) 402-10.
1. See further P. Benoit, The Passion and Resurrection of Jesus Christ (London:
Darton, Longman and Todd, 1969); W. Marxsen, The Resurrection of Jesus of Nazareth
(London: SCM, 1970); R. E. Brown, The Virginal Conception and Bodily Resurrection
of Jesus (New York: Paulist, 1973); Β. Rigaux, Dieu Γα ressuscite: Exegese et theologie
biblique (Gembloux: Duculot, 1973); X. Leon-Dufour, Resurrection and the Message of
Easter (London: Chapman, 1974); U. Wilckens, Resurrection: Biblical Testimony to the
Resurrection: An Historical Examination and Explanation (Atlanta: John Knox, 1978);
G. O'Collins, What Are They Saying about the Resurrection? (New York: Paulist, 1978);
P. Perkins, Resurrection: New Testament Witness and Contemporary Reflection (Garden
City, NY: Doubleday, 1984).
2. See P. Perkins, Resurrection (n. 1 above), 421-52; X. Leon-Dufour, Resurrection
(n. 1 above), 195-261.
3. See pp. 265-67 above.
4. See p. 267 above.
5. See pp. 268-69. Also X. Leon-Dufour, Resurrection (n. 1 above), 227-28; R. E.
Brown, The Gospel according to John (AB 29, 29A; Garden City, NY: Doubleday,
1966-70) 541-42, 930-31, 1013-14.
6. For further discussion of this passage, see " Today You Shall Be with Me in
Paradise' (Luke 23:43)," Luke the Theologian: Aspects of His Teaching (New York/
Mahwah, NJ: Paulist, 1989) 203-33.
7. See p. 275 above.
8. See further my commentary, The Gospel according to Luke (AB 28, 28A; Garden
City, NY: Doubleday, 1981-85) 193-94.
9. See X. Leon-Dufour, Resurrection (n. 1 above), 5-24.
10. See P. Benoit, The Passion (n. 1 above), 231-61; B. Rigaux, Dieu (n. 1 above),
184-213; P. Perkins, Resurrection (n. 1 above), 91-95; F. Neirynck, "John and the Syn-
optics: The Empty Tomb Stories," NTS 30 (1984) 161-87; W. L. Craig, "The Historicity
of the Empty Tomb of Jesus," NTS 31 (1985) 39-67; K. Grayston, "The Empty Tomb,"
ExpTim 92 (1980-81) 263-67.
11. See further B. Rigaux, Dieu (n. 1 above), 184-200; U. Wilckens, Resurrection
(n. 1 above), 27-39; P. Perkins, Resurrection (n. 1 above), 114-24.
12. See TCGNT (2d ed., 1994), 102-6.
13. See X. Leon-Dufour, Resurrection (n. 1 above), 139-49; U. Wilckens, Resur-
rection (n. 1 above), 48-50; P. Perkins, Resurrection (n. 1 above), 124-37.
14. See Luke (n. 8 above), 1532-93; X. Leon-Dufour, Resurrection (n. 1 above),
150-68; U. Wilckens, Resurrection (n. 1 above), 50-54; P. Perkins, Resurrection (n. 1
above), 151-69.
15. See Luke (n. 8 above), 130-31; TCGNT (2d ed., 1994), 157-58.
16. See X. Leon-Dufour, Resurrection (n. 1 above), 161-80; P. Perkins, Resurrection
(n. 1 above), 169-80.
17. See R. E. Brown, The Gospel according to John (n. 5 above), 992-93, 1003-4
on the meaning of Jesus' words.
18. See B. Rigaux, Dieu (n. 1 above), 238-52; X. Leon-Dufour, Resurrection (n. 1
above), 181-90; U. Wilckens, Resurrection (n. 1 above), 54-62; P. Perkins, Resurrection
(n. 1 above), 180-86.
19. The evangelist does not include in his counting the appearance of Christ to Mary
Magdalene; see R. E. Brown, The Gospel according to John (n. 5 above), 1077.
20. See U. Wilckens, Resurrection (n. 1 above), 62-63.
21. See TCGNT (2d ed., 1994), 103-7.
22. See pp. 272-73 above.
23. The translation is my own. The Greek text of this fragmentary Gospel can be
found in A. de Santos Otero, Los evangelios apocrifos (BAC 148; 3d ed., Madrid:
EDICA, 1979) 389-90. See Luke (n. 8 above), 1538; cf. W. Schneemelcher, New Testa-
ment Apocrypha: Revised Edition (2 vols.; Cambridge, UK: James Clarke & Co., 1991-
92), 1.224-25.
24. See now E. Puech, La croyance des Esseniens en la vie future: Immortalite,
resurrection, vie etemelle? Histoire d'une croyance dans le juda'isme ancien (EBib n.s.
21-22; Paris: Gabalda, 1993).
25. Josephus records that some Palestinian Jews thought in terms of the immortality
of the soul {J.W. 2.8.11 §154). Even if he is predicating of them a view that reflects other
thinking, at least he is aware of this idea.
26. See 1 Cor 15:35-56. Also the comments of E. J. Epp ("The Ascension" [chap.
13, n. 16]) on the attempts made by scribes of the Western text to get rid of any thought
of a bodily ascension of Christ.
27. See pp. 271-73 above. Cf. X. Leon-Dufour, Resurrection (n. 1 above), 259-60;
U. Wilckens, Resurrection (n. 1 above), 67-73.
APPENDIX
IN THIS APPENDIX corrections or further comments are made at times on some

of the topics discussed in TAG. More frequently, leads are given to recent
discussions of the topics, which may support or disagree with the views I had
proposed in TAG. The first number indicates the page of the original book; the
second, the line or the note. An asterisk before the second number means "line
from bottom."
40, 6 Read pp. 6, 17-18 above.
44, 20 Read 1960.
83, 21ff. There has been some discussion recently about whether a woman in
ancient Jewish Palestine could divorce her husband. Part of the discussion has
been caused by a notice written by J. T. Milik in DJD 2.108, where he cites a
few words from an as yet unpublished get, "writ of divorce," which he says
reads:
iri^m vpatp m (f.) ma (m.) i? ηη
Milik does not translate the words or comment on them, except to say that
the formula is similar to one in the text that he is publishing there. The few
words that Milik quotes have been taken as proof that a woman could indeed
divorce her husband (see B. Brooten, "Konnten Frauen im alten Judentum die
Scheidung betreiben? Überlegungen zu Mk 10,11-12 und 1 Kor 7,10-11," EvT
42 (1982) 65-80; "Zur Debatte über das Scheidungsrecht der jüdischen Frau,"
EvT 43 (1983) 466-78. The matter has been treated at length in an article, "The
So-called Aramaic Divorce Text from Wadi Seiyal," which I have submitted for
publication in Eretz Israel 26 (1998?). Meanwhile, one can consult a more
Appendix 383
correct interpretation of the text to which Milik refers given by J. C. Greenfield,

"The Texts from Nahal Se'elim (Wadi Seiyal)," The Madrid Qumran Congress:
Proceedings of the International Congress on the Dead Sea Scrolls, Madrid
18-21 March, 1991 (STDJ 11/1-2; ed. J. Trebolle Barrera and L. Vegas Mon-
taner; Leiden: Brill; Madrid: Editorial Complutense, 1992) 661-65, esp. 664.
93, 13 See C. Schedl, "Zur Ehebruchklausel der Bergpredigt im Lichte der

neu gefundenen Tempelrolle," TPQ 130 (1982) 362-65.
104, n. 30, *1 This note is also affected by what I have written above apropos
of 83, 2Iff.
I l l , *1 See further: J. Murphy-O'Connor, "The Divorced Woman in 1 Cor

7:10-11," JBL 100 (1981) 601-6; E. Lövestam, "Divorce and Remarriage in the
New Testament," The Jewish Law Annual 4 (1981) 47-65; E. Lipinski, "The
Wife's Right to Divorce in the Light of an Ancient Near Eastern Tradition,"
ibid., 9-27; A. Ammassari, "Lo statute matrimoniale del re di Israele (Deut.
17,17) secondo l'esegesi del 'Rotolo di Tempio' (57, 15-19) e le risonanze
neotestamentarie (Ef. 5,32-33; Apoc. 21,9-10)," Euntes docete 32 (1979) 123-
27; B. Witherington, "Matthew 5.32 and 19.9 — Exception or Exceptional Sit-
uation?" NTS 31 (1985) 571-76; C. Marucci, Parole di Gesu sul divonio (Bre-
scia: Morcelliana, 1982); M. McDonnell, "Divorce Initiated by Women in
Rome," AJAH 8 (1983) 54-80; D. T. Smith, "The Matthean Exception Clause
in the Light of Matthew's Theology and Community," Studia biblica et theo-
logica 17(1989)55-82.
121, n. 15, *1 Add: B. E. Ehrman, "Cephas and Peter," JBL 109 (1990) 463-
74; D. C. Allison, "Peter and Cephas: One and the Same," JBL 111 (1992)
489-95.
128,12 See S. J. Harrison, "Cicero and 'crurifragium,' " CQ 33 (1983) 453-

55.
146, *1 Add: F. Garcia Martinez, "4QpNah y la crucifixion: Nueva hipotesis

de reconstruccion de 4Q169 3-4 i 4-8," EstBib 38 (1979-80) 221-35; D. J.
Halperin, "Crucifixion, the Nahum Pesher, and the Rabbinic Penalty of Strangu-
lation," JJS 32 (1981) 32-46; P.-E. Guillet, "Les 800 'crucifies' d'Alexandre
Jannee," Cahiers du Cercle Ernest Renan 100 (1977) 11-16; J. M. Baumgarten,
"Hanging and Treason in Qumran and Roman Law," Η. Μ. Orlinsky Volume
(Eretz Israel 16; Jerusalem: Israel Exploration Society, 1982) 7*-16*; V. Tza-
feris, "Crucifixion — The Archaeological Evidence,"BARev 11/1 (1985)44-53;
J. Zias and E. Sekeles, " 'The Crucified Man from Giv'at ha-Mivtar' — A Re-
appraisal," BA 48 (1985) 190-91 (summary in IEJ 35 [1985] 22-27); M. J.

Bernstein, " ^ n D ^ K D ^ p '3 (Deut. 21:23): A Study in Jewish Exegesis,"
JQR 1A (1983) 21-45; A. Caneday, " 'Redeemed from the Curse of the Law':
The Use of Deut 21:22-23 in Gal 3:13," TrinJ 19 (1989) 185-209.
161, *1 Add: See P. Stuhlmacher, "Das paulinische Evangelium," Das Evan-

gelium und die Evangelien: Vorträge von Tübinger Symposium 1982 (WUNT
28; ed. R Stuhlmacher; Tübingen: Mohr [Siebeck], 1983) 157-82.
164, 12 Read "the story of the cross." 16
185, *1 Add: R. Bieringer, "2 Kor 5,19a und die Versöhnung der Welt," ETL
63 (1987)295-326.
246, *1 Add: O. P. Robertson, " The Justified (by Faith) ShaU Live by His
Steadfast Trust' — Habakkuk 2:4," Presbyterion 9 (1983) 52-71.
Index of Subjects
The subjects are mostly those of the main text; the reader should check the Notes referring to
the passages indicated by the following page numbers.
Abraham, 48, 53, 138, 192, 197, 206 Beatitudes, 36

Adam, 57, 59, 188, 191, 350-51, 362 Belial, 94-95
Adam, Last, 164, 211 Beze, Theodore de, 232
Agrippa, King, 256 Biblical Commission, 31
Alexander Janneus, 127, 131-36, 142-43 Blasphemy, 135, 139
Ananias and Sapphira, 321 Blood, 168, 170, 182
Angels, 192, 377 Brother of the Lord, 69, 71
Annas, 256 Bullinger, J. H., 232
Antioch in Pisidia, 137
Antiochus IV Epiphanes, 130-31, 140 Caesarea Philippi, 113
Apolytrösis ("redemption"), 163, 180, 184 Caiaphas, 256
Appearances of the Risen Christ, 372-76 Cairo Genizah, 93
Appendix to the Marcan Gospel, 375 Calvin, J., 233
Aquila, 241 Capital punishment, 134, 143
Aramaic, 10, 24-25, 30-31, 37, 76, 86, 91, Catalogues of vices/virtues, 194, 196
104, 112, 115-19, 121-23, 134, 158, Catechism, Dutch, 44, 65
218, 220-24, 227-29, 233-34 Cephas, 112-23, 179, 250
Aristotle, 319, 353 Charity, 201
Ascension of Christ, 214, 215, 265-77, Charter of Christian Liberty, 193
286-87, 375-76, 378-80 Chester Beatty Papyri, 225, 231
Asiarchs, 334 Christ-event, 163-66, 168-70, 176, 179
Assuan (Syene), 116 Christians, 314-27
Assumption (of Mary), 44 Church, 154-55, 256-57, 262, 314, 318,
Atonement, 165, 166, 169, 182-84 321-23
Augustine, 5, 11, 75 Costobarus, 92
Augustus, Caesar, 256, 334 Covenant, 183, 189, 197,201
Creation, New, 164, 181, 186, 198
Baal of Peor, 145 Cross, 125, 127-29, 145, 152, 168, 170,
Baptism, 163, 176 182,369-70
Bar Cochba, 90 Crucifixion, 125-46, 194, 195, 206, 268
385
Curse of the Law, 138-39, 195 Gessius Florus, 136

Gezeräh säwah ("equal decision [= inter-
Darius Π, f ίο pretation]"), 138
David, 47-48, 53, 55, 58, 75, 207, 224, Giv'at ha-Mivtar, 126, 135-36, 140
254, 298, 300, 378 Glory (doxa), 209-13, 216-17, 267, 275,
Davidic descent of Jesus, 47, 51, 53-54, 371,378
75, 207 Gods, Greek, 165, 182, 184
Dead Sea Scrolls, see Qumran Golden Age, 174
Demetrius III Eucerus, 130-31, 133 Gospel, 149-61
Deutero-Paulines, 79, 80, 160, 173, 175, as kerygma, 153-55, 160
181-83, 185 as norm, 155-57, 160
Divinity of Jesus Christ, 65 as power, 153
Divorce texts, 35,74,79-111 as promise, 157, 159
Double Tradition, 7, 16-18, 20, 27, 38 as revelation, 152-53
stages of, 250-51, 319
Ecumenism, 43, 63 tradition, 249-50, 373
Egeirein ("raise"), 204-5, 214, 372 as universal, 157-58
Elephantine, 86, 116 Grace, 200, 201
Elijah, 255,319
Enoch material, 218-20, 222, 227-30 Hadrian, 181
Ephesus, 203, 326, 332-35 Hagar, 48
Eph'hö (Rom 5:12), 349-62 Hairdo, 201
Epicurus, 319 Hanging on a tree, 137, 139, 144-45
Erasmus, 232 Hebraists, 223
Essenes, 93-94, 97-98, 108-9, 111, 135, Hebrews, Epistle to, 236, 241-46
213,379 Hellenistic Judaism, 221
Euangelion, euangetizesthai ("gospel, Hellenists, 223, 319
preach good news"), 150, 158-59, 161 Herod Antipas, 255-56
Euangelistes ("gospel-herald"), 154-55 Herod the Great, 92, 126, 256, 334-35
Evading due process, 133, 139 HilasteHon, hilaskesthai ("mercy seat, to
Exaltation of Christ, 266-69, 370-71, 378 expiate"), 170-72, 180, 183-84
Exceptive phrases, Matthean, 84, 86-89, 99 Hillel, 86, 98
Exodus, 211 Historical Perspective in Luke-Acts, 255,
Expiation, 163, 166, 170, 180, 183-84 276
Holiness Code of Leviticus, 88
Faith, 65, 125, 151-53, 155-57, 163, 166, Hope, 203, 209
176,203,209,242,246 Humani generis (1950), 43, 64
Flesh, 167, 176, 192 Hymns in the New Testament, 70, 173,
Hood, 199 266-67
Forgiveness of sins, 181, 254
Form criticism, 3, 5, 34, 100 Idolatry, 135
Fra Angelico, 56 Immaculate Conception, 44
Freedom, 156, 163, 180, 194 Impartiality, Divine, 158
Fundamentalism, 100, 251 Incarnation, 70
Inerrancy, Biblical, 73
Gallio, 256 Infancy Narrative, 6, 27, 45, 49-59, 73-77,
Genealogies of Jesus, 57-58 250,261-62,273,302
Gentile Christians, 166-67, 169 Inspiration, Biblical, 73, 100, 157
Geographical Perspective in Luke-Acts, Introductory Formulas, 296-301
254-55 Israel, 253,316
Index of Subjects 387
James, 69, 89, 112 Liturgy, 224, 235
Jerusalem. 253-55, 257, 261, 272, 279, Lord's Prayer, 36
282, 308, 318, 320, 323, 326, 374-75 Love, 152, 168, 177, 196
Jerusalem Bible, 72, 75 Lumen gentium (Vatican Council II), 42,
Jesus, 4, 7, 9. 17-19, 22-24, 27, 33, 36, 41- 62
78, 79. 82-85, 87, 90, 98-102, 110, 113- Luther, M , 226, 232
14, 135-39, 145, 149-56, 158-59, 162-
66, 168-69, 175-77, 179, 188, 193, 196, "M," 20
198, 202-13, 218, 220-21, 223, 229, Magisterium, 43-45, 60, 64
231-33, 249-64, 267-74, 276-78, 286,
Marana tha ("Our Lord, come!"), 218-35
295-96, 302, 307, 314, 318-19, 324,
Marcan source, 3-16, 28, 32-35, 39, 84-
332, 336, 369-80
86, 100
Jewish Christians, 88, 89, 97, 169, 173,
Marcion, 156, 161
205,221,223,319
Jews, Jewish, 85, 88-89, 91-94, 97-98, Marriage prohibited within degrees of kin-
116, 118, 125-26, 128-29, 131, 133, ship, 96-97
135, 140, 157, 165, 168, 170, 175, 177, Mary, 27-28, 41-78, 90
187, 189, 213, 222-23, 228, 233, 316 Melanchthon, P., 232
John the Baptist, 13, 19, 24, 27, 33, 49, Melchizedek, 276
61, 252, 256, 261 Messiah, 46, 58, 75, 188, 195, 199, 211,
Joseph, 46, 49, 50, 53-55, 57-58, 71, 74, 253, 258-60, 268, 295, 307, 315, 321
90 369, 378
Josephus, Flavius, 252, 333-35 Suffering, 299, 308, 371,378
Judaizers, 156, 186, 192-93, 203 Midrash, 52, 139,210,212
Justificatio impiorum, 172, 184-85 Minor Agreements (of Matthew and Luke
Justification, 163-64, 171, 178-80, 183, against Mark), 12-15, 34, 36
185-86, 372 Mishnah, 301
Moses, 145, 187-88, 192, 194, 255, 298,
Kando, 92 300,316
Kappöret ("mercy seat"), 163, 166, 170 Mount Sinai, 211
Katallage, katallassein ("reconciliation, to
reconcile"), 164, 171-72 Nails, 127-29, 135-36, 140
Kephale ("head"), 341-46. Names, Designations of Christians, 314-31
Kergyma ("proclamation"), 153-55, 250 Believers, 316
Jerusalem, 268, 276, 379 Brethren, 316
Lucan, 251-54 Christians, 323-24
Kyrios ("Lord"), 48, 81-82, 87, 151-53, Church, 321-23
155, 157, 159, 203-4, 211, 215, 218-35, Company, 317
258,260,267,315,317 Disciples, 319-20
Fellowship, 318
"L," 28, 250 Flock, 317
Lachmann Fallacy, 8, 32 Galileans, 325
Lateran Synod (A.D. 649), 63-64 Jesus, 318
Law, Natural, 200 Saints, 320
Law of Christ, 197,201 Sect of the Nazoreans, 324-25
Law of Moses, 132, 139, 156, 167, 186- Those being saved, 317
201 Those who call upon the name of the
Law, Roman, 199 Lord, 317
Lazarus, 206, 274, 377 Way, The, 255, 310, 320-21
Legs broken, 128, 136 Witnesses of the Risen Christ, 315
Nazareth, 249, 252, 256, 295-96, 302, Promise, 157, 159, 192, 257, 261, 273,
307.314, 319,373 277, 282, 309, 372, 378, 380
New Oil, Feast of, 284 Propitiation, 166, 170, 184
New Wine, Feast of, 284 Proto-Luke, 30
Nicaea, Council of, 51 Proto-Theodotion, 241-42
Nicodemus, 268 Pythagoras, 319
Nicolaus de Lyra, 232
/Vomo? ("law"), 186-87, 190-91, 196, 351 "Q," 3, 16-23, 24, 28, 35-38, 83-85, 100,
104,250
Objective redemption, 163 Qaraites, 97, 109
Old Testament, Use of, 295-310 Quirinius, 256
Orange, Council of, 59 Qumran, 79, 80, 91-99, 101, 107-9, 115,
Ossuaries, 126-29 121-22, 129-35, 138-39, 141-43, 180,
183, 212-13, 215, 218-19, 222, 227-29,
Paidagögos ("custodian, tutor"), 191-92 238-39, 259, 283-84, 299-301, 306, 321
Palestinian(s), 81, 93-94, 98, 113, 118, Quotations of the OT in Luke-Acts, 301-4
128, 170, 218, 220, 223, 228-29, 234,
Reconciliation, 162-85
241
Redaktionsgeschichte (Redaction criti-
Paradise, 371,378
cism), 3, 5, 6, 11, 16,29,36
Passion Narrative, 250, 261, 372
Redemption, 152, 163-64, 180
Passover, 289-81
Resurrection, 202-17, 268, 274, 369-80
Paul, 35, 47-49, 53, 59, 68-70, 80-83, 88-
Resurrection Narrative, 250, 261, 372,
89, 99-100, 114, 121, 125, 135, 137-39,
374, 376
149-61, 162-85, 186-201, 202-17, 221,
Righteousness, Uprightness, 152
223, 228, 232, 236, 241-42, 307, 319,
Romans, 113, 135, 137, 140, 144, 170
332,350,352,361-62,369,372-73,
378-79
Salome, 91-92
Paul VI, Pope, 62, 175
Salvation, 163, 180, 203, 251, 254, 307
Peace, 168-69, 182, 254
Salvation history, 187, 190, 247, 273, 286,
Pentecost, 277-87
307
Pesher, 129-32, 238,239
Samuel, 165
Peter, 10, 17, 36, 112-23, 259, 277, 280,
Sanctification, Ϊ52, 163, J80
282, 303, 307, 309, 316, 322, 372, 374-
Sanhedrin, 308
76, 378
Sarah, 48, 206
Petrus Aurelius, 120
Saul, 165
Pharisees, Pharisaic, 84, 86-87, 98, 107,
Savior, 258
131-32, 187, 194,325,373,379
Sceva, 332-36
Philippians, Structure of Letter to the, 203
Scripture(s), 41, 64, 156, 157
Pilate, Pontius, 256
Sensus plenior ("fuller sense" of Scrip-
Pittsburgh Festival on the Gospels, 3, 29 ture), 59, 200
Pius IV, Pope, 64 Septuagint, 67-68, 75-76, 89, 103, 239-45,
Pius XII, Pope, 64 304-6, 309, 333, 342-43
Plato, 319, 341, 343 Sermon on the Mount, 18, 24, 83, 101,
Pollio, G. Asinius, 174 110, 165
Polygamy, 93, 96-98, 108, 111 Sermon on the Plain, 33
Porneia ("unchastity"), 84, 86, 88-89, 97, Servant of Yahweh, 308
105-6 Shammai, 86, 98
Power (dynamis), 153, 190,206-13 Simeon, 254
Pre-existence of Christ, 70, 267 Simon, Symeon, 112-13, 272, 375
Index of Subjects 389
Sin, 187, 190-93 Transgression, 188, 190-91
Son of God, 258, 307 Transpositions, Lucan, 9, 33
Son of Man, 257-59, 268 Travel Account, 254
Sophists, 319 Treason, 133, 139
Soteriology, 202 Trent, Council of, 59
Spirit, Holy, 44, 46, 48, 51, 53-56, 70, 74, Trial of Jesus, 139-40, 143
76,80, 193, 195-97,201,208,211, Trinity University Colloquy on the
233, 261-62, 268, 277-80, 287, 309-10
Gospels, 29
Stephen, 303, 307, 316, 322
Triple Tradition, 7-9, 12, 17, 23
Stoics, 319
Subjective redemption, 163 Truth of the gospel, 156
Symeon Niger, 120 Twelve, The, 33, 283, 285, 287, 378
Symmachus, 241 Two-Source Theory, 3-5, 9, 12, 14, 16-19,
Synoptic Problem, 3-40, 52, 80, 86-87, 99 23-24, 26, 28-32, 36, 39-40, 86-87, 99
Temple of Jerusalem, 126 Ur-Markus, 16, 21

Theological passive, 205, 214-15
Theologoumenon, 45, 59-60, 66, 75, 77, Vatican Council II, 42-43, 62-63
259 Virginal Conception, 27-28, 41-78
Theophilus, 252, 272, 334
Tiberius, Emperor, 256 Wadi Habra, 240-41
Titles, Christological, 53, 55, 58, 76, 173, Way, The, 255, 310, 320-21
257-60 Weeks, Feast of, 289-83, 372
Tomb, Discovery of the Empty, 272, 276,
Whole work of Christ, 163
372-74, 376, 378
Töhü-wä-böhü ("chaos"), 188 Works of the Law, 166, 189, 200
Tomus Damasi, 64
Tomus Leonis, 64 Yorn Kippur ("Day of Atonement"), 170
Tdräh ("instruction, law"), 188, 191
Tradition, 155 Zechariah, Father of the Baptist, 255
Transformation, 163, 180 ZSnüt ("unchastity"), 95-97
Index of Modern Writers
Abbott, Ε. Α., 33 Baer, H. von, 257

Abbott, W. Μ., 62 Baillet, M , 108
Abrahams, I., 217 Baird, W., 68
Achtemeier, P. J., 346, 351 Baltensweiler, H., 81, 102-7, 110
Adam, Α., 233 Balz, R , xiii, 294
Adler, N., 291 Bammel, E., 104, 143
Ahern, Β. Μ., 208 Bange, L. Α., 234
Aland, Β., xi Bardenhewer, Ο., 351,363
Aland, K., xi, xiv, 50, 71, 85, 103, 160, Bardtke, Η., 293
225,271,313 Barrett, C. Κ., 22, 37, 200, 287, 289, 291,
Albright, W. F., 104, 122,235 310,343,351,366
Aidama, J. A. de, 63 Barth, Ε. Η., 34, 364
Allegro, J. M., 129, 131, 136, 139, 141- Barthelemy, D., 245, 293
42, 229 Bassett, W. W., 110
Allison, D. C , 383 Bauer, R , 233
Alio, E.-B., 103 Bauer, W., xi, 88, 90, 102
Alon, G., 141 Baum, G., 64
Baumert, N., 354, 365-67
Alonso, J. M., 45, 65
Baumgarten, J. M., 133, 134, 383
Alsup, J. E., 288
Baumgartner, W., 118, 123
Althaus, P., 199-200,351
Beare, F. W., 39, 209, 216
Ambrozic, A. M., 110
Bechtel, F., 123
Amiot, K, ISO
Beckwith, R. T., 293
Ammassari, Α., 383
Bedale, S., 346
Amusin, J., 142
Benoit, p., 31-32, 38, 68, 73, 107, 181,
Andersen, F. 1., 244
Andresen, C , 141 199, 200, 229, 245, 288, 291, 380
Benseier, G., 124
Arendzen, J. P., 105
Berger, K., 329
Arndt, W. F., xi, 88, 90, 120
Bernard, J. R , 289
Argyle, A. W., 34-35, 288, 312
Bernstein, M., 384
Arnim, H. von, 311
Bertram, G., 289
Audet, J.-R, 75
Best, E., 120
Avigad, N., 230
Betz, R D . , 180,200-201,328
ion
391
Betz, 0., 252, 285, 293, 312, 329 Brown, J. P., 34, 38
Beutler, J., 327 Brown, R. E., xiv-xv, 36, 40, 45, 61, 66-
Biard,P, 208, 215 67, 70-75, 78, 122, 160, 179, 289-90
Bickell, G-, 231 329-30,362,380-81
Bickerman, E. J., 324, 331 Brown, S., 291
Bieringer, R., 384 Bruce, F. E, 179, 312, 343, 351, 363
Bilabel, E, 123 Brunner-Traut, E., 68
Bilezikian, G., 342, 346 Brusher, J. S., 67
Billerbeck, P., xvi, 98, 321 Büchler, Α., 109, 143
Bisping, Α., 363 Büchsel, F., 72, 178, 181-82
Biziere, F., 367 Bultmann, R., 5, 34, 65, 68, 72, 102, 122,
Black, M., 71, 230, 233, 313, 352, 365 160, 178-79, 182, 199, 217, 221, 224,
Blackman, P., 141 251-52, 260, 263, 288, 313, 316, 329,
Bläser, P., 199 351,362,364-65
Blass, F., xi-xii, 72, 366 Burger, C, 73
Bless, W., 65 Burgess, J. Α., 121, 123
Bligh, J., 30 Burkill, Τ. Α., 39, 144
Blinzler, J., 69, 71 Burkitt, F. C , 32
Blyth Martin, W. H., 37 Burnet, J., 365
Bock, D. L., 310 Burney, C. F., 72
Bock, E., 289 Burrows, E., 73
Boismard, M.-E., 38-40, 69, 72, 106, 215, Burrows, Μ., 73-74, 109y 238, 292, 313
336 Bussby, F., 37
Bonnard, P., 200, 209,216 Bussman, W., 38
Bonner, G., 363 Bussmann, C, 336
Bonsirven, J., 106, 109,351 Butler, Β. C, 8, 10-11, 19,31-37
Bornhäuser, K., 106 Buxtorf, J., 226, 233
Bornkamm, G., 32, 34, 235 Byrne, B., 352, 368
Boslooper, Τ., 65, 68 Byron, B., 110
Botte, Β., 233, 235
Bourke, Μ. Μ., 74 Cadbury, H. J., 316-17, 320, 324, 327-31,
Bousset, W., 235 337
Bouwman, G., 288 Caird, G. B., 313
Bover, J. M., 72, 225 Cambier, J., 200, 350, 363, 365
Bovon, F., 291,310 Campenhausen, H. von, 70
Bowker,! W., 312 Caneday, Α., 384
Bradby, E. L., 36 Caquot, Α., 108
Brandenburger, E., 351, 363, 365 Carmignac, J., 109, 142, 245-46, 329
Brandis, C. Α., 337 Carol, J., 63, 67
Braun, F.-M., 72 Carroll, E., 78
Braun, Η., 108-9 Carson, D. Α., 310
Bretschneider, C. G., 232 Cassien, Bp., 292
Bring, R., 201 Cavaliera, E, 106
Brockelmann, C, 233 Cave, C. H., 74
Brooke, Α. Ε., 103 Cazelles, H., x, 109
Brooke, G., 293 Cecchelli, C, 331
Brooten, B., 382 Cerfaux, L., 32, 38-39, 180, 199-200,213,
Brosch, H. J., 67, 78 351
Brown, Α., 215 Cervin, R. S., 342-44, 346-47
Brown, C, 199 Chantraine, P., 344
Chapman, J., 31 Degen, R., 234

Charles, R. H., 104, 106-7, 109-10 Deissmann, Α., 215
Chariesworth, J. H., 347 Delcor, M., 291-92
Charlesworth, W., 216 Dell, Α., 116, 119, 121-23
Cherry, R. S., 38 Delling, G., 103-5
Chevallier, M.-A., 292 Delobel, J., 343, 346
Chilton, B., 264 Denney, J., 179
Clark, A. C , 336 Descamps, Α., 111,201,289
Clark, T. R., 178 Devisch, M., 35, 38
Clarke, W. K. L., 106, 290, 310 Dhanis, E., 65
Clavier, H., 122 Dibelius, M„ 5, 38, 66, 68, 70, 106, 208,
demons, J. T., 121 289,352
Cocroft, R. E., 34, 364 Diderichsen, Β. Κ., 107
Coiner, H. G., 105 Didier, M., 66
Collins, J. J., 71 Diez Macho, Α., 146
Congar, Υ M.-J., 120 Diez Merino, L., 141, 143-45
Conzelmann, H., 82, 222, 230, 254, 257, Dimant, D., 329
261, 263-64, 273, 285, 289, 291, 293, Dittenberger, W., 161,337
310,313 Dobschütz, E. von, 104-5
Cope, L., 343, 346 Dodd, C. H„ 68, 71, 154, 200, 263, 268,
Coppens, J., 34, 72 289, 352
Comely, R., 363 Dölger, F. J., 233
Cortes, J. Β., χ Doeve, J. W., 38,312
Cothenet, E., 109 Donnelly, P. J., 63
Cotterell, P., 346 Donner, Η., xiv
Cowley, A. E., xi Downing, R G., 19,36
Craghan, J. E, 75 Dubarle, A. M., 67
Craig, W. L., 381 Dülmen, A. van, 201
Cranfield, C. Ε. Β., 199, 200, 352, 368 Dulles, Α., 62, 64
Creed, J. ML, 56, 76 Dunand, E, 103
Cross, Κ Μ., 145, 233, 244-45, 293 Dungan, D. L., 29, 68, 82, 98, 102, 104,
Crossan, D., 110 179
Crouzel, R , 105 Dunn, J. D.G., 291,352
Cullmann, 0., 115, 120-22, 221, 223, 263, Dunphy, W., 235
288 Duplacy, J., 216
Curzon-Siggers, W. S., 216 Dupont, J., 36, 72, 102-3, 105-6, 109, 178,
Cutt, S„ 39 180-82, 217, 282-83, 289-91, 293, 313,
331
Dahl, Ν. Α., 259 Dupont-Sommer, Α., 109, 141-42, 292
Dalman, G., 226, 231-34, 264 Durrwell, F. X., 213
Danby, K, 141, 143-44
Danielou, J., 74-75 Edwards, D., 64
Danker, Ε W., xi, 351, 363-65, 367 Edwards, J., 217
Daube, D., 107-9 Edwards, R. Α., 35
Dauvillier, J., 104 Ehrman, Β. Ε., 383
Davidson, S., 27 Eichhorn, J.-G., 35
Davies, J. G., 288, 291 Eisler, R., 337
Davies, W. D., 179, 199 Elgvin, T., 293
Davis, C. T., 73-74 Elliger, K., 245
Debrunner, Α., xi-xii, 364 Elliott, J. Η., 110
Index of Modern Writers 393
Elliott, J. K., 124 Froehlich, K., 232
Ellis, Ε Ε., 71, 125,310,312,363 Fuller, R. H., 40, 74, 77, 214
Eltester,E.,288,313 Funk, R. W., xi
Emerton, J. Α., 234 Furnish, V. p., 185,366
Enslin, M., 74
Ερρ,Ε. J., 289-90, 381 Gaebelein, G., 347
Epstein, L., 140 Gärtner, B., 110,312
Esser, H.-R, 199 Gallagher, J., 62
Evans, C A . , 313 Galling, K., xv, 351
Evans, C. E, 68 Galot, J., 72
Evans, E., 363 Gander, G., 119, 123
Evans, Ο. Ε., 33, 37 Garcia Martinez, F., 383
Evely, L., 67 Gardner, H. L., 37
Garnet, P., 185
Farmer, W. R., 5, 8-9, 11, 14-15, 23, 25- Gaster, X H., 142
28, 30, 32-36, 39-40, 71 Gavin, E, 106
Farrer, A. M., 14, 17, 23, 34-36 Gelin, Α., 39
Fascher, E., 215 Georgi, D., 217
Fee, G. D., 72, 289, 342, 346 Gercke, Α., 330
Feiner, J., 63 Gerhardsson, B., 179
Feld, H., 160 Gerth, B„ 353-54, 366-67
Fernandez y Fernandez, J., 290 Gewiess, J., 76
Feuillet, Α., 32,71,201,246 Giblin, C. H., 291
Field, E, 233 Giet, S., 120
Filson, F V., 65 Gignac, Ε Τ., 123, 362, 368
Finkel, Α., 107 Gigot, F. E.( 110
Fiorenza, E. S., 110 Gingrich, R W., xi, 34, 88, 90, 120, 364
Fitzmyer, J, Α., xiii, xvi-xvii, 180, 182, Ginsberg, H. L., 108, 111
234, 263-64, 288-90, 310-11, 313, 327- Glare, P. G. W., 348
30, 346, 368, 380, 382 Glasson, T. F., 34
Flanagan, J. W., 178 Goedicke, H., 104, 122
Horovsky, G. V., 311 Goettsberger, J., 217
Floyd Honey, Τ. Ε., 38 Goldschmich, L., 144
Flückiger, E, 200 Goodman, P., 183
Flusser, D., 141-42 Goodwin, W. W., 366
Foakes Jackson, Ε J., 327, 337 Goodspeed, E. J., 230
Foerster, W., 180-81 Goppelt, L., 178
Fohrer, G., 180 Grant, F. C , 39, IS5
Foraboschi, D., 119, 123 Grayston, G., 75
Ford, J. M, 139, 141 Grayston, K., 31,381
Forster, A. H., 217 Green, P., 217
Fraine, J. de, 363 Green, F. W., 106
Frank, K. S., 63 Greenfield, J. C, 107, 230, 383
Fransen, P., 64 Greeven, H„ 104, 105, 290
Freedman, D. N., 107, 145, 233 Grelot, R, 67, 118, 122-23,288
Freundorfer, J., 363 Griesbach, I J., 5, 25-26, 29-30, 225
Fridrichsen, Α., 106 Griffith Thomas, W. H., 216
Friedrich, G., xvi, 73, 209, 216 Grimm, C. L. W., 226
Friedrich, J., 263 Grispino, J. Α., HO
Friesen, I. E., 180 Gross, H., 215
Grossouw, W. K. M.} 329 Herwerden, H. van, 345

Grudem, W., 341-42, 346 Hewitt, J. W., 140
Grundmann, W., 201, 215, 291 Heylen, V., 103
Guilbert, P., 142, 246 Higgins, A. J. B., 37, 71
Guillet, P.-E., 142,383 Higgins, M. J., 368
Gulick, C. B., 366 Hobart, W. K„ 313
Gutbrod,W., 199 Hodge, H. C , 144
Guthrie, D., 33 Höfer, J., xiv
Gutjahr, F. S., 363 Hoekstra, S., 363
Gutknecht, G., 75 Hoffmann, G., 76
Hoffmann, P.f 34-35
Haacker, K., 102-3,291 Hofmann, J. C. K., 226, 232
Haag, H., 67 Holtzmann, H. J., 76
Haas, Ν., 127, 129, 136 Holz, T., 310
Habermann, Α. Μ., 142 Holzmeister, U., 291
Haenchen, E., 106, 137, 280, 291, 321, 330 Hommel, E., 226, 232
Hahn, F., 234, 263 Hooker, ML, 347
Halevy, J., 231-32 Horgan, A. P., 141
Halperin, D. J., 383 Horan, Μ. P., 312
Hanke, Η. Α., 64 Horner, G., 231
Hansen, T., 34 Horowitz, C. M., 140
Hansen, W. Α., 232 Horsley, G. H. R., 363
Harnack, A. von, 37, 313, 324, 327-31 Hort, F. J. Α., 72, 225, 271
Haroutounian, J., 288 Horton, F. L., Jr., 311
Harrington, D. J., 329 Hossiau, Α., 72
Harrington, W. J., 72 Howard, G., 243, 264
Harris, J. R., 225 Howard, W. F., 35, 214
Harrison, E. F., 294 Huby, J., 199,208,352
Harrison, S. J., 383 Huck, Α., 290
Hartman, L., 32 Huffman, N., 121
Hasenfuss, J., 67-68 Hughes, P. E., 119, 123
Hauck, F., 106,364 Hull, W. E., 39-40
Hanle, C, 199 Hunter, A.M., 110
Hawkins, J. C., 10, 33, 37
Hawthorne, G. F., 312 Iersel, B. van, 68
Headiam, A. C., 199, 216, 352, 365 Immisch, O., 115
Heaney, J. J., 64 Isaksson, Α., 35, 74, 101, 104-7
Hehn, J., 233, 235
Heinemann, J., 144 Jaeger, L., 63
Heitmüller, W., 235 Jameson, Η. G., 8, 32, 35
Hempel, J., 109 Janzen, J. G., 246
Hengel, M , 144-45, 328 Jastrow, M., 144
Hennecke, E., 73 Jaubert, Α., 347
Henze, C. M., 121 Jensen, J., 105, 328
Hercher, R., 365 Jeremias, G., 141
Herdan, G.( 31 Jeremias, J., 38, 77-78, 104, 110, 215,
Hering, J„ 351,364 289, 334
Hermann, E., 367 Jervell, J., 310
Herrera, J., 121 Johnson, M. D., 347
Herve\ J. M., 63 Jones, Α., xiv
395
Jones, H. S., 344, 368 Labib, P., 123
Jülicher, Α., 199 Labriolle, P. de, 324, 331
Lachmann, K., 32, 225
Kahler, M., 154 Lacy, J, Α., Sr., 214
Käsemann, E., 144, 170-75, 177-79, 182- Ladd, G. E., 201
85, 198-200, 215-16, 252, 352 Lafont, G., 365
Kapera, Ζ. J-, 329 Lagarde, P. de, 226
Karpp, Η., 327-31 Lagrange, M.-J., 102, 106, 109, 199-200,
Kase, Ε. Η., Jr., 337 352
Kasper, W., 64 Lake, K., 121,313,327,337
Kasser, R., 290 Lakner, F., 62
Kautzsch, E., 226, 233, 235 Lambdin, T. O., 123
Kenyon, F. C, 231 Lamouille, Α., 336
Kern, W., 288 Lampe, G. W. H., 179, 264
Kertelge, K., 180 Lampe, P., 122-23
Kiessling, E., 331 Langevin, P.-E., 235
Kilgallen, J. J., 111 Lapide, C. a, 232
Kilian, R., 67-68 Larranaga, V., 291
Kilpatrick, G. D., 71 Laurentin, R., 62, 74
Kittel, G., xvi, 212 Lawner, T. C , 67
Klassen, W„ 289, 364 Leander, R, 233
Leaney, A. R. C, 286, 291
Klein, G., 121, 141,233,235
Leclercq, H., 235
Kleinhans, Α., 31
Leenhardt, F., 199
Klijn, A. F. J., 34, 121
Lefebvre, G., 123
Klostermann, E., 106, 226, 232
Lefort, L.-Th., 231
Knibb, M. A„ 230
Lehmann, M. R-, 104
Knock, O., 66
Leipoldt, J., 351
Koehler, L., 123 Leivestad, R., 39
Koester, H., 38, 214 Lekkerkerker, A. F. N., 379
Köster, H. J., 78 Le Moyne, L, 143
Koet, B. J., 310 Lentzen-Deis, F., 40
Kraeling, E. G., xii, 117-18, 122 Leon-Dufour, X., 23, 25, 32, 34, 38-39,
Kramer, W., 263-64 74, 214, 288, 380-81
Krause, M., 123 Lercher, L., 63
Krauss, S., 143 Leuba, J.-L., 63
Kremer, J., 291, 311 Levey, S. H., 264
Krems, G., 106 Levie, J., 31, 39
Kretschmar, G., 288, 293 Levine, E., 143
Kroeger, C. C, 342, 347 Levy, J., 143-44
Kühner, R., 353-54, 366-67 Lichtenberger, H., 329
Kümmel, W. G., 20, 34, 73, 257, 263, Liddell, H. G., 344, 347, 368
273,313,330,352,363,366 Liefeid, W. L., 342, 347
Künneth, W., 213 Lietzmann, H., 102, 199, 352, 362, 366
Kuhli, H., 331 Lightfoot, J. B., 69, 200, 324
Kuhn, H.-W., 141, 329 Lightfoot, R. H., 34, 264
Kuhn, K. G., 105, 180, 229-30, 232-34 Lindars, B., 135, 138, 233, 289, 293, 311,
Kunkel, W., 104 313
Kuss, O., 69, 199-200, 215-16, 352, 362, Lindsay, W. M., 120
365 Linss, W. C., 40
Linton, 0., 34 Mattingly, Η. Β., 324, 331

Lipinski, E., 383 Mayser, Ε., 368
Lobel, E., 123 Mearns, C. L., 230
Lövestamm, E., 107, 383 Medebielle, Α., 208
Lohfink, G., 288-89 Meier, J. R, 347
Lohmeyer, E., 207 Meinertz, M., 31,68, 288
Lohse, Ε., 103, 185, 240, 245, 280, 287 Meisterhans, K., 367
Loisy, Α., 72 Menoud, P.-H., 288, 292
Longenecker, R. Ν., 123, 310 Merk, Α., 71, 225
Lovering, Ε. Η., 310 Messing, G. M., 366
Lowe, J., 122 Metzger, Β. Μ., xvi, 71-72, 77, 104-5,
Ludlum, J. H., 40 120, 288-90, 301, 311, 327, 333, 336
Lührmann, D., 35, 180, 183-84 Meyendorff, J., 351
Lummis, E. W., 8, 32 Meyer, B. F., 328
Luz, U., 185 Meyer, H., 161
Lyonnet, S., 180, 199-201, 213, 352, 365- Meyer, H. A. W., xiv, 352
68 Meyer, P. M., 366
Meyers, J. M., 288
McArthur, Η. Κ., 35, 71 Meynell, H., 40
McCasland, V., 329 Michaelis, W., 179,291
McCormick, R. Α., 64 Michel, O., 69, 352
McCullough, J. C , 246 Michl, J., 66, 179
McDonnell, M., 383 Mickelsen, B. and Α., 342-43, 347
McGrath, J., 110 Migne, J., xv
McKane, W., 237 Miguens, M., 74
Milgrom, J., 185
McKenzie, J. L., x, 39, 106, 178, 200
Milik, J. T., 76, 104, 121, 142, 218-19,
McLean, N., 103
McLoughlin, S., 34 229, 245, 293, 382
McNamara, M., 288 Miller, Α., 31
MacRae, G. W., 110 Miller, P. D., Jr., 244
MacRory, J., 105, 110 Milligan, G., xiv, 91, 223, 228, 235, 344
Machen, J. G., 64 Minear, P. S., 74
Madden, R 1, 362 Miquel, P, 288
Magie, D., 334 Mitchell, A. C , 363
Mahoney, Α., 106 Mitton, C. L., 40
Mai, Α., 225 Moffatt, J., 37
Maier, J., 108 Molland, E., 160
Maile, J. F., 288 Mollat, D., 72
Malina, B., 105 Mommsen, T., 338
Mann, C. S., 235 Montagnini, F., 352
Manson, T. W., 37 Moo, D. J., 352
Manson, W., 313 Moraldi, L., 109, 180
Marcus, R., 107 Morgenthaler, R., 160
Marshall, I. H., 292, 312 Morin, G., 291
Martin, R. R, 70, 288 Morris, L. L., 140, 180
Martin, V., 290 Moule, C. F. D., 214, 233, 235, 288, 293,
Marucci, C, 383 367
Marxsen, W., 5, 30, 65, 75, 158, 161, 214, Moulton, J. H., xiv, 91, 214, 223, 228,
380 235, 336, 344, 352
Mastin, Β. Α., 335, 337 Moulton, W. F., 367
Mühlen, H., 63 Palmer, Ν. Η., 32

Müller, Α., 62 Pape, W., 124
Mueller, J. R., ΠΙ Pardee, D., 238, 244
Munn, R-, 106 Parker, P., 30, 37
Munoz Iglesias, S., 74, 78 Parsons, M. C , 288
Muraoka, T., 368 Passow, F., 345
Murphy, R. E., 215 Paul, Α., 73
Murphy-O'Connor, J.f 94, 96, 105, 108-9, Payne, P. B., 342, 347-48
201,343,347,383 Payne Smith, R., 233
Murray, J., 102,352 Pelikan, J., 232
Mussner, F., 215 Percy, E., 179
Myre, Α., 102 Perkins, P., 380-81
Perrin, N., 263
Naveh, J., 126,234 Pesch, R., 66, 71, 73, 106, 288, 290, 292,
Neirynck, F., 32-35, 38, 103, 105, 107, 352
109, 380 Peters, E., 324
Nellessen, E., 77 Peterson, E., 231,235
Nemoy, L., 109 Petrie, S., 19, 30, 37
Nepper-Christensen, P., 328 Pfammatter, J., 213
Nestle, D., 180 Philips, G., 62
Nestle, E., xiv, 50, 71, 85, 121, 225, 271, Piper, Ο. Α., 364
311 Pie, Α., 216
Neufeld, V. H., 235 Ploeg, J. P. M. van der, 121, 230
Neumann, C. W., 62 Plummer, Α., 75, 313
Neuner,J., 288 Polag, Α., 35
Neusner, J., 312 Porten, B., 122
Nineham, D. E., 34, 264 Porter, S. Ε., 364
Noack, B., 292 Pospishil, V. J., 110
Nöldeke, T., 226, 231, 235 Potin, L., 292
Nötscher, F., 329 Prat, F., 110,200,352
Nolle, J., 160 Preisigke, F., 119, 123, 324, 331, 344
Nygren, Α., 179,351 Preuss, S., 368
Procksch, O., 180,329
Obbink, H. W., 74 Puech, E., 381
Obermann, J., 244
O'Brien, P. T., 185 Qimron, E., 234
O'Collins, G., 380 Quecke, H., 75
O'Connor, W. R., 110
Odeberg, H., 234 Raber, F., 104
Oepke,A., 102 Rabin, C , 95, 108-9, 111
Oldfather, W. Α., 145 Radi, W., 328, 336
Oliver, Η. Η., 74, 257, 263 Räisänen, H., 70
O'Neill, J. C , 69 Rahlfs, Α., 103
Orlinsky, Η. Μ., 183,383 Rahner, K., xiv, 62-64, 66-67
O'Rourke, J. J., 105 Ramos Garcia, I , 292
O'Shea, W. J., 110 Ramsey, A.M., 213, 288
Oster, R., 347 Ranke, Η., 122
Osty, E., 207 Rappaport, U., 329
Ratzinger, J., 65, 327
Pallis, Α., 337 Rehkopf, F., xii
Rehm, M., 67 Sanders, H. A-, 336

Reeves, J. C , 293 Sanders, J. Α., 246, 313
Reicke, B., x, 40, 200, 229, 331, 338 Sanders, J. T., 70, 289, 313
Reitzenstein, R., 217 Santos Otero, A. de, 381
Renehan, R., 301, 311, 363 Saucy, R. L., 102
Rengstorf, Κ. Η., 35, 76, 144 Schaller, B., 103
Repo, E., 329 Schechter, S., 93, 96, 109
Resch, Α., 72 Schedl, C , 383
Rese, M., 40, 311,313 Schelkle, Κ. Η., 39, 288, 327
Reumann, J., 40 Schenk, W., 38
Rheinfelder, H., 122 Schierse, F. J., 65
Rhys, Η., 40 Schule, G., 288, 291
Ricciotti, G., 324 Schillebeeckx, E., 288
Richards, H., 106 Schlatter, Α., 35
Richards, J. M., 201 Schleusner, J. R, 351
Riddle, D. W., 121 Schlier, Η., 69, 160, 180, 200, 288, 351-52
Riedl, J., 53-54, 72-73 Schmaus, M., 43, 62-63
Rigaux, B., x, 214, 288-89, 380-81 Schmid, J., 34, 36, 53, 72-73, 106, 122,
Ritschl, Α., 179 313
Roach, S. N., 215 Schmidt, C., 231
Robert, Α., 32, 71 Schmidt, H. W., 199
Robert, L., 124, 337 Schmidt, K. L., 329-30
Robertson, A. T., 214, 364 Schmidt, N., 224-25, 231
Robertson, O. P., 384 Schmithals, W., 40
Robinson, A. W., 178 Schmitt, Α., 313
Robinson, J. A. T., 160 Schmitt, J., 213
Robinson, J. M., 38, 179 Schmitz, Ο., 215
Robinson, W. C, 69-70, 201 Schnackenburg, R., 73, 106, 180, 289-90,
Robinson, W. C , Jr., 37, 254, 263 292
Röllig, W., xiv Schneemelcher, W., x, 73, 381
Roesle, M., 122 Schneider, G., xiii, 110, 292-93, 312, 330,
Roloff, J., 292 336
Ropes, J. H., 35 Schneider, J., 145
Rosche, T. R., 37 Schniewind, J., 105
Rossner, M., 337 Schoeps, H. J., 201
Rosso, L., 143 Schoonenberg, R, 45, 64, 66-67
Rost, L., 330 Schräge, W., 103
Roth, C, 121 Schramm, T., 32
Rothe, R., 352 Schubart, W., xii
Rowley, Η. Η., 136, 142 Schubert, R, 308
Ruckstuhl, E., 213 Schürmann, H., 69, 76-77, 327
Rüger, H.-R, 234 Schüller, B., 64
Rushbrooke, W. G., 9, 33 Schürer, E., 334, 337
Schultess, F., 234
Sabourin, L., 180 Schulz, Α., 328
Sahlin, H., 293 Schulz, S., 35, 106, 181,217,235
Salet, G., 200 Schwab, M., 140
Saliba, J. Α., 78 Schweizer, E., 70, 75, 213, 289, 310, 328
Sanday, W., 199,216,352,365 Schwyzer, E., 353-54, 364, 367
Sanders, E. P., 11-12, 30,201 Scott, R., 344, 347, 368
Scott, R. Β. Y, 290 Tatum, W. B., 261,264

Scroggs, R., 347 Tavard, G. R , 63
Seccombe, D., 313 Taylor, E., 335, 338
Seeburg, R., 72 Taylor, L. L„ 337
Segbroeck, F. van, 34 Taylor, V., 16, 20, 33, 37-38, 71-72, 104,
Segert, S., 234 179,263
Sekeles, E., 383 Tenney, M. C., 123
Shepherd, Μ. Η., 324, 331 Thalheim, Τ, 104
Sickenberger, J., 363 Thayer, J. H., 233
Siegman, E. F., 31 Thiede, D. L., 292
Silberman, L. H., 35 Thils, G., 63
Simpson, R. T., 35 Thomas, K. J., 313
Sjöberg, E„ 181 Thompson, C. L., 347
Smalley, S. S., 233, 293 Thompson, P. J., 74
Smallwood, Ε. Μ., 337-38 Thompson, T. L., 106
Smith, D. T., 383 Thrall, Μ. Ε., 354
Smyth, H. W., 353-54, 366 Throckmorton, Β. Η., Jr., 38
Snape, H. C, 40 Thurian, M., 106
Snyder, G. E, 289, 364 Tischendorf, C, 72, 225, 245, 366
Soden, H. von, 72, 225, 327 Tisserant, E., 31
Solages, B. de, 31,33 Todd, J. M., 64
Sontheimer, W., 104 Torrey, C. C, 107, 336
Southwell, P. J. M., 244 Trantham, H., 39
Speier, S., 143 Trebolle Barrera, J., 383
Sperber, Α., 263 Trever, J. C., 244
Spicq, C, 324,327-31 Trevijano Etcheverria, R., Ill
Staab, K., 209,216 Trinidad, J., 216
Stahl J. M, 367 Trompf, G. W., 347
Stamm, R. T., 288 Tucker, R. Α., 342, 347-48
Stanley, D. M., 102, 179, 181, 208, 213 Turner, M„ 346
Starcky, J.,218 Turner, N., 34,36, 214,365
Stauffer, E., 71,351 Tyson, J. B-, 29
Stendahl, K., 77, 198-99 Tzaferis, V.t 126-27, 383
Stinespring, W. R, 313
Stirnimann, H., 63 Ullendorf, E., 230
Stock, Α., Ill Ulonska, H., 217
Stone, Μ. Ε, 230 Unnik, W. C. van, 180
Strack, Η., xvi, 98, 145,321
Strange, F., 141 Vaganay, L., 23-25, 31, 34-35, 37, 39
Strecker, G., 5, 161,230 Valeske, U., 63
Streeter, B. H., 4-5, 10-15, 20, 23, 34-35, Vanhoye, Α., 346
37, 104 Vassiliadis, P., 35
Streian, J. G., 201 Vaughan, A. B., 64
Stuhlmacher, P., 161, 179, 384 Vaux, R. de, 229, 245, 282, 292-93
Sweeney, Μ. Α., 292 Vawter, B., 73, 98, 104-5, 107, 110-11, 213
Vegas Montaner, L., 383
Talbert, C. Η., 257, 273 Vergote, Α., 289
Talmon, S., 245 Vermes, G„ 108-9, 135, 142, 144, 293, 329
Tannehill, R. C., 213,216 Viard, Α., 201
Tasker, R. V. G., 71, 225 Vicent Cernuda, Α., 78
Vicentini, J. I., 185 Williamson, Η. G. Μ., 310

Vielhauer, P., 313 Willink, Μ. D. R., 290
Vincent, M. R., 208 Wilson, R. M , 14,74, 120
Visser, J., 65 Wilson, S. G., 257, 263, 288, 291
Vitelli, G., xv Winer, G. B., 199, 214, 352, 367
Vögtle, Α., 65-66, 69-70, 73-75, 77 Wink, W., 33
Vogels, Η. J., 71, 225 Winter, J. G., 336-37
Völlmecke, Α. Μ., 121 Winter, P., 74, 109, 144
Voss, G., 75-76 Witherington, B., 383
Vriezen, Τ. C , 244 Wolf, E., 160
Woldson, Η. Α., 331
Wacholder, Β. Ζ., 293 Wood, H. G., 8
Wagner, S., 293 Woods, F. H., 32
Walker, W.O., Jr., 40, 347
Woude, A. S. van der, 121, 230, 244
Wambacq, Β. N., 179
Wrenn, L. G., 110
Watson, W. G. E., 328
Wright, A. G., 73
Wedderburn, A. J. M., 352
Weiser, Α., 77-78, 287-88
Weiss, B., 106, 199 Yadin, Υ., 92-93, 96, 107-10, 128-29, 131-
Weiss, J., 35, 185, 233 35, 139, 141-43,230,293,329
Wellhausen, J., 226, 231 Yaron, R., 110
West, H. P., Jr., 35 York, A. D., 330
Westcott, Β. F., 72, 225, 271
Whiteley, D. Ε. Η., 179-80, 183 Zahn, T., 69, 72, 115,351,364
Wieder, H., 310 Zalba, M., 105
Wieder, N., 109 Zerwick, M., 214-15, 364
Wiencke, G., 179 Zeitlin, S., 108
Wikenhauser, Α., 31,288 Zias, J., 383
Wilamowitz-Moellendorff, U. von, 311 Ziegler, J., 67, 241,245
Wilckens, U., 289, 352, 380-81 Ziegler, K., 104
Wilcox, Μ., 71, 139, 141-42, 145 Ziesler, J. Α., 180
Wilkens, W., 35 Zintzen, C., 367
Willianis, C. S. C., 34, 39 Zwiep, A. W., 288, 290
Index of Scripture References
Genesis 40:19 143 34:22 281

1:2 188 49:12 244 34:28 294
1:27 84-85, 95-96, 34:29-35 211
104, 109 Exodus 76
40:35
2:17 191 3:12, 15 305
2:24 84-85, 104 9:16 206 Leviticus
3:6 191 13:2, 12, 15 302, 305 8:33 294
3:11 191 13:21-22 290 11:2-47 190
4:13 244 14:3 244 12:4 294
4:15 191 15:6 206 12:8 302, 305
5:24 269 19:1 281 15:19 95-96
7:4 294 282 16 170
19:8, 16
7:9 95-96, 104 19:18 283 16:6, 10, 11,
7:12, 17 294 20:11 303 17,34 183
8:6 294 20:13-16 305 17:8-9, 10-12 88
14:16-19 276 17:11 182-83
20:14 82
15:6 138 17:15 88
20:17 83
15:13-14 305 18:5 189
20:22 282
16:1-15 48 21:3,22 83 18:6-18 88-89, 142
16:11 75-76 18:13 96-97
22:27 139, 145, 302,
17:5 114 305 18:15 95
21:1-14 48 22:31 88 19:16 139, 145
22:18 305 23:16 281 19:16-18 142
24:14,43 68 24:3-8 183 19:18 304
25:24 294 24:15-18 290 19:26 145
32:28 114 24:3 8 294 20:10 82
34:3 68 25:17-20 180 21:17 101
38:8 305 32:11 206 22:27 308
401
23:11 292 18:18 305 18:20,22,25,

23:15-16 281 18:19 305,311 27 161
23:27 183 21:22 131-33, 143, 22:4 343
23:29 305 311 145
25:30 294 21:22-23 133-34, 136-42, 1 Kings
384 8:55 322
21:23 135, 137-39,
Numbers 142, 145, 195 19:20 319
1:6 118 22:20-21 90, 106 20:35 319
2:12 118 22:21 74
3:55 118 22:22 82 2 Kings
5:14 76 2:3, 5, 7 319
23:2 322
6:23-27 276 84-85,91, 103 2:11 214, 269
24:1
10:29 244 24:1-4 79,83,91 2:15 319
14:33 145 25:5 305 5:22 319
16:3 322 27:26 138-39, 191, 6:1 319
25:4 118 195 7:9 161
25:15 83 28:13,44 343 8:12 145
28;26 292 30:11-14 270 9:1 319
29:26 281 30:12 215, 270 14:6 299,311
30:10-14 118 23:21 299
31:8 Joshua
4:23-24 206 1 Chronicles
Deuteronomy 8:23-29 132 8:30 118
2:25 282 10:26 142 9:36 118
5:16-20 305 13:21 118 17:3 151
5:18 82 25:8 328
6:5 305 Judges 322
28:8
6:13 302 305 9:3, 15 258
29:10 322
6:16 302 304 13:3 75
29:11-12 206, 212
7:17 244 19:2-3 165
8:3 302 304 20:2 322
2 Chronicles
9:9 294 15:10-12 281
Ruth
9:10 322 1:17 145 23:18 299,311
9:18,25 294 25:4 299,311
10:12 305 1 Samuel
14:4-21 190 1:1-2 52 Ezra
16:9 281 10:19 258 5:12 227
16:10 280 17:16 294 10:15 116
17:14 93,96 25:42 328
17:14-17 92 Nehemiah
17:17 93, 95-96, 98, 2 Samuel 8:7 116, 122
383 4:10 161 11:16 116
18:15 305,311 7:12 69 13:1 322
Index of Scripture References 403
Tobit 83:4 329 19:15 343

1:6 299 89:3-4 69 19:19 222
2:1 292 91:4. 76 24:17 94
6:18 85 91;11-l2 302,304 26:20 243
96:2 159 28:7-13 285
Judith 96:13 312 32:15 76
2:3 328
328 98:9 312 37:32 317
5:7
109:8 305 40:3 305, 320
15:13 328
110:1 304 40:26 206, 212
Esther 114:7 222 42:5
1:20-22 83 118 313 45:15 258
2:23 143 118:22,26 304,305 45:20 317
135:2 212 45:21 258
2 Maccabees 143:2 189 45:23 267
1:5 165 45:24 212
7:33 165 Proverbs 49:6 305, 307
8:29 165 6:19 237 50:4 328
8:36 328 12:17 237 52:7 157, 159
12:32 292 14:5, 25 237
52:13-53:12 259
19:5, 9, 26 237
Job 53:7-8 304
1:19 76 Wisdom 53:12 305, 308
4:15 76 7:25 212 54:13 328
12:9 230 55:3 305
30:6 115 Sirach 56:7 305, 311
34:12 222 Prologue 313 58:6 302, 304, 311
39:1, 28 115 10:7 222 61:1 160, 302
23:22-27 83 61:1-2 252,304,311
Psalms 40:14 115
2:1-2,7 304 50:20 277 Jeremiah
9:9 303 3:2,9 97
16:8-11 304,313 Isaiah 4:29 115
16:10-11 309, 312 2:10, 19,21 212 6:12 83
18:43 343 4:3 320 7:11 305,311
27:12 237 6:9-10 302, 304-5 308 13:21,23 328
31:6 305 7:8-9 343 20:11 328
32:1 181 7:10-17 75 20:15 161
34:10 320 7:14 46, 67-68, 75-76 31:31 94
67:34 212 7:17 76 38:7 343
68:12 159 8:16 328 46:9 328
68:19 215 270, 283 9:1-6 68
69:26 305 9:13-14 343 Ezekiel
77:15 206 11:1-9 68 13:10 95
20:8, 13, 21 292 Malachi 8:1-4 15

23:27 97 3:1 305 8:2 220
30:15 292 8:23 13
292 Matthew 8:24 320
36:18 53
1:1 9:1-8 8
44:22 101 69,74
1:1-16 9:3-4 15
1:16 53,77
Daniel 9:7 13, 15
2:37 212 1:18 53-54 9:9 17
3:17 227 1:18-20 53 9:9-13 8
7:13 290 1:18-25 46,51 9:14-17 8
7:18,22 320 1:19 90 9:14 > 328
9:13 299 1:20 53-54 9:20 15
12:2 379 1:21 53 10:1 21, 368
1:23 67 10:2 113
Hosea 1:25 53 10:7 17
5:11 95 2:1 53, 256 10:10-12, 14 21
2:11, 13, 14 > 10:26 13,21
Joel 20,21 77 10:33, 38-39 21
3:1-5 279, 302, 305 2:23 53 11:2 328
3:5 253, 317 3:2 252 11:4-6 19
3:7-10 19, 24, 27 11:5 150
Amos
3:17 17 11:7-11,21-23,
5:25-27 305
4:1-11 27 25-27 19
5:26 108
4:17 252 12:1-8 8
9:11-12 305, 308
4:18 17, 113 12:5-7 17
Jonah 5:3,6 36,88 12:9-10 13
3:4 294 5:15 13,21 12:9-14, 15-21 8
5:17 199 12:38 13
Micah 5:21 84 12:48 15
2:6 95 5:21-48 83 12:43-45 19
5:23-24 165 13:1-9 8
Nahum 5:27 84 13:10 13
2:1 159
5:31-32 79,83-84, 101, 13:10-17 8
2:12-14 129 103-4
13:12 17 21 88
A r t *rf i f *-t\S
2:13 142 5:32 35, 82-85, 87,
13:14 17
90-91, 97, 104-
Habakkuk 5,383 13:18-23 8
1:5 305-7 5:33, 38, 43 84 13:55 49,71
2:3-4 236-46 6:9-13 36 14:12 328
2:4 189, 384 6:10, 13 87 14:28-31 17
6:24 19 15:19 88
Zechariah 7:3-5,7-11 19 16:2-3 21
6:12 245 7:22-23 21 16:4 13
i 6:13-23 8 27:25 107 3:20-21 12

16:16 17 27:35 136 3:31-35 9
16:16-19 17, 88,322 27:39-43 139 4:1-9 8
16:17-18 113, 118, 122 27:50 369 4: Iff. 7
16:17-19 115, 121, 122 27:60 370 4:10 13
16:18 114-15, 119, 27:62-66 373 4:10-12, 13-20 8
122-23, 321 27:64 214 4:12 17
16:24-25 21 28:1-20 374 4:21, 2 2 13,21
16:24-28 8 28:2 274, 377 4:25 17,21,88
16:27 21 28:5 373 4:26-29 12
17:1-9 8 28:6-7 214 4:30-32 9
17:5 76 4:36 13
28:8 13
17:9 214 373 4:38 6
28:11-15
17:13-14 21 5:35-43 377
28:18-20 158
17:17 15 5:41 224
18:12-14 21 Mark 6:1-6 9
18:17 321 1:1 12, 48, 149 161 6:3 28, 49, 71
19:3 98 1:1-15 7 6:7-11 17
19:3-9 79, 86-87, 104 1:2-6 38 6:8-11 21
19:3-12 102, 104 1:11 17 6:17-18 9
19:6 86, 89, 99 1:14 149 161 6:29 328
19:7 81,86,91 1:15 149, 158 6:31-44 37
19:7-8 86 1:16 17 6:45ff. 7,255
19:9 17, 35, 82-83, 1:16-20 9 6:50 17
86-87, 90,97,
l:21ff. 7 7:2-4 12
105, 383
22:1-10 21 1:23-28 36 7:21-22 88
22:15-22, 2:1-12 8 7:32-37 12
23-33, 34-40 8 2:3 6 7:34 224
22:16 328 2:12 13 205 8:1-10 37
22:34-39 21 2:13-17 8 8:12 13
22:41-46 8 2:14 17, 320 8:17-18 75
23:37-38 19 2:18 328 8:22-26 12
24:14 158 2:18-22 8 8:27-33 8
24:45-51 19 2:23-28 8 8:29 17,88
25:7 214 2:26-27 17 8:29-31 259
25:10-12, 14-30 21 2:27 12 8:31 290
25:29 • 21, 88 3:1 13 8:34-35 8,21
26:13 158 3:1-6 8 8:35 149, 158, 161
26:67-68 13 3:6 323 8:38 21
26:68 15 3:7-12 8,9 9:1 8
26:75 15 3:13-19 9 9:2-10 8
27:1 368 3:16 113 9:4 255
9:5 280 16:6 214, 373 2:26 261

9:7 76 16:8 13, 250 2:30-32 311
9:9 214,290 16:9-20 250, 287, 375 2:34 113,254
9:29 12 16:12-13 274, 375-76, 2:41, 48 54,71
9:31 290 379 2:42 255
37 16:14 273, 375 2:49 262
9:35-37
9:4 Iff. 7 16:14-18 375 2:51 53
9:48-49 12 16:15 149, 158 2:52 311
10:2 98 16:19 214, 273, 375- 3:lff. 7,256
10:2-12 79, 84-86, 87 76 3:1-18 23
10:4 81,91 Luke 3:4 297 305, 320
10:9 85, 89, 99 1:1 307-8 3:7-9 18-19, 24, 27
10:11 17, 83, 103 104 1:2 251 3:7-14 7
10:11-12 85, 90, 98 382 1:3-4 255 3:17 18
10:12 99 1:4 252,314 3:19-20 9
10:13ff. 7 1:5-2:52 273 3:21-22 23
10:29 149, 158, 161 1:5-23 54 3:22 17
10:43-44 37 1:5 53, 256 3:23 73, 77
10:45 184 1:11 51 3:23-28 7,69
11:3 260 1:13, 17 311 3:30 113
11:21 10 1:18 61 4:1 261
12:3 323 4:1-13 23,27
1:19,26 51
12:13-17, 4:2-13 7, 18
1:26-38 46,57-58,61,
28-34, J5 8 75 4:4 297, 302, 304
12:41-44 36 1:27 53-54, 57, 75 4:8 297, 302, 305
13:10 149, 158 1:28 75 4:10 297, 302, 304
13:33-37 12 1:31 53,76 4:11 298, 302, 304-5
14: Iff. 7, 250 1:32 53,76,311 4:12 298, 302, 304
14:9 149, 158 1:33 76,311 4:16-30 9,252
14:20-21 9 1:34 53-54,56,61, 4:17 297
14:28 214 75-76 4:18 160
14:43 250 1:35 56, 76,262,311 4:18-19 302, 304,311
14:51-52 12 1:57 311 4:22 71
14:65 13 2:1-2 256 4:29 368
15:24 136 2:4 53 4:3 Iff. 7
15:29-32 139 2:5 53,57 4:34 252, 325
15:37 369 2:7 53 4:34-37 36
15:40 71 2:11 258, 260, 262 4:38 120
15:46 370 2:22 255, 311 5:1-11 9
15:47 71 2:23 297, 302, 305 5:3 17, 120
16:1 71 2:24 298, 302, 305 5:4, 5, 8,10 120
16:1-8 6,374 2:25 112 1 5:17-26 8
5:25 12 9:20 17, 120 14:26 88,90

5:27 17, 320 9:23-24 21 14:27 21
5:27-32, 33-39 8 9:23-27 8 15:4-7 21
5:33 328 9:26 21 16:5,7 76
6:1-5 8 9:27 253 16:13 19
6:4 311 9:28 120 16:16 257
6:4-5 17 9:28-36 8 16:18 35, 79, 82-85,
6:6 13 9:31 254-55 90,99 103
6:6-11 8 9:32, 33 120 17:5, 6 260
6:12-16 9 9:34 76 17:11 18
6:13 272, 282 9:49-50 36 17:21 253
6:14 113 9:50, 51ff. 7,254 17:37 76
6:17-19 8-9 9:51,53 18, 255 18:15ff. 7
6:20 36, 88 9:54 311 18:16 253
6:20ff. 7 10:4,5-7, 10-11 21 18:20 82 305
6:21 36, 88 10:9 253 18:28 120
6:41-42 19 10:13-15, 21-22 19 18:29 90
7:11-17 377 10:25-28 21 18:37 325
7:14 205 10:26 299 19:1-27 7
7:22 160,311 10:27 304-5 19:8 260
7:22-23, 24-28 19 10:28 311 19:22-27 21
7:27 297, 305 11:2-4 36,87 19:27 254
7:30 256 11:9-13 19 19:28 18
8:4ff. 7 11:22 76 19:38 304
8:4-8 8 11:24-25 19 19:41-44 7
8:9 13 11:29 13 19:46 297, 305,311
8:9-10 8 11:33 13,21 20:17 297 304
8:10 298, 305 12:2 13,21 20:20 368
8:10-11 17 12:9 21 20:26, 27-40
8:11-15 8 12:41 120 41-44 8
8:16, 17 13,21 12:42-46 19 20:28 297
8:18 17,21,88 12:42 260 20:37, 38 305
8:19-20 9, 253 12:54-56 21 20:42 298
8:22 13 13:18-19 9,23 20:42-43 304
8:45, 51 120 13:20-21 23 21:24-25 311
8:54 205 13:22 18 21:26 76
9:1 320 13:23 76 21:27 296
9:1-5 17 13:23-24, 25-27 21 22: Iff. 7
9:2 253 13:33 254-55, 262 22:8 120
9:3-5 21 13:34-35 19 22:20 282
9:17 7 13:35 304 22:22 257
9:18-22 8 14:15-24 21 22:27-32 7
408 TO DVANCE THE GOS
22:29 282 24:47-48 279 20:19-23 278,375

22:31,34 120 24:49 261-62, 273, 20:21 279
22:35-38 7 275, 277-79, 20:22 278-79
380
22:37 297, 305, 308 20:24-29 375
24:50 276, 290, 375
22:42 257,262 20:25 136
24:50-51 257,271-72
22:54, 55, 58, 20:26 278-79
24:50-53 375-76, 378,
60,61 120 380 21:1-23 375
22:64 13 24:53 255 21:14 214,375
22:69 296
23:5 73 John Acts
23:21-23 9 1:12-13 72 12 214,271-72
23:27-32 7 1:13 50, 65, 72 13 273 285, 378
23:30 296 1:19 149 14 261 275, 380
23:33 136 1:42 113-16, 119 15 277-78, 380
23:34-35 311 1:43 320 16 286
23:39-43, 47-49 7 1:45 50 18 76,254,315,
23:42-43 371, 378, 380 2:22 214 326
23:46 305, 370 3:14 268, 370 1:9 275
311 4:25 323 1:9-11 257, 272, 375,
23:49
377, 379
23:53 370 4:42 258
1:11 214, 273, 276,
23:56b-24:53 374 6:42 50 325
24:1-36 272 7:2 280 1 13, 15 120,273
24:6 214 7:33 289 1 16 316
24:9 13, 374 7:42 69 1 16-24 303
24:12 374 7:53 82 120 297, 305
24:13-35 274 374, 376 8:1-11 82 121 260, 376
24:15 274 8:28 268, 370 122 73,214, 250,
24:16 379 10:30 214 274 315,376
24:19 325 11:42 377 2:1-4 277-78
24:26, 27 259, 275, 308, 11:43-44 274, 374 2:3 283
378 12:1-2 274 2:5 282
24:31 378 2:5-41 279
12:32-34 268, 370
24:33 315 2:7 325
13:1 271,289
24:34 120 214, 375 2:11 292
13:3 289
24:35 262, 275, 377,
14:28 289 2:13 277, 285
380
24:36-43 374 16:5, 10, 17,
28 289 2:14 120,282
24:37-39 377 19:30 370 2:14-36 303
24:44 304 19:32 • 136 2:15 277, 285
24:44-49 375 19:41 370 2:16 298
24:45 272 20:1-29 375 2:17-21 302, 305
24:46 259, 290, 299, 20:15 379 2:21 253,317
308,371 20:17 270-71, 375 2 22-24 309
2:22 262, 325 4:11 298, 305 7:49-50 304

2:23 136 4:12 253 7:55 289
2:25 298 4:13, 19 120 8:1 321,323
2:25-28 304, 312 4:24 311 8:3 321-22
2:29 316 4:25-26 298, 304 8:4, 12 253
2:30,31 296 4:27 320 8:14 120, 253
2:31-33 378 4:29 253, 325 8:16 260,317
2:32 253, 260, 277, 4:31 253 8:20 120
315,372 4:32 316,318 8:21,23 311
2:33 261,268,275, 4:33 260 315,376 8:24 76
278, 283, 286,
309, 372 5:3, 8, 9 120 8:25 253
2:34 215, 298, 304 5:11 321-23, 326 8:30-31 76
2:36 253, 259-60, 5:14 260,316 8:32 298, 304
277,283,315, 5:15 76 120, 316 9:1 320
378 5:17 325 9:2 310,318,320,
2:37 120 326
5:29 120
2:38 120, 317 9:3-5 378
5:30 137-38,214,
2:39 282, 296 253,268,311 9:5 318,326
2:42 318 5:31 258, 268 9:10, 13 320
2:44 316 5:32 315 9:14 317
2:46 315 6:1 319 9:19 320
2:47 317 6:2 253 318, 320 9:21 317
3:1 120, 315 6:4 253 9:25, 26 320
3:3, 4 120 6:5 253,318 9:30 316
3:6 120, 325 6:7 320 9:31 322-23, 326
3:11, 12 120 6:14 325 9:32 120, 320
3:12-26 303 7:2 311,316 9:34 120
3:13 296 7:2-53 303 9:36 320
3:14 320 7:3,5 296,311 9:36-41 377
3:15 214,315 7:6 298, 305 9:38 120, 320
3:17 316 7:7 296-97, 305-6 9:39, 40 120
3:18 259 7:8-17 311 9:41 320
3:20 51 7:18 296,311 9:42 316
3:22 298, 305 7:23, 26 316 10:5 113, 120
3:22-23 311 7:27-28, 30, 10:9, 13 120
3:23 305 32-37 296,311 10:14 76
3:25 298, 305 7:37 298, 305 10:17, 18,19,
4:4 253 7:38 322 21,25, 26,
4:6 337 7:40 296,311 32,34 120
4:8 120 7:42 297, 305 10:23 316
4:8-11 303 7:42-51 311 10:34-40 311
4:10 214, 253, 325 7:48 298 10:36 253
10:37-43 52, 73, 253 13:52 320 17:31 215,303,311

10:38 262 14:1 318 18:18 316
10:39 137-38, 315 14:2 316 18:22 321-22
10:40 214 14:10, 15 311 18:23 320
10:42 215, 257 14:15-17 303 18:25-26 321, 329
10:43 308 14:19 76 18:27 316
10:44, 45,46 120 14:20 320 19:1 320
10:48 317 14:22 253, 320 19:1-20:1 332
11:1 316 14:23 321-22, 326 19:5 317
11:2,4,7, 13 120 14:27 321-22 19:8 253, 332
11:12,21 316 14:28 320 19:9 310,320-21,
11:22 321, 323 15:3 316, 321-22 326
19:10 332,368
11:26 259, 320, 320- 15:4 321-22
23 19:14 332-38
15:4-12 120, 330
11:28 256 19:16 333
15:5 325
11:29 316, 320 19:18 316
15:7 120, 150, 277,
12:1 321-23 283 19:20 320
12:3 120 15:10 320 19:23 310,320-21,
12:5 120, 321-22 15:12 318 326
19:31 334
12:6,7, 11, 14, 15:13-29 120
19:32, 39,41 322
16 120 15:14 112
20:1 320
12:17 316 15:15 297
20:16 287
12:18 120 15:16-17 305, 308
20:17 322
13:1 120, 321-22 15:18 311
20:20 320
13:10 311 15:20, 29 88,89
20:24 150
13:16-41, 46-47 303,311 15:22 316, 321-23,
20:25 253
13:22 296 330
15:30 318 20:28 311, 317,322-
13:23 255, 258 23
13:24-28 312 15:32-33, 40 316
20:32 253 311,320
13:25 255 15:41 322, 326
21:4 320
13:29 137, 145 16:1 320 21:7 316
13:30 214 16:4, 5 322, 326
21:8 161
13:30-33 307 16:7 261 21:16 320
13:31 272, 276, 285, 16:17 325 21:17,20 316
315 16:30 76 21:25 88
13:33 297, 304 17:1-9 203 22:4 310, 318, 320,
13:34 258, 298, 305 17:2-3 253, 259 326
13:35 298, 304 17:3 290 22:5 316
13:40 76, 298 17:6, 10, 14 316 22:6-8 378
13:41 305-7 17:22-31 303 22:8 318, 325-26
13:46 307 17:24 311 22:15,20 315
13:47 298, 305, 307 17:28 311 22:16 317
22:19 316 1:20 206 5:13 188, 190

23:5 297, 302, 305. 1:29 105 5:14 190
325 2:10 157 5:15-19 362
23:6 379 2:11 158 5:18 163, 171
24:5 324-25 2:12ff. 186 5:20 187, 190
24:14 310, 320, 324. 2:14 187, 200 5:21 351
326
2:16 151 6:2 196
24:22 320-21
2:17-24 189 6:4 164, 196,205,
26:5, 9 325
3:1-2 157 210, 268, 290,
26:10 318, 320 378
3:2 188, 197
26:13-15 378 6:9 205., 290, 374
3:6 182
26:15 318, 326 6:10 154, 163
3:19 187, 189
26:16 315 6:14 200
3:20 189-90
26:16-18 311 6:23 351
3:21 200
26:18 320 7:1 186-87
3:24 163
26:22 310 7:2-3 80
3:24-25 184
26:23 259 7:4 194, 200, 205,
3:24-26 183 290
26:26 256
3:25 163, 170, 172, 7:5 190
26:28 259, 323 181, 184 7:6 188
27:3 325 3:26-28 163
7:7,8 190
28:14-15 316 3:27 187
7:8-9 191
28:21 316 4:5 185
7:10 188
28:22 324 4:7 181
7:11 190
28:26 298, 302, 304, 4:13 197
308
7:12 188
4:13-21 157
28:28 311 7:13 191
4:15 188, 190
7:13-24 192-93
4:17-21 206
Romans 7:14, 16,22 188
4:23-24 161, 197
1 150, 152 7:23 187
2 4:24 214
157, 159 7:24 200
4:25 152, 163, 166,
3 47-48, 69, 77 7:25 188, 193
205,250,271,
3-4 48,51,69,70, 372 8:1 191
160,250 5:1 169, 172 8:1-2 163, 193
4 207,208,211,
5:1-11 172 8:1-4 200
215,216
5 155 5:2 210 8:2 187, 193, 195.
5:5 279 200
7 320 8:3-4 196
9 151 5:6-8 168
8:5-7 167
15 150 5:8, 9-10 172
8:11 214
16 153, 157, 163,
5:10 168
8:14, 15 196
166,210,252 5:10-11 164, 166, 171,
17 173 8:19-23 169
152, 155, 190,
236, 242, 245 5:12 182,349-68 8:21 163
18 167 5:12-21 59, 349 8:21-23 169, 173
8:32 70, 163 1:21 154 11:2-16 104 201, 347

8:34 205, 289-90 1:22-24 125 11:3 341-48
9:2-3 177 1:23 152, 253 11:4,5,7, 10 341
9:3 194 1:24 207 11:10 347
9:4 158, 189 1:30 163 11:23 68
9:4-13 157 2:4 154 12:3 155, 223, 260,
9:17 206 2:5 206, 210 278
9:31 186 210 12:8-12,28-30 154
2:8
10:4 188,195 101 13:2 179
3:16-17
10:4-5 186 114, 182 14:37 68
3:22
10:6 215 289 15:1 151, 160
4:5
10:6-8 270 15:1-2 153, 159
5:1 88
10:8 152 15:1-7 153-54
5:7-8 280
10:9 214, 223, 250, 88 15:2 150,153
6:9
260, 369 15:3-5 250, 259, 269,
6:11 163
10:9-17 154 372-73, 379
10:10 163 6:13 88 15:4 205 214,371
10:12 6:14 207,214, 271 15:5 114
157
10:15 157, 159 7:7,8 103 15:5-6 378
10:16 155, 159 7:10 35, 68, 89, 99, 15:11 151, 154
179 15:12 152 214, 271
10:16-17 155
7:10-11 79-82, 103, 382-
I J J
11:15 164, 171-72, 83 15:13 214

185 7:10-15 110 15:14 154 214,369
12:2 164 15:15 205
7:10-16 105
12:6-8 154 7:11 90, 165 15:16, 17 214
12:14 179 15:20 214, 290
7:12 81, 100
13:840 186, 196 15:22 350
7:12-15 82
13:9 179, 198 15:35-56 381
7:13 81
13:11 163 15:42-44 379
7:15 100
15:4 161, 197 15:45 164, 211, 287,
7:19 188
15:16 152 292
7:22 196
15:18-19 151 15:47 289
7:25 81, 179
15:20 150 15:55-57 374
7:32, 35 103
16:6 68 15:56 186,190
16:19 7:39-40 80 287, 292
179 16:8
16:25 8:5-6 221, 260 218-35
151, 154 16:22
16:26 155 9:1-2 151
9:5 114 2 Corinthians
1 Corinthians 9:12 150 1:19 152
1:2 163 9:14 150,160,179 2:12 150-51
1:12 114 9:16,18 150 2:17 151,156
1:17 150-51 9:20 186, 201 3:7 191,211
1:18 152 10:11 188, 197 3:7-17 200
3:7-18 210,217 13:4 206-7 3:16 47

3:9 [91 3:17 201
211 Galatians 3:19 190, 192
3:10-11
3:12-18 180 1:1 214, 271 3:21 189
3:14 201 1:1-24 151 3:23-24 191
3:15, 16-18 211 1:6 151 3:27-28 175
3:17 163, 217,287, 1:6-9 155 4:3 192
292 1:7 150, 155 4:4 47-48, 77
3:17-18 186 1:8 151 4:4-5 69
3:18 164, 180, 217 1:8-9 150 4:6 196
4:2,3 151 1:11 151, 160 4:9 192
4:4 151, 153, 210 1:12 378 4:13 150
4:4-6 210-11 1:14 197 4:21-31 157
4:5 151 1:16 150-51,378 4:24 201
4:6 211 1:17 151 4:28 48
4:7 217 1:18 114, 121, 179 4:29 48, 56
4:14 214 1:19 69 5:1 163, 194
5:4 351 354, 366 1:23 151 5:1-4 196
5:14-21 185 2:1-10 151 5:3 189, 194
5:15 205, 290 2:2 151, 160 5:6 152, 196
5:16 179 2:4,5 156 5:13 163, 194
5:17 164,211 2:6-9 121 5:19 105
5:18 176 2:7 150, 157 5:19-21 194
5:18-19 185 2:7-8 114 5:20 167
5:18-20 164 2:9 114, 121, 156 6:2 187-88, 197,
5:18-21 169, 171, 173 2:11 114, 121 201
5:19 167, 172, 384 6:15 164,211
2:11-14 155
5:19-20 174 2:14 114, 121, 156
5:20 168, 172 Ephesians
2:16 163 1:3 289
6:7 160 2:16ff. 186 1:4 182
6:14-18 101 2:19-20 194 1:7 181
7:1 101 2:20 176, 195 1:13 153, 155, 157,
7:10 163 3:1-2 278 160, 287
8:18 150 3:6-15 138 1:14 163
9:13 151 3:10 1:17 210
145, 191
9:14-15 152 3:11 236, 241 1:19 215
10:14 151 3:12 188, 190 1:19-20 209
10:16 150 3:13 137-38, 195,
1:20 214, 289
11:4 152, 155 384 2:5-7 209
11:4-6 151 3:14-29 157 2:6 289
11:7 152, 160 3:15 197 2:7 76
12:21 88 3:15-25 200 2:11-18 169
2:11-22 185 4:3 150, 203 4:16-17 276

2:12 167,201 4:4-9 203 4:17 290
2:13 168 4:7 182
2:14 176 4:10 351 354, 367 2 Thessalonians
2:15 186, 188, 194, 4:10-20 203 1:7 zsy
200 4:15 150 1:8 151, 155
2:16 164, 171, 173, 4:16,21-23 203 1:9 210,215
183 2:14 151
2:18-22 101 3:16 182
Colossians
3:3-6 152 1:5 160
3:6 157 287 1:11 210 1 Timothy
3:8 151 181 1:8-9 186,198
1:14
4:7-11 270 1:11 210
1:19-20 168
4:8 215 1:20 169, 171, 173, 2:6 184
4:10 275 183, 185 3:2, 12 79
4:11 154 1:20-22 164, 174, 185 3:16 215, 267, 370
4:17, 18 167 1:21 166 5:9 80
4:22-24 164 1:22 168, 171, 173,
5:2 182 183 2 Timothy
5:3 88 1:24 176 2:8 69, 214
5:21-25 345 2:12 214 4:5 161
5:32-33 383 2:14 135 195, 200 4:18 289
6:9 289 3:1 289
3:4 210 Titus
6:10 215
3:5 88 1:3 154
6:19 160
3:15 182 1:6 79
Philippians
1 Thessalonians Hebrews
1:1-2, 3ff. 203
1:5 151, 353, 278 1:3, 13 289
1:12-14 151
1:6 151, 156 2:17 184
1:15, 17 152
1:9-10 160 4:14 269
1:27 150 156
1:10 153, 204-5, 6:19-20 269, 276
2:5-11 266, 275, 288,
370 269, 271, 372 7:9-10 363
•J } \J
2:6-7 2:2 152, 160 7:26 289
47
2:9 370-71 2:8 155 8:1 289
2:19 203 2:8-9 152 8:12 184
3:2ff. 203 2:9 160, 203 9:5 184
3:7-8 203,204 2:13 151, 153 9:12 289
3:10 202-17 3:2 150 9:24 269, 289
3:12 351-52, 354, 4:2 179 10:12-13 289
367 4:14 204, 290 10:37-38 236, 242-46
3:20 289 4:15 68, 179 10:39 242
3:21 210 4:16 269 12:2 289
13:4 88 5:2-3 317 1:7 290

13:6 368 1:12-18 269
2 Peter
1:1 112
3:21 269
James
5:1 76 6:1-7 269
1 John 7:17 269
1 Peter 2:2 184
10:9 290
1:5 209 4:10 184
11:12 290
1:21 214
Jude 14:6 149
2:5, 9 102
14-15 233 19:9-10 290
2:24 137, 145
3:22 269,289 21:9-10 383
Revelation
4:16 323 1:5 204 22:8 290
4:17 149 1:6 101 22:20 226
Index of Other Ancient Writings
Church Writers Hist. eccl. 1.12,2 114 121

Ambrose, Expos, ev. Luc. 2, 14- 9.9.5-6 361
15 75 Praep. evang. 3.9.2 347
Ambrosiaster, In ep. ad Cor. I Gregory of Nyssa,-E«com. in S.
16.22 231 Stephanum 2.46 345
Inep. ad Rom. 5.12 350,363 Ignatius of Antioch, Smyrn. 1.1 69
Apostolic Constitutions 7.26, 5 224 8.2 318
Athanasius, Apol. II contra Aria- Isidore of Seville, Etym. 7.9.3 120
nos 89 345 Jerome, In die dominica Pas-
Augustine, Contra duas ep. chae 51-52 291
Pelagianorum 4.4.7 350, 363 In ep. I ad Cor. 231
De consen. evang, 231 Lib. interp. Hebr. nom. 231
De pecc. merit, et remiss. John Chrysostom, Ad populum
1.10.11 350,363 Antiochenum 2.2; 3.1 345
De sacra virginitate 4.4 75 Horn, in Acta 25.1 331
Barnabas, Ep. 15:4 199 In ep. ad Rom., Horn. 10.1 350 363
15:9 291 In ep. I ad Cor., Horn. 26.2 346
Clement of Alexandria, Hypoty- Horn. 44 224, 225 230
poses 5 114 In haiam 7.3 348
Stromateis 4.8.63; 5.6.37 345 [In Ps. 50] 345
Clement of Rome, Ep. 147.3 121 John Damascene, In ep. ad Cor.
Cyril of Alexandria, In ep. ad I, 123 224, 225, 230
In ep. ad Rom. 5.12 350 363
Rom. 5.12 351,363
Mart. Polycarpi 12.2, 21 337
Damascius, Vita Isidori 154. 355
Oecumenius, Comm. in ep. ad
Didache 10:6 223, 225, 228, 231
Rom. 1 350, 363
Eusebius, De die dominica 60,
Comm. in ep. I ad Cor. 225, 230
79, 80, 146, 194 347 Optatus of Milevis (CSEL 26.36) 113
De ecclesiastica theologia 3.5 291 Origen, Contra Celsum 8.25 331
Dem. evang. 6.14 245-46
41fS
Index of Other Ancient Writings 417
Pastor Hermae, Simil. 7.3 344 67.9.4; 77.5.1 368

Photius, Quaest. 84 ad Am- 73.18.2; 78.16.5 361, 366
philoch. 352, 355 Cicero, Pro Rabirio 137, 144-45
Synesius, Bp., Ep. 73 352, 355, 365 Cleanthes, Hymn to Zeus 4 311
Syntipas 355 Damascius, Vita Isidori 170 120
Tertullian, Adv. Iudaeos 13.23 291 Demosthenes, In Dionysodorum
Adv. Marcionem 1.19 161 42.45-5 364, 366
5.8.1 348 Diodorus Siculus, Libr. hist.
Theodoret of Cyrrh, Interp. ep. 2.48.7 364
ad Rom. 5.12 350, 363 12.18.1-2 90
Interp. ep. I ad Cor. 16.21 224, 225, 230 15.74.2 161
Theophylact, Expos, in ep. ad 19.98 355
Rom. 5.12 350, 363 Diogenes Laertius, Vitae philos.
Expos, in ep. I ad Cor, 225, 230 6.10.4; 6.91.3 368
7.169.4-6 356
Latin and Greek Writers 7.173.1-5 358-59
Aelius Aristides, Or. 53 (640D) 355
10.17.1 365
Aeschines, Ctesiphon 114 365
Dionysius of Halicarnassas,
Appian, Bell. civ. 1.112 355
Rom. Ant. 2.25.7 90
2.60 337
11.16.1 364
3.93 161
Euripides, Andromache 973 90
Apuleius, Metamorphoses
Frg. 89
2.28ff. 335
303,311 Herodotus, Hist. 3.83; 5.82;
Aratus of Soli, Phainomena 5 6.65; 7.153; 8.4 365, 366
Aristotle, Analyt. pr. 30a 29-31 365
4.91 342
De caelo 273a 27-32 365
5.39 90
Metaphysics 12.8 § 1037a 291
Homer, 11. 8.281 342
Nichomachean Ethics 5.5.8 353
Odys. 14, 152, 166 158
5.4.12; 9.8.9 365
Isaeus 8:36 89
Politics 1.1.9 § 1252b 7-8;
7.14.11 §1335b 33-34 311 Josephus,
Ag.Ap. 1.7 §40; 313
[Aristotle], Magna moralia 2.15
§1212b 27 311 1.15 §94; 1.17 §108, §112;
Athen. Pol. 14.4.3-5; 34.3.1-3 1.18 §117; 1.20 §146;
365
1.21 §154; 1.22 §176 312
Artemidorus Daldianus 1.2;
1.35; 3.66 1.22 §187 333
342-43
Athenaeus of Naucratis, Ant. 2.5.3 §73 143
Deipnosophistae 2.49d 356 3.10.6 §252 282, 292
1.30a; 6.85.11-13; 12.521a 365 4.8.23 §253 91, 105
Cassius Dio, Rom. Hist, 59.19.1- 6.4.6 §66 312
2; 59.20.3; 63.28.53 357-58 6.7.4 § 143 165
62.33.8 360 9.11.3 §241 312
65.16.1 333 11.6.4 §208; 11.6.10-13
67.4.6 360 §246, 280, 289 143
12.2.13 §108 333 Orphic Fragment 21-21A 342

12.5.4 §256 140, 143 Pausanias, Desc. Graec. 2.18.4 365, 366
13.3.1 §68 222 Philo of Alexandria De cong.
13.5.9 §171 331 quaer. erud. gr. 12 §61 342
13.8.4 §252 292 De Decalogo 30 §160 292
13.14.2 §380-81 140, 142-43 De mut. nom. 2 §12 222
14.10.12 §227; 14.10.16 De praemiis et poenis 19
§234; 14.10.19 §240 334 §114 342, 344
14.13.4 §337 292 20 §125 342
14.15.2 §403 335 De somn. 1.63 222
15.3.1 §40 337 De spec. leg. 3.5 105
15.7.10 §259 90,92,97, 104, 107 2.30 §176 292
17.10.2 §254 292 3.33 §184 343
18.6.3 §156 123 De vita Mosis 344
20.4.2 §90 ;
222 Quis rer. div. Heres 6 §22-29 222
J.W. 1.4.5-6 §93-98 142 Quod Deus imm. 121 331
1.4.6 §97 140, 143 Plato, Timaeus 44d 343
1.5.3 § 133 143 Pliny the Elder, Nat. Hist.
1.21.3 §404 335 31.23.40 368
1.21.4 §407 334 Plutarch, Amatoriae narrationes
2.5.2 §129 140 775E 8 360
2.14.9 §306-8 140 Aratus 44.4.) 356-57
2.17.4 §420 161 Caesar 16.2 337
2.20.4 §566 337 Cicero 14.6 344
3.7.33 §321 140 36.4.5 360
4.4.3 §261 344 Cimon 8.6.4 357
4.5.2 §317 143 Consol. adApoIlon. 112B 4 365
4.9.11 §574 337 De curiositate 52E 4-6 357
4.10.6 §618 161 Galba 4.4 344
5.6.5 §289 140 PelopidaslA 344
5.11.1 §449-51 140 Pomp. 44 90
5.13.1 §527 337 Sertor. 11.4; 26.3 161
6.2.2 §114 337 Sulla 5.5A 360
Life 2 m, 12 331 [Plutarch], Vitae decern orat.
39 §197 337 840F 3-4; 846D 2-3 360
75 §420 140 Polybius, Hist. 9.28.7 368
Libanius, Oration 20.3; 52.18 344, 348 31.26.6 89
15.43; 18.198 359 Sophocles, Ajax 165, 181-82
Livy, 1.26,6-11 145 Stobaeus, Eel. 1.1.12 311
Lucian, Philopseudes 9 230 Suetonius, Neronis vita 48.3 368
Lycurgus, Contra Leocratem Terentius, Heaut. 177
21.92; 33.132 311 Thomas Magister 352
Thucydides. Pel. War 1.103.1; Pseudepigrapha (of NT and OT)

1.113.3; 1.126.11; Acts of Peter and the Twelve
4.30.4 365 Apostles 123
Vergil, Eclogue IV 173-74, 178 Esdras A 9:36 107
Xenophon, Sympos. 4.35 365-66 Gospel of Peter 4.14 136
35-42 377,381
Papyri and Inscriptions Gospel of Thomas §13, 22, 100 22
Aramaic Papyri Infancy Story of Thomas the
AP 2-3,9, 13 227
Israelite Philosopher 51
2:19 117
.Life of Adam and Eve 19.3 343
3:4 227
Protevangelium Jacobi 51, 75
7:6 227 Psalm 151 222
9:8 104 Psalms of Solomon 159
15:22-23 104
17:1,5 227 Qumran and Related Literature
18:4 117 1 Enoch (Ethiopic) 218-20, 224
20:8-9 227 1:9 233
27:2, 10, 19,21,22 227 4 115
9:4 227
30:1,2, 18,23 227
10:9 222
31:17,22 227
19:1, 22:3; 23:4 290
33:7, 12, 13 227
89:29, 32 115
44:7 117
Jubilees 1:1; 6:17-19; 14:20 281
73:13 117
15; 1; 44:4-5 292
81:110, 115 227
Testaments of the Twelve Patri-
BMAP 2:9 104 archs
7:25 104 Τ Reuben 2:2 342-43
8:10 116-17
11:2 117 CD (Damascus Document)
1:13 299, 321
CIG 2965, 2987b 337
2:14-6:1 94-95, 108
CIS 13815:3 117
4:12-5:14 93-94
RES 1297:2 117
4:13, 15 300
1894:18 117
4:19-21 95-96, 105, 108
SEG 4.520 337
4:20-21 95,97, 102, 109, 111
Giv'at ha-Mivtar Ossuaries 126-29, 136 5:7-11 95-97
Hazael Ivory 227 5:8 300
Hyrcania Inscr. 2:3 227 5:13-14 108
Papyrus Fuad 266 221 5:18-6:2 108
Pap. Oxyrhynchus 2235 119 6:7-8, 13 300
Priene Calendar 158-59 6:19 94
Sammelbuch 6191 119 6:20-7:1 108
Sefire Ι-ΙΠ 234 7:8, 14, 16 300
7:10-11 299 13:3 245

7:16-17 108 14:7 329
7:19 299
300 lQpHab (Pesher on Hab) 3:13-
8:9, 14
14; 5:6 300
9:7-10 108
7:5-8:3 236, 238, 239, 240
9:7,9 300
9:23 245
1QS (Manual of Discipline) 292
10:1 245
1:1, 16 328
10:16 300
1:16-2:25 282
11:18,20 299
4:22 329
13:17-19 111
5:1,2 328
13:23 300
5:15 299
14:15 142
5:16 328
16:10 300
5:17 299
19:5 300
6:21 328
19:7 299, 300
7:15-16 142
19:11-12, 15,26-27 300
7:20 328
20:16 300
8:3 245
20:18 329
8:10 329
8:12-15 321
lQapGen (Genesis Apocryphon)
8:13 329
12:16 227
8:14 299
19:12, 13 227
8:18,21 329
20:12-13, 15 222
329
20:23 228 9:5,9
321
21:5 227 9:17-18
329
9:19
1QH (Hodayot) 321
9:21
1:36 329 213
10:11-12
4:28-29 213 321
10:21
5:20 213 213
11:6-7
9:16-17,25-26 213 329
11:11
10:9-10 213 213
11:20
11:7-8 213
12:29 213 lQSa (Appendix A to 1QS)
15:20 213 1:26-27 328
16:17 245 1:28 329
17:14 245
lQSb (Appendix B to 1QS) 5:26 245
a
lQIsa (Isaiah Scroll A) 6:29 67
1Q29 1:3 and 5-7:4 283
]QM (War Scroll) 4:10 322 4QCatenaa 10-11:1 299
10:1 300 12-13 i 2 300
4QEna I ii 8 115 HQTemple (Temple Scroll) 137, 141-43,

4QEnb I iii 14 227 283-84, 293
4QEnb I iv 5 222, 228 18:10-13 283
4QEnc 4:3 115 19:11-14 284
c
4QEn 5 ii 29 228 21:12-16 284
4QEn e 4iii 19 115 57:17-19 93-96, 102, 109-10
4QEnastr - a d
219 64:6-13 132-35, 139, 145
b
4QEnastr 7 iii 2, 5 228 8HevXII gr 221, 240
a
219 Mur 19:2-4 91
4QEnGiants
Mur 115:3-5 90, 181
4QHor (Florilegium) 1-2 i 2,
12, 15, 16; 1-2 ii 3 299 Mur frg. 20:6 104
4QOrd (Ordinances [4Q159]) Wadi Seiyal Text 382-83
5:7 300
4QPBless (Patriarchal Bless- Rabbinic and Targumic Literature
ings) 5 328 Baraitha de-Massekei Niddah 128, 140
6 329 b. Abod Zar. 9b 199
c
4QpIsa 4-7ii 18; 47:2 299 b. Nid. 61b 199
4QpNah (Nahum Pesher) 3-4 i b. Sanh. 44b 140
1-11 129, 131, 134, 139, 144-45 52b-53a 134
3-4 iii 7 329 97b 199
4QtgLev (Targum of Lev) 180 b. Shabb. 151b 199
4Q178 3:2 299 j . Hag. 2, 2 (77d) 140
5Q12 (= 5QD) 108 m. Aboth 6:9 301
6Q15 (= 6QD) 108 m. Abod. Zar. 2:5 301
HQMelch (Melchizedek) 2:9- m. Bek. 7:6 141
10; 2:23 299 m. Sanh. 6:4 135, 144
2:18 300 7:1 134, 143
a
HQPs (Psalms Scroll A) 19:14 245 m. Shabb. 9:1-4 301
28:7-8 222 m. Yoma 3:8; 4:2; 6:2 301
HQtgJob (Targum of Job) 16:1, Midrash Qoh. 2:1; 12:1 199
2 228 Tg. Isaiah 12:3 199
24:6-7 222 52:13 263
26:5 227 Tg. Jonathan on the Prophets 68
32:1 115 Tg. Neofiti 1, Num 25:4 145, 146
33:9 115 Tg. Ruth 1:17 143

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General Editors

HAROLD W. ATTRIDGE, History and Literature of Early Christianity

John J. Collins, The Apocalyptic Imagination, Second Edition

JOSEPH A. FITZMYER, SJ.

WILLIAM B. EERDMANS PUBLISHING COMPANY

Second edition © 1998 Joseph A. Fitzmyer, S.J.

Printed in the United States of America

Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data

Preface to the Second Edition vii

II. Pauline Topics

III. Lucan Topics

IV. Further Pauline Topics

WHEN EERDMANS PUBLISHING COMPANY asked about the possibility of reprinting

15. "The Designations of Christians in Acts and Their Significance," Unite et

". . . what has happened to me has really

A Alexandrinus (New Testament Greek MS)

B Vaticanus (New Testament Greek MS)

BDR F. Blass and A. Debrunner, Grammatik des neutestamentlichen

D Codex Bezae (New Testament Greek MS)

DBS Dictionnaire de la Bible, Supplement

E English (added to a biblical reference) = in English versions

G Boernerianus (New Testament Greek MS)

HAW Handbuch zum Altertumswissenschaft

ICC International Critical Commentary

j- Jerusalem Talmud (prefixed to name of tractate)

KAI H. Donner and W. Röllig, Kanaanäische und aramäische Inschriften

"L" Lucan private source (in the Third Gospel)

"M" Matthean private source (in the First Gospel)

NCB New Century Bible (commentary series)

The Q-Source in the Synoptic Gospels (see p. 35)

RAC Reallexikon für Antike und Christentum

RTAM Recherches de theologie ancienne et medievale

SANT Studien zum Alten und Neuen Testament

TAG J. A. Fitzmyer, To Advance the Gospel; New Testament Studies (New

TrinJ Trinity Journal

WA J. A. Fitzmyer, A Wandering Aramean: Collected Aramaic Essays

ZAW Zeitschrift für die alttestamentliche Wissenschaft

T H E STEERING COMMITTEE for the Pittsburgh Festival on the Gospels,

solutions necessarily agrees with all the presuppositions that were in

the theory. Little is obviously gained by this sort of approach; and it

I. The Priority of Mark

This survey of the study of the relationship of the Lucan Gospel to

with reference to both Matthew and Luke. In other words, "Mark is

T h e s e considerations a r e a d m i t t e d l y subsidiary; b u t they d o affect

(1) Mark 1:1-15 - Luke 3:1-4:15 (five episodes) 15

Within t h e s e major blocks of m a t e r i a l c o m m o n in s e q u e n c e to M a r k

Moreover, within these large blocks smaller units are confirmed by

Once again the query is in order, whether the sequence of sections

learned from the study of details is that of caution,. . . the criterion of

Mark 4:21 = Matt 5:15 = Luke 8:16 = Luke 11:33

(d) Textual corruption: ". . . in nearly every case where a minute

II. Luke's Use of "Q"

Once again it is almost impossible to discuss the hypothesis of Luke's

Similar instances could still be added. T h e question is how to account

T h a t Matthew a n d Luke both used a c o m m o n source is a partial

Matt 3:7b-10 Luke 3:7b-9 (The speech of John the Baptist; 60

Second, it is scarcely coincidental that the material of the Double

a tradition not parallel to Mark. T h e conclusion d r a w n from this

From the Marcan Source From the "Q" Source

T h e s e are the t h r e e main reasons for postulating " Q . " Admittedly,