Clements Ch. 4

Chapter 4
The United States and the First

World War: from neutrality to
involvement
This chapter considers the role of the USA during the First World War (1914–18): how hard
the USA tried to maintain its neutrality between 1914 and 1917, why it joined the war in April
1917, and how historians have interpreted the reasons for its entry. It examines the impact of
the war on the home front, particularly in terms of the growth in governmental power, and
then goes on to discuss the attempts by President Wilson to get Congress and the American
people to accept the peace. The chapter then considers how far the USA was able to pursue
isolationist policies in the 1920s and to what extent it became involved in foreign affairs.
Emphasis is subsequently given to relations with countries of Latin America, where US
influence was considerable and growing. Finally, the debate analyses how far historians agree
about the level of US involvement in foreign affairs during the 1920s.
You need to consider the following questions throughout this chapter:
J To what extent did the USA adopt a policy of neutrality?
J Why did the USA enter the war in April 1917?
J What reasons have been offered by historians for the entry of the USA into the First World War?
J In what ways did the USA change during the First World War?
J How influential was Wilson in the post-war settlement?
J To what extent was the USA isolationist during the 1920s?
J How did the USA penetrate Latin America after the First World War?
J How extensively did the USA involve itself in international agreements?
J How far do historians agree about the level of the USA’s involvement in foreign affairs in
the 1920s?
1 US neutrality, 1914–17 Associated power Power

not formally allied to other
countries fighting against a
Key question: To what extent did the USA adopt a policy of neutrality? common enemy, therefore
having independence as to
military strategy and the
At the onset of war in August 1914, the USA ostensibly adopted a policy of subsequent peace settlement.
neutrality which was maintained until April 1917, when it entered the war as
Allies Name given to the
an associated power on the side of the Allies. During the 1916 presidential countries fighting Germany,
elections, Woodrow Wilson campaigned to keep the USA out of war; yet a e.g. Britain, France, Russia.
few months after his electoral victory he had joined the conflict. This section
91
looks at the reasons for the USA’s initial and continued neutrality and why it
proved a contentious issue.
Why was a policy of Reasons for neutrality

neutrality initially
There are various reasons why the USA tried to be neutral in August 1914
undertaken?
including the weight of public opinion, and Wilsonianism, a term that
refers to Wilson’s idealism in foreign affairs discussed in the previous chapter
(see pages 80–81).
Public opinion
Wilsonianism Name given The prevailing mood in the USA was that the war in Europe had nothing to
to Wilson’s policies based on do with them. One Boston newspaper smugly reported, ‘The worst has
Christian ideas and moral befallen us in this cruel war. The price of beans has risen.’ Politicians had to
diplomacy. reflect and respond to this reluctance to become involved in events
Declaration of Neutrality thousands of miles away. One of President Wilson’s biographers, Ray
Declaration to Congress by Stannard Baker, wrote that the people were ‘not only uninformed but largely
President Wilson on 19 uninterested in the war’.
August 1914 in which he
warned US citizens against There was a widespread feeling that wars were wrong and achieved little. On
taking sides in the First World 29 August 1914, 1500 women marched down Fifth Avenue in New York in
War. black robes to the beat of drums to protest the war. Various influential leaders
including Wilson’s Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan began to
Military war games The
practice of military exercises organize campaigns against the war.
to prepare military forces for
combat.
Wilsonianism
The onset of war coincided with President Wilson’s grief over the death of
War College US college to his first wife. Nevertheless, his apparent inactivity matched the mood of the
train future military leaders in
American people. Wilson himself sought neutrality. He regarded himself as
aspects of national security
an honest broker who could negotiate a peace settlement (see pages 99–
and military strategy.
100), a view consistent with Wilsonianism.
To succeed in this and gain the trust of all parties Wilson had to be above
reproach in terms of neutrality. In his Declaration of Neutrality of 19
August 1914 he offered to mediate. He was desperate not only for the USA
to stay out, but also for the conflict to end. Wilson, it must be remembered,
was guided by a sense of Christian morality that found war abhorrent –
despite the number of times he had intervened in Latin America (see pages
81–83). Wilson also feared the war could escalate and the USA be sucked in
so he was anxious from the start to support moves to end the conflict. If the
USA was to have influence in peace-making, it would need to be beyond
reproach in its neutrality. When he discovered in autumn 1915 that his Army
General Staff had been discussing war plans in the event of US involvement
he threatened to have them all dismissed. Hearing about military war
games planned by the War College, he told his Secretary of War Newton
Baker, ‘That seems to me a very dangerous occupation. I think you had better
stop it.’
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Chapter 4: The United States and the First World War: from neutrality to involvement
Source A
An extract from the Declaration of Neutrality by President Wilson to What is Wilson warning
Congress, 19 August 1914 (found at www.firstworldwar.com/source/ US citizens against in
usneutrality.htm). Source A? According to
The people of the United States are drawn from many nations, and chiefly from the extract, explain why
the nations now at war. It is natural and inevitable that there should be the he is issuing this warning.
utmost variety of sympathy and desire among them with regard to the issues and
circumstances of the conflict.
Some will wish one nation, others another, to succeed in the momentous struggle.
It will be easy to excite passion and difficult to allay it. Those responsible for
exciting it will assume a heavy responsibility, responsibility for no less a thing
than that the people of the United States, whose love of their country and whose
loyalty to its government should unite them as Americans all, bound in honor
and affection to think first of her and her interests, may be divided in camps of
hostile opinion, hot against each other, involved in the war itself in impulse and
opinion if not in action.
Such divisions amongst us would be fatal to our peace of mind and might
seriously stand in the way of the proper performance of our duty as the one great
nation at peace, the one people holding itself ready to play a part of impartial
mediation and speak the counsels of peace and accommodation, not as a
partisan, but as a friend.
Tensions concerning neutrality To what extent was

There were, however, problems with neutrality: US neutrality
threatened?
● pro-British and anti-German sentiments
● issues of trade
● issues around freedom of the seas.
Pro-British feeling
While Wilson genuinely sought neutrality, he and many of his advisers
actually favoured the Allies, and the British in particular. This was in part due
to Wilson’s natural predilections; he enjoyed British culture and customs. He
maintained all his life fond memories of cycling around the English Lake
District as a young man and saw Britain as a centre of civilization and
decency.
Anti-German feeling
More significantly, however, Wilson agreed with his advisers, particularly his
close friend Colonel Edward House and Robert Lansing (Legal Advisor to the
State Department, and from June 1915, Secretary of State), that Germany State Department The
posed a threat to US interests and it would be better to help the Allies fight US branch of government
the Germans now than have the USA potentially fight them alone one day. responsible for the
implementation of foreign
The USA had had confrontations with Germany in Samoa in 1889 (see pages
policy.
24–25) and over Venezuela in 1902 (see page 66). Wilson worried about
Germany’s growing interests in Latin America, especially in Mexico.
93
In his message to Congress in December 1915, Wilson attacked German-
Americans for disloyalty to the USA, and refused to allow legislation
introduced from politicians from states in the Midwest with large German-
American populations, which would ban the sale of munitions to either side
in the conflict (see below).
Source B
An extract from Wilson’s State of the Union address to Congress,

In Source B, what dangers is
7 December 1915 (found at http://millercenter.org/president/speeches/
Wilson alerting his audience to?
detail/3794).
I am sorry to say that the gravest threats against our national peace and safety
have been uttered within our own borders. There are citizens of the United States,
I blush to admit, born under other flags but welcomed under our generous
naturalization laws to the full freedom and opportunity of America, who have
poured the poison of disloyalty into the very arteries of our national life; who
State of the Union have sought to bring the authority and good name of our Government into
address An annual contempt, to destroy our industries wherever they thought it effective for their
statement by the President vindictive purposes to strike at them, and to debase our politics to the uses of
on how well the US is doing,
foreign intrigue … They have formed plots to destroy property, they have entered
what challenges it faces and
into conspiracies against the neutrality of the Government, they have sought to
so on.
pry into every confidential transaction of the Government in order to serve
Hun A derogatory term for interests alien to our own.
Germans, derived from the
Huns, a warlike tribe
renowned for their cruelty There was also considerably anti-German propaganda in the popular press.
and barbarism in the fifth Stories of German atrocities abounded such as the rape of nuns in Belgium,
century. spearing babies on bayonets and wholesale murder of civilians. That there
US diplomatic notes was little truth in any of these allegations hardly mattered; the Hun was
Notes used for depicted as cruel and bestial.
correspondence between
US and foreign governments. To a certain extent Wilson’s partiality affected the judgement of his
administration. Despite the genuine desire for US neutrality and a fair peace
British Secret Service settlement, Wilson’s policies were never really neutral as such and always
British intelligence service.
favoured the Allies.
Central Powers Germany
and its allies such as the Support for the Allies
Austro-Hungarian empire The USA was secretly giving diplomatic help to the British – for example, the
(Austria and Hungary) and US Ambassador to Britain helped the British Foreign Office draft replies to
the Ottoman empire US diplomatic notes, while the head of the British Secret Service in
(Turkey). Washington DC was surreptitiously given access to secret documents.
The Allies also benefited more than the Central Powers from trade with the US.
Trade
By 1914, the USA was one of the world’s major trading nations. In that year it
exported $549 million worth of goods to Britain and showed a trading surplus
of over $300 million. It also sold over $344 million worth of goods to
Germany, with a trading surplus of $154 million. Some Americans favoured
the prevention of trade with any of the countries at war because of the
94
complications it could cause. Others argued its continuation would bring

prosperity to the USA as all sides needed to buy US goods because of the
demands of war. The Government wanted to maintain trade if only because it
received 40 per cent of its revenues from foreign commerce and loss of trade
could see a $60 to $100 million deficit in government spending over income.
At first, commerce was looked at with a case-by-case approach.
● In August, Bryan asked Wilson to prevent J.P. Morgan and Co. from
floating a $100 million bond for the French Government.
● In November, Bethlehem Steel was prevented from selling submarines to
Britain.
However, Wilson realized that by using case-by-case considerations the US
could be accused of bias. He turned, therefore, to the rules of international
law, which ultimately said neutrals could sell to countries at war. Indeed,
three international lawyers asserted that any embargo would in fact be Embargo Refusal to trade
illegal, and in December 1914 Germany admitted that traffic in arms was with a certain country.
legal. Wilson agreed that it would be wrong to stop selling arms to those British blockade of
who most needed them – in October 1915 for example he didn’t stand in the Germany British ships
way of France obtaining a $10 million loan from National City Bank to buy preventing goods entering
weapons from US interests. and leaving German ports.
Trade favoured the Allies much more than the Germans, in part because of Munitions Weapons and
ammunition.
the effectiveness of the British blockade of Germany. Trade with the Allies,
much of which was in munitions, stood at $3.2 billion by 1916. This was ten
times that of trade with the Central Powers. By 1916 US trade with Germany
was only 1 per cent of what it had been in 1914. In its trade policies therefore
the USA could hardly be seen to be neutral – it was selling far more to the
Allies than to the Central Powers.
Borrowing
The Allies had by the end of hostilities in 1918 borrowed nearly $7 billion
from the USA, which after the war they would need to repay. By the time of
the peace settlement, Allied war debts to the USA amounted to $10.5 billion.
Freedom of the seas

The laws of the sea allowed countries at war to blockade enemy ports, as the
British were doing to German ports, and seize cargo classified as
‘contraband’, which could loosely be defined as anything useful to the
enemy. At first this caused conflict between Britain and the US because,
during the early stages of the war, Britain began seizing US ships and
confiscating their cargoes destined for neutral ports, even when they only
carried foodstuffs. Britain declared many commodities including food and
textiles as contraband and blacklisted foreign firms who traded with the
Central Powers. The situation seemed similar to the British blockade during
the Napoleonic wars, which had led to the 1812 war between Britain and the
USA (see page 14).
95
Source C
Read Source C carefully. An extract from a letter from Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan
Explain why the USA was to the Ambassador to Britain Walter Hines, 26 December 1914 (found at
angry with Britain. http://wwi.lib.byu.edu/index.php/U.S._Protests_Against_Maritime_Warfare).
The Government of the United States has viewed with growing concern the large
numbers of vessels laden with American goods destined to neutral ports in
Europe, which have been seized on the high seas, taken into British ports and
detained sometimes for weeks by the British authorities. During the early days of
the war this Government assumed that the policy adopted by the British
Government was due to the unexpected outbreak of hostilities and the necessity
of immediate action to prevent contraband from reaching the enemy. For this
reason it was not disposed to judge this policy harshly or protest it vigorously,
although it was manifestly very injurious to American trade with the neutral
countries of Europe. This Government, relying confidently upon the high regard
which Great Britain has so often exhibited in the past for the rights of other
nations, confidently awaited amendment of a course of action which denied to
neutral commerce the freedom to which it was entitled by the law of nations.
Wilson could justifiably have made far more of a protest because the British
seizure of neutral ships verged on illegality. However, Wilson faced the
dilemma that, while the British actions might have been unfair on neutral
nations, he nevertheless wanted the Allies to win the war. It was true also that
American crews were treated with courtesy, and there were no deaths. This
was in contrast with the German development of submarine warfare in which
vessels might be attacked without warning and loss of life was considerable.
Unrestricted submarine warfare, February–August 1915

In February 1915, Germany declared British waters a war zone and reserved
the right to sink any ships travelling to Britain – including those flying the
flags of neutral countries. They would deploy their new submarine fleet to
destroy merchant ships containing essential supplies as they crossed the
Unrestricted submarine Atlantic Ocean. This policy of unrestricted submarine warfare was
warfare Attacking any ship Germany’s attempt to break the deadlock of trench warfare in western
en route to an enemy port. Europe, through wresting control of the seas from Britain and starving her
Trench warfare The into surrender.
defensive network used on
Wilson immediately responded by warning Germany he would hold them
the Western Front and
elsewhere in which millions responsible for the loss of any American lives on ships sunk by Germany.
died. Nevertheless, at the time, some Americans felt unrestricted submarine
warfare was a reasonable tactic, and the answer to it was to ensure US ships
and civilians weren’t headed to Britain. Wilson’s Secretary of State, William
Jennings Bryan, actually said that merchant ships carrying war supplies
couldn’t rely on the presence of women and children to protect them from
attack – ships were vulnerable to attack whoever might be among their
passengers. The German Embassy took out advertising campaigns in the
USA to warn Americans not to travel to Britain.
96
Source D
Text from a notice issued by the German Embassy and published in What was the purpose of
Washington newspapers, 22 April 1915, from The American Nation, the announcement in
Vol. 2, by J.A. Garraty, published by HarperCollins, New York, 1991 Source D?
(7th edition), page 684.
NOTICE!
Travellers intending to embark on the Atlantic voyage are reminded that a state
of war exists between Germany and her allies and Great Britain and her allies;
that the zone of war includes the waters adjacent to the British Isles; that, in
accordance with formal notice given by the Imperial German Government,
vessels flying the flag of Great Britain, or any of her allies, are liable to
destruction in those waters and that travellers sailing in the war zone on ships of
Great Britain or her allies do so at their own risk.
IMPERIAL GERMAN EMBASSY WASHINGTON, D.C., APRIL 22, 1915.
The controversial policy of unrestricted submarine warfare came to a head

with the sinking of the British ship RMS Lusitania in May 1915, with 128
Americans among the 1200 dead. Wilson issued a strong protest, demanding
that Germany abandon the policy. Bryan resigned as Secretary of State over
the uneven handling of the issue. He argued that Wilson did not protest
British violations in seizing neutral ships as described above – although
many historians have noted that these did not result in American deaths.
Germany was surprised by Wilson’s vehemence, particularly after their
well-publicized warnings. Nevertheless, after another British ship the SS
Arabic was sunk in August, with the deaths of two Americans, they agreed to
abandon unrestricted submarine warfare. From now on submarines would
only attack the ships after giving due warnings and ensuring their crew and
passengers had been placed in lifeboats.
It might be argued that if the USA had banned its citizens from travelling to
Britain, the issue of unrestricted submarine warfare would not have been a
major issue there. In March 1916 the anti-war Texas Representative Jeff
McLemore introduced a resolution, which the Senate tabled, to ban
American citizens from travelling on any neutral or belligerent ship carrying Belligerent To do with a
contraband cargo; Wilson insisted it be rejected. Some historians have hostile country involved in war.
argued his personal pride was at stake – the president should be able to Capital ships The most
protect his citizens wherever they travelled to. important, usually the largest,
warships.
Sussex Pledge
In March 1916, after the sinking of a French ship with the same name,
Germany signed the ‘Sussex Pledge’ in which it promised to evacuate all
capital ships before sinking them – so long as the USA could induce
Britain to relax the blockade, which was resulting in starvation in Germany.
However, Britain did not relax the blockade and Germany was to resume
unrestricted submarine warfare in February 1917.
97
The US 1916 presidential election
As might be expected, the issue of the war dominated the campaigns. Wilson
was in a difficult situation; the Democratic Party was campaigning on his
neutrality and during the Convention in which he was renominated,
supporter after supporter applauded the fact that ‘He kept us out of the War’.
This indeed became one of the campaign slogans. Wilson, however, was not
so sanguine. As he told his Secretary of the Navy, Josephus Daniels, ‘They
talk of me as though I were a god. Any little German lieutenant can put us
into the war at any time by some calculated outrage.’
Wilson won the election by 9.1 million to 8.5 million votes against a
respected but uncharismatic opponent, Charles Evan Hughes, who had
much the same policies towards the war. The election was close, and had as
much as to with Hughes’ political failings as with popular enthusiasm for
Wilson. For example, Hughes was indecisive on various domestic issues and
upset the popular Governor of California, Hiram Johnson, by not meeting
him when he campaigned there, thereby losing his support.
Reasons for Problems with

neutrality neutrality
Inhabitants Pro-British Trade and freedom 1916 presidential

Wilsonianism
of USA feeling of the seas election
Wanted USA Wilson sought

Ethnic mix
to stay out of to become an Wilson’s
the war Closer ties
impartial advisors mainly
with Britain
peacemaker pro-British
British restrictions
US trade Unrestricted
and blockade
favoured Allies submarine warfare
of German ports
Democrats trusted Wilson doubted he

Both parties
more on maintaining could keep the USA
favoured neutrality
neutrality out of the war
Summary diagram
US neutrality, 1914–17
98
2 US entry into the war

Key question: Why did the USA enter the war in April 1917?
When the Germans announced the resumption of unrestricted submarine

warfare on 31 January 1917, Wilson still wanted to remain neutral, although
he was losing patience with the British over various issues:
● Their self-defeating response to the 1916 Easter Rising in Dublin, in which
they had executed and thus made martyrs of the ringleaders. This made
thousands of Irish-Americans even more anti-British.
● Britain’s refusal to relax the blockade on Germany.
● Britain’s refusal to discuss peace terms brokered by Wilson.
Wilson’s focus thus shifted from brokering peace to full-scale involvement in
hostilities. It is important to remember, however, that Wilson still saw
himself as the main influence on the post-war peace settlement. While
earlier he had seen US neutrality as the key factor in garnering the respect of
all the countries at war to promote peace-making, he increasingly saw US
involvement as the best guarantee of the USA’s right to influence the
post-war peace settlement. For this reason Wilson was speaking of a post-
war world even before the US entered the war.
Wilson’s ideas for a post-war settlement What measures did

Wilson hope would
An end to war maintain peace in the
Wilson was increasingly considering a post-war world without future war. As future?
early as 1912, he had spoken of four ideas necessary for the survival of humanity:
● some sort of international association for nations to join
● a guarantee of rights of all peoples
● internationally agreed sanctions for aggressors
● the removal of the manufacture of munitions from profit-making private
concerns to governments.
In his State of the Union address in December 1915, he had linked the
security of the USA with that of mankind. Clearly he was thinking that the
USA would have to be an active partner in a post-war world: ‘What affects
mankind is inevitably our affair.’
Wilson gave a speech in May 1916 in which he outlined the factors that lead
to war such as secret diplomacy, which led to distrust between nations, and Secret diplomacy Secret
increasing expenditure on armaments, and went on to speak of the need for agreements between
the consent of the peoples affected before territories could be transferred and countries.
the need for an international organization to keep the peace. This last idea
was hardly new – the former president Theodore Roosevelt had advocated it
– but it became the cornerstone of Wilson’s plans for a lasting peace.
99
Wilson still wanted to remain above the conflict to maintain his credibility as
a peacemaker. He asked both sides on what basis they’d consider a truce. On
22 January 1917 he spoke in the Senate about the need for ‘peace without
victory’. He realized a lasting peace was unlikely if any former belligerents
were resentful. Any settlement would have to bypass any desire for revenge.
He spoke of a post-war world with the following conditions:
● freedom of the seas
● armaments’ manufacture and distribution by an international organization
● no entangling or secret alliances
● self-determination for all nations.
Source E
An extract from Wilson’s ‘Peace Without Victory’ speech to the Senate,

Read Source E. With the 22 January 1917 (found at www.firstworldwar.com/source/peacewithout
benefit of hindsight, what victory.htm).
might be said of Wilson’s
judgement of an unfair peace Victory would mean peace forced upon the loser, a victor’s terms imposed upon the
agreement? vanquished. It would be accepted in humiliation, under duress, at an intolerable
sacrifice, and would leave a sting, a resentment, a bitter memory upon which terms
of peace would rest, not permanently, but only as upon quicksand. Only a peace
between equals can last. Only a peace, the very principle of which is equality and a
common participation in a common benefit. The right state of mind, the right
feeling between nations, is as necessary for a lasting peace as is the just settlement
of vexed questions of territory or of racial and national allegiance.
Fourteen Points President Wilson was, in other words, formulating what would become his Fourteen
Wilson’s blueprint for a Points (see pages 116–117) as a basis for a lasting peaceful settlement in
post-war peace settlement. which the USA would set the example of international relations to which all
Envoy Representative sent nations aspired. Referring to Wilson’s ‘Peace Without Victory’ speech, French
for a specific diplomatic premier Georges Clemenceau said, ‘Never before has any political assembly
purpose. heard so fine a sermon on what human beings might be capable of
accomplishing if only they weren’t human.’
Failure of peace initiatives

However, by April, the USA had cast neutrality aside and entered the war.
Wilson realized that if the USA did join the war he would lose credibility as a
peacemaker, but no-one seemed interested in his efforts to broker peace
anyway. He had sent his envoy Colonel Edward House twice to Europe in
1915 and 1916 to negotiate a truce but neither side responded very
enthusiastically. Although Wilson found the British attitude annoying, he
was still more partial to their cause and increasingly both sides knew it.
Before the 1916 presidential election Wilson informed the British Foreign
Secretary, Sir Edward Grey, that if Germany refused to attend a peace
conference, the USA would probably have to enter the war on the Allied
side. This sort of talk was doubtlessly influential in informing Allied hopes
about eventual US intervention and their reluctance to negotiate a truce.
Germany meanwhile increasingly distrusted Wilson for the same reason.
100
Reasons for US entry into the war Which reasons for US

In April 1917, the USA entered the war on the Allied side. Various reasons entry into the war
were the most
have been offered for this: significant?
● resumption of unrestricted submarine warfare
● German activities within the USA
● the Zimmermann telegram.
Resumption of unrestricted submarine warfare

On 31 January 1917, Germany gave eight hours’ notice that it intended to
sink all ships found within the war zone around British waters. With this
they resumed the policy of unrestricted submarine warfare. There was a
sense in which they were making a final gamble on victory. The Kaiser wrote
a memorandum to his Admiralty, saying, ‘Now once and for all, an end to
negotiations with America. If Wilson wants war, let him make it, and then let
him have it.’The German Government believed it was in a position where it
could starve Britain into surrender by intensifying the U-boat campaign. If U-boat German submarine.
the USA declared war as a result, the German gamble was that the Allies, Espionage Spying activities.
both lacking foodstuffs and war materials imported from the USA and other
American countries, would surrender before the Americans could cross the
submarine-infested Atlantic in sufficient numbers to make any difference.
While Wilson privately considered the Kaiser insane, and on 3 February
broke off diplomatic relations with Germany, he still hoped to avoid entry
into the war. However, on the same day, the US ship Housatonic was sunk,
on 12 February the Lyman M Law, and on 27 February the Italian armed liner
Laconia, with the deaths of a further two Americans. On 12 March, the US
steamer Algonquin was sunk without warning; in the following few days,
three further US vessels were sunk. Wilson ordered the arming of US
merchant vessels that same month.
German activities within the USA

We have already seen that Wilson distrusted many German-Americans (see
pages 93–94) and accused them of espionage and sabotage. Some Germans
were undoubtedly spying and committing acts of espionage within the USA.
While the extent and impact of their activities may have been exaggerated,
the presence of internal traitors undoubtedly fuelled further resentment
against Germany.
Black Tom’s munitions plant

On 30 July 1916, Black Tom’s munitions plant in Jersey City Harbour
mysteriously exploded, causing $20 million worth of damage and smashing
windows as far as 26 kilometres away. Some fragments from the explosion
lodged in the Statue of Liberty. It has been estimated that as much as
907,000 kilograms of ammunition went up in the explosion. German
saboteurs were blamed for the explosion although no-one was ever brought
to trial.
101
Source F
How useful is the image in The sinking of a steamer by a German U boat.

Source F in showing
unrestricted submarine
warfare in action?
Zimmermann telegram
The Zimmermann telegram was a coded telegram from German Foreign
Secretary Arthur Zimmermann to the German Ambassador to Mexico
Heinrich von Eckhart, sent on 16 January 1917. It told von Eckhart to
propose a secret alliance with Germany to the Mexican Government in
which, if they went to war with the USA, the latter would receive back Texas,
Arizona and New Mexico. British intelligence intercepted the telegram and
passed it on to the US Ambassador in Britain, Walter Page. In February 1917,
he sent a copy of the telegram to the State Department. The Ambassador
had not in fact acted on the instruction, and Mexico knew nothing of it. With
a civil war raging there Mexico was hardly in a position to make full-scale
war on the USA. Nevertheless, Wilson was affronted by this telegram and it
afforded him a further pretext for war.
Declaration of war
In April 1917, Wilson asked Congress for the authority to make war on
Germany. He realized quite simply that he had little choice; the USA had
been provoked until its credibility was threatened. The Allies, moreover, were
in trouble:
● In December 1917 Russia had withdrawn from the conflict.
● In February and March 1917, 1 million tons of Allied shipping was sunk by
U-boats.
102
Source G
The joint resolution by the President and Congress of the declaration of Rewrite the resolution in
war on Germany, 6 April 1917 (found at www.firstworldwar.com/source/ Source G in your own
usofficialawardeclaration.htm). words.
Whereas the Imperial German Government has committed repeated acts of war
against the Government and the people of the United States of America; Therefore
be it Resolved by the Senate and the House of Representatives of the United States
of America in Congress Assembled, that the state of war between the United States
and the Imperial German Government which has thus been thrust upon the United
States is hereby formally declared; and that the President be, and he is hereby,
authorized and directed to employ the entire naval and military forces of the United
States and the resources of the Government to carry on war against the Imperial
German Government; and to bring the conflict to a successful termination all of the
resources of the country are hereby pledged by the Congress of the United States.
CHAMP CLARK
Speaker of the House of Representatives
THOS. R. MARSHALL
Vice President of the United States and President of the Senate
Approved, April 6, 1917
WOODROW WILSON
Wilson feared the defeat of the Allies was increasingly likely if US

involvement wasn’t forthcoming. By now he realized that only belligerents
could possibly have any influence in negotiating the post-war settlement.
However, the USA fought as an associated power, not as a formal ally of
Britain and France. Wilson still hoped his independent status would give him
a predominant role in being able to help negotiate a lasting peace based on
fairness and justice for all – peace without victory. However, not everyone
supported Wilson in his wider reasons for joining the conflict. Many felt the
reason should simply be the need to defeat Germany and its allies, and then
bring the US troops home and avoid further foreign entanglements.
Source H
An extract from Senator William Borah on entry into the war, in Promised
Land, Crusader State: The American Encounter with the World Since 1776 According to Source H,
by Walter A. McDougall, published by Houghton Mifflin, Boston and New what limitations did
York, 1997, pages 136–37. Senator Borah place on
I join in no crusade. I seek or accept no alliance; I obligate this government to no US entry into the war?
other power. I make war alone for my countrymen and their rights for my
country and its honor.
Others, for example many of those of German origin, supported Germany and
argued that the USA had never been neutral; the German-American poet
George S. Viereck had written in 1915 that,‘Wilson prattles on about humanity
while German orphans and widows mourn graves marked,“Made in America”’,
implying that US equipment was already helping to kill Germans in the conflict.
103
Wilson’s peace US entry into
initiatives and the war German activities
ideas for a in the USA
lasting peace
Resumption of
unrestricted Sabotage,
Attracting submarine e.g. Black Tom
little warfare explosion;
interest Zimmermann
telegram
US shipping
sunk
Summary diagram
US entry into the war
3 Key debate
Key question: What reasons have been offered by historians for the
Inter-war period The
entry of the USA into the First World War?
period between the two
world wars; in the case of Historians have emphasized differing reasons for the entry of the USA into
Canada, 1919–39. the war. In this debate we will reflect some of the perspectives and foci from
which they argue.
What reasons were The economic and isolationist debate

offered in the
During the inter-war period between 1918 and 1941, when reaction to the
inter-war period for
the entry of the USA horrors of the First World War had set in, many commentators such as C.
into the First World Hartley Grattan and Walter Millis saw Wilson as a dupe, someone who had
War? been swayed by a special relationship with big business, including bankers
and munitions manufacturers, into going to war so these powerful and
wealthy interests could continue to enjoy huge profits. They cite evidence
such as how exports to the Allies brought the USA out of depression in 1914
and that Bryan resigned because he felt loans and exports were
104
compromising neutrality (see page 97). Historian Charles Beard developed

the argument further, stressing that the pressures for entry into war came
from ordinary business interests.
Many of these historians supported isolationism during the inter-war years;
they deployed their arguments to reason that entry into the war had been
wrong and the USA should not repeat this. Given the subsequent rise of Nazi
Germany and the entry of the USA, belatedly many felt, into the Second
World War, their arguments became somewhat discredited after that conflict.
Of late, however, historians such as Benjamin O. Fordham have reconsidered
them, using more refined economic data to suggest they may have validity.
US exports doubled as a percentage of GNP between 1914 and 1916, and 70
per cent of them went to Europe. Within this context, the German renewal of
unrestricted submarine warfare was a real catalyst for war.
However, historians no longer tend to see economic reasons as significant.
By 1916 the US economy was so healthy as a result of jumping into markets
no longer met by the belligerents that, even if Allied trade had been severed,
it wouldn’t have made a significant difference to US prosperity.
The moral crusade How far did Wilson go

President Wilson himself saw self-interest as unimportant in his declaration to war for moral
reasons?
of war. ‘There is not a single selfish element, so far as I can see, in the cause
we are fighting for. We are fighting for what we believe and wish to be the
rights of mankind and for the future peace and security of the world. To do
this great thing worthily and successfully we must devote ourselves to the
service without regard to profit or material advantage and with an energy
and intelligence that will rise to the level of the enterprise itself.’
Since the mid-twentieth century, historians have tended to view US
involvement in terms of variations on this theme.
Neutrality rights
Writing in the 1950s, historian Carl N. Degler argued Wilson’s main reason
for involvement was legalistic. Wilson’s concept of neutrality rights followed Legalistic Following the
established international law and asserted that the USA should be free to letter of the law.
trade non-contraband goods with any belligerent it chose and American
citizens should be safe to sail in any ships. Wilson saw unrestricted
submarine warfare as illegal in international law – a crime against humanity.
A fair peace settlement

In an article called ‘Woodrow Wilson as Commander-in Chief’, in History
Today (Vol. 43, April 1993), historian Christopher Ray argued that Wilson
entered the war in part to ensure there would be a fair peace settlement.
Germany should be allowed to surrender with dignity and become part of
any post-war organization to ensure peace. Wilson came to realize that a
negotiated settlement was unlikely without US involvement – and he
ensured that the USA entered the war as an associated nation not as a full
105
ally, to be able to maintain its independence during the peace negotiations.
What are possible
Wilson hoped that the allies could win without full US involvement – with
reasons why Walter
Millis, writing in the the USA sufficing as the provider of war material. However, this wasn’t
1930s, and Christopher possible. By 1917 Wilson realized that ‘the world cannot be removed from the
Ray, writing in the slaughter and destruction by any other means than a major exercise of the
1990s, came to such great martial force of the Republic’.
different conclusions
about why the USA Many historians would concur with this analysis. In the 1990s, Harold Evans
entered the First World argued that Wilson followed a moral principle, believing that the USA needed
War? You can check to fight in order to make the world a better place. He contrasted Wilson with
your ideas by Theodore Roosevelt, who, he argues, would have gone to war earlier than
investigating the Wilson in order to defeat the aggressor nation (Germany), remedy US
backgrounds of these grievances and restore the balance of power. Wilson, however, went to war to
two writers. (Logic,
destroy the old forms of diplomacy and introduce a new world order based on
Emotion, History,
rights and respect for all peoples. Ross Kennedy, writing in 2008, developed
Social Sciences)
this theme. He argued that Wilson blamed the old European reliance on the
‘balance of power’ for the military expansion which had led to war. However,
Wilson also recognized that the collective security he favoured could only
come about if countries trusted each other. He particularly believed Germany
must return the lands it had taken and become a democracy before it could
be trusted to maintain the peace. Therefore, argues Kennedy, Wilson shared
the Allies’ war aims. There was always a contradiction in Wilson’s earlier
neutrality because he favoured the Allies over Germany.
In the 1960s, Hugh Brogan felt the Germans left Wilson no choice but to go
to war. He argued that Wilson’s alleged neutrality was anything but, and
eventual involvement of the USA was inevitable. He went on to suggest that
the actual timing of the entry of the USA lay with Germany. In February
1917, Germany took the decision to renew unrestricted submarine warfare,
hoping it would result in the defeat of Britain and France before the USA
was ready to fight. This gamble failed. Once it entered the struggle, however,
the aims of the USA became wider. It was fighting for a better world, where
there would be no more war, rather than simply to defeat Germany and its
allies. According to Brogan, the USA did not necessarily share the Allies’ war
aims. Brogan quotes one editor who argued that the Allies were thieves and
the Germans murderers: ‘On the whole, we prefer the thieves but only as the
lesser of two evils.’
Niall Ferguson, in his book Colossus (2003), felt that Wilson the idealist
sought to construct an entirely new international order based on fairness
and justice for all peoples. As early as December 1914 he had asserted that
any peace settlement ‘should be for the advantage of the European nations
regarded as peoples and not for any nation imposing its governmental will
upon alien people’. In May 1915, he went further: ‘every people has a right to
choose the sovereignty under which they shall live’. While the sinking of
RMS Lusitania and unrestricted submarine warfare were undoubtedly
triggers, Wilson had something more sublime in mind when he declared war.
106
Should the USA have gone to war?

Most historians in the later years of the twentieth century have concentrated
on why the USA went to war rather than on whether or not it should have. Revisionist Challenging
However, in 2003, Thomas Fleming wrote a revisionist work, The Illusion of accepted views.
Victory: America in World War I, which addressed this issue. While agreeing Mobilization Gearing the
that Wilson may have meant well, he argues that the involvement of the country for war, including
USA was unnecessary and prolonged the suffering. Wilson’s idealism was recruiting, equipping and
destructive. He clearly wasn’t neutral. Prior to entering the war, all his transporting the military.
measures favoured the Allies and as a result his reputation as a peacemaker Treason Attempting to
lost credibility. Fleming argues that if Wilson had been truly neutral, he could undermine or go against the
possibly have negotiated a peace in 1916. Worse, his idealism was based on government.
ignorance of prevailing conditions. He had been so sure the Allies were Socialist Someone who
winning that at one point he had hoped that the USA could enter the war believes that wealth should
without committing troops to the conflict. Wilson, in short, twisted the facts be shared out more equally
to depict the war as a struggle between good and evil, and his sense of moral and society should have
more equality of opportunity.
judgement meant that the USA entered a war it should have stayed out of.
Doughboy Term applied to
US soldiers in the First World
4 The USA during the First War.
Tommy Name given to
World War British soldiers in the First
World War.
Key question: In what ways did the USA change during the First World Ordnance Ammunition for
War? artillery.
Having reluctantly gone to war, Wilson oversaw an effective mobilization

for the war effort and a drive to unite Americans in its support. This section
will look at the impact of the war on the US economy and society. It will also
consider how far personal liberties were restricted under the guise of the
prevention of treason. Some historians have argued that the rights of
individuals to hold opinions different from those of the government in the
USA were never so restricted as during the First World War, with socialists
and African-Americans being particular targets.
War production and finance How far was the

The USA was not prepared for massive war production as it would be in the economy geared up
for war?
Second World War. The gigantic Hog Island Shipyard in Philadelphia, for
example, employed 3400 workers and failed to complete its first vessel until
after the war ended. Of the 8.8 million artillery rounds fired by US troops, fewer
than 8000 had been manufactured in the USA. Historian David Kennedy wrote,
‘America was no arsenal of democracy in the First World War; the American
doughboy in France was typically transported in a British ship, wore a steel
helmet modelled on a British Tommy’s and fought with French ordnance.’
However, the economy was prepared for the conflict.
107
Paying for the war
The war cost $33.5 billion in addition to the $7 billion lent to the Allies,
Liberty and Victory which was expected to be recouped after the conflict. Two-thirds of this cost
Loans Loans to raise money was raised by loans such as Liberty and Victory Loans whose drives were
to pay for the war effort.
very successful. There were five bond issues between April 1917 when the
War profiteering Making USA joined the war and April 1919, six months after it ended. Movie stars
excess profits during such as Charlie Chaplin, Mary Pickford and Douglas Fairbanks Jr. were
wartime, for example, by deployed to encourage people to buy bonds and the Army Signal Corps
charging artificially high
organized aerial displays during drives in particular places. The country
prices.
was plastered with bills and posters – for the third loan issue in April 1918,
9 million posters and 5 million window stickers were issued. The
Government also collected $10.5 billion in taxes in part through a steeply
graded income tax with a top level of 75 per cent. A 25 per cent inheritance
tax was also introduced.
War Industries Board

Wilson created the War Industries Board in July 1917 to co-ordinate the tasks
of finance and supplies. It had power to direct scarce resources, standardize
production and fix prices but still allow firms to make large profits. US Steel,
for example, made $1.2 billion in two years, which led to accusations of
war profiteering in the post-war years.
Railroads
The railroads were run as a single centralized system to co-ordinate and
simplify what was a vital transport system for the movement of goods and
troops during wartime. Director General of Railroads William G. McAdoo
pooled all railway equipment, standardized accounting practices, raised
wages for employees and increased passenger rates.
Agriculture
Wilson appointed Herbert Hoover as his Food Administrator after entry into
the war in 1917. Hoover had co-ordinated relief efforts in Europe for
refugees in the first years of the war. In 1917, the Lever Food and Fuel
Control Act gave him the power to:
● set wheat prices at $2.20 per bushel to encourage production
● establish a government corporation to buy US and Cuban sugar to
maintain supplies
● organize a voluntary campaign to eat sensibly, thereby avoiding the need
for rationing – for example, ‘Wheatless Mondays’ and ‘Meatless
Thursdays’. Chicago residents were so successful in using leftovers that
the amount of garbage in the city fell from 12,862 to 8386 tons per
month.
Food production increased from 12.3 million to 18.6 million tons
per year and farmers’ incomes grew by 30 per cent between 1915
and 1918.
108
Workers What organizations

Various government agencies were set up to facilitate industrial relations and were set up to deal
with working
effective working arrangements. conditions?
● The National War Labor Board was set up in April 1918 to settle
industrial disputes, considering over 1200 cases until its demise in May
1919.
● The War Labor Policies Board set wages and standards of employment. Wages
doubled in the steel industry. The Board consulted labour unions as well as Labour unions US trade
employers. This gave unions greater influence and acceptance, as it had been unions.
difficult to establish unions in the USA before then. Union membership rose Labour battalions Troops
by 2.3 million during the war years, an increase of 15 per cent. that worked in construction
or loading or transportation
Although conditions for many workers improved during the war years, women of equipment rather than
and African-Americans still experienced problems within the workforce. serving in combat.
Women
Most women supported the war but they were not mobilized into war
production as they would be in the Second World War. While 1 million men
were called up, comparatively few women replaced them in munitions
production and only 6000 women were engaged in aircraft manufacture. Their
role was seen mainly as encouraging people to buy war bonds and sending
comforts to the troops abroad. Labour unions did not support the hiring of
women because they thought they depressed wages. Indeed, women did
suffer unequal pay, poor promotion prospects and little job security. Those
who had found jobs in wartime production or in replacing men recruited into
the armed forces were generally discharged when the war ended.
African-Americans
The period saw a flood of migrations of African-Americans from the South to
northern cities such as Chicago – as many as 500,000 migrated between 1914
and 1918. The African-American population of New York grew from 92,000 to
152,000 and that of Detroit from little more than 5000 to 41,000 between 1914
and 1918. However, while pay in industrial plants in the North was
considerably better than in the cotton fields of the South, discrimination
continued and there were serious riots against the African-American presence
in several northern cities such as East St. Louis when 39 African-Americans
were killed in the summer of 1917. The military, meanwhile, was strictly
segregated with most of the 200,000 African-American troops confined to
labour battalions. Nevertheless, their experience of less racist attitudes,
particularly among the French, led to changes in their own perceptions and
was to add to considerable racial tensions as they returned home.
Propaganda and civil liberties How far were civil

It was in the area of civil liberties that government policies were most liberties restricted
during the First World
controversial. War?
109
Committee on Public Information
The Committee on Public Information (CPI) was created in April 1917, with
the goal of uniting Americans behind the war. Headed by journalist George
Creel, it sent 75,000 speakers – the ‘Four Minute Men’, so-called because they
were trained to give short speeches lasting that length of time – to argue the
case that the war was a crusade for freedom. Those who refused to buy war
bonds were attacked both verbally and physically and the earlier anti-
German propaganda (see page 94) was renewed vigorously so the Germans
Nomenclature Names were depicted as barbarous. This resulted in petty changes in nomenclature
used to refer to something. (sauerkraut, for example, became ‘liberty cabbage’ and hamburgers ‘liberty
Prohibition A constitutional sandwiches’), and, even if unwittingly, encouraged attacks on German-
amendment that placed a ban Americans and businesses with German-sounding names. The German
on the manufacture, language was removed from school curricula. One of the motives behind
transportation and sale of prohibition was the implication that Germans controlled the brewing
alcoholic beverages. It industry. It was widely believed that many German-American-owned
became law throughout the
concerns such as Ruppert, Pabst and Lieber, which had helped finance the
USA in 1919 and lasted until
national German-American Alliance to promote German interests before the
1933.
war, would now be sending profits to finance the German war effort.
Source I
An anti-German propaganda poster by H.R. Hopps, 1917 (Everett

How might an American
Collection, USA), commissioned by the US Government.
audience respond to the
image of Germans shown in
the poster in Source I?
110
Espionage Act, 1917

The Espionage Act was a draconian measure which could impose fines of up
to $10,000 and twenty years’ imprisonment for those suspected of supporting
the enemy or attempting to send literature deemed seditious through the Seditious To do with
mail. It was used specifically to attack those who vocally opposed the war. By material attacking the
the terms of qualification for second-class mail, journals had to be published government.
regularly. Journals that appeared only intermittently or irregularly couldn’t be
delivered by the regular US mail. Hence if one edition was suppressed, the
cycle of regular publication was broken and future editions could be stopped,
even if they didn’t contain any material deemed offensive.
Through this method, by 1918 all socialist journals in the USA were closed down,
not through actual suppression as much as by lack of profitability as they no
longer qualified to be sent out by US mail. If they couldn’t be sent to subscribers
across the country through the mail, they couldn’t be delivered – so subscriptions
were cancelled and the magazines lost both readership and revenues until they
were forced to cease publication. Once it began to operate, it was felt that some
clauses of the Espionage Act were imprecise. The Act was strengthened and
clarified in May 1918 by the Sedition Act, which was an amendment to it.
Sedition Act, 1918

The Sedition Act was passed in May 1918 listing eight precise criminal offences,
such as written attacks on the Government or indeed even opposition to the
sale of war bonds. Socialist newspapers such as The Masses were suppressed
and socialist leader Eugene V. Debs was sentenced to ten years’ imprisonment
for making an anti-war speech – he was released when hostilities ended.
Source J
An extract from the Sedition Act, 16 May 1918 (found at http://wwi.lib. In Source J, how does
byu.edu/index.php/The_U.S._Sedition_Act). Wilson define seditious
Whoever, when the United States is at war, shall willfully make or convey false acts?
reports or false statements with intent to interfere with the operation or success
of the military or naval forces of the United States, or to promote the success of
its enemies, or shall willfully make or convey false reports, or false statements, …
or incite insubordination, disloyalty, mutiny, or refusal of duty, in the military or
naval forces of the United States, or shall willfully obstruct … the recruiting or
enlistment service of the United States, or … shall willfully utter, print, write, or
publish any disloyal, profane, scurrilous, or abusive language about the form of
government of the United States, or the Constitution of the United States, or the
military or naval forces of the United States … or shall willfully display the flag
of any foreign enemy, or shall willfully … urge, incite, or advocate any
curtailment of production … or advocate, teach, defend, or suggest the doing of
any of the acts or things in this section enumerated and whoever shall by word
or act support or favor the cause of any country with which the United States is
at war or by word or act oppose the cause of the United States therein, shall be
punished by a fine of not more than $10,000 or imprisonment for not more than
twenty years, or both.
111
Effects of the Acts
Over 2000 prosecutions were made as a result of these two pieces of
legislation. Charles Schenk, a socialist, was jailed for attempting to distribute
anti-war leaflets. One strike organizer faced twenty years in prison. An
African-American editor G.W. Bouldin of the San Antonio Inquirer was
sentenced to two years in jail for protesting in print about the execution of
African-American military personnel who rioted in Houston. He wrote that
death by firing squad was preferable to black Americans going to Europe to
fight for liberties they could not enjoy at home.
In what ways were Impact of the war on African-Americans

African-Americans
Many Americans feared African-Americans would not support the US in a
affected by the war?
war ‘to make the world safe for democracy’ when they clearly faced
prejudice and discrimination at home. Few African-Americans in the South
could vote; how could they be expected to fight for the rights of foreigners
who could?
Moreover, the opportunities for African-Americans seemed to be
diminishing rather than increasing. In 1913, Wilson, a Southerner with all the
Segregation Separation of common prejudices of his region, had extended segregation of federal
people of different racial employees and reduced their chances of advancement. Little was done to
groups in terms of use of prevent lynching in the South and Midwest, which averaged 65 incidents
facilities, areas where they
annually between 1910 and 1919. However, the Government could not allow
live and opportunities.
10 million Americans to be hostile or at best indifferent to the war effort.
Black press Newspapers, With the aid of civilian vigilante groups it tried to suppress dissent using the
magazines and periodicals full force of the Espionage and Sedition Acts (see page 111).
aimed at a largely black
audience. Black press
The Government was prepared to give credence to rumours that German
agents were about to subvert the loyalty of African-Americans and
authorized the Bureau of Investigation of the Justice Department, and
military intelligence, to track down pro-German feelings among African-
Americans. These investigations focused particularly on the Black press.
The Black press included about 200 weekly papers and six monthly
magazines embracing a wide variety of styles and viewpoints, from the
conservative New York Age to the more radical Crisis and the Cleveland
Gazette. The latter stressed that black Americans were expected to be patriotic
and support the war yet faced unfair and unequal treatment at home; it cited
in particular the refusal of the Government to investigate the murders of
African-Americans in East St. Louis, where photographs showed whites
gloating over burning bodies.
Historian Mark Ellis has argued that the Government adopted three policies
towards the Black press: propaganda, flattery and suppression, all with the
intention of marshalling their readership behind the war effort.
112
Propaganda
Emmett Jay Scott, Special Advisor on black affairs to the Secretary of War,
was tasked by the Government with selling the war to African-Americans.
He spent much of his time denying tales of ill treatment of African-American
troops; there were rumours, for example, that they were used as shock Shock troops Troops used
troops. There was only one black agent in military intelligence, Walter H. for special, often particularly
Loving, who launched his own propaganda campaign in January 1918; this dangerous, missions or
included the charismatic speaker Roscoe Conkling Simmons, who embarked ‘suicide missions’.
on a nationwide tour with the theme, ‘My Country and My Flag’. The
Committee of Public Information (CPI) also targeted African-American
audiences; indeed, the Four Minute Man Bulletin No. 33 told African-
Americans that defeat of Germany would lead to racial equality – although it
didn’t specify how.
Flattery
Flattery involved making African-American leaders feel valued and therefore
‘buying’ their loyalty. In June 1918, George Creel of the CPI staged a three-
day conference of leading African-American editors who, in the words of
Emmett Jay Scott, should lead ‘negro public opinion … along helpful lines
rather than along lines that make for discontentment and unrest’. He went
on, ‘This is not the time to discuss race problems. Our first duty is to fight
and to continue to fight until the war is won. Then we can adjust the
problems that remain in the life of the colored man. This is the doctrine we’re
preaching to the Negroes of this country.’ Scott did, however, ask for
grievances to be addressed. The request resulted in two documents:
● The Bill of Particulars: this suggested ways in which the Government
could gain the support of African-Americans – by passing anti-lynching
legislation, for example, abolishing segregation on railways and improving
the treatment of African-American soldiers.
● Address to the Committee on Public Information: this was written by African-
American leader W.E.B. Du Bois and stressed that improved conditions and
reforms would make African-American soldiers more effective in their duties.
They were not attaching a price to loyalty – but it would be in the
Government’s own interests to improve conditions, Du Bois argued.
Suppression
The Espionage and Sedition Acts (see page 111) were used to full force in
monitoring the African-American press. The Post Office Solicitor William H.
Lamar, tasked with the role of censoring seditious material, searched for
hidden meanings in ostensibly uncontroversial articles. He even banned one
journal for quoting the view of Thomas Jefferson, Founding Father and
former President, that Ireland should be a republic. Editors came to realize
that their periodicals weren’t being judged on what was meant by the
content but on how officials interpreted that content within the context of
the time.
113
The periodical of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored
People (NAACP), The Crisis, came in for particular attention, in part because
NAACP African-American it was the most influential liberal African-American mouthpiece – between
organization to promote civil 1917 and 1918 it increased circulation from 41,000 to 74,000. It was warned
rights, founded in 1909. ‘to publish only facts and constructive criticism’ and avoid anything that
might cause dissatisfaction among African-American troops. The Socialist
Messenger meanwhile faced problems when it suggested that African-
Americans shouldn’t volunteer to make the world safe for democracy
because ‘We would rather make Georgia safe for the negro’. Its editors, A.
Philip Randolph and Chandler Owen, found themselves briefly jailed for
such comments; they were released because they were presumed to be the
dupes of white socialists who told them what to write.
Patriotism of African-Americans
The patriotism of African-Americans in wartime could not reasonably be
questioned – over 360,000 volunteered for service, of whom 200,000 served
abroad. The propaganda disseminated by men like Emmett Jay Scott, however,
was clearly skewed. By July 1918, most African-American organs were
supporting the war. However, their experiences abroad did help develop a sense
of black consciousness and determination to improve conditions on their return.
Source K
An excerpt from ‘Returning Soldiers’ by W.E.B. Du Bois, published in The

What might Source K suggest Crisis, XVIII (May, 1919), page 13.
about African-American
attitudes in post-war It is our fatherland. It was right for us to fight. The faults of our country are our
America? faults. Under similar circumstances, we would fight again. But by the God of
Heaven, we are cowards and jackasses if now that that war is over, we do not
marshal every ounce of our brain and brawn to fight a sterner, longer, more
unbending battle against the forces of hell in our own land.
We return.
We return from fighting.
We return fighting.
Make way for Democracy! We saved it in France, and by the Great Jehovah, we
will save it in the United States of America, or know the reason why.
114
The USA during
the First World War
Propaganda
Mobilization
and civil liberties
War production Limitation of

Propaganda African-Americans
and finance civil liberties
Committee of Espionage Sedition Act, Control of

Public Information Act, 1917 1918 Black press
War Industries National War Labour Paying for

Railroads Agriculture Women African-Americans
Board Labour Board policy board the war
Co-ordinated Single centralized Settled industrial Set wages and Liberty Bonds Mainly supportive
Lever Act, 1917
finance and system disputes standards of and Victory Loans roles
supplies employment Increased taxes
Migration to Recruitment into

northern cities armed forces
Summary diagram
The USA during the First World War

115
5 Woodrow Wilson and the
post-war peace settlement
Key question: How influential was Wilson in the post-war settlement?
Wilson realized that there could be no actual winners in so destructive a war,

and if those responsible for military victory entered peace negotiations with
an extended sense of revenge or retribution, the stage would be set for a
re-run of the military conflict as soon as the belligerents were ready. The
peace settlement, in other words, had to lead to lasting peace. To this end,
Wilson proposed a settlement based on his Fourteen Points.
How significant were The Fourteen Points

the Fourteen Points in
Wilson’s Fourteen Points were first elucidated in a speech on 8 January 1918,
the peace settlement?
although they had been gestating for some time; as early as the onset of war,
Wilson had set up an enquiry of 150 academics to prepare for peace-making.
In the event, however, the 1918 speech was planned hurriedly to forestall the
pronouncement by the Russian revolutionary leader Lenin that any peace
Lenin Russian revolutionary
settlement should be based on self-determination.
leader.
The Fourteen Points were roughly grouped into three categories:
Alsace-Lorraine Area of
France taken by Germany ● The first five considered general principles to maintain orderly relations
after the 1871 Franco- between countries, based on part on what had gone wrong and led to war.
Prussian War. Hence:
League of Nations ● there should be no more secret agreements between nations as these
International organization to led to insecurity and double-dealing – diplomacy should be open and
be set up after the war to above board
maintain peaceful relations ● the seas should be free to the traffic of all nations
and encourage countries to ● there should be no barriers to international trade
co-operate together to
● armaments should be reduced
address common problems
● the interests of the Great Powers and hopes of colonial peoples should
such as disease and slavery.
be balanced.
● The next eight dealt with matters of self-determination, with borders
being redrawn according to the wishes of local populations. Included in
this was the restoration of Alsace-Lorraine to France and renewed
guarantees for Belgian independence.
● The fourteenth point announced the setting up of a League of Nations,
an international organization for peacekeeping and mutual co-operation,
which all signatories of the treaties should join.
There is little doubt that the Fourteen Points caught the imagination of
people in the belligerent nations. Sixty million pamphlets explaining them
were produced; millions lit candles for Wilson, who was blessed as a saint.
German leaders saw them as their best chance for peace and embraced them
as the basis of a settlement. Indeed, they believed that Wilson was offering
116
them a blueprint for peace. Nevertheless Clemenceau, the French premier,

voiced the cynicism of many when he said that God only gave humans ten
points (the Ten Commandments) and humans had already broken those,
implying Wilson’s fourteen were too idealistic.
It is a myth that the peace settlement was ever fully based on the Fourteen
Points. Wilson undermined the points himself by making a secret agreement
with Britain and France on 29 October, in which he accepted German war
guilt and the need for compensation, and the loss of territories held by
Germany and its allies. On a wider level, ideas such as self-determination
couldn’t please everyone – some nations would necessarily lose land and
populations. Nevertheless his efforts did win him the 1919 Nobel Peace Prize.
The Peace Conference How far did Wilson

A peace conference was convened in Paris in January 1919 to create a lasting impose his views on
the peacemakers at
peace settlement. Wilson made the decision to go to Paris himself. This was Versailles?
momentous, not least because no previous president had ever left the United
States while in office. Wilson decided to go for two main reasons:
● He believed he would have the charisma and influence to drive through a
lasting agreement.
● Politically he had been weakened at home and he hoped he could both
avoid domestic arguments such as conditions in agriculture and restore
his domestic popularity by leading the Conference:
● There was a domestic problem with western farmers arguing they had
been discriminated against during the war because wheat prices had been
pegged while the price of cotton rose from 7 cents per pound in 1914 to 35
cents by 1919. This meant Wilson had one significant set of farmers
dissatisfied and demanding government action to rectify their problems.
● The Democrats had lost control of both Houses during the 1918
mid-term elections – the Republicans had a majority of two in the
Senate, and in the House had 237 representatives to the Democrats’
190. This meant it might be difficult for Wilson, a Democratic president,
to get legislation through a hostile Congress.
Wilson’s gambles
Wilson clearly staked his career on the success of the Conference and it
could be argued he ignored political realities both at home and abroad in his
determination to drive a lasting peace. Having been fêted and cheered to an
almost embarrassing degree on his journey to Paris, he was at his most
imperious and aggressive during the actual Conference. At one point, during
a discussion on veterans’ pensions, he burst out, ‘Logic! Logic! I don’t give a Veterans’ pensions
damn for logic!’ He chose four delegates to accompany him, none of whom Pensions received by former
was a current Republican politician, even though the Senate (with its servicemen.
Republican majority) would have to pass any agreement. This was
particularly resented by Henry Cabot Lodge, Chairman of the powerful
Senate Foreign Relations Committee.
117
Moreover, Wilson was so determined to see a lasting settlement that he
gambled with his own health. He had the first of the strokes that would
finally incapacitate him on 3 August, but before this he was already showing
signs of extreme stress and paranoia, working eighteen-hour days squatting
uncomfortably over huge maps spread out on the floor, with areas and
regions cut out like jigsaw pieces, and being obsessed with French spies. He
seemed exhausted and increasingly illogical in his views. Overall, Wilson’s
behaviour suggested he was losing self-control and colleagues began to fear
for both his mental and physical health. Poor health and illness probably
clouded his judgement and ability to tolerate any opposition. As will be seen,
Wilson was to make some poor decisions and tactical errors in his battle to
sell the peace and League of Nations to Americans.
The process
The peace-making process was very fractured, with delegates from different
countries sometimes coming to blows. Germany itself hadn’t been invited to
the negotiations; a settlement would be imposed upon it. In the event most
decisions were made by the ‘Big Three’: the USA, Britain and France. Each
had a different agenda. The war on the Western Front had largely been
fought on French soil. France therefore sought a harsh settlement both so
that Germany would have to pay for its reconstruction and so that it would
never be strong enough to attack France again. The British leader, David
Lloyd George, saw the problems and resentment from Germany that would
accrue if the settlement were too harsh, but the British population largely
wanted some form of revenge. Wilson’s idea of a lasting peace settlement
based on fairness and moral principles did not necessarily receive a
sympathetic audience within this atmosphere.
Wilson, moreover, faced two significant disadvantages in his attempts to
influence proceedings:
● The USA had not suffered like France and other countries over whose lands
the war had been fought and so their priorities were different. France, in
particular, sought to weaken Germany both for purposes of retribution and
to ensure Germany would not be strong enough to attack it again.
● Wilson’s priority was to gain acceptance of the League of Nations. In
order to achieve this he would have to compromise over other issues such
as self-determination and German war guilt.
With the disjointed peace-making process and widespread accusations that
Germany was being treated badly, many in the USA were increasingly
cynical not only about the whole peace-making process but also the
involvement of the USA in foreign affairs generally. Wilson got a forewarning
of the problems he would face at home when he returned to the USA for a
short visit. Senator Henry Cabot Lodge had organized a petition signed by
39 of his Republican colleagues, hoping to delay any consideration of the
League of Nations until the peace settlement was signed. Wilson, however,
had insisted that acceptance of the League of Nations should be part of the
peace settlement and therefore it was to be written into all the treaties.
118
The peace settlement

The peace settlement was a series of treaties imposed on the defeated
countries. They concerned reparations to be paid to the victors, territorial Reparations Compensation
adjustments and limits on rearmament. The main treaties were: to be paid by the losing side
● the Treaty of Versailles made with Germany for the costs of the war.
● the Treaty of San Germain made with Austria
● the Treaty of Trianon made with Hungary
● the Treaty of Sèvres made with Turkey.
The peace settlement has been much debated since its conclusion, but
suffice to say here, it pleased few at the time. Germany in particular felt it
had been unfairly treated. It lost 12 per cent of its pre-war territory, including
15 per cent of its arable land and 75 per cent of its iron ore deposits. Severe
restrictions were placed on its military, and it was forced to pay reparations
of $33 billion. The notion of self-determination could not be fairly applied
and millions of ethnic Germans found themselves in a newly delineated
Poland and newly created Czechoslovakia.
Many in the USA opposed the settlement as unfair. Wilson himself said, ’If I
were a German, I think I should never sign.’ However, it was the reaction to
the League of Nations that saw Wilson fight his toughest political battle.
The Fourteen
Points
• Open diplomacy Paris Peace

• Self-determination Settlement
• Membership of Differences of
League of Nations opinion over:
• German war guilt
• reparations
• self-determination
in practice
• revenge and
retribution
• need to keep
Germany weak
• need to
compromise over
treaties in order
to gain accept-
ance for the
League of
Nations
Summary diagram
Woodrow Wilson and the

post-war peace settlement
119
Why did the USA fail The League of Nations
to join the League of
Wilson returned to the USA in July 1919 determined to gain Congressional
Nations?
approval for the treaties and membership into the League of Nations.
Opposition within the Senate

Wilson found senatorial opposition to membership of the League divided
into three broad groups:
● Twelve ‘irreconcilables’, led by Senator William Borah of Idaho, who
opposed membership outright and sought an isolationist foreign policy.
● Moderates who were prepared to listen to the debates and possibly agree
with some reservations concerning US membership before making up
their minds.
● Those associated with Henry Cabot Lodge, Chairman of the Senate
Foreign Relations Committee, who had stronger reservations but would
have been prepared to join the League if various terms were met. This
group was particularly influential, as Lodge was Chairman of the
Committee referred to above which controlled the debate in the Senate.
They drew up fourteen reservations, notably concerning Article 10 of the
Covenant of the League Covenant of the League of Nations, which required members to come
of Nations Document to the aid of others who were threatened. This, they argued, weakened the
containing the rules and sovereignty of the USA, committing it to intervention whether it agreed
organization of the League of
with the case or not.
Nations. Its acceptance was a
clause in all the peace treaties It is important to note here that only twelve senators were definitely
so its rejection would also opposed to US membership. At no time during the debates did members of
mean rejection of all the the other two groups refuse to consider membership; they simply had
peace treaties.
reservations and wanted space for negotiation. This Wilson would not accept.
When asked to compromise he said, ‘Never!’ He also told his second wife,
‘Better a thousand times to go down fighting than to dip your colors to
dishonorable compromise.’ By this he meant it is better to continue to fight
for the values in which you believe than to make deals and weaken them.
US membership of the League of Nations

Wilson decided, against his doctors’ advice, to tour the country to persuade
people to accept US membership into the League of Nations. The tour,
which began in September 1919, initially seemed successful – although
opponents shadowed him, speaking against his proposals after he’d moved
elsewhere. The desperation in Wilson’s argument can be caught in this
extract from one of his speeches: ‘I can predict with absolute certainty that
within another generation there will be another war if the nations of the
world do not concert the methods by which to prevent it.’
Wilson visited small towns throughout the Midwest where he empathized
with the people, particularly those who had lost relatives in the war. The
itinerary was, however, exhausting and on 25 September he collapsed after a
speech at Pueblo in Colorado. His campaign was effectively over. Ironically, it
120
was his refusal to compromise that finally lost him the battle. Lodge had
introduced a compromise bill into the Senate in November, which Wilson
told Democrats to oppose; it therefore failed, by 53 to 38 votes. When the
original peace settlement with the Covenant in its original form was
presented to the Senate in March 1920, it passed by 49 to 35 votes. This,
however, was seven votes short of the required two-thirds majority needed
for approving treaties. Had Wilson been able to win over seven Democrats
who possibly held only moderate reservations, the USA would have joined
the League of Nations and the ensuing history of the world may have been
very different.
Knox-Porter Resolution
Because the Covenant of the League of Nations was attached to all the peace
treaties, in rejecting this, the USA was effectively refusing to sign the peace
treaties ending the war. This obstacle was overcome by issuing the Knox-
Porter Resolution declaring the war was over, and in October 1921 the
Senate passed the peace treaties with the exception of the clauses relating to
the League of Nations.
Wilson tried to make the League of Nations a major issue in the 1920
presidential election, and the Democratic candidate James M. Cox promised,
if elected, that the USA would join. However, he was defeated and the
subsequent Republican presidents of the following decade became very
much associated with isolationism.
Senate opposition Speaking tour to

Irreconcilables promote acceptance
Wilson’s refusal Collapse of
Moderate and of peace settlement
to compromise Wilson’s health
stronger and membership
reservationists of League of Nations
Senate votes
November 1918 March 1920

Settlement with Original settlement,
reservations, 49–35; 7 short of
53–39 against required two-thirds majority
Summary diagram
The battle for the League of Nations
121
6 Overview: the isolationist
impulse
Key question: To what extent was the USA isolationist during the 1920s?
Senate Foreign Relations Many commentators at the time spoke of US foreign policy in the 1920s as a
Committee Senate
return to isolationism (see page 10), citing in particular its refusal to join the
committee responsible for
the oversight of foreign
League of Nations and avoidance of foreign entanglements – a return in
affairs. other words to the ideas of the Founding Fathers with which we began this
book (see page 11).The decade saw two Republican presidents, Warren
World Court Also known
Harding (1921–1923) and Calvin Coolidge (1923–1929), who were very much
as the Permanent Court of
International Justice, this was committed to laissez-faire policies at home and wary of commitments abroad.
set up under the auspices of In this they were supported by the powerful Senate Foreign Relations
the League of Nations in Committee, chaired by Henry Cabot Lodge from 1919. The USA had, for
1920 to help countries settle example, begun informally to co-operate with the League of Nations,
disputes peacefully by passing particularly in terms of combating trade in opium, slavery and armaments.
judgements. The Senate did on several occasions, however, refuse to join the World
Court, feeling it could result in unnecessary foreign commitments.
Source L
An extract from Only Yesterday by F. L. Allen, a journalist’s account of the

According to Source L is
1920s, published by Harper and Row, New York, in 1931, page 24. Allen is
Cabot Lodge an isolationist?
Explain your answer carefully. referring specifically to the views of Henry Cabot Lodge.
He believed that the essence of American foreign policy should be to keep the
country clear of foreign entanglements unless our honor was involved, to be
ready to fight and fight hard the moment it became involved, and when the fight
was over to disentangle ourselves once more, stand aloof and mind our own
business. As Chairman of the Senate Foreign Relations Committee, Lodge
considered it to be his duty to see that the United States was not drawn into any
international agreement which would endanger this policy.
How influential was Influence of the USA

the USA in world
Few historians would agree with the strictly isolationist view today. The USA
affairs?
was too influential, had too many interests abroad and was too involved in
terms of economic influence and investment to be isolationist. Many people
in the USA moreover were taking more interest in foreign affairs, partly as a
result of the boom in tourism especially to Europe; American visitors spent
$300 million in Europe in 1929 alone. The war had a dramatic impact on the
involvement of the USA in foreign affairs and saw its influence in particular
122
grow in the western hemisphere in Canada and Latin America both in terms
of economic and cultural influence and, especially in the latter, in terms of
political influence, too.
League of Nations
Although it did not join the League of Nations, it was involved in many of its
activities and had official representation at the League’s headquarters in
Geneva from 1925. In 1924, the Rockefeller Foundation gave $500,000 to Rockefeller Foundation
the League of Nations’ health service. Philanthropic organization
founded in 1913 by John D.
Trade Rockefeller to do good
Trade was vastly important to the USA. The value of exports rose from $3.8 works throughout the world.
billion in 1922 to $5.1 billion in 1929. The automobile industry was Multinational companies
particularly important; it accounted for 10 per cent of manufactured exports Companies with branches
in 1929. In 1920 the Merchant Marine Act allocated $125 million to finance and interests in different
the construction of merchant ships that were to carry US goods all over the countries.
world.
Investment
The decade saw the development of multinational companies often
dominated by US interests. The USA had $4 billion invested in 1300 foreign
firms. Its main markets were Canada, western Europe and Japan. US
investment in the Canadian car industry had effectively destroyed domestic
manufacture.
7 US influence in Latin America

Key question: How did the USA penetrate Latin America after the First
World War?
In this section we will examine the influence of the USA in Latin America
following the First World War, moving from economic penetration to political
involvement. The former belligerent countries of Europe were largely
bankrupted and deeply in debt as a result of the cost of the war. They were in
no position to resume their former level of economic involvement in Latin
America; the USA as the largest creditor nation as a result of the war was in
a position to supplant them. The USA also helped nations in Latin America
through philanthropic ventures, for example, the work of the Rockefeller
Foundation.
123
Source M
What can be inferred from A comparison of US and British investment in Latin America in 1913 and
the figures in Source M about 1929, from Investments of US Capital in Latin America by M. Winkler,
US and British investment in World Peace Foundation, 1929, cited in ‘Latin America and the
South America between International Economy from the First World War to the World
1913 and 1929? Depression’, by R. Thorp, in The Cambridge History of Latin America,
Vol. IV, L. Bethell (ed.), published by Cambridge University Press,
Cambridge, 1986. The figures are in millions of dollars.
US investments British investments
1913 1929 1913 1929
Argentina 40 611 1861 2140

Bolivia 10 133 2 12
Brazil 50 476 1162 1414
Chile 15 396 332 390
Colombia 2 260 34 38
Ecuador 10 25 14 23
Paraguay 3 15 16 18
Peru 35 151 133 141
Uruguay 5 64 240 217
Venezuela 3 162 41 92
To what extent was US economic involvement

the USA involved in
the Latin American
US investment in Latin America soared during the 1920s. Between 1924 and
economy? 1928, Latin America absorbed 44 per cent of its investment in new concerns.
Brazil saw the USA become its biggest source of new capital. To facilitate
financial arrangements, 61 branches of US banks were opened across the
western hemisphere. In monetary terms US investment in the region grew
from $1.5 billion in 1924 to $3 billion five years later.
● US companies dominated the media such as movies, radio and
telecommunication services.
● Their role was significant in the provision of utilities. The US company
General Electric set up the American and Foreign Power Company in
1923; by 1929 it controlled the provision of electric power in eight Latin
American countries. International Telephone and Telegraph (ITT)
controlled the telephone systems of Argentina, Chile, Peru and Mexico by
1930.
● US automobile firms had penetrated the Latin American market to a
considerable extent. By 1926 General Motors was manufacturing vehicles
in Argentina, Brazil and Uruguay.
One might argue that this involvement fulfilled the ideal of Republican
governments and businessmen that foreign policy should be profitable and
cheap, echoing the dollar diplomacy of President Taft (see page 78) which
124
proposed that the USA should extend its influence through its economic
power while keeping military costs to a minimum. The State Department
employed experts such as economist Edwin Kemmerer to take a lead in Kemmerer Plans Plans
Latin America. When countries asked for US investment, Kemmerer and his drawn up to help stabilize
colleagues would draw up plans to stabilize the economies – the so-called and develop the economies
Kemmerer Plans – and US personnel would usually remain to supervise of Latin American countries,
offering, for example, advice
their implementation. Often the plans would involve setting up a central
on sound currency and
bank while officials would put local entrepreneurs in touch with US central banks to facilitate the
financiers. The aim was that US investors could profit but local populations financial infrastructure to pay
would also benefit from a stronger economy through rising living standards for increased trade and
and greater economic security. industrial development.
Source N
An extract from The Memoirs of Herbert Hoover 1920–1923 by Herbert

How useful are memoirs
Hoover, published by Hollis and Crater, London, 1952, page 79. US
as historical evidence, such
Secretary of Commerce, Herbert Hoover, is describing the work of the
as those in Source N?
Bureau of Foreign and Domestic Commerce.
We expanded economic research, transportation, information on credit rating of
foreign firms, and a score of other activities.
The actual increases in sales abroad, brought about through personal service or
information we provided ran into hundreds of millions of dollars annually. Not
only were our foreign agents hounds for possible American sales, but they made
themselves welcome abroad by helping the merchants of the countries to which
they were assigned. They sought out raw materials and commodities which were
less competitive with American industry, and stimulated their export to the
United States.
Problems of US involvement
This involvement did come at a cost and the USA had to intervene to protect
the investments, the property and sometimes the physical safety of its
citizens. It sought to avoid loans being spent fraudulently on luxuries for
corrupt officials or on armaments, and there was always concern that a
recipient country would get so much in debt that the loans couldn’t be
repaid. It genuinely hoped its investments would help countries develop
sound economies with rising standards of living for all citizens.
US military intervention, when it was felt to be necessary, was always
expensive and unpopular with taxpayers. Many in Congress followed the
lead of Senator William Borah who argued that the USA should withdraw its
military forces where appropriate and let the countries govern themselves.
Secretary of State Hughes argued in 1923 that the USA should only use
military force to protect the Panama Canal (see pages 67–69) and then only
as a last resort.
The decade therefore saw agreements including the settlement of old
disputes and the withdrawal of US troops where possible, to be replaced by
local militias loyal to the USA.
125
Kemmerer Plans Automobile manufacture
and sales
Sixty-one US
bank branches US investment in Telecommunications –
Latin America ITT
Investment – $1.5 Utilities – American

billion in 1924; and Foreign
$3 billion in 1929 Power Company
Media dominance
Summary diagram
US investment in Latin America
How far did the USA Settlement of disputes

settle outstanding
In this section we will consider how far the USA settled outstanding disputes
disputes?
with its Latin American neighbours.
Colombia
In 1921, the USA gave Colombia $25 million in compensation for its role in
the 1903 revolt, which saw the independence of Panama, clearing the way for
the construction of the Panama Canal (see pages 67–69).
Mexico
The Mexican Civil War had ended in 1920 with the presidency of Álvaro
Obregón. However, the USA withheld official recognition of his Government
because of outstanding debts and the issue of compensation for US citizens
whose property was destroyed during the conflict. One of Obregón’s major
problems was to achieve some degree of financial security. Mexico had
Default on international defaulted on its international debts as early as 1914, after which the USA
debts Where a government and other countries withdrew recognition of the Mexican Government. In
refuses to pay back its debts June 1922 the then Finance Minister, de la Huerta, agreed to repay $500,000
to other countries. but it was left to his successor, Alberto Pani, to sign the Bucareli Accords in
August 1923 in which compensation for damaged foreign property was
agreed. As a result, the USA did restore recognition, and Mexico was allowed
to borrow again on the international markets.
126
The Good Neighbor policy How far was the Good

While Latin American countries were increasingly dependent on the USA, Neighbor policy
applied during the
they did from time to time exert anti-US sentiments. One example was the 1920s?
pointed criticism of the US by El Salvador, Mexico and Argentina at the
Triennial Conference of Western Hemisphere Countries, held in Havana in
1928. They condemned the right of any state to intervene in another and
criticized US delegate Charles Evans Hughes’ speech about the need for
order and stability across the region.
Conscious of the unpopularity of the USA, Secretary of State Frank B.
Kellogg asked his chief legal advisor, J. Reuben Clark, to investigate how this
could be eroded. Clark argued that Theodore Roosevelt had been wrong in
1904 when he invoked the Roosevelt Corollary to justify intervention
through the Monroe Doctrine (see page 15). He argued that the Monroe
Doctrine referred to the actions of European nations not those of Latin
America. Although he fell short of arguing that the USA would not be
justified in direct intervention in the internal affairs of Latin American states,
the inference was clear that, if it did, the legal justification was dubious. The
answer was to improve relations with Latin American countries – in other
words, to become a good neighbour.
Recruitment of local forces

While the formal Good Neighbor policy was put forward by President Good Neighbor policy
Franklin D. Roosevelt in 1933, its ideas predated the 1930s. The USA wanted Policy of cultivating good
to withdraw military presence from Latin American countries where it had relations with Canada and
troops stationed, and replace these with US-trained local troops and US- Latin America introduced by
President Franklin D.
supported dictators. They did this in some countries more successfully than
Roosevelt in 1933.
others. Nicaragua is a good example of this policy being put into practice.
Warlords Local and
Nicaragua and the Dominican Republic provincial militia
In 1925 US troops were withdrawn from Nicaragua to restore good relations. commanders.
However, following their departure, civil war broke out between rival
political factions. In 1926, 5000 US troops were sent back and veteran US
diplomat Henry Stimson was appointed to try to broker a peace agreement.
His idea was to bring two of the major warlords together in the hope they
could come to an agreement. Hence Adolfo Díaz and José Moncado agreed,
in the Peace of Tipitapa, to form a coalition government and organize a new
security force, the National Guard, trained by US forces. One general,
Augusto César Sandino, repudiated the treaty and fought both the National
Guard and US troops. He advocated widespread social reforms and had
considerable support among the peasantry.
However, in November 1928 elections of a sort were held, at the cost of the
deaths of 43 US marines and 3000 Nicaraguans. When Juan Bautista Sacasa
finally took office in 1933, the US troops went home. Sandino was murdered
after attending a ‘peace conference’ in February 1934, and Anastasio Somoza,
Sacasa’s nephew, increasingly used the National Guard to impose a
dictatorship, which survived until the 1970s.
127
Source O
What impression of himself is Augusto Sandino (in the centre) on his way to Mexico in June 1929 to
General Sandino trying to canvass support (from the US National Archives and Records
create in Source O? Note in Administration).
particular his clothing in
contrast with that of the other
figures in the photograph.
A similar pattern emerged in the Dominican Republic where Rafael Trujillo

assumed power and ruled brutally until his assassination in 1961 but
maintained friendly relations with the USA for much of the period of his
regime. These dictators were tolerated because they were anti-communist
and pro-American. They allowed US investment and economic interests to
flourish in their countries. As Franklin D. Roosevelt allegedly said of Somoza
in 1939, ‘he may be a son of a bitch, but he’s our son of a bitch’.
One critic of US policy in Latin America was Uruguayan journalist Eduardo
Galeano whose book Open Veins of Latin America was a devastating critique
of European and US exploitation of the region.
Source P
An extract from Open Veins of Latin America by Eduardo Galeano, 25th

What point is Galeano
anniversary edition published by Monthly Review Press, London, 1997,
making in Source P? How far
page 108.
do you agree with his
judgement? The United States occupied Haiti for twenty years and, in that black country
that had been the scene of the first victorious slave revolt, introduced racial
segregation and forced labor, killed 1500 workers in one of its repressive
operations (according to a U.S. Senate investigation in 1922), and when the local
government refused to turn the Banco Nacional into a branch of New York’s
National City Bank, suspended the salaries of the president and his ministers so
that they might think again. Alternating the “big stick” with “dollar diplomacy,”
similar actions were carried out in the other Caribbean islands and in all of
Central America, the geopolitical space of the imperial mare nostrum.
128
US political involvement in Latin America
Involvement
• Nicaragua, 1926:
US troops invaded –
Good Neighbor founded National
Guard
• Withdrawal of
troops: Dominican
Republic, 1924;
Nicaragua, 1925
• Agreements:
Mexico: 1923
Bucareli Accords;
Colombia, 1925:
$25 million
compensation
Summary diagram
US political involvement
in Latin America
8 International agreements
Key question: How extensively did the USA involve itself in international
agreements?
Anglo-Japanese Alliance
An alliance between Britain
The USA signed international agreements with various degrees of
and Japan, dating from 1902
commitment and enthusiasm during the 1920s. As well as the formal and due for renewal in 1922.
agreements the USA was often prepared to exert its influence less formally.
This section examines both of these.
Informal influence How did the USA

The Locarno Conference was to be held in 1925 to settle existing problems informally influence
events?
arising from the post-war peace settlement. When preliminary discussions
stalled however, the US Ambassador to Britain, on his own initiative,
threatened to withdraw further US loans to the participants unless they came
to an agreement. This undoubtedly helped focus their minds. President
Coolidge supported the Ambassador in his effort to influence the proceedings.
Formal agreements How did the USA

formally influence
Washington Naval Agreements events?
In 1922 the Anglo-Japanese Alliance (see page 163) was up for renewal.
The USA was not keen for it to continue. It saw Japan as its main rival in the
129
Pacific and preferred to detach Britain from Japanese friendship. Britain,
however, was keen for renewal, as was the dominion of Australia, because
they believed the treaty acted as a stabilizing factor on Japan and prevented
Japanese aggression.
The Washington Naval Conference was a compromise, to detach Britain from
a Japanese alliance while creating assurances for future stability. While it has
been criticized for its limitations, it was the first disarmament agreement,
setting an important precedent.
The Agreement was made between four powers in 1921: the USA, Britain,
Japan and France. Italy became a signatory in 1922.
● It froze battleship strengths at immediate post-war levels, persuading
Japan to accept less tonnage than Britain and the USA. In 1922, Italy also
signed to accept parity with France. The agreement stipulated that Britain
and the USA were to have 525,000 tons, Japan, 315,000 and Italy and
France, 175,000.
● Britain, the USA, Japan and France signed the Four Power Treaty in which
they agreed to respect their respective interests in East Asia and re-affirm
the Open Door policies in China (see page 73).
● There were specific agreements – Japan, for example, promised to remove
its troops from the Chinese province of Shantung while the USA agreed
not to reinforce its military presence in Guam.
Limitations
Ratification Approval of a President Harding, in his speech asking for Senate ratification of the
measure by voting. agreements, assured his audience that acceptance implied ‘no commitment
Dawes Plan Plan of 1923 to armed force, no alliances, no written or moral obligation to join in
which offered Germany defence’. The agreements, in other words, had no force and no sanctions
scaled-down reparations and would be forthcoming if any signatory broke them. A second attempt to
provided it with a loan of reduce naval strength in 1927 failed to come to any agreement.
$250 million to help stabilize
the currency. International debt
Young Plan Plan of 1929 International debt was at the heart of the international tensions of the 1920s.
offering to further scale down The priority of the USA was for European countries such as Britain and
German reparations. France to repay the loans they had taken out to finance the First World War.
When the problem of their ability to repay came up, President Coolidge is
reported to have said, ‘They hired the money, didn’t they?’ Although the
quotation is possibly fictitious, it did accurately express the sentiment of
many Americans that the countries should repay their loans. However, most
European countries, still suffering from depressed economic conditions
arising from the war, simply could not afford to repay them.
The problems caused by Germany

Repayment of debts was only part of the problem. Germany had, by the
terms of the Treaty of Versailles, been forced to pay reparations of $33 billion
to the victorious nations of Europe. Under the Dawes Plan of 1923 the USA
lent Germany the money to pay, and in the Young Plan of 1929 the amount
130
of reparations was scaled down to $26 billion, to be paid over a period of 59

years. With this money, the European victors repaid the USA what they could
of the loans. The USA was thus effectively paying itself back with its own
money. Indeed, the $250 million it lent to Germany under the Dawes Plan
corresponded to the amount Germany paid the Allies in reparations, which
in turn corresponded to the amount the USA received from the Allies in debt
repayments.
This situation became even more confused through the Dawes and Young
Plans scaling down of German reparations. With Germany paying the
European victors less, this meant that they in turn could repay fewer of their
own debts to the USA. All in all, no-one gained from an incredibly complex
situation that, according to one commentator, would have made more sense
if ‘the US had taken the money out of one Treasury building and put it in
another’.
Treaty of Paris – the Kellogg–Briand Pact

In the USA, as elsewhere, there was a strong movement for peace in the
1920s. President Coolidge spoke for many when he said, ‘The people have
had all the war, all the taxation and all the military service that they want.’
Peace societies gained lots of interest and support. In 1923 Edward W. Peace societies Societies
Bok, journalist and former editor of the Ladies’ Home Journal, offered a to promote the cause of
$100,000 prize for the best workable plan for international peace; among peace such as the Women’s
Peace Society and the World
the unsuccessful entrants was future President Franklin D. Roosevelt,
Peace Association.
whose proposals were written when he was recovering from polio. This
impulse led in part to the signing of the Kellogg–Briand pact, between the
US Secretary of State and French Foreign Minister Aristide Briand, in
1928.
This pact was an international agreement to outlaw war, which 15 countries
eventually signed. It had come about as a sort of compromise. French foreign
ministers had spent much of the 1920s seeking an alliance with the USA.
US State Department officials suggested a multilateral agreement to prevent
this level of commitment to one country. The signatories agreed not to wage
war except in self-defence and to seek peaceful means to resolve disputes.
As one might expect it was vaguely worded and largely meaningless. There
was no mechanism for sanctions should any signatory default and indeed
some did as the 1930s progressed.
While the Senate ratified the pact by 85 votes to 1, it was only after the
Foreign Relations Committee insisted on the right of the USA to defend
itself if attacked or if the Monroe Doctrine was threatened. The Committee
nevertheless insisted that the pact didn’t actually sanction the use of war
even if attacked or commit the USA to help any country that was threatened.
Perhaps Senator Carter Glass of Virginia perhaps best expressed the attitude
of the Senate when he admitted he would vote for ratification but hoped his
constituents wouldn’t take this too seriously.
131
Source Q
What can be inferred from An excerpt from the hearings of the Senate Committee on Foreign
Source Q about the Relations in December 1928 concerning the Kellogg–Briand Pact (found
commitment of Secretary of at avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/kbhear.asp).
State Kellogg to the Kellogg– Senator SWANSON. As I understand from what you say, if this multilateral
Briand Pact? treaty is violated by any other nation, there is no obligation, moral or legal, for
us to go to war against any nation violating it?
Secretary KELLOGG. That is thoroughly understood. It is understood by our
Government; and no other government made any suggestion of any such thing. I
knew, from the attitude of many governments, that they would not sign any treaty
if there was any moral obligation or any kind of obligation to go to war. In fact,
Canada stated that. The other governments never suggested any such obligation.
International
agreements
Successes Failures
1921–22: Washington 1921: World Court:

Naval Agreements: USA refused to join
USA, Britain, Japan, World Court
France and Italy agreed
ratios of capital ships
1927: Geneva
Naval Conference:
No agreement
1924: Dawes Plan:
Scaled down
reparations; lent $250
million to Germany to
stabilize currency
1925: Treaty of Locarno:

USA helped signatories
begin negotiations
1928: Kellogg–Briand
Pact: International
agreement to settle
disputes peacefully
1929: Young Plan:

Further scaled
Summary diagram
down reparations
International agreements
132
9 Key debate
Key question: How far do historians agree about the level of the USA’s
involvement in foreign affairs in the 1920s?
The myth of isolationism

In his 1955 book, America’s Rise to World Power, 1898–1954, historian Foster
Rhea Dulles asserted that American foreign policy was isolationist. He was
echoing journalist Arthur H. Vandenburg who, in 1926, wrote that that the
main reason for the recent rejection of the League of Nations was ‘the
incalculable obligation of a subtle Covenant which bound us like soldiers of
fortune into all the wars of the world – a perpetual recruit for Mars’. This
motive was echoed by F.L. Allen (see page 122) in 1931 in his classic account
of the 1920s, Only Yesterday. Writing specifically about why Henry Cabot
Lodge rejected the post-war peace treaties, he argued that, ‘he did not
believe that the nations of the world could be trusted to spend the rest of
their years behaving like Boy Scouts; he knew that, to be effective, a treaty
must be serviceable in eras of bad feeling as well as good; and he saw in the
present one, an invitation to trouble’. Allen went on to assert that Americans
were sick of war and weren’t prepared to make any more sacrifices for
Europe. It was best to remain aloof.
While commentators have widely suggested that the USA followed
isolationist policies in the 1920s, and historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr., as late
as 1995, wrote that during the 1920s the USA retreated into a ‘womb’ of
‘familiar and soothing isolationism’, most historians would now argue that it
was impossible for the USA, with its international and economic influence,
to be fully divorced from events elsewhere in the world. Many would agree,
however, that Americans were weary of foreign involvement. For example, in
Alistair Cooke’s America, written in 1973, the author argues that Americans
were disenchanted with Europe and its continuing crises, felt that many of
their own domestic problems resulted from their intervention in the First
World War, and ‘wanted to backslide into a bath of nostalgia for the good old
days before the war and Wilsonian internationalism, for the nineteenth
century America that had obeyed its first president and avoided all “foreign
entanglements”’.
Arguments against isolationism

William A. Williams (see page 86) called isolationism a myth, arguing in an
article in the journal Science and Society that the Republican presidents of the
1920s were distinguished by the level of their involvement in the affairs of
other countries. In 2008 historian George C. Herring developed this point,
arguing that the Republican presidents of the 1920s assumed an
unprecedented leadership in world affairs, but preferred to let private
133
individuals and concerns implement their policies. He goes on to quote the
use of what Joseph Nye of Harvard University described in 1990 as ‘soft
power’ – global influence emanating not from military might, but economic
and cultural influence and technical superiority. Others have argued
similarly. Michael Parrish, writing in 1992, argued that the hope was to gain
the benefits of economic influence with minimum cost in terms of both
budget and military involvement – hence the recruitment and training of
groups friendly to the USA, such as the National Guard in Nicaragua.
Historian Paul A. Carter in the 1960s argued that foreign entanglements
continued in the face of isolationism. He gave the example of the navy,
which expanded despite budget cuts elsewhere because of the growing fear
of Japan. Carter cited historian Alexander DeConde in support of his
arguments; DeConde had suggested isolation was a geopolitical fact of life in
the USA for much of the nineteenth century, but isolationism was an
attempt to maintain the policy despite the nineteenth-century conditions no
longer being applicable. The expansion of US global trade, and faster ships
and communication, also contributed to the increasing impracticality of
isolationism.
While acknowledging its impracticability, historian Selig Adler wrote in the
1950s that isolationism persisted because it had a wide group of adherents,
particularly in the Midwest where the geopolitical argument based in the
geographical isolation of the USA from world events might still be relevant
and where there was strong anti-British feeling. This argument echoed that
of journalist John Gunther in Inside USA, published in 1947, who felt that
Midwesterners still sympathized with the isolationist impulse even after – or
because of – the Second World War.
Foreign policy achievements in the 1920s

Historian Niall Palmer, writing in 2006, emphasized the difficulty facing the
incoming President Warren Harding in 1921 in terms of the horrendous
post-war conditions in Europe, the Russian Revolution, and the flu epidemic
which killed millions. While many countries looked to the USA for
leadership, the strong coalition against foreign involvement worked against
this. Palmer praises the triumvirate of Harding, Secretary of State Hughes
and Secretary of Commerce Hoover for all they did achieve and notes that
because Harding shared his power with his appointees, foreign policy was
no longer subject to the sole purview of the president as in the days of
Wilson. Herring, too, is complimentary about the achievements not just of
Harding but all three Republican presidents; among other things, they began
to withdraw militarily from Latin America, restored good relations with
Mexico, achieved naval reductions, assumed leadership in addressing the
problems of European economic recovery from the war and set the seeds of a
less racist policy towards China.
134
Isolationism
• Non-membership
of World Court
• Withdrawal of Involvement
troops from
Dominican • International
Republic and agreements
Nicaragua • Involvement in
work of League
of Nations and
World Court
• Trade and invest-
ment throughout
the world
• Intervention
in Latin America Summary diagram
How far did the USA pursue

policies of isolationism in
the 1920s?
Wilson sought a lasting peace on the basis of his

Fourteen Points. However, these were compromised
during fractious peace negotiations in Paris. Moreover,
the US Senate Foreign Relations Committee led a
The United States and the First World War:
battle to reject the Covenant of the League of Nations
from neutrality to involvement
in its proposed form, with the result that the USA did
The USA initially adopted a policy of neutrality when war not join the League.
broke out in 1914. This became difficult to maintain, It is largely a myth that during the 1920s the USA
however, because of disruption to trade and government returned to isolationism. Although there was strong
support for the Allies. When Germany began a policy of support for this policy among many groups in the USA,
unrestricted submarine warfare in 1915, tensions ran the country was too powerful and influential for it to be
high. However, Germany rescinded the policy and, in possible. The USA took part in international agreements,
the 1916 presidential election campaign, Wilson particularly in terms of naval reductions, but these
appeared as the candidate most likely to maintain agreements had no sanctions. It was, however, wary of
neutrality. The rejection of Wilson’s peace initiatives and international entanglements. The USA was also
Germany’s return to unrestricted submarine warfare saw instrumental in helping Germany manage its debts,
the USA enter the war in April 1917. The country although the cycle of international debt resulting from the
geared up for war to an unprecedented extent, with the war was made more complex by the USA insisting on
galvanization of the economy towards war production repayment. Historians tend to be in broad agreement
and significant restrictions on civil liberties, for example now that the USA did not pursue isolationist policies and
through the Sedition Act of 1918. achieved positive results within the context of the time.
135
Examination advice
How to answer ‘to what extent’ questions
The command term ‘to what extent’ is a popular one in IB exams. You are
asked to evaluate one argument or idea over another. Stronger essays will
also address more than one interpretation. This is often a good question in
which to discuss how different historians have viewed the issue.
Example
‘The US decision to enter the First World War on the side of the
Allies was mainly in response to unrestricted German submarine
warfare.’ To what extent do you agree with this statement?
1. First, take at least five minutes to write a short outline. Here you can list
the different reasons the USA entered the war and what, if any,
connection there was with unrestricted German submarine warfare. An
example of an outline is given below:
Context:
USA declared its neutrality as Europe went to war in 1914.
U SA favoured Allies over Central Powers. Wilson’s top advisers tilted
towards Allies.
Anti-German propaganda in US press.
U SA had previous confrontations with Germany (Samoa,
Venezuela) and feared Germany’s growing interests in Mexico.
N onetheless, public was generally anti-war and had elected Wilson
in 1916 on his anti-war platform.
P revious unrestricted German submarine warfare (1915) had not
pushed the USA into war.
Economic reasons:
Big business (banks and munitions makers) wanted USA to win.
Most US trade was with Allied countries.
I mportance of trade with both Allies and Germany: 40 per cent of
government revenues came from tariffs.
Some historians state that USA had found other markets and that
its economy was strong.
Moral reasons:
W ilson wanted to go to war to ensure a fair peace and introduce a
new world order.
136
Peace Without Victory speech, January 1917.

N eed to act after resumption of unrestricted submarine warfare in
February 1917.
Fear Allies would lose without US intervention.
Other reasons:
German espionage activities in USA.
Zimmermann telegram, February 1917.
2. In your introduction you should touch on the major reasons President

Wilson asked Congress to declare war on Germany in April 1917. You
should also mention that there were other reasons that might have
pushed him to desire war against Germany in addition to attacks on US
shipping. Be sure to include relevant dates and a brief definition of what
unrestricted submarine warfare was. An example of a good introductory
paragraph for this question is given below.
In April 1917, President Woodrow Wilson asked Congress to declare

war on Germany. The major reason he gave was that the resumption of
unrestricted German submarine warfare had forced the USA to defend
itself and the notion of free trade. The German empire had clearly
stated that it was legally permitted to sink any and all ships that
were trading and sustaining its mortal enemies, most specifically
Great Britain. Other reasons that may have prompted Wilson to act
was his desire to bring the war to a quick conclusion so that the USA
could promote a peace that would be long-lasting and one that would
not punish the Central Powers excessively. Wilson did see himself as a
peacemaker and one moved by moral considerations. It is also possible
that an Allied victory would help ensure that the billions that had
been loaned to France and Great Britain would be repaid. A stalemate
or a victory by Germany would have put the repayment of those loans
at risk. Other factors that may have prompted Wilson to act include
the notion that Germany was meddling in Mexico and that German
agents were carrying out acts of sabotage against the USA within its
borders. Wilson won re-election in 1916 on an anti-war platform but
within a couple of months of his inauguration he brought the country
into direct conflict. Some historians have made the point that since
the beginning of the war in 1914 the USA had sided with the Allies
and was not neutral in the least.
137
3. In the body of the essay, you need to discuss each of the points you raised
in the introduction. Devote at least a paragraph to each one. It would be a
good idea to order these in terms of which ones you think are most
important. Be sure to make the connection between the points you raise
and the major thrust of your argument. You will be assessed according to
your use of evidence to support your thesis. You may well argue that you
do not agree with the idea that it was mainly German unrestricted
submarine warfare that drove the USA to war in April 1917 as long as you
are able to offer supporting historical evidence.
4. In the conclusion, be sure to offer final remarks on the degree to which
you agree or disagree with the idea that German U-boat attacks on US
ships was the main reason the USA went to war in 1917. Do not add any
new information or themes in your concluding thoughts. An example of a
good concluding paragraph is given below.
In conclusion, it is clear that President Wilson, fearing a victory by

the Central Powers in Europe, used the resumption of German
submarine attacks on US shipping as an excuse to enter the war
formally on the side of the Allied powers. The USA had supported the
Allies since war broke out in Europe in 1914, both economically and
materially, although it maintained it was neutral in the conflict.
President Wilson felt he needed to step into the conflict to ensure
that a peace without victory was possible, in other words, to help
ensure that an Allied victory would not bring about punishing and
destabilizing terms for the vanquished.
5. Now try writing a complete answer to the question, following the advice
above.
Examination practice
Below are two exam-style questions for you to practise on this topic.
1 Analyse the social impact of the First World War on one country in the region.
(For guidance on how to answer ‘analyse’ questions, see pages 167–169.)
2 Evaluate the reasons the USA did not join the League of Nations.
(For guidance on how to answer ‘evaluate’ questions, see pages 30–32.)
138

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Chapter 4

The United States and the First

1 US neutrality, 1914–17 Associated power Power

Why was a policy of Reasons for neutrality

Tensions concerning neutrality To what extent was

An extract from Wilson’s State of the Union address to Congress,

complications it could cause. Others argued its continuation would bring

Freedom of the seas

Unrestricted submarine warfare, February–August 1915

The controversial policy of unrestricted submarine warfare came to a head

Reasons for Problems with

Inhabitants Pro-British Trade and freedom 1916 presidential

Wanted USA Wilson sought

Democrats trusted Wilson doubted he

2 US entry into the war

When the Germans announced the resumption of unrestricted submarine

Wilson’s ideas for a post-war settlement What measures did

An extract from Wilson’s ‘Peace Without Victory’ speech to the Senate,

Failure of peace initiatives

Reasons for US entry into the war Which reasons for US

Resumption of unrestricted submarine warfare

German activities within the USA

Black Tom’s munitions plant

How useful is the image in The sinking of a steamer by a German U boat.

Wilson feared the defeat of the Allies was increasingly likely if US

US entry into the war

What reasons were The economic and isolationist debate

compromising neutrality (see page 97). Historian Charles Beard developed

The moral crusade How far did Wilson go

A fair peace settlement

Should the USA have gone to war?

Having reluctantly gone to war, Wilson oversaw an effective mobilization

War production and finance How far was the

War Industries Board

Workers What organizations

Propaganda and civil liberties How far were civil

An anti-German propaganda poster by H.R. Hopps, 1917 (Everett

Espionage Act, 1917

Sedition Act, 1918

In what ways were Impact of the war on African-Americans

An excerpt from ‘Returning Soldiers’ by W.E.B. Du Bois, published in The

War production Limitation of

Committee of Espionage Sedition Act, Control of

War Industries National War Labour Paying for

Migration to Recruitment into

The USA during the First World War

Wilson realized that there could be no actual winners in so destructive a war,

How significant were The Fourteen Points

them a blueprint for peace. Nevertheless Clemenceau, the French premier,

The Peace Conference How far did Wilson

The peace settlement

• Open diplomacy Paris Peace

Woodrow Wilson and the

Opposition within the Senate

US membership of the League of Nations

Senate opposition Speaking tour to

November 1918 March 1920

The battle for the League of Nations

An extract from Only Yesterday by F. L. Allen, a journalist’s account of the

How influential was Influence of the USA