Lê_Đức_Thọ
Lê_Đức_Thọ
Lê_Đức_Thọ
Communist revolutionary
Lê Đức Thọ became active in Vietnamese nationalism
as a teenager and spent much of his adolescence in
French colonial prisons, an experience that hardened
him. Thọ's nickname was "the Hammer" on account of Thọ in 1973
his severity.[4] In 1930, Lê Đức Thọ helped found the Advisor to the Party Central Committee
Indochinese Communist Party. French colonial
In office
authorities imprisoned him from 1930 to 1936 and
18 December 1986 – 13 October 1990
again from 1939 to 1944. The French imprisoned him
in one of the "tiger cage" cells on the prison located on Serving with Trường Chinh, Phạm Văn Đồng,
Nguyễn Văn Linh, Võ Chí Công
the island of Poulo Condore (modern Côn Sơn Island)
in the South China Sea. Poulo Condore was regarded Head of the Central Organizing
Commission
as the harshest prison in all of French Indochina.[5]
In office
During his time in the "tiger cage", Thọ suffered from
1976–1980
hunger, heat, and humiliation. Together with other
Vietnamese Communist prisoners, Thọ studied Preceded by Lê Văn Lương
literature, science, and foreign languages and acted in Succeeded by Nguyễn Đức Tâm
Molière plays.[6] Despite being imprisoned by the In office
French, France was still regarded as the "land of 1956–1973
culture", and the prisoners paid a "peculiar tribute" to
Preceded by Lê Văn Lương
French culture by putting on Molière plays.[7]
Succeeded by Lê Văn Lương
After his release in 1945, he helped lead the Viet Minh, Standing Secretary of the Secretariat
the Vietnamese independence movement, against the In office
French, until the Geneva Accords were signed in 1954. 30 April 1980 – 18 December 1986
In 1948, he was in South Vietnam as Deputy Secretary,
Serving with Nguyễn Duy Trinh and Lê Thanh
Head of the Organization Department of Cochinchina Nghị
Committee Party. He then joined the Lao Dong
Member of the Secretariat
Politburo of the Vietnam Workers' Party in 1955, now
the Communist Party of Vietnam. Thọ oversaw the In office
1960–1986
Communist insurgency that began in 1956 against the Secretariat Positions
South Vietnamese government. In 1963 Thọ supported 1983–1986: Secretary for Theoretical,
the purges of the Party surrounding Resolution 9.[8] Internal and Foreign Affairs
1983–1986: Vice Chair of the National
Defense Commission
1980–1982: Chair of the Special Political
Peace-making in Paris Affairs Commission
1976–1980: Chair of the Southern Affairs
The United States actively joined the Vietnam War Commission
during the early 1960s. Several rounds of Paris Peace Member of the Politburo
Talks (some public, some secret) were held between
In office
1968 and 1973. Xuân Thuỷ was the official head of the
1955–1986
North Vietnamese delegation, but Thọ arrived in Paris
Personal details
in June 1968 to take effective control.[4] While Xuân
Thuỷ led the official negotiating team representing the Born Phan Đình Khải
Democratic Republic of Vietnam at the talks in Paris, 14 October 1911
Thọ and U.S. National Security Advisor Henry Nam Trực, Nam Định
Kissinger since February 1970 engaged in secret Province, French Indochina
conversations that eventually led to a cease-fire in the Died 13 October 1990 (aged 78)
Paris Peace Accords of 23 January 1973. On his way to Hanoi, Vietnam
Paris, Thọ stopped in Moscow to meet the Soviet Nationality Vietnamese
Premier Aleksei Kosygin. On Thọ's behalf, Kosygin
Political party Communist Party of Vietnam
sent President Lyndon B. Johnson a letter reading: "My
(1945–1990)
colleagues and I believe and have grounds to believe
Indochinese Communist Party
that an end to the bombing [of North Vietnam] would
(1930–1945)
lead to a breakthrough in the peace talks".[9]
Awards Nobel Peace Prize (1973)[1]
1968
On 26 June 1968, Thọ first met Cyrus Vance and Philip Habib of the American delegation at a "safe
house" in the Paris suburb of Sceaux.[10] On 8 September 1968, Thọ first met W. Averell Harriman, the
head of the American delegation, in a villa in the town of Vitry-sur-Seine.[11] At the meeting, Harriman
conceded that in "serious talks" the National Liberation Front (NLF) might take part in the talks provided
that the South Vietnamese were also allowed to join.[12] At another meeting with Harriman on 12
September, Thọ made the concession that South Vietnam could continue as an independent state provided
the National Liberation Front could join the government, but demanded that the United States had to
unconditionally cease bombing all of the DRV first.[11] After the meeting, Harriman thanked Thọ for his
"straight talk", but disputed a number of Thọ's claims, saying that the Vietnam war was not the most
costly war in American history.[13] Thọ was unhappy when Hanoi demanded that the National Liberation
Front take part in the peace talks as the lead negotiating team above the North Vietnamese, which he
knew would cause complications. He flew back to Hanoi in an attempt to change the instructions, in
which he was successful, but was also told to tell Harriman that an expanded four-party talks involving
the Americans, the South Vietnamese, the North Vietnamese and the NLF would begin "as early as
possible" without settling a firm date.[14] However, the four party talks did not take place as planned as
South Vietnamese President Nguyễn Văn Thiệu decided to stall talks after receiving messages from Anna
Chennault that the Republican candidate Richard Nixon would be more supportive.[15] On 18 January
1969, Thọ told Harriman that he regretted his departure, saying: "If you had stopped bombing after two
or three months of talks, the situation would have been different now".[16]
1969
In February 1969, Kissinger asked the Soviet ambassador in Washington, Anatoly Dobrynin, to set up a
meeting with Thọ in Paris.[17] On 4 August 1969, Kissinger had a secret meeting at the house of Jean
Sainteny, a former French colonial official who served in Vietnam and was sympathetic towards
Vietnamese nationalism. However, Thọ did not appear as expected and instead Thuỷ represented the
DRV.[18]
1970
Thọ first met Kissinger in a secret meeting in a modest house in Paris on the night of 21 February 1970,
marking the beginning of a test of wills that was to last three years. Kissinger was later to say of Thọ: "I
don't look back on our meetings with any great joy, yet he was a person of substance and discipline who
defended the position he represented with dedication".[7] Thọ told Kissinger at their first meeting that
"Vietnamization" was doomed, dismissively saying in French: "Previously, with over one million U.S and
Saigon troops, you have failed. Now how can you win if you let the South Vietnamese Army fight alone
and if you only give them military support?".[19] Kissinger took the fact that Thọ began his activism
working for Vietnamese independence at the age of 16 as a proof that he was a "fanatic", portraying Thọ
to Nixon as an unreasonable, uncompromising man, but one was also a well mannered, cultured and
polite. Kissinger found Thọ's air of superiority exasperating as Thọ took the viewpoint that North
Vietnam was the real Vietnam, and regarded the Americans as "barbarians" who were merely trying to
delay the inevitable by supporting South Vietnam.[20] In April 1970, Thọ broke off his meetings with
Kissinger, saying that there was nothing to discuss.[21] An attempt by Kissinger to talk to Thọ again in
May 1970 was rejected with a note reading "The U.S. words of peace are just empty ones".[22]
1971
By May 1971, Thọ started to change tactics in the talks, insisting that the main issue now was removing
President Thiệu after the Americans departed.[23] In July 1971, Kissinger taunted Thọ with the news that
President Nixon would be visiting China soon to meet Mao Zedong, telling him that the days when the
North Vietnamese could count of the supply of Chinese arms were coming to close. Thọ showed no
emotion, saying: "That is your affair. Our fighting is our preoccupation, and that will decide the outcome
for our country. What you have told us will have no influence on our fighting".[24]
1972
In March 1972, the North Vietnamese launched the Easter Offensive. It was initially successful and led to
warnings that the United States would start bombing North Vietnam again.[25] Thọ sent a message,
saying if the bombing was resumed, it would be "a very serious step of escalation, aimed at stopping the
collapse of the situation in South Vietnam and putting pressure on us".[26]
On 2 May 1972, Thọ had his 13th meeting with Kissinger in Paris. The meeting was hostile, as the North
Vietnamese had just taken Quang Tri City in South Vietnam, which led Nixon to tell Kissinger "No
nonsense. No niceness. No accommodations". During the meeting, Thọ mentioned that Senator William
Fulbright was criticizing the Nixon administration, leading Kissinger to say: "Our domestic discussions
are no concern of yours". Thọ snapped back: "I'm giving an example to prove that Americans share our
views".[27] When Kissinger asked Thọ why North Vietnam had not responded on a proposal he sent via
the Soviet Union, Thọ replied: "We have on many occasions said that if you have any question, you
should talk to directly to us, and we shall talk directly to you. We don't speak through a third person".[28]
Thọ next met Kissinger on 19 July 1972.[29] Kissinger asked: "If the United States can accept
governments in large that are not pro-American, why should it insist on a pro-U.S government in
Saigon?"[30] Thọ stated that Kissinger were not offering anything new.
By August 1972, Kissinger was promising Thọ that he would pressure Nguyễn Văn Thiệu to resign if
only Thọ would agree to make a peace deal before the presidential elections of that year. Thọ told
Kissinger that the timetable for Thiệu's departure was no longer an immediate concern, and instead he
wanted some $8 billion in reparations for the war damage. Kissinger also told Thọ that he wanted to tell
the world about their secret meetings since 1970 in order to give the impression that Nixon was making
progress on peace in Vietnam, a suggestion that Thọ rejected, saying it was not his job to assist Nixon's
reelection campaign.[31]
On 15 September 1972, Kissinger told Thọ: "We wish to end before October 15-if sooner, all the
better".[32] Thọ told Hanoi that Kissinger wanted a peace agreement before the election and now was the
best time to settle.[33]
On 7 October 1972, Kissinger and Thọ agreed to a government of national reconciliation in Saigon that
was to include the National Liberation Front. Kissinger told Thọ that he expected a peace agreement to
be signed in Paris on 25 or 26 October 1972, saying that all was needed now as the approval of Thiệu and
Nixon.[34] However, when Kissinger arrived in Saigon, Thiệu refused to sign the peace agreement.[35]
Nixon had initially agreed to the peace agreement, but, upon hearing of Thiệu's claims of betrayal, started
to change his mind.[36]
On 20 November 1972, Kissinger met Thọ again in Paris. Kissinger no longer aimed at secrecy and was
followed by paparazzi as he went to a house owned by the French Communist Party where Thọ was
waiting for him. Kissinger announced that the Americans wanted major changes to the peace agreement
made in October to accommodate Thiệu, which led Thọ to accuse him of negotiating in bad faith. Thọ
stated: "We have been deceived by the French, the Japanese and the Americans. But the deception has
never been so flagrant as of now". Kissinger insisted the changes he wanted were only minor, but in
effect he wanted to renegotiate almost the entire agreement. Thọ rejected Kissinger's terms, saying he
would abide by the terms agreed to on 8 October.[37] Putting more pressure, Nixon told Kissinger to
break off the talks if Thọ would not agree to the changes he wanted. Kissinger told Nixon: "While we
have a moral case for bombing North Vietnam when it does not accept our terms, it seems to be really
stretching the point to bomb North Vietnam when it has accepted our terms and when South Vietnam has
not". By December 1972, the talks had broken, and Nixon decided to resume bombing North Vietnam.[38]
On 17 December 1972, the Christmas bombings began.[39] On 26 December 1972, North Vietnam
announced a willingness to resume peace talks in Paris again in January. Though Nixon had decided after
all to accept the peace terms of 8 October, the bombings allowed him to portray himself as having forced
North Vietnam to the table. The American historian A.J. Langguth wrote the Christmas bombings were
"pointless" as the final peace agreement of 23 January 1973 was essentially the same as that of 8 October
1972 as Thọ refused to make any substantial concessions.[40]
1973
After the Christmas bombings of 1972, Thọ was in particularly savage mood towards Kissinger. The
relationship between Kissinger and Thọ was antagonistic and condescending, angering Kissinger. After
one meeting, Kissinger asked "Allow me to ask you one question: do you scold your colleagues in the
Central Committee the way you scold us?"
At their meeting on 8 January 1973 in a house in the French town of Gif-sur-Yvette, Kissinger arrived to
find nobody at the door to greet him. When Kissinger entered the conference room, nobody spoke to him.
Sensing the hostile mood, Kissinger speaking in French said: "It was not my fault about the bombing".
Before Kissinger could say anymore, Thọ exploded in rage, saying in French: "Under the pretext of
interrupted negotiations, you resumed the bombing of North Vietnam, just at the moment when I reached
home. You have 'greeted' my arrival in a very courteous manner! You action, I can say, is flagrant and
gross! You and no one else strained the honor of the United States". Thọ shouted at Kissinger for over an
hour, and despite Kissinger's requests not to speak so loudly because the reporters outside the room could
hear what he was saying, he did not relent. Thọ concluded: "For more than ten years, America has used
violence to beat down the Vietnamese people-napalm, B-52s. But you don't draw any lessons from your
failures. You continue the same policy. Ngu xuẩn! Ngu xuẩn! Ngu xuẩn!" When Kissinger asked what
ngu xuẩn meant in Vietnamese, the translator refused to translate, as ngu xuẩn (in Chữ Nôm: 愚 蠢 )
roughly means that a person is grossly stupid.[41]
When Kissinger was finally able to speak, he argued that it was Thọ who by being unreasonable had
forced Nixon to order the Christmas bombings, a claim that led Thọ to snap in fury: "You've spent
billions of dollars and many tons of bombs when we had a text ready to sign".[42] Kissinger replied: "I
have heard many adjectives in your comments. I propose that you should not use them". Thọ answered:
"I have used those adjectives with a great deal of restraint already. The world opinion, the U.S. press and
U.S. political personalities have used harsher words".[43]
When the talks finally began, Kissinger put forward the demand that North Vietnam pull out all of its
troops out of South Vietnam, a demand that Thọ rejected out of hand. Thọ stated the only issues
remaining were the demilitarized zone (DMZ), which he wanted to see abolished under the grounds that
all of Vietnam was one country while Kissinger insisted that only civilians be allowed to cross the DMZ
that divided the two Vietnams. After much argument, Kissinger agreed to take the issue of the DMZ out
of the peace agreement and inserted the phrase "among the questions to be negotiated there is the
question of the modalities for civilian movement across the provisional military demarcation line".
A paragraph was inserted calling for the withdraw of all foreign forces from South Vietnam, which
Kissinger claimed was a commitment from Thọ to pull out North Vietnamese forces. Thọ did not share
this view, as he argued that the North Vietnamese troops were not foreign. Thọ told Kissinger that if a
peace agreement was signed, that within 15 days a peace agreement would be signed for Laos. But he
stated, that unlike the Pathet Lao in Laos, North Vietnam had no influence over the Khmer Rouge in
Cambodia. Kissinger did not believe Thọ's claims that the Khmer Rouge leader Pol Pot was a fanatical
Khmer nationalist with a hatred of the Vietnamese. After the meeting, Kissinger told Thọ: "We must
forget all that has happened. When we walk out, we must be smiling".[43]
On the night of 9 January 1973, Kissinger phoned Nixon in Washington to say that a peace agreement
would be signed very soon.[43] On 10 January 1973, the negotiations broke down when Kissinger
demanded the release of all American POWs in North Vietnam once a peace agreement was signed, but
offered no guarantees about Viet Cong prisoners being held in South Vietnam. Thọ stated: "I cannot
accept your proposal. I completely reject it".[44] Thọ wanted the release of all prisoners once a peace
agreement was signed, which led Kissinger to say this was an unreasonable demand.[45] Thọ, who had
been tortured as a young man by the French colonial police for advocating Vietnamese independence,
shouted: "You have never been a prisoner. You don't understand suffering. It's unfair". Kissinger finally
offered that the United States would use "maximum influence" to pressure the South Vietnamese
government to release all Viet Cong prisoners within sixty days of a peace agreement being signed.[44]
On 23 January 1973, at 12:45 pm, Kissinger and Thọ signed the peace agreement.[45]
However, since the signing of the Paris agreement, the United States and the Saigon
administration continue in grave violation of a number of key clauses of this agreement. The
Saigon administration, aided and encouraged by the United States, continues its acts of war.
Peace has not yet really been established in South Vietnam. In these circumstances it is
impossible for me to accept the 1973 Nobel Prize for Peace which the committee has bestowed
on me. Once the Paris accord on Vietnam is respected, the arms are silenced and a real peace is
established in South Vietnam, I will be able to consider accepting this prize. With my thanks to
the Nobel Prize Committee please accept, madame, my sincere respects.[47]
In the interview by the UPI, Thọ also explained for his decision:
Unfortunately, the Nobel Peace Prize Committee put the aggressor and the victim of aggression
on the same par. ... That was a blunder. The Nobel Peace Prize is one of the greatest prizes in
the world. But the United States conducted a war of aggression against Vietnam. It is we, the
Vietnamese people, who made peace by defeating the American war of aggression against us,
by regaining our independence and freedom.[48]
In December 1974, the North Vietnamese launched an offensive in the Central Highlands of South
Vietnam that proved more successful than expected and on 6 January 1975 took the provincial capital of
Phước Long. Le Duan, the secretary-general of the Vietnamese Workers' Party, decided to follow up this
victory with an offensive to seize all of the Central Highlands and sent Thọ down to monitor
operations.[50] Following the Communist victory at the Battle of Ban Me Thuot which ended on 11
March 1975, Thọ approved the plans of the North Vietnamese commander, General Van Tien Dung, to
take Pleiku and push further south. Thọ also reported to Hanoi that the South Vietnamese Army were
suffering from low morale and fighting poorly, which led him to suggest that all of South Vietnam might
be taken that year, instead of 1976 as originally planned. The name of the campaign to take Saigon would
be the Ho Chi Minh campaign.[51] The principal problem for the North Vietnamese was that operations
had to be completed before the monsoons arrived in June, giving them a very short period of two months
to win the war in 1975.[52] Thọ sent Le Duan a poem that began "You warned: Go out and come back in
victory...The time of opportunity has arrived". By April 1975, the North Vietnamese had advanced within
striking distance of Saigon with what would prove to be the last major battle of the Vietnam war taking
place at Phan Rang between 13 and 16 April 1975.[53]
On 22 April 1975, General Dung showed Thọ his plan to take Saigon, which he approved, saying as he
signed off on Dung's plan that this was the death sentence for the regime of "reactionary traitors" in
Saigon.[54] On 30 April 1975, the North Vietnamese took Saigon and Thọ entered the city in triumph. He
immediately set about giving orders to ensure that the water works and electricity grid of Saigon was still
functioning; that food would continue to arrive from the countryside; to make arrangements to deal with
the one million soldiers of the South Vietnamese Army that he ordered dissolved; and appointing
administrators to replace the South Vietnamese officials. On behalf of the Politburo he gave General
Dung a telegram from Hanoi that simply read: "Political Bureau is most happy". On 1 May 1975, a
parade was held in Saigon to celebrate both May Day and the victory with Thọ watching the victorious
soldiers march down the streets of Saigon, which was soon renamed Ho Chi Minh City.[55]
Later life
From 1978 to 1982 Lê Đức Thọ was named by Hanoi to act as chief advisor to the Kampuchean United
Front for National Salvation (FUNSK) and later to the nascent People's Republic of Kampuchea. Lê Đức
Thọ's mission was to ensure that Khmer nationalism would not override Vietnam's interests in Cambodia
after the Khmer Rouge was overthrown.[56]
Lê Đức Thọ served as Permanent Member of the Party Central Committee's Secretariat from 1982 to
1986 and later as an Advisor to the Party's Central Committee from 1986 until he died in 1990.
Death
Lê Đức Thọ died on 13 October 1990, the evening before his 79th birthday, having reportedly suffered
from cancer, in Hanoi.[57]
References
1. Jain, Chelsi. "Nobel Peace Prize" (https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/lists/all-nobel-peace-pri
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2. Bruce M. Lockhart, William J. Duiker Historical Dictionary of Vietnam 2006 entry p. 202: Lê
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3. "The Nobel Peace Prize 1973" (https://www.nobelprize.org/prizes/peace/1973/tho/facts/).
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22. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 p. 569
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24. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 p. 592
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27. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 p. 600
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29. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 p. 604
30. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 pp.
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31. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 p. 605
32. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 p. 606
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35. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 p. 609
36. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 p. 610
37. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 p. 612
38. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 p. 613
39. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 p. 614
40. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 p. 626
41. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 p. 619
42. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 pp.
619–620
43. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 p. 620
44. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 p. 621
45. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 p. 622
46. "The Nobel Peace Prize 1973" (http://nobelprize.org/nobel_prizes/peace/laureates/1973/pre
ss.html). Nobel Foundation. Retrieved 31 December 2006.
47. Lewis, Flora (24 October 1973). "Tho Rejects Nobel Prize, Citing Vietnam Situation" (https://
web.archive.org/web/20110101172147/http://www.blackandwhitecat.org/2010/12/11/why-le-
duc-tho-refused-his-nobel-peace-prize/). The New York Times. Archived from the original (ht
tp://www.blackandwhitecat.org/2010/12/11/why-le-duc-tho-refused-his-nobel-peace-prize/)
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48. "Personality Spotlight: Le Duc Tho: Vietnam's poet-revolutionary - UPI Archives" (https://ww
w.upi.com/Archives/1986/12/17/Personality-Spotlight-Le-Duc-Tho-Vietnams-poet-revolution
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49. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 p. 634
50. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 p. 644
51. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 p. 646
52. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 p. 650
53. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 p. 651
54. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 p. 655
55. Langguth, A.J. Our Vietnam: The War 1954–1975, New York: Simon & Schuster 2000 p. 668
56. Margaret Slocomb, The People's Republic of Kampuchea, 1979–1989: The revolution after
Pol Pot ISBN 978-974-9575-34-5
57. Lê Đức Thọ at www.biography.com (https://www.biography.com/people/le-duc-tho-9376771)
Retrieved 5 July 2017.
External links
October 1968 Conversation between Le and Chinese Foreign Minister Chen Yi (https://web.
archive.org/web/20030122164004/http://wwics.si.edu/index.cfm?topic_id=1409&fuseaction=
library.document&id=359)
Foreign Relations of the United States, 1969–1976, vol. 42, Vietnam: The Kissinger-Le Duc
Tho Negotiations (https://history.state.gov/historicaldocuments/frus1969-76v42)
Le Duc Tho (https://www.nobelprize.org/laureate/531) on Nobelprize.org