6 2 2023

IIUM JOURNAL OF RELIGION AND CIVILISATIONAL STUDIES

(E-ISSN: 2637-112X)

EDITORIAL COMMITTEE

Assoc. Prof. Dr. Fauziah Fathil, Editor-in-Chief

Dr. Mohd Helmi Mohd Sobri, Editor
Dr. Alwi Alatas, Associate Editor

ADVISORY COMMITTEE
Prof. Dr. Ahmed Ibrahim Abushouk, Qatar University, Qatar
Assoc. Prof. Dr. Adibah Binti Abdul Rahim, International Islamic University Malaysia
Assoc. Prof. Dr. Fatmir Shehu, International Islamic University Malaysia
Prof. Dr. Hafiz Zakariya, International Islamic University
Assoc. Prof. Dr. Rahimah Embong, UniSZA, Malaysia
Assoc. Prof. Dr. Rohaiza Rokis, International Islamic University Malaysia
Assoc. Prof. Dr. Sharifah Syahirah Binti Shikh, Kolej Universiti Poly-Tech MARA, Malaysia
Prof. Dr. Abdullahil Ahsan, Istanbul Sehir University, Turkey
Assoc. Prof. Dr. Ahmed Alibasic, University of Sarajevo, Bosnia-Herzegovina
Prof. Dr. Alparslan Acikgenc, Uskudar University, Turkey
Prof. Dr. Fadzli Adam, UniSZA, Malaysia
Prof. Dr. Syed Farid Alatas, Singapore National University, Singapore
Prof. Dr. Fahimah Ulfat, Tubingen University, Germany
Prof. Dr. James Piscatori, Durham University, United Kingdom
Prof. Dr. Jorgen Nielsen, University of Copenhagen, Denmark
Assoc. Prof. Dr. Samim Akgonul, Strasbourg University, France
© 2023 IIUM Press, International Islamic University Malaysia. All Rights Reserved

Editorial Correspondence:
Editor, IIUM Journal of Religion and Civilisational Studies (IJRCS)
Research Management Centre, RMC
International Islamic University Malaysia
53100 Gombak Campus
Kuala Lumpur, Malaysia
Tel: (+603) 6421 5002/5010
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E-ISSN: 2637-112X

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 CONTENTS
Editorial 89
Fauziah Fathil

Articles
Major Trends in the Study of Malay Statecraft since 1900 93
Mohamad Hazizie bin Sulkafle

The Transformation of Islamic Studies: An Ethical and 120

Methodological Analysis
Muhammad Mumtaz Ali

Emerging Social Waqf Model for the Welfare of Pandemic Orphans 139
Saheed Busari

In Awe of the Holy City: Mecca in the Eyes of Five Medieval 159
Travellers
Aditya Pratama Widodo and Alwi Alatas

Unveiling Historical Trajectory and Civilisational Evolution: A 184

Comparative Examination through the Lenses of Ibn Khaldun and
Oswald Spengler
Zhilwan Tahir and Abdulwahed Jalal Nori

The Power Struggle between the Military Junta and Democracy in 213
Myanmar
Amirah Syuhada binti Shahruddin and Fauziah Fathil

Book Review

Idris Zakaria, The Summary of Islamic Political Thought (Ikhtisar 233

Pemikiran Politik Islam)
Makmor Tumin
 159

IIUM Journal of Religion and Civilisational Studies (IJRCS) 6:2 (2023); 159-183.
Copyright © IIUM Press

In Awe of the Holy City: Mecca in the Eyes of

Five Medieval Travellers

Aditya Pratama Widodo1 and Alwi Alatas2

Abstract: This paper elaborates and analyses the situation of Mecca between the 11th
to 16th centuries based on travel accounts of five medieval travellers: Ibn Khusraw
(1004–1072), Ibn Jubayr (1145–1217), Ibn Battuta (1304–1369), Ma Huan (1380–
1460) and di Varthema (1470–1512). Moreover, by thoroughly consulting primary
sources scored by above-mentioned travellers and other relevant secondary sources,
this study aims to ascertain the importance of Mecca, in the given period, in the eye
of Muslims and non-Muslim travellers. As the holiest city in Islam, which is also
associated with Muslim religious pilgrimages, Mecca has a long and intriguing history
throughout the ages. Furthermore, more often than not, during the medieval period,
the pilgrimages to Mecca, which are usually conducted during the Islamic month
of Dzulhijjah, were haunted by challenges and dangers posed by natural and social
environments in and around Mecca, thus made the journey experiences of above-
mentioned travellers all the more challenging, precious and memorable. However,
at the end of the day, their hardships paid off and their praises proclaimed since they
found themselves drenched in joy and in awe of the beauty and greatness of the Holy
City. This research uses historical methodology, focusing on primary texts written
by the five pilgrims mentioned above. This study provides a more comprehensive
picture of the condition of the Holy City of Mecca in the era under study.

Keywords: Mecca, pilgrimage, pilgrim, journey, caravan, Masjid al-Haram,

Ka’abah.

1
Aditya Pratama Widodo is a master’s student at the Department of History and
Civilisation, AbdulHamid AbuSulayman Kulliyyah of Islamic Revealed Knowledge
and Human Sciences, International Islamic University Malaysia. He can be reached
at [email protected]
2
Alwi Alatas is an Assistant Professor at the Department of History and
Civilisation, AbdulHamid AbuSulayman Kulliyyah of Islamic Revealed Knowledge
and Human Sciences, International Islamic University Malaysia. He can be reached
at [email protected]
160 ADITYA PRATAMA WIDODO AND ALWI ALATAS

Introduction
As the holiest city in Islam, Mecca has a long and intriguing history
throughout the ages. It is said that Mecca was once known as Baca
(Bakka), and was associated with pilgrimages, springs, balsam
trees, and the Greek even translated Baca as ‘the Valley of Weeping’
(Sardar, 2014, pp. 1–3), given that Mecca is located in the valley. In
Islamic tradition, another name for Mecca is al-Balad, ‘the main city’.
According to Islamic tradition, the importance of Mecca is closely
related with the life of Prophet Ibrahim who brought his wife and son,
Hājar and Ismā‘īl, to that valley, which subsequently developed into a
settlement. Furthermore, it was in this city that Prophet Ibrahim built a
cube structure called the Ka‘bah, which stands at the heart of the Holy
City (al-Bukhāri, 1997; Hadits No. 3364 & 3365).
Subsequently, Prophet Abraham’s son, Prophet Ismā‘īl, made this
city his home. The latter married a woman from the Jurhum tribe, a
southern Arab tribe, who bore him twelve sons (Ibn Hishām, 1990).
Thus, Prophet Ismā‘īl became the progenitor of early inhabitants of
Mecca, and his offspring, Banu Ismā‘īl, inhabited in and around the city
for many centuries before they finally left Mecca and gradually became
astray and succumbed to paganism (Ibn al-Kalbi, 1952). Much later, the
Banu Ismā‘īl returned to Mecca as the Quraysh tribe, who previously
lived a sedentary and nomadic life (Sardar, 2014; Peters, 2017; Alatas
et al., 2020). Mecca became a strong permanent settlement once again
sometime around 400 CE, thanks to the initiatives of a Quraysh leader,
Quṣayy ibn Kilāb, who cleared the immediate vicinity of the Ka‘ba and
settled his own people “in the newly cleared area, with a defined territory
eventually assigned for the domicile of each tribe” (Peters, 2017, p. 18).
Quṣayy initiated a new confederal structure centred in Mecca, which
continued until the rise of Islam (al-Mubarakpuri, 1996).
The birth and subsequent life of Prophet Muhammad in Mecca,
in the seventh century, has brought considerable changes to religious
situation and landscape in Mecca, and later in neighbouring cities.
However, before the time, as well as in early days, of Prophet
Muhammad, polytheism and idol worship were flourished in Mecca.
As a matter of fact, Qurasyh tribe, the descendants of Banu Ismā‘īl and
which happened to be the tribe that the Prophet belongs to, was among
the most prominent proponents of such tradition (al-Mubarakpuri,
IN AWE OF THE HOLY CITY: MECCA IN THE EYES OF FIVE MEDIEVAL 161
TRAVELLERS

1996; Peters, 2017). However, thanks to God’s final revelation, which

accompanied Prophet Muhammad’s unrelenting da’wah effort, Mecca
finally fell into the hands of Muslims in December 629. Subsequently,
the 360 idols which were placed by the pagans around the Ka‘bah were
burned and destroyed (al-Mubarakpuri, 1996; Peters, 2017; Sardar,
2014). Thus, Mecca once again became the Holy City for the monotheists
and, henceforth, became a magnet that attracted countless pilgrims from
all over the world to drench in a spiritual journey, at least once in a
lifetime. As a matter of fact, religious pilgrimage, hajj, is among the
most important contributors to the greatness and wealth of Mecca.
More often than not, during the medieval period the pilgrimages
to Mecca, which are usually conducted during the Islamic month of
Dzulhijjah, were haunted by challenges and dangers posed by natural
and social environments in and around Mecca. As far as natural
environment is concerned, the journey across the Red Sea from Africa
and journey through the deserts to inland Mecca, either from Medina
or Jeddah, was often accompanied with obstacles. As for the social
environment, unfriendly Christian states in the northern part of the
Arabian Peninsula and hostile local Jewish communities in certain
period of times, the unscrupulous raids by the Bedouins, and even
some corrupted local Muslim rulers in and around Mecca, sometimes
jeopardised the pilgrims. However, it goes without saying that, for
many people, such challenges and dangers actually made the journey
to Mecca all the more challenging and precious, not to mention that
the pilgrimage itself is also a very enlightening experience and notches
unforgettable memories.
Since early medieval period, these experiences have been recorded
in many pilgrimage accounts, some of which have been published as
books. Not only do they elaborate the procession of pilgrimage, in
many cases, those accounts also discuss the situation of Mecca and
adjacent towns. Among the renowned medieval pilgrims who wrote
their accounts pertaining to their visit and pilgrimage to Mecca are Ibn
Khusraw (1004–1072), Ibn Jubayr (1145–1217), Ibn ‘Arabi (1165–
1240), al-Tujaybi (the end of 13th century), Ibn Battuta (1304–1369),
al-Abdari (d. 1336), Ibn al-Sabah (late 14th century), Ma Huan (1380–
1460), and Ludovico di Varthema (1470–1512) (van Leeuwen, 2023).
162 ADITYA PRATAMA WIDODO AND ALWI ALATAS

Without a doubt, those accounts, or travelogue, provide some

valuable information concerning Mecca and the pilgrimages in the
middle ages. However, this article only focuses on the description of
Mecca left by five travellers who came from five different cities in
three different continents, namely Ibn Khusraw of Merv (Persia, Asia),
Ibn Jubayr of Valencia (al-Andalus, Europe), Ibn Battuta of Tangier
(Maghreb, Africa), Ma Huan of Kuaiji (China, Asia), and di Varthema
of Bologna (Italy, Europe). By employing historical methodology that
scrutinises the travel accounts of the above-mentioned pilgrims and by
means of descriptive approach, rather than analytical, this study aims
to find out a detailed representation of Mecca between the 11th and 16th
century. Moreover, this study also aims to ascertain the value of Mecca,
in the given period, in the eyes of Muslims and non-Muslim travellers.

The Travellers and the Background of Their Journey

The first traveller is Abū Mu‘īn Ḥamīd al-Dīn Nāṣir ibn Khusraw, a
renowned writer and scholar of the Ismaili school of Persian ethnic
background. He was born in 1004 in Qabodiyon but later lived in Merv.
Initially, he was a civil servant in charge of finances and running the
country, serving Sultan Toghrul Beg, ruler of the Seljuk dynasty, who
captured Merv in 1037. Based on his confession, in October–November
1045 (Rabiul Akhir 437), when Jupiter was at its highest point in the
fragile zone, he prayed two cycles of prayer and then prayed to Allah to
grant him prosperity. Subsequently, his prayers were answered, hence
he immediately went to Djouzdjanan (Jowzjan), a district in Balkh
Province, and spent a month there enjoying wine. However, in this city,
one day he had a dream. In his dream he met someone who questioned
him: “How long will you drink this wine which deprives man of reason?
It would be better if you looked back on yourself.” The wise man in his
dream then proceeds with some advice:
Loss of reason and self-possession... does not calm the mind;
the sage cannot therefore recommend anyone to let himself
be guided by madness. On the contrary, we must seek what
increases the spirit and the intelligence (Ibn Khusraw, 1881,
pp. 3-4).
IN AWE OF THE HOLY CITY: MECCA IN THE EYES OF FIVE MEDIEVAL 163
TRAVELLERS

Then, a man in his dream pointed towards the Qibla. After waking
up, Ibn Khusraw realised that he had to abandon the life he had lived
for forty years, hence he improved his conduct and changed his way
of life. Therefore, on Thursday, 20 December 1045 (6 Djumadil Akhir
437), he purified himself and went to the mosque, asking Allah’s help
to give him the strength to fulfil His commands and gave up things that
were forbidden by the religion (Islam). Subsequently, he left for Merv
in order to express his desire to his superior to make the pilgrimage to
Mecca, thereby resigning from the government position he had held so
far. He also left notes and his possessions, except for important needs
for his journey. His journey to Mecca began from Balkh on 4 March
1046 (23 Shaaban 437). Long story short, after going through many
major cities in Persia, Iraq, Egypt, and Medina, Ibn Khusraw finally
reached Mecca at the end of May 1047 (Dzulqaidah 438). He would
later come again to Mecca for the second time on 16 May 1048 (end of
Dzulqaidah 439), and for the third time on 19 September 1050 (the last
day of Rabiul Akhir 442). His journey from Balkh to Mecca is outlined
in his monumental work, Safarnama (Ibn Khusraw, 1881).
The second traveller is Abū al-Husayn Muḥammad ibn Aḥmad ibn
Jubayr, a geographer, poet and a scholar from al-Andalus who was of
Arab descent. He was born in 1145 in Valencia. He was a descendant
of ‘Abd al-Salām ibn Jubayr of the Kinānah tribe, who joined an army
sent by the Caliph in Damascus to al-Andalus in 740 to quell a Berber
rebellion there. Later, Ibn Jubayr served as secretary to the governor of
Granada which was under the rule of the Almohad caliphate.
According to the introductory note in his recently-reprinted
travelogue, while serving as an official in Granada, it is said that Ibn
Jubayr was forced by his superior to drink seven cups of wine. Even
though he did not drink the wine, he felt so guilty, that he decided to
atone for his “sin” by resigning from his position and then embarking on
a pilgrimage to Mecca. However, the truth of this dramatic story cannot
be ascertained because of the weak chain of the story, besides Ibn Jubayr
does not mention this episode in his book (Ibn Jubayr, 2020). After his
pilgrimage and journey to some other places, Ibn Jubayr returned to his
country, despite seemingly only for a brief period. He eventually left al-
Andalus and became a Sufi sheikh and teacher of Hadith in Alexandria.
164 ADITYA PRATAMA WIDODO AND ALWI ALATAS

Ibn Jubayr left Granada on 3 February 1183, accompanied by Abū

Ja‘far Aḥmad ibn Ḥassan, a physician from Granada. Subsequently, on
24 February 1183, he boarded a Genoese ship bound for Cairo. On 4
August 1183 (13 Rabi'ul Akhir 579) he arrived in Mecca for the first
time. His first pilgrimage experience was set forth in his rihlah, The
Travels of Ibn Jubayr: A Medieval Journey from Cordoba to Jerusalem,
which was originally published in Arabic and was later published in
English for the first time in 1852 (Ibn Jubayr, 2020, p. 20).
The third traveller is Abū ‘Abdullah Muḥammad ibn ‘Abdullah al-
Lawatī at-Tanjī ibn Battuta, a Berber scholar of Maghreb origin. Ibn
Battuta was born into an Islamic jurist (faqih) family on 24 February
1304 in Tangier. His family came from the Lawata tribe. It seems that
Ibn Battuta also had a qualification in literary and scholastic education
(Gibb, 1958). Given his background, it is understandable that Ibn
Battuta decided to depart for the Holy Land at the age of 22, in 1325. The
purpose of his pilgrimage was not solely to fulfil religious demands, but
also to seek opportunities to broaden his horizons, and to obtain more
insightful knowledge from various sources, so that he would become a
good and qualified scholar.
Ibn Battuta started his itinerary from Tangier and - after going
through several important cities such as Tunis, Tripoli, Alexandria,
Cairo, Damascus - he arrived in Mecca for the first time in mid-October
1326. He described his travel experience in detail in the voluminous
Masterpiece to Those Who Contemplate the Wonders of Cities and the
Marvels of Traveling, or better known simply as Rihlah Ibn Battuta (Ibn
Battuta, 1958; Dunn, 1986). Perhaps, Ibn Battuta is the most famous
Muslim traveller, not to mention that he also travelled more than any
other medieval explorers, totalling around 117,000 km.
The fourth traveller is an emissary cum chronicler named Ma Huan,
an important yet ill-known Chinese traveller, overshadowed by his far
more famous superior, Admiral Zheng He. Ma Huan was born in 1380
into Ma family in Kuaiji, a district of Shaoxing, near Hangzhou bay.
Although he humbly described himself as “the mountain woodcutter
of Kuaiji,” and despite the simplicity of his opening poem in his book,
it is quite obvious that he was fairly well-educated, and that he was
acquainted with Chinese classics and Buddhist books. Furthermore,
he had previously received Arabic and Persian literacy lessons from
IN AWE OF THE HOLY CITY: MECCA IN THE EYES OF FIVE MEDIEVAL 165
TRAVELLERS

a scholar in his hometown, so that, while accompanying Zheng He,

he also acted as a translator and interpreter (Mills, 1970). This is
certainly understandable considering that in Hangzhou, a city Marco
Polo described as a “noble and magnificent” and by Ibn Battuta as “the
biggest city I have seen on the face of the earth,” there used to be a
village of Arab and Persian merchants (Polo, 1907, p. 314; Ibn Battuta,
1958, pp. 900–901; Bretschneider, 1871, p. 11; Hirth and Rockhill,
1911, pp. 102–204).
In 1413, when he was barely twenty-five years old, he was assigned
to participate in Zheng He’s expedition for the first time. In addition, Ma
Huan was also assigned to accompany Zheng He in the latter’s seventh
and last expedition, departing in 1431. On this occasion, Ma Huan
voyaged in a detached fleet under the commandership of eunuch Hung
Pao which departed from China. This eunuch Hung Pao dispatched Ma
Huan as emissary to Mecca, hence the latter landed in Mecca in the
October 1432, after several stops at Bengal and Calicut. It is also said
that, while in Mecca, Ma Huan fulfilled his obligations as a follower
of “religion of the Heavenly Square (Mecca),” that is to say, Muslim
(Mills, 1970, p. 35). The story of his adventures, as well as descriptions
of places he visited, was set out in detail in Ying-Yai Sheng-Lan (The
Overall Survey of the Ocean's Shores), which was published for the first
time in Chinese in 1451.
The fifth traveller was actually a non-Muslim, let alone visiting
Mecca for a religious pilgrimage. Instead, he only stopped briefly at
Mecca on his way to the Malay-Indonesian archipelago. However,
interestingly, he is the first non-Muslim to successfully visit Mecca,
not to mention that his experience and description are also noteworthy.
This person was Ludovico di Varthema, a nobleman who was born in
Bologna in around 1470. Although very little is known about the further
background of di Varthema, he did mention that he was the “most
skilled maker of large mortars in the world,” which might imply his
occupation as a gunsmith. Furthermore, he also proclaimed that “I have
found myself in some battles in my time...,” which might indicate that
he used to be a soldier as well (di Varthema, 1863, pp. 50 & 280).
The motive behind his travels is his curiosity about various foreign
countries in the East - countries rarely frequented by the Venetians and
Bolognese - and his desire to be adventurous, to feel, and to see first-hand
166 ADITYA PRATAMA WIDODO AND ALWI ALATAS

the situation there, and, in the end, to gain recognition from the public
(di Varthema, 1863). Thus, his journey started from Venice, at the end
of 1502, first to Cairo, and between April and June 1503 he had reached
Mecca and stayed there for several weeks. His travel experiences are
set forth in his book, The Travels of Ludovico di Varthema in Egypt,
Syria, Arabia Desert and Arabia Felix, in Persia, India, and Ethiopia,
A.D. 1503 to 1508, which was first published in Rome in 1510, and later
published in English for the first time in 1577.

In Awe of the Holy City

The journey thither from adjacent towns
In the first half of the 11th century, Ibn Khusraw made his first pilgrimage
from Balkh to Mecca. After numerous stops at many towns in Persia,
Syria and Palestine, he left Jerusalem for Mecca on 14 May 1047 (15
Dzulqaidah 438). After 13 days of journey, he finally arrived in Mecca,
probably at the end of the same month. However, food was very scarce
in Mecca at that time; there were no caravans from other countries there,
which might indicate that there was famine in Mecca. Moreover, when
he visited Arafat some time later, he also found out that everyone was
in fear of Arabs attack, hence he abruptly ended his first pilgrimage and
return to Jerusalem.
Roughly a year later, before arriving in Mecca for the second time,
Ibn Khusraw made a stop in Egypt on 4 January 1048 (15 Radjab 439).
There, it was announced that the sultan of Egypt would arrange a caravan,
complete with the soldiers, horses, camels, and provisions, to secure
the safety of for the pilgrims on their way to and in Mecca. However,
later, still in the same year, another letter bearing the sultan’s seal was
publicly read and urged the public not to make the pilgrimage due to
the famine that struck the Hejaz (Ibn Khusraw, 1881). Nevertheless,
Ibn Khusraw, still bent on performing pilgrimage, departed from
Qulzoum (Gulf of Suez) sailing to Medina, and continued on foot
from Medina to Mecca, a distance of 100 fersengs.3 After walking for

3
Ferseng, or parasang, is a historical Iranian unit of walking distance. One
ferseng is equal to 4.8 or 5.6 km. Thus, the distance between Medina and
Mecca, according to Ibn Khusraw’s description, is equal to 480 or 560
km.
IN AWE OF THE HOLY CITY: MECCA IN THE EYES OF FIVE MEDIEVAL 167
TRAVELLERS

eight days across rocky ground, he arrived in Mecca around 16 May

1048 (end of Dhulqaidah 439) and encamped at the Gate of Safa. It
turned out that famine overtook this city and even the guards of the
Ka’aba (mujawirin) were forced to leave and no pilgrims came. As a
matter of fact, many people fled from the Hejaz. Even so, thanks to his
determination, Ibn Khusraw made time to perform the ritual on Mount
Arafat, before finally returning to Egypt (Ibn Khusraw, 1881).
For his third pilgrimage, Ibn Khusraw departed from Egypt and
arrived at Aydhab, one of the most important Egyptian Medieval ports,
on 11 August 1050 (20 Rabiul Awwal 442). He was forced to stay there
for three months since no ships leave for Jeddah at that time. When
the monsoon winds started to blow, he boarded a ship that departed
for Jeddah, heading north (Ibn Khusraw, 1881). On arrival at Jeddah,
which is 12 fersengs4 away from Mecca, Ibn Khusraw received passes
(safe-conduct) from the governor of Jeddah, who was the servant of the
emir of Mecca, who stated that he was a scholar and did not need to
be taxed. Subsequently, he left Jeddah after Friday prayers and arrived
in Mecca on Sunday, 16 September 1050 (the last day of Rabiul Akhir
4425). While Ibn Khusraw did not specifically mention the name of the
mīqāt point, he recounts that he wore his ihram garment at “towers and
chapels” at the distance of half fersengs6 from Mecca (Ibn Khusraw,
1881).
Similar to Ibn Khusraw's third pilgrimage made more than a century
earlier, Ibn Jubayr, who left Granada on 3 February 1183, departed from
Aydhab for Jeddah aboard the jilabah in an eight-days voyage across the
Red Sea that left him feeling “died and lived again” due to unrelenting
tempest (Ibn Jubayr, 2020). Jilabah, also known as jalba or galbah
(pl. jilab/gilab or jalbāt/galbāt), is an ancient watercraft of Sudano-
Egyptian or Arabic origins that was normally used to transport cargo
and pilgrims in the Red Sea and southern Arabian waters. According to
Ibn Jubayr, the jilabah he was aboard was made from planks that were
sewn together, without single nail, “with cord made from qinbar, which

4
Equal to 57.6 or 67.2 km.
5
It is important to note that the last day of Rabiul Akhir 442 was actually on 19
September 1050. However, Ibn Khusraw mentioned that he arrived at Mecca
on Sunday, which was probably 16 September 1050.
6
Equal to 2,4 or 2,8 km.
168 ADITYA PRATAMA WIDODO AND ALWI ALATAS

is the fibre of the coconut and which the makers thrash until it takes the
form of thread, which then they twist into a cord with which they sew
the ships” (Ibn Jubayr, 2020, pp. 200; Agius, 2008; Hourani, 1951).
While in Jeddah, Ibn Jubayr and the group of pilgrims were wrongly
treated, and even treated worse than the treatment received by the
dhimmis (i.e. Christians and Jews under tribute), by the local residents
and authorities on the orders of the Emir of Mecca, Muktir ibn ‘Īsā. The
pilgrims, including Ibn Jubayr, were arrested and only released if they
paid bail as a form of custom tax. Fortunately, Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn al-Ayyūbī
sent 2,000 dinars and 2,002 irdabh7 of wheat to the Emir of Mecca in
order to cover pilgrims’ customs dues (Ibn Jubayr, 2020).
In his travelogue, Ibn Jubayr recorded his grievance pertaining to
this unjust treatment, and, in fact, as he recounts, al-Andalus jurists were
of the opinion that pilgrimage (hajj) was not obligatory for Muslims
since they were often faced with danger and treated badly by the people
of the Hejaz. So irritated was he, to the extent that he stated that Hejaz
is an Islamic land which sins must be washed away with bloodshed,
because of the actions of Hejaz people - which included confiscation
of property and banning the property of pilgrims and killing them,
while employing deception and false pretexts - were in fact loosening
up the Islamic brotherhood. On this occasion he also greatly praised
the Almohad government who, according to him, managed to triumph
Islam in al-Andalus and North Africa. He also praised the ability and
achievements of Ṣalāḥ al-Dīn al-Ayyūbī in ensuring the smoothness of
pilgrimage (Ibn Jubayr, 2020).
After a short stay in Jeddah and after being bailed out by Ṣalāḥ
al-Dīn al-Ayyūbī, Ibn Jubayr left this town, which he described as a
“village on the coast,” on 2 August 1183 and stopped at al-Qurayn to
rest from morning to evening. In this place there was a spring with
sweet water, so that the pilgrims filled the provisions to continue their
journey to Mecca, or, when the pilgrimage is finished, to Jeddah. At this
al-Qurayn, which he thought to be the mīqāt point, the pilgrims began to
put on their ihram garment and then made their way to Mecca at night.
When marching at night, under the full moonlight, the pilgrims recite
talbiyah formula together, and sometimes add prayers. So arrived Ibn

7
2,002 irdabh is equal to 146 metric tonnes.
IN AWE OF THE HOLY CITY: MECCA IN THE EYES OF FIVE MEDIEVAL 169
TRAVELLERS

Jubayr and his entourage at the Umrah Gate in Mecca on 4 August 1183
(13 Rabiul Akhir 579) (Ibn Jubayr, 2020).
Meanwhile, Ibn Battuta, at the age of twenty-two, intended to
perform the pilgrimage and visited the Prophet’s Tomb in Medina.
He departed from Tangier on Thursday, 13 June 1325 (1 Rajab 725).
As mentioned in his account, at first he set out on the journey alone,
though later accompanied by an entourage, determined “to leave all my
lovers, women and men, and leave my house like a bird leaves its nest”
(Ibn Battuta, 1958, p. 8). Ibn Battuta approached Mecca via Medina,
in contrast to the previous two travellers who departed from Aydhab to
Jeddah, then to Mecca. However, it is important to note that, initially, it
seemed that Ibn Battuta also intended to cross the Red Sea from Aydhab,
but he was unable to take this route any further due to enmity between
Mamluk sultanate and Aydhab ruler, al-Hadrabi, which caused the latter
to sink the ships that belonged to the former. Thus, he had to return to
Cairo (Ibn Battuta, 1958).
From Cairo, Ibn Battuta continued his journey to Damascus and
then from there to Mecca. On the way from Damascus to Mecca, he
stopped at Taiba (Medina), probably in early October 1326. Upon
arrival there, the caravan of pilgrims stopped at al-Salām Gate in the
Prophet’s Mosque, after which they prayed in the garden (al-rawḍah al-
saghīrah) which is located between the Prophet’s Tomb and his pulpit.
Ibn Battuta and his entourage encamped in Medina for four days, and
spent every night at the Prophet’s Mosque to read the Qur’an while
sitting in a circle (halaqah). At this occasion, some of them also made
dzikr (remembrance), contemplated at the Prophet’s Tomb, offered
prayers in that blessed site, and gave alms to the needy (Ibn Battuta,
1958). It is clear that, from a lengthy description in his book, Ibn Battuta
spent his time observing various sacred buildings in Medina, interacting
with several scholars and pious people who resided in this city. After
completing their activities in Medina, the pilgrims headed towards
Mecca, but first stopped for a moment at the Dhul Hulayfa Mosque, the
mīqāt point. There, the entourage bathed and cleaned themselves, put on
their ihram garments, and performed 2 rak‘ah of sunnah prayers. After
that, the talbiyah formula accompanied the pilgrims’ journey along the
valleys and hills, and then camped at al-Rawha, al-Safra, Badr, until
they finally arrived in Mecca one morning in mid-October 1326 (Ibn
Battuta, 1958).
170 ADITYA PRATAMA WIDODO AND ALWI ALATAS

Unlike the previous three travellers, the fourth, Ma Huan, took the
sea route almost entirely. On 19 June 1430, Emperor Xuande issued an
edict ordering Zheng He and several other admirals to sail west, in which
the chroniclers of the voyage were required to record the strange things
which they heard. The participants of this expedition included soldiers,
ship crews, interpreters, businessmen, doctors, craftsmen, and various
other professions with a total of 27,500 people (Mills, 1970). Ma Huan
was assigned as Zheng He’s staff and official interpreter, despite the fact
that he was not voyaged with his fleet, but with Hung Pao’s.
The Hung Pao’s fleet consisted of hundreds of ships which departed
from Longwan (Dragon bay) in Nanjing, on 19 January 1431, heading
straight to Bengal then to Calicut. From Calicut, Ma Huan was sent to
Mecca with seven Chinese emissaries. From Calicut, the ship was sailed
southwest and had to voyage for three months before finally anchoring
at the port called Chih-ta (Jeddah). From Chih-ta, Ma Huan and his
entourage headed east for a day until they finally arrived at the city of
Mo-ch’ieh (Mecca), probably in the second half of 1432 (Ma Huan,
1970).
As for the last traveller, Ludovico di Varthema, he was not a
Muslim who went to Mecca for religious pilgrimage. Thus, at the end
of 1502, by spreading the sails after praying for protection, di Varthema
reinforced his intention to sail to Alexandria. Upon arriving there,
because he longed for novelty, di Varthema immediately continued his
journey to Cairo, and then to Damascus. He described Damascus as
very beautiful, extremely populous and rich, and inhabited by many
Moors (i.e. Muslims), Mamluks, who were renegade Christians, and
also Greek Christians. It was also in Damascus that di Varthema stayed
for several months in order to learn the Moorish language (i.e. Arabic)
(di Varthema, 1863).
Subsequently, on April 8, 1503, di Varthema left Damascus for
Mecca, which the distance is forty days and forty nights from the former
city. On this trip, he befriended the captain of a Mamluk caravan who
provided him with Mamluk clothing and a horse. In doing so, he was
able to disguise himself as a Mamluk (i.e. Muslim). He said to the
captain that he was a Roman who became Moor in Cairo, therefore he
was allowed to become a member of the Mamluk guard which consisted
of sixty men, whose job was to protect this caravan of 35,000 camels
IN AWE OF THE HOLY CITY: MECCA IN THE EYES OF FIVE MEDIEVAL 171
TRAVELLERS

and 40,000 men (di Varthema, 1863). Their journey to Mecca was not so
smooth, as they were attacked several times by groups of Bedouin Arab,
including being stopped at a place they called Sodom and Gomorrah,
which was a mountain range called Akabet el-Shami according to the
editor of the book, because they could not afford to pay for water (di
Varthema, 1863). The caravan continued its journey and, around mid-
May 1503, they arrived at Medinathalnabi (Medina).
The caravan stopped at Medinathalnabi for three days and di
Varthema took the time to visit the Prophet’s Mosque and the Prophet’s
Tomb. In his account, di Varthema describes the two buildings in
sufficient detail, while inserting somewhat resentful comments on the
Prophet Muhammad and his companions. After Medina, di Varthema
and the caravan continued their journey to Mecca, which took several
days, and arrived on 18 May 1503. Interestingly, later, while on the way
from Mecca to Jeddah, di Varthema’s cover was almost blown, hence
he lied that, supported by the Mamluk attire he wore, he was a Roman
who became a Mamluk in Cairo (di Varthema, 1863). His dishonesty
was fruitful, and he managed to travel further to Malay-Indonesian
Archipelago before eventually returned safely to Italy.

Geographical and socio-economic situation of Mecca

In general, Mecca was well and brightly-painted by the five travellers,
even though di Varthema, as a non-Muslim, seemingly had mixed-
feelings towards the city and sometimes did not shy away from
shedding negative comments about the Holy City, Islam and Prophet
Muhammad. Arriving in the later part of the 12th century, Ibn Jubayr,
in the spirit of pilgrims, described Mecca as a noble sacred place, “It
is the Haram [sacred precinct] of God, and His place of security... the
source of inspiration and revelation... was the resort of the prophets of
God and his noble apostles.” Ibn Jubayr was also of the opinion that
the greatness and wealth of the Holy City, since ancient times, were
the fruit of the prayers of Prophet Ibrahim (Ibn Jubayr, 2020, pp. 130–
132).8 Meanwhile, rougly a century and half later, Ibn Battuta called

8
Here are Prophet Ibrahim’s prayers for Mecca: “My Lord, make this city
of Mecca secure and provide fruits to its people—those among them who
believe in Allah and the Last Day” (al-Baqarah, verses 126); “My Lord!
172 ADITYA PRATAMA WIDODO AND ALWI ALATAS

Mecca the “city of surety,” and illustrated it as large and compactly-

build town with oblong shape, located in the hollow of valley, and he
also ascribed the glory and wealth of Mecca with the blessed prayer or
Prophet Ibrahim (Ibn Battuta, 1958, pp. 187 and 190–191). Ma Huan
did not score any eulogy about Mecca, while di Varthema described the
“very noble city of Mecca” as the “most beautiful city” (di Varthema,
1863, p. 35).
Ibn Khusraw, who arrived in Mecca in mid-September 1050,
related that Mecca stood in a valley that stretched between majestic
mountains. According to him, the length and width of Mecca did not
exceed two arrows shot. At the southern tip of Mecca there is Jabal Abu
Qubeis, on the slopes of which are two hills called Safa and Marwah.
He observed that the climate of Mecca was extremely hot (Ibn Khusraw,
1881). However, during his visit to Mecca (in September 1183) Ibn
Jubayr experienced a rather unusual weather in Mecca. The heat that
was usually brought by samum (the notorious hot wind) was alleviated,
hence he and other pilgrims would spend the night on the roofs of houses
covered with blankets to protect themselves from the cold of the night
(Ibn Jubayr, 2020). Ma Huan added that Mecca was always hot, all year
round, like summer and without rain, lightning, frost, or snow, despite
its heavy dew at night (Ma Huan, 1970). Meanwhile, di Varthema was
of the opinion that, since there were neither grasses nor trees around it,
Mecca has been cursed by God (di Varthema, 1863, p. 37).
In the mid-11th century, as set forth by Ibn Khusraw, the well of
water in Mecca tasted brackish and bitter, hence almost impossible to
drink from. In order to provide better quality water, ten thousand dinars
must be spent to dig lots of basins and reservoirs which were used to
collect rainwater that flowed down from the canyon. In addition, in
Mecca there was an underground aqueduct, or conduit (qanats), built
by the emir of Aden. The water that flew through this aqueduct came
from a basin outside the city, which first flew to Arafat for agricultural

Make this city of Mecca secure, and keep me and my children away from the
worship of idols.... Our Lord! I have settled some of my offspring in a barren
valley, near Your Sacred House, our Lord, so that they may establish prayer.
So make the hearts of believing people incline towards them and provide
them with fruits, so perhaps they will be thankful” (al-Balad verses 35 and
37).
IN AWE OF THE HOLY CITY: MECCA IN THE EYES OF FIVE MEDIEVAL 173
TRAVELLERS

irrigation purposes, so that only a small amount of water reached Mecca.

However, Ibn Khusraw later narrated that it was the son of Chad Dil,
the emir of Aden, who ordered the construction of those basins. The
purpose of this costly project was to provide water for the pilgrims
(Ibn Khusraw, 1881; Peters, 2017). According to Ibn Battuta, there was
another underground acquaduct which channelled water that came from
a gushing spring in a place named Khulais, which was located outside
Mecca. Moreover, apparently a gushing spring at Marr al-Zuhran (now
called Wadi Fatima) also provided Meccan inhabitants with water (Ibn
Battuta, 1958). In addition, Ibn Khusraw also mentioned the importance
of bir ez zahid (the well of the religious) in his time, which was located
just outside of Mecca, in providing palatable water which, in turn,
was distributed and sold in Mecca. Due to heavy dew in the Holy
City, another method to collect water in Mecca was, according to Ma
Huan, “by put out an empty bowl to receive it until day-break, the dew-
water will be 3 fen [deep] in the bowl” (Ma Huan, 1970, p. 176).9 As
if confirming Ibn Khusraw’s four-and-a-half-centuries earlier account,
di Varthema recounted that at the foot of Mount Arafat there were two
very beautiful reservoirs to collect rainwater, and other water which was
transported from many faraway places, in order to fulfil the needs of the
inhabitants of Mecca (di Varthema, 1863).
Despite that fact, di Varthema maintained that the inhabitants of
Mecca suffered from serious dearth of water so that, in order to fulfil
their daily needs of water, they needed to spend more than 4 quattrini
(di Varthema, 1863, p. 37). The presence of the well of Zamzam,
which lies at the heart of Mecca as eternal source of water, must not be
overlooked and underestimated. This well, according to Ibn Khusraw,
“lies to the east outside the Ka’abah.... The water is drinkable, although
it tastes brackish” (Ibn Khusraw, 1881, p. 205). Nevertheless, by the
time of his pilgrimage, Ibn Jubayr seemingly found that Zamzam water
had become more palatable and tasted like “milk coming from the udder
of the camels.” So miraculous and beneficial was the water that, he
added, if one poured it on his/her body, all fatigues would be relieved
and that he/she would be enlivened in an instant (Ibn Jubayr, 2020, pp.
140–141). Correspondingly, Ibn Battuta stated that the water in this well
also miraculously increased in volume on the eve of each Friday (Ibn

9
3 fen is equal to 0,3 inch.
174 ADITYA PRATAMA WIDODO AND ALWI ALATAS

Battuta, 1958). Ma Huan called this well A-pi-San-san, which contained

pure and sweet water. It was usually stored, in their ship, by people
who travelled to faraway places so that, if they met typhoon at the sea,
the water could be scattered so “the wind and water are lulled” (Ma
Huan, 1970, p. 177). Meanwhile, di Varthema related that the belief and
tradition among the pilgrims in his time was to draw three buckets full
of water from this well - a structure he described as “very beautiful” –
and to bathe with it from head to feet. People believed that, by reciting
basmallah and istighfar and bathing simultaneously, their sins would be
washed away by the water (di Varthema, 1863, pp. 40–41).
According to Ibn Khusraw, who stayed in Mecca from 19 November
1050 (1 Rajab 442) to 29 April 1051 (15 Zulhijjah 442), at the time of
his visit, Mecca was inhabited by not more than 2,000 men, while the
rest were 500 mujāwirīn or foreigners (Ibn Khusraw, 1881). In the early
16th century, di Varthema recounted that Mecca was very well-inhabited
by around 6,000 families who lived in extremely good houses, and some
of the houses worth 3,000 or 4,000 ducats each (di Varthema, 1863).
Ibn Battuta maintained that the residents of Mecca “are given to well-
doing, of consummate generosity and good disposition.” Therefore, it
is not surprising if the customs among them was to act kindly towards
strangers, the poor, and those who devoted their lives to religious life. It
was customary for the residents of Mecca to invite them “with courtesy,
kindness and delicacy, and then giving them to eat,” or bought grain,
meat and vegetables for orphans, or even invited them to eat. As far as
fashion and physical attributes are concerned, Ibn Battuta found that
The Meccans are elegant and clean in their dress, and as they
mostly wear white their garments always appear spotless and
snowy. They use perfume freely, paint their eyes with kuhl,
and are constantly picking their teeth with slips of green
arak-wood (made from Salvadora persica). The Meccan
women are of rare and surpassing beauty, pious and chaste.
They too make much use of perfumes .... (Ibn Battuta, 1958,
p. 215–216)

Ma Huan described the physical features of inhabitants of Mecca

as follows:
IN AWE OF THE HOLY CITY: MECCA IN THE EYES OF FIVE MEDIEVAL 175
TRAVELLERS

The people of this country are stalwart and fine-looking, and

their limbs and faces are of a very dark purple colour. The
menfolk bind up their heads; they wear long garments; [and]
on their feet they put leather shoes. The women all wear a
covering over their heads, and you cannot see their faces ....
(Ma Huan, 1970, p. 174)

Ma Huan proceeded by expressing his astonishment on the orderly

of the inhabitants of Mecca:
The law of the country prohibits wine-drinking. The customs
of the people are pacific and admirable. There are no
poverty-stricken families. They all observe the precepts of
their religion, and law-breakers are few. It is in truth a most
happy country. As to the marriage-and funeral-rites: they all
conduct themselves in accordance with the regulations of
their religion. (Ma Huan, 1970, p. 174)

It is also important to note that imams became the pillar of

community in Mecca, and Ibn Jubayr mentioned four imams of Sunnite,
and one Zaydi imam, living in Mecca at that time. While not giving
the number of the population of Mecca, Ibn Jubayr related that, in the
second half of 12th century, the houses in Mecca, especially those that
surrounded the Masjid al-Haram, had high roofs with belvederes. The
inhabitants used to pass the night and cool the waters on that roof; they
looked upon the Ka‘bah and prayed (Ibn Jubayr, 2020). Ibn Jubayr’s
description about the houses in Mecca was later confirmed by Ibn
Battuta, who also provided some details about the location of the houses
which belonged to notable and pious figures during and after Prophet
Muhammad’s era. In addition, Ibn Battuta also compiled a long list of
virtuous and pious figures who resided in Mecca, including their deeds,
habits, customs, “miracles,” thoughts and stories surrounding their lives
(Ibn Battuta, 1958).
Masjid al-Haram was surrounded by bazaars. In the time of Ibn
Khusraw, many houses were built at the foot of Marwah, and there was
also a bazaar “containing twenty shops placed opposite each other;
they are all occupied by barbers who shave the heads of pilgrims”; the
length of the bazaar was 50 paces (Ibn Khusraw, 1881, pp. 184–187; Ibn
Jubayr, 2020, p. 122). In the 12th century, Ibn Jubayr recorded that, in
the months of Rajab, Sha’ban and Ramadhan, the ground between Safa
176 ADITYA PRATAMA WIDODO AND ALWI ALATAS

and Marwah was flooded by foods, a sight that he never encountered

anywhere else, including in Egypt (Ibn Jubayr, 2020). According to Ibn
Khusraw, there were two baths in Mecca, the bases of which were made
of green stones (Ibn Khusraw, 1881). More than a century later, Ibn
Jubayr mentioned that the two baths were named after two important
scholars, Jamāl al-Dīn and al-Mayanishī (Ibn Jubayr, 2020). Ibn
Khusraw mentioned that the caliph in Baghdad built shelters in this city,
which were intended for pilgrims from Khorasan, Iraq, Transoxiana,
and other places; but now some of the buildings had collapsed or been
converted into private buildings (Ibn Khusraw, 1881).
Apparently, by the time of Ibn Khusraw’s visit to the holy city, the
remnants of the Hejaz famine that occurred in 1047 still lingers, therefore
food was expensive and many people migrated. However, Ibn Khusraw
witnessed a joyful sight in the month of Behmen Mâh 428 (around
end of January 1050) of the Persian calendar: cucumbers (badrengs)
and new aubergines were seen in Mecca. Later, on 15 Farvardin 430
(March–April 1051) “ripe grapes brought from the countryside which
were sold at the market; on the 1st day of Ordibehesht 430 (April–May
1051) melons were abundant. Throughout the winter, there are fruits in
large quantities and they never ran out” (Ibn Khusraw, 1881, pp. 150
and 190). In similar vein, Ibn Jubayr was amazed to witness that Mecca
was overflowing with good foodstuff, including fruits ranging from figs,
dates, grapes, pomegranates, quince, peaches, lemons, walnuts, almonds,
raisins, palm-fruit, water-melons, to cucumbers, and all the vegetables
like eggplant, pumpkin, carrot, cauliflower and other aromatic and
sweet-smelling plants. He also highlighted the distinguished quality of
water-melons that “its odour is the most fragrant of smells and the best
.... and when you taste it, it seems to you like sugar-candy or purest
honey” (Ibn Jubayr, 2020, p. 137–138). In similar vein, Ibn Battuta
maintained that the quality of foodstuffs in Mecca were unrivalled in the
world, while the flavour and sweetness of melons brought there were
also peerless (Ibn Battuta, 1958).
As an Andalusian who felt that situation back home is better than
anywhere else, Ibn Jubayr seemed to be overjoyed to find that vegetables
flowed into Mecca uninterruptedly all year round, and all the fruit and
vegetables there tasted extraordinary compared to the other places.
These fruits and vegetables were imported from nearby places, such as
al-Taif, Udum which was also located in Taif valley, Batn Marr, Wadi
IN AWE OF THE HOLY CITY: MECCA IN THE EYES OF FIVE MEDIEVAL 177
TRAVELLERS

Nakhlah, ‘Ayn Sulayman, as well as Yemen. Ibn Jubayr also highlighted

the importance of people from Maghreb, with proper skills in tillage and
husbandry, as the reason for the fertility of above-mentioned lands (Ibn
Jubayr, 2020; Ibn Battuta, 1958). Ibn Battuta related that, in the middle
of the 14th century, fruits and vegetables were also brought from Marr
al-Zuhran, which was a blessed fertile valley, where many date palms
grew and were well irrigated due to its proximity to a flowing water
source (Ibn Battuta, 1958). The abundance of fruits and vegetables in
Mecca was also confirmed by Ma Huan during his pilgrimage in 1432,
and he added that the people of Mecca, or around it, cultivated unhusked
rice, wheat, black millet, but rice and grain were scarce. Moreover, he
mentioned about the cultivation of “a kind of tree with twisted flowers,
like the large mulberry-tree of the Central Country; it is 1 or 2 chang
in height; the flowers blossom twice a year; [and] it lives to a great age
without withering” (Ma Huan, 1970, p. 176).10
As far as meat is concerned, Ibn Jubayr said that the meat in Mecca
was wonderful, and that many people, who had gone across the horizon
and traversed many regions on earth, admitted that the meat in Mecca
was the best they had ever eaten. The fatter the meat is, he added, “the
more appetizing and acceptable it is, and you will find it so tasty and
tender that it will melt in the mouth before you bite it, and for its lightness
be speedily digested by the stomach” (Ibn Jubayr, 2020, pp. 138–139).
Ibn Jubayr ascribed this high quality of meat with the goodness of the
pastures. Meanwhile, Ibn Battuta found out that meat in Mecca was
fatty and “exceedingly delicious in taste” (Ibn Jubayr, 1958, pp. 191).
With regards to animals, Ma Huan mentioned many kinds of animals in
Mecca, such as camels, horses, donkeys, mules, oxen, goats, cats, dogs,
fowls, geese, ducks, and pigeons (Ma Huan, 1970, p. 176).
In addition to fruits, vegetables and meats, honey could also be found
in Mecca, which was called al-mas’udi, which was of better quality than
al-mahdi honey. Furthermore, Ibn Jubayr mentioned the imported sugar
cane, sugar and confectionaries, in all kinds of unusual forms, “with
honey and thickened sugar in many shapes, including imitations of all
the fruits, fresh and dry.” As for dairy products, in Mecca there were
various types of high-quality milk as well as butter made out of milk
that is as sweet as honey” (Ibn Jubayr, 2020, p. 138). As far as general

10
1 chang is equal to 10 feet 2 inches.
178 ADITYA PRATAMA WIDODO AND ALWI ALATAS

foodstuffs are concerned, di Varthema related that, in the early 16th

century, they were imported from Cairo, Zidda (Jeddah), Arabia Felix
(southern coast of Arabian Peninsula) and Ethiopia (di Varthema, 1863).
In terms of trade, Mecca, although not an entrepot like Jeddah,
could also be considered flourished. Although trade there was only
conducted during the pilgrimage season, the people who flooded Mecca
from the east and west brought with them a great deal of merchandises,
ranging from pearls, precious stones, many kinds of perfumes and
odoriferous including musk, camphor, amber, and aloes, cotton, silk,
to drugs. Furthermore, in this city one can also find products produced
by neighbouring countries, such as Syria, Iraq, Khorasan (Persia), India
Major and Minor, Ethiopia, and Yemen. Di Varthema admitted that,
during the 20 days he remained there, he “never saw so many people
collected in one spot.... Of these people some had come for the purposes
of trade, and some on pilgrimage for their pardon” (di Varthema, 1863,
pp. 37–38; Peters, 2017, pp. 24–33).
Despite the other four travellers not mentioning Mecca’s products,
during his visit, Ma Huan somehow listed some merchandises produced
by the Holy City, which included rose-water, an-pa-erh (ambergrist)
incense, ch’i-lin (giraffe), lions, the “camel-fowl” (ostrich), the
antelope, the “fly-o’er-the-grass” (lynx), all kinds of precious stones,
pearls, corals, amber, etc. (Ma Huan, 1970, p. 176). However, Ma
Huan was alone in mentioning the names of these animals and was not
supported by the narratives of the other travellers.
As the true magnet that attracts many travellers to visit Mecca,
Masjid al-Haram stands at the heart of the Holy City and occupies an
extensive area, with the Ka‘bah in the centre of it. According to Ibn
Battuta, “The aspect of the mosque is [so] exquisite, its outward sight
[so] beautiful [that] no tongue could presume to describe its attractions,
and no voice of description do justice to the charm of its perfection”
(Ibn Battuta, 1958, p. 191). Even di Varthema portrayed Masjid al-
Haram as a “very beautiful temple, similar to Colosseum of Rome,” with
sweet-smelling temple (i.e. the Ka‘bah) full with spicery and delicious
odours (di Varthema, 1863, pp. 38–39). While all travellers agreed that
this holiest mosque in Islamic world was surrounded by rectangle, or
rather oblong, walls, it is important to note that there are discrepancies
concerning the detailed description of Masjid al-Haram. As far as the
IN AWE OF THE HOLY CITY: MECCA IN THE EYES OF FIVE MEDIEVAL 179
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number of gates surrounding the mosque is concerned, Ibn Khusraw

mentioned the existence of 18 of them, while Ibn Jubayr and Ibn Battuta
agreed that there are 19 gates in Masjid al-Haram. Ma Huan specified
that there were 466 openings on that wall, while di Varthema stated that
there were around 90 or 100 doors on that wall (Ibn Khusraw, 1881; Ibn
Jubayr, 2020; Ibn Battuta, 1958; Ma Huan, 1970; di Varthema, 1863).
As for the minarets, Ibn Khusraw and Ibn Jubayr agreed that there were
seven of them. Ibn Battuta counted that there were five minarets, and
Ma Huan reckoned that the number were four, while di Varthema did
not mention any minaret (Ibn Khusraw, 1881; Ibn Jubayr, 2020; Ibn
Battuta, 1958; Ma Huan, 1970).
As for the interior of Masjid al-Haram, Ibn Khusraw described
that it was surrounded by “three galleries covered with a wooden roof
supported by marble columns,” and that those marbles were imported
from Syria and, at the order of caliph in Baghdad, transported therefrom
via sea route (Ibn Khusraw, 1881, pp. 194–195). Not did he mention
the existence of 471 marble columns, Ibn Jubayr also illustrated that
the circumambulation (ṭawāf) area in the Masjid al-Haram was covered
with very beautiful marble-like-polished granite. In addition, his
description about the existence of circumambulation area specifically
for women, which was located at the edge of paved stones, might imply
the enactment of sex segregation in the circumambulation ritual in the
later part of 12th century (Ibn Jubayr, 2020). Ibn Battuta confirmed
the existence of 490 tall marble pillars, hence, the number is slightly
different from that of Ibn Jubayr’s. In similar vein, Ma Huan mentioned
that the roof of Heavenly Hall Mosque (i.e. the Masjid al-Haram) was
supported by 467 pillars made of white jade stone (Ma Huan, 1970).
According to di Varthema, from the gate of Masjid al-Haram, one
must descend ten or twelve steps of marble before they finally reached
the “temple” (i.e. the Ka‘bah) at the heart of the holy mosque. Upon
descending, he found out that there were many arches, under which
“4,000 or 5,000 persons, men and women, which persons sell all kinds
of odoriferous things; the greater part are powders for preserving
human bodies, because pagans come there from all parts of the world”
(di Varthema, 1863, pp. 38–39). The presence of those merchandises
explains the “sweet-smelling” of the Ka‘bah, as mentioned earlier.
Aside from the descriptions of the exterior and interior of Masjid
al-Haram, all five travellers offer rather long and detailed descriptions
180 ADITYA PRATAMA WIDODO AND ALWI ALATAS

about other essential parts of the holy mosque. Ibn Khusraw, Ibn Jubayr,
Ibn Battuta and di Varthema made some very informative depictions
concerning the exterior and interior of the Ka‘bah, including its
waterspout (mizab), its curtain (kiswah), the opening of its door as well
as customs and traditions related to it, and the sacred black stone (hajar
al-aswad); imprint on stone of Prophet Ibrahim’s feet (maqam Ibrāhīm);
the well of Zamzam and the buildings nearby; and even the customs and
traditions surrounding the Eid al-Adha as well as the commencement
of ritual of slaughter (Ibn Khusraw, 1881; Ibn Jubayr, 2020; Ibn
Battuta, 1958; di Varthema, 1863). However, since the broadness of the
information about those buildings will require a whole, thorough and
separated study, this article does not discuss that information.

Conclusion
The journey of Ibn Khusraw to Mecca has been quite eventful, and his
travelogue can be considered as a complete account and cover some
essential parts of Mecca and the situation surrounding his pilgrimage.
More importantly, his account also covers many places further inland
of Arabia Desert, as well as describes geographical situations and many
local communities, and their stories, in and around Mecca. It is safe
to say that his account on Mecca is comfortably concise and easy to
read, not to mention that he often includes the exact date of most of the
events he experienced. As a man who devoted his journey to Mecca as
a spiritual journey, it is not surprising if Ibn Jubayr provides lengthy
description regarding situation of Mecca, in nearly a hundred pages.
He also makes architectural description of Masjid al-Haram and the
Ka‘bah with particular detail. He covers the essential parts of Mecca,
including the sacred places in and around it, the procession and situation
surrounding the pilgrimage, and he includes numerous stories about
some individuals. Like Ibn Khusraw, he provides some geographical
information of Mecca, as well as commerce in the region. Interestingly,
Ibn Jubayr revealed some unfavourable situations surrounding his
pilgrimage to Mecca, especially the corruption of the ruler of Jeddah
and Mecca, and the wickedness of some local communities.
As pilgrim and eminent scholar of Islam, Ibn Battuta’s account does
not only cover the physical description of Mecca in his time, but also
numerous sites of sacred places, including the houses of earliest follower
IN AWE OF THE HOLY CITY: MECCA IN THE EYES OF FIVE MEDIEVAL 181
TRAVELLERS

of Islam (tābi‘īn), as a guidance for his reader. Furthermore, he listed

many pious individuals during his visit, along with their virtues, good
deeds, and habits, so that the reader can reap some lessons from the
story of their lives. However, sadly, many sacred places with historical
importance which were recorded by Ibn Battuta have been demolished
in the 20th century since the current government of Saudi Arabia,
which happens to be a staunch proponent of Ibn ‘Abd al-Wahhāb’s
teachings, decided to expand the Masjid al-Haram and make way to
further development of the Holy City in order to provide more extensive
services for the future pilgrims (Taylor, 2012). Rather different from
three previous accounts, Ma Huan’s travelogue highlights more of
the economic situation in Mecca and also the social conditions of its
inhabitants. This is understandable since Ying-Yai Sheng-Lan was meant
to be an official record which, in turn, was to be reported to the Emperor
of China, especially considering that the writer was indeed ordered to
“record the strange things” (Mills, 1970, p. 15). As for di Varthema, it is
safe to say that he was indeed very devoted to adventure, and we can see
that from his willingness to disguise as a Mamluk and learn Arabic and
the fact that he, and his caravan, was willing to put their lives on the line
when faced with some raids on their way to Mecca. Quite similar with
Ibn Khusraw, Ibn Jubayr, and Ibn Battuta, he includes descriptions of
interesting places around Mecca, as well as the essential parts of Mecca
in sufficient detail and with enthusiasm. Sometimes he painted Mecca
brightly, which might imply the sincerity of his writing. However, given
the fact that he was a Christian, it is not surprising that sometimes he
inserts discordant comments about the sanctity of Prophet Muhammad
and Islamic holy sites.

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