Creation of the Internalized Misogynoir Measure: A Qualitative Approach to Designing

an Intersectional Tool For Use With Black Women

A dissertation presented by
Elizabeth S. Cook, MS

Submitted to
the Department of Applied Psychology in partial fulfillment of the
requirements for the degree of
Doctor of Philosophy
In the field of
Counseling Psychology
Northeastern University
March 2020

Dissertation Committee:
Tracy Robinson-Wood, Ed.D, Chair
William Sanchez, Ph.D
Janie Ward, Ed.D
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ABSTRACT

Rooted in Williams Crenshaw’s (1993) theory of intersectionality, misogynoir is

gendered racism that is specific to Black women, and illustrates the ways that Black

women experience violence and hostility through the perpetuation of anti-Black, racist

misogyny. Internalized Misogynoir is an intersectional form of internalized oppression

which stems from the integration of internalized racism, internalized sexism and

internalized misogyny. The goal of this study is to extend Williams Crenshaw’s work to

operationally define “misogynoir,” through the construction of an internalized

misogynoir measure. The methodology for this study consisted of focus groups to obtain

Black women’s opinions on misogynoir, as well as a proposed measure and the use of

Interpretative Phenomenological Analysis to explicate meaning from focus group data.

Qualitative results include the following: (a) confirmation that Black women have

negative emotional responses to messages received about Black women and experiences

of internalization: (b) Black women receive messages about themselves which manifest

in five themes: Strong Black Woman, Sapphire, Not Seen and Not Heard, Beauty, Style

and Sexual Objectification, and Respectability Politics: (c) internalizing these negative

messages is related to vulnerability during pre-adolescence and adolescence, a lack of

diversity in environments, the idea of family as immutable, and influence from their

peers: (d) Black women use various optimal resistance strategies in order to cope with

internalized misogynoir: and (e) the Internalized Misogynoir Measure is a helpful tool for

illustrating Black women’s experiences.

  
  
  


ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS

My immense gratitude and thankfulness -

To my Heavenly Father, for helping me maintain. You have been better than good to me.

To my parents, Angelique Cook-Hayes, Toriano Warren and Shawnna Warren, for loving
me well. Because of you all, I have always been sure of who I am, and of whose I am. It
is one of the greatest gifts I will ever receive.

To my siblings Tyshade’, Michaelangelo, Shaianne, Tyshera, TJ and Victoria, my

brother-in-law Monterrious, and my nephew Katai, for keeping me grounded. I find my
footing in knowing that sometimes, just being a big sister and an auntie is enough.

To Ijeoma Madubata, Taylor Frazier Hernandez and Ghizlan Aldeweesh, for reminding
me what joy looks like. You all are the greatest reminders I have that there is more to life
than academia.

To my advisor, Dr. Tracy Robinson-Wood, for your guidance over the last several years.
Because of you, I have been changed.

To my committee members, Dr. William Sanchez and Dr. Janie Ward, for your time,
dedication, and intentionality in helping me work through a complicated subject matter.

To Dr. Moya Bailey, for creating a term which has given voice to what so many of us
struggled with. Sitting and talking with you about a term that has revolutionized the way
we think about our identities was outstanding.

To the Black women who graciously gifted me with their time and authenticity in the
focus groups, I see you. I hear you. I hope I have given voice to what you have shared.

To those I did not name, but who have shaped my writing, my work, and me, the best
parts of me, and the parts of me still in progress, are honored by your presence in my life.

Habakkuk 2:2 – And the Lord answered me and said: “Write the vision and make it
plain upon tablets, that he may run that read it”
  
  
  


Table of Contents

Chapter 1: Introduction ……………………………………………………………….....7

Theoretical Framework ……………………………………………………….....11

Intersectionality in a Western Context ………………………………………......11

Understanding Internalized Misogynoir ………......……………...…………......14

Statement of the Problem ......................................................................................16

Purpose of the Study .............................................................................................18

Research Questions ...............................................................................................18

Research Design ....................................................................................................19

Chapter 2: Literature Review ............................................................................................21

Internalized Racism ..............................................................................................21

Internalized Sexism ..............................................................................................25

Internalized Misogyny .........................................................................................27

Gendered Racism .................................................................................................29

Creating a Measure of Internalized Misogynoir ..................................................38

Chapter 3: Methodology ..................................................................................................43

Rationale for Measure Development …………………………………………...43

Study Design ........................................................................................................44

Research Questions ..............................................................................................44

Recruitment...........................................................................................................47

Participants ...........................................................................................................48

Materials ...............................................................................................................49

Procedure ..............................................................................................................52
  
  
  


IPA Data Analysis ................................................................................................55

Ensuring the Quality of Qualitative Research ......................................................57

Chapter 4: Results .............................................................................................................60

Demographic Information .....................................................................................61

Summary of Focus Group Questions ....................................................................64

Other Important Observations ...............................................................................66

Emotions That Arose ............................................................................................66

The Look of Internalized Misogynoir ...................................................................69

Emergent Themes: Messages Received About Black Women .............................70

Emergent Themes: How Much and Why Black Women Internalize These

Messages ...................................................................................................87

Resistance .............................................................................................................97

Thoughts on Internalized Misogynoir Measure and How to Improve It ............102

Chapter 5: Discussion .....................................................................................................108

Introduction .........................................................................................................108

Discussion of Key Findings ................................................................................108

Researcher Reactions ..........................................................................................117

Clinical Implications ...........................................................................................122

Study Limitations ................................................................................................129

Future Directions ................................................................................................132

Conclusions .........................................................................................................138

REFERENCES ...............................................................................................................141

APPENDIX A .................................................................................................................156
  
  
  


APPENDIX B .................................................................................................................158

APPENDIX C .................................................................................................................159
  
  
  


Chapter 1: Introduction

Fifty years after the Civil Rights Era, it is unsurprising that people who are

marginalized and oppressed because of their identity often face more adverse physical

and emotional life outcomes than their privileged counterparts do. There is an established

body of scientific literature and psychosocial studies which has detailed the impact of

oppression on mental health for various groups based on race, gender, and sexuality. It is

only within the last 10 years that researchers have begun to formally interrogate

internalized oppression in scholarly literature. The concept of internalized oppression is

not new, as W.E.B. DuBois (1903) discussed it in The Souls of Black Folk (1903),

speaking of Black people’s possession of a “double consciousness,” or a “sense of always

looking through one’s self through the eyes of others, of measuring one’s soul by the tape

of a world that looks on in amused contempt and pity” (p.3).

Internalized oppression can be simply defined as “the devaluation of one’s own

group and valuation of another” (David, 2013, p. 23), specifically as an oppressed group

comes to internalize dominant and negative viewpoints about their own group.

Internalized oppression can exist through any form of systematic prejudice; particularly

through prejudice related to social identities that have master status, or that operate as the

primary identifying demographic of a person. The United States (in particular) was both

built on, and is structurally characterized by, a white, patriarchal hegemony. As such,

characteristics which most commonly operate as master statuses in this country include

gender and race, with race occupying grandmaster status in its ability to eclipse other

social identities (Robinson-Wood, 2013; Hunt, 2007). Given both the legacy of white

patriarchy which has shaped the United States, and the way that race and gender are often
  
  
  


distinguished by phenotypical features, internalized racism and internalized sexism are

among the most-studied of internalized oppressions. Like the interpersonal experience of

oppression, evidence suggests that different forms of internalized oppression can

contribute to health disparities amongst majority and minority groups. These disparities

include increased risk of heart disease, adverse birth outcomes, and genetic changes

indicative of accelerated biological aging (Pascoe & Smart Richman, 2009). A review of

available literature on PsycINFO database suggests that concepts of internalized racism,

internalized sexism, and internalized misogyny have been analyzed in terms of

psychological outcomes, including depression, anxiety, and psychological distress

(Campon & Carter, 2015; Szymanski et al., 2009). Consistent with the experience of

oppression coming from external sources, people who internalize oppression are at risk

for such issues as depression, anxiety, and low self-esteem (David, 2013).

Understanding internalized oppression is incomplete, however, without first

considering how oppression manifests itself in discrete interpersonal acts, and how

structural systems leave marginalized groups at a disadvantage socioculturally,

politically, and economically. Scholarly literature and social commentary have focused

on the importance of understanding the ways in which systems of oppression affect

people of multiple marginalized identities. Consider, for instance, the ways in which

Serena Williams and Lebron James, both leading Black athletes of their respective sports,

are discussed. LeBron is typically lauded for his athleticism, physical appearance, and

dominance. Serena, on the other hand, possesses similar characteristics, but is instead

often criticized for having the appearance of a man or a monkey (Anyangwe, 2015).

Rather than praising Serena for consistently demonstrating mastery over her opponents,
  
  
  


critics make disparaging and hypersexualized comments about her muscular, curvaceous

body. This differential treatment can be attributed to the hostile enactment of stereotypes

about Black women’s bodies, aggressiveness, and low position in the social hierarchy.

She is simultaneously criticized for being too aggressive (i.e., not playing “like a girl”)

and for having a curvaceous body (i.e., being too sexual). These stereotypes and

discussion of Serena Williams are rooted in a particular sociohistorical insidiousness

which continues to be overused as an excuse to abuse Black women physically, verbally,

emotionally, and psychologically. The arguments used during slavery that permitted the

use of African women for back-breaking labor and sexual exploitation are the same ones

used to accuse Serena of being too masculine and too sexual (Anyangwe, 2015; Rogers,

2009). Inherent in these critiques is the knowledge that there is something unique about

Serena’s identity, specifically as Black woman. This uniqueness has caused her to be

denigrated for the same attributes (e.g. strength, intensity) for which a Black man like

Lebron James, or a white woman like soccer champion Mia Hamm, are celebrated.

In building upon the notion of intersecting identities and systems of oppression or

intersectionality, as termed by Kimberlè Williams Crenshaw, theorists have proposed that

Black women experience a unique form of oppression due to the intersection of their race

and gender (Woods-Giscombè & Lobel, 2008); yet, the overarching term gendered

racism is not sufficient for characterizing experiences such as those of Serena Williams.

Bailey (2010) created the term “misogynoir” initially to describe the specific form of

misogyny towards Black women perpetuated by artists in hip-hop culture. She defined

misogynoir as “a type of misogyny informed specifically by a Black experience, wherein

patriarchal forms of anti-blackness can be perpetuated and consumed, by all people,

  
  
  


including Black women.” Bailey called misogynoir a “particular brand of hatred of Black

women in visual and popular [culture]” (Anyangwe, 2015). As such, it is not a term

exclusive to creators and consumers of hip-hop, but rather describes a way of interacting

with and treating Black women that is seen in large and far-reaching ways. Individuals

studying and writing about this topic situate misogynoir within anti-blackness as a whole,

and not specifically within anti-Black womanhood (Trudy, 2013). In doing so, they

reinforce the belief that oppression which affects Black women is as important as

oppression which affects Black people of all genders (Hull et al., 1982). However

misogynoir exists, specifically at the intersection of anti-Black racism, sexism, and

misogyny.

Research focusing on internalized racism amongst Black people, or internalized

sexism and misogyny among women, has typically relied on the notion that the

experiences of a group sharing a particular identity are largely homogenous. To some

extent, this is true; however, it also ignores that, while race holds grandmaster status, in

many people’s lives, gender, class and sexuality are also important facets of their identity

(Robinson-Wood, 2016). As with other oppressions, it is possible that misogynoir has the

potential to be internalized. There may be both a research and clinical benefit to

considering internalized misogynoir, versus trying to consider internalized racism,

sexism, and misogyny separately. Black women may indeed experience internalized

oppressions separately without experiencing the intersection of those three. However, the

concept of internalized misogynoir only underscores how race and gender can both act as

master statuses for Black women, and that many of their experiences are best explained

by the intersection of internalized oppressions.

  
  
  


Theoretical Framework

Intersectionality in a Western Context

Since the term “misogynoir” comes from a tradition of intersectionality, it is

therefore necessary to provide sociohistorical context for how the intersection of race and

gender has affected Black women’s experiences. Historical constructions of gender, as

they have existed in Western culture, typically situate women as the “weaker sex.” And

while views have somewhat evolved over the last 60 years, the most desirable women

have been described as delicate, deferential, and domestic (Saini, 2017). In contrast, the

Transatlantic Slave Trade predicated itself on the idea of Black people existing as

subhuman, stronger, less intelligent, and in need of guidance (Thomas & Sillen, 1972;

Rogers, 2009). Such beliefs were widely held, and were foundational to policies and

practices which negatively impacted black people’s bodies, freedom, and safety. Black

women exist at the intersection of these ideas because they inhabit both identities, and as

a result, they have been marginalized in conversations and movements designed to uplift

women and Black people.

Consider the First Wave of Feminism during the mid-to-late 19th Century, and the

Black Panther Party of 1966-1982. The First Wave of Feminism had several leaders in

the quest for women’s suffrage who chose to pit themselves against the right of African-

Americans to vote. Elizabeth Cady Stanton, one of the organizers of the first women’s

rights convention at Seneca Falls, frequently made arguments like, “We educated

virtuous white women are more worthy [than Black men] of the vote,” completely

disregarding the presence of Black women (Ginzberg, 2009). Similarly, during

suffragette marches, Black women were required to march in the back, segregated from
  
  
  


white women and behind the white men. Nearly a century later, leaders of the Black

Panther Party would be criticized for sexist viewpoints and practices. Eldridge Cleaver,

former leader of the Black Panther Party, noted in his book Soul on Ice:

“I know that the white man made the black woman the symbol of slavery and the

white woman the symbol of freedom. Every time I embrace a black woman I’m

embracing slavery… Black men die for white women, who are the symbol of

freedom.” (Cleaver, 1968, p. 189).

Cleaver goes on to describe, in graphic detail and with the use of racial and gender slurs,

that when raping Black women, he had to pretend that he was raping a white woman. He

mentioned that “she [is] like a Jezebel”, and seeing her skin or feeling “nappy hair”

would leave him unsatisfied. What is notable about Cleaver’s statement is the admission

that his view of Black women is socially constructed in white supremacy. Nevertheless,

he sees Black women as “a symbol of slavery”, and negatively associated with liberation

of Black people. In both Elizabeth Cady Stanton and Eldridge Cleaver’s words, they see

themselves as separate from, and better than, Black women, despite sharing an identity

group. In their view, Black women are less than - by virtue of experiencing interlocking

oppressions of patriarchy and racism - and thus, are able to be ignored.

In these social justice movements, Black feminists like Ida B. Wells-Barnett and

Elaine Brown repeatedly spoke out against the lack of inclusion for Black women, only

to be summarily ignored. Furthermore, these movements and their leaders actively

ignored Black women, while relying on the support and leadership of Black women.

Even today, the prominent activist group Black Lives Matter has been criticized for

focusing largely on systemic racism towards Black men, despite being founded by three
  
  
  


Black women. Black women who have called attention to the lack of representation and

general ignoring of Black women have consistently been called “divisive”, and told that

their liberation comes after that of white women and Black men (Hull et al., 1982).

In the face of this opposition, Black women have long since recognized that

simply aligning themselves with movements dedicated toward the advancement of

women or Black people is not the key to their liberation. As a result, they’ve begun

paying particular attention to Black women’s advancement. Cooper’s (2016) work, A

Voice From The South, is often seen as an important text for Black feminism in its

emphasis on education, moral purity, and spiritual progress as keys to social progress.

Cooper and Black feminists throughout the 20th Century largely chose to remain part of

feminist and racial justice movements, while at the same time emphasizing the need for

Black women to create organizations unique to them.

It is in the tradition of Anna Julia Cooper and Black feminists throughout

generations that intersectionality theory (as it is currently known) came to be. Williams

Crenshaw’s (1991) intersectionality theory emphasizes that, for Black women, the lived

experience is more than the sum of race and gender; it includes interactions which often

reinforce one another, and create a unique oppression. Notably, Williams Crenshaw’s

theory points to the ways in which Black women face an “intersectional

disempowerment,” or disempowerment across multiple related systems, through violence

that is political, structural, and representational in nature. For example, Crenshaw noted

that people who are accused of raping Black women tend to receive lighter punishments

than those accused of raping white women, and that Black women are more likely to have

claims of rape dismissed for being unfounded. This is not merely a case of racial
  
  
  


discrimination, believing that Black people are liars, or a case of gender discrimination in

which women are “asking for it.” Rather, these lighter punishments and dismissed claims

rest upon the belief that Black women, in their otherness both as women and Black

people, are hypersexual creatures. This belief is predicated on an underlying theme that

Black women are less-valued because of their Blackness and their womanhood, and as a

result, they are not seen as deserving of justice.

Understanding Internalized Misogynoir

Recognizing that Black women are negatively affected by systems which

normalize violence against them sets the basis for considering misogynoir as crucial to

understanding Black women’s oppression. In isolation, the terms “racism” and “sexism”

do not capture the totality of Black women’s experience. Ignoring this intersection

suggests that identities exist within a vacuum wherein a person is conscious of, and

affected by, only one identity at a time. Philomena Essed (1991) coined the term

“gendered racism” to suggest that the racist perceptions of gender roles is a complex and

cumulative phenomenon. In doing so, Essed was able to capture the experience of Black

women more fully, by not relying merely on ideas of multiple oppressions as having

equal and additive effects. Instead, the concept of gendered racism acknowledges that

racism and sexism are related systems of oppression which both inform a shared identity

unique to Black women and exert a particular influence on a person’s life.

By creating the term “misogynoir” nearly 20 years later, Bailey (2010) expanded

upon the idea of gendered racism to specifically highlight how Black women are treated

with hostility. Consider, for instance, Goulett et al.’s (2015) finding that, while women

tend to receive shorter sentences and lower bond amounts, Black women were
  
  
  


particularly more likely to be sent to prison than white women, and were assigned higher

bail amounts. This impact of gendered racism is not limited to adults, as research has also

demonstrated that Black girls receive harsher punishments from educators and harsher

penalties in the juvenile justice system than white girls do (Epstein et al., 2017). The

implications of the educational and legal disparities illustrated in these works is that

Black females are somehow more deserving of punishment and/or they are less worthy of

mercy than white women are. Baliey (2010) argued that there are no perceived “benefits”

to be accrued from experiencing misogynoir, in contrast to the benefits to women which

may emerge from experiencing oppressions like sexism (e.g. not having to work outside

of the household). She further illustrated misogynoir by showing it as being perpetuated

through colorism in hypothesizing that Black women’s expressions of beauty and

womanhood (via hair, clothing etc) are seen as existing in contrast to those of White

womanhood. These expressions are subsequently devalued and seen as a “less than”

version of womanhood. Similarly, traditional archetypes of Black women as the self-

sacrificing Mammy and the hypersexualized Jezebel are situated in stark contrast to the

perception of white women as smarter, more moral and possessing of ideal beauty

(Bailey, 2010; Lewis & Neville, 2015). Bailey argued that these tropes are gender-

racialized because they are specific to the objectification of Black women and their

sociohistory in a white, patriarchal Western world. They focus on physical features

typical of Black women, make Black women’s pain invisible by propagating the notion

of a “strong Black woman,” and they speak to Black women’s hypervisibility for what

are deemed “inherent flaws” in Black women’s temperatement (Bailey & Trudy, 2018).

This objectification of Black women and dehumanization by suggesting that they feel less
  
  
  


pain (or are intrinsically inferior) is emblematic of the psychological violence and

hostility that Bailey hoped to capture with the term “misogynoir”.

As with any other oppression, we recognize that, while the greatest personal

impact of misogynoir lies within its effect on Black women, misogynoir itself is situated

within a systematic framework which exists in different settings, and is perpetuated by all

people. That is to say, misogynoir does not originate within Black women or become

internalized in the context of a social vacuum. Researchers have not formally studied

misogynoir, and therefore, conclusions about how misogynoir originates, is propogated

and internalized, are based on existing knowledge of gender roles and racialized identities

(Crenshaw, 1993; Shelton et al., 2005; Speight, 2007). Consistent with other forms of

discrimination, misogynoir is reinforced and communicated on a societal level through

media images, and on a familial level through transgenerational teachings (Bronder et al.,

2014; Thomas et al., 2004). It is a macro event that people across identities and systems

all witness and engage in, but one which only those who are most directly harmed by it

can internalize, due to the way in which it causes them to view themselves and other

people like them. Although the concept of misogynoir may not be new, misogynoir is a

new term, and there is currently no precedent for any related research or measures. We

know little about how to assess its extent or its impact interpersonally and via processes

of internalization.

Statement of the Problem

To begin formally researching the concept of misogynoir, I developed the

Internalized Misogynoir Measure (IMM). This is the first measure designed to assess

misogynoir; reliability and validity have not yet been established. The IMM was designed
  
  
  


to analyze the interlocking oppressions of racism and misogyny through three

theoretically linked constructs: Cultural Archetypes, Silenced and Sidelined, and Beauty

Ideals. As Bailey (2010) gave only a general theory for misogynoir, these constructs were

generated from others’ interdisciplinary work on Black women published over the last

three decades (Collins, 1990; Lewis & Neville, 2015; Thomas et al., 2008). Specifically,

these constructs illustrate facets of gendered racism, one of the earliest terms created to

capture the oppression that Black women experience as a result of racist perceptions of

gender roles (Essed, 1991). Essed’s qualitative research with Black women in the US and

the Netherlands, as well as Lewis’s (2010) subsequent work with gendered racial

microaggressions, has suggested that internalized misogynoir manifests itself chiefly in

three ways, with each illustrated by a specific construct. The first construct, Cultural

Archetypes, highlights the ways in which Black women are psychologically reduced and

caricaturized by sociohistorical beliefs, attitudes and assumptions about their race and

gender that are used to subordinate them. These archetypes are conceptualized as

“projected”, a defense mechanism. These stereotypes arose from what oppressors claimed

were inherent qualities of Black women, but in actuality, these stereotypes came from

roles that were thrust upon (i.e., projected at) Black women through slavery and its

subsequent legacies. The second construct, Silenced and Sidelined, illustrates Black

women’s descriptions in the power struggle for respect and feelings of invisibility they

encounter in professional and/or work settings. The third construct, Beauty and Style

Ideals, shows the ways in which Black women report feeling constrained by stereotypes

related to beauty, style and attractiveness. This is distinct from Cultural Archetypes, in

the sense that Cultural Archetypes were constructed by the dominant outgroups (i.e.
  
  
  


largely white and male) to describe their attitudes and assumptions about Black women’s

character traits. Beauty and Style Ideals refers to properties which have an in-group

origin and purpose, such as communication styles, physical appearances, and overall

aesthetics.

Purpose of the Study

The purpose of this study is to further refine the “Internalized Misogynoir

Measure”; the first version of which was created in the Fall of 2015, but was not piloted

on any group of participants. The constructs proposed above were generated from

combining Bailey’s work with existing research, although there may be other themes

which further help to illustrate Black women’s experience of internalized misogynoir.

Accomplishing this goal of refining the IMM began by first asking Black women about

their experience of misogynoir, including the internalization of misogynoir and its

subsequent effects. In discerning between misogynoir and internalized misogynoir, I am

referring to Black women’s understanding and experience of anti-Black misogyny in the

world, versus when they came to use that anti-Black misogyny against themselves and

other Black women. Furthermore, Black women’s opinions on the relevance of the IMM

questions to their lives, and whether they thought this accurately described their

experiences, were also obtained. In this qualitative study, several focus groups were used

to gather information on individuals’ experiences with misogynoir and their opinions

about the measure, specifically.

Research Questions

Research questions were as follows:

1. How do Black women experience misogynoir in the world?

  
  
  


2. What is the extent to which Black women internalize misogynoir, and why?

3. What are the emotional and psychological effects of internalizing

misogynoir?

4. Does the Internalized Misogynoir Measure help to illustrate the experience

of Black women’s internalization of hostile attitudes related to their gender-

racialized identities?

Research Design

Several focus groups discussed messages of misogynoir that Black women

receive from various sources (including media, friends and family), as well as how and

why they internalize these messages. The purpose for this was to help clarify how Black

women describe and experience internalized misogynoir, as well as to explain the effects

it has on them. Focus groups also addressed whether there were other facets of

internalized misogynoir that were not currently being captured in this measure.

With the creation of this measure, there were some concerns. As internalized

misogynoir encompasses a variety of aspects, including physical appearance and

personality traits, it was important to see whether the items created for this measure

accurately reflected the different proposed constructs. There was particular concern about

the items in Cultural Archetypes and Silenced and Sidelined, as fear of conforming to

stereotypes can reinforce silence, and so these items may, in fact, measure the same thing.

There were also questions about how the addition or removal of items from the measure

would help to better illustrate Black women’s experiences of internalized misogynoir.

Since misogynoir involves reference to cultural stereotypes and discourses, it was

necessary to use certain colloquial language (e.g. thot [acronym for ‘that ho over there’]
  
  
  


and natural versus “good” hair) to convey a Black cultural experience. In striving to be

culturally relevant, however, it was important to consider that “Black” culture has

evolved over time, and that this measure may also be unique to experiences in Black

America. As such, there was the possibility of age sensitivity in this measure, in the sense

that some terms, i.e. “thot”, may be newer and less relevant to Black women past a

certain age. Nevertheless, since Black women are not a monolith, the risk of not knowing

certain colloquialisms is always present, and this measure was intended to capture the

experience of Black women at varying ages. In the future, it may be helpful to address the

influence of age on misogynoir, in either a focus group of Black women of varying ages,

or in a focus group where Black women are asked about their perceptions of older and

younger women as they relate to these terms. Ideally, this survey will be in used both

clinical and research settings, when thinking about how Black women may be affected

by, and propagating, forms of oppression. Hopefully, this measure will also help to aid in

the creation of multiculturally competent clinical practices.

  
  
  


Chapter 2: Literature Review

Internalized Racism

An understanding of misogynoir necessitates looking at racism, sexism and

misogynoir separately, in order to understand how they might combine within the lives of

Black women. Internalized racism is defined as “the introjection among marginalized

racial and/or ethnic groups, of negative stereotypes and biases associated with that

group”. Negative stereotypes and biases in internalized racism are perpetuated within the

majority culture. As such, people of color have to actively work against defining

themselves and their culture by the negative stereotypes displayed in majority culture.

The effects of internalized racism and subsequent group devaluation can be automatic,

where members of marginalized groups will self-replicate these stereotypes without the

conscious awareness of doing so (David, 2013). The legacy of internalized racism for

Black people is one that begins with the chattel slavery that allowed white people to

legally own West Africans and their descendants. Slavery, as a narrative of

dehumanization, levied a devastating blow on African culture and kinship. This

effectively left a hole through which white people, in an effort to preserve white

supremacy, could begin to create a narrative of dehumanization and racial inferiority. As

slavery formally ended and the Jim Crow era began, laws and policies designed to

disenfranchise Black people maintained this theme of racial inferiority.

Internalized racism has been studied in various forms, beginning with Kenneth

and Mamie Clark’s Doll Experiments of the 1940s. In their studies, they found that

African-American children who attended segregated schools deemed White dolls to be

prettier, better, and more desired than Black dolls. From their findings, the Clarks
  
  
  


hypothesized that these Black children had internalized self-hatred. These studies

provided evidence to support the legal argument that racially segregated schools were

psychological harmful, and subsequently led to desegregation of the public school system

(Pyke, 2010). Since then, the concept of internalized racism has been highlighted across

various disciplines, albeit it with a constantly evolving definition. For the purposes of

this study, internalized racism is defined as what occurs when people of color internalize

racist belief systems and attitudes about their own racial/ethnic group.

The concept of internalized racism is rooted in theories on racial identity

development, as well as in the idea of intra-group othering. Way et. al (2013) conducted a

study in which they found that middle-school students constructed their racial and ethnic

identities by drawing heavily upon stereotypes about their particular group. Students of

color within the study focused especially on avoiding negative stereotypes associated

with their own ethnic or racial group. This mirrors the work of Schwalbe et al. (2000), in

which the authors describe a phenomenon called “defensive othering.” Defensive

othering occurs when people with marginalized identities attribute negative stereotypes

from the dominant society to certain members within their group. Together, these theories

suggest that there can be a step in racial identity development where people of color

attempt to present themselves as un-like other members of their own ethnic group. In

doing so, people of color intentionally or unintentionally align themselves with the

dominant, oppressive group (Speight, 2007). Although the definition of internalized

racism presented here is commonly accepted and researched today, for a time, the

psychological community pushed back against this definition. There was a concern that

by believing that people of color could view and treat themselves in the same way as the
  
  
  


greater White supremacist society, that psychologists would be encouraging victim-

blaming. There was also a concern that this would perpetuate the belief that individuals

are impermeable to intricate institutions of power. Over time, however, the prevailing

school of thought has been that understanding racism needs to include a discussion of

how it is internalized, retained, and recreated within oneself. Likewise, there is a general

consensus that modern racism, propagated through coded language and institutional

discrimination, is equally important as overt racism.

The focus now is on determining the level at which internalized racism occurs in

the individual, as this will provide us with important clues about its relationship to mental

health outcomes. Given that it can be difficult to not internalize oppressive views in a

white patriarchal society, at what point does internalized racism become clinically

significant, i.e. indicative of serious mental health outcomes? Studies have suggested

that measures of internalized racism can serve to predict both personal and collective

self-esteem, life satisfaction, psychological well-being, and distress (Szymanski &

Stewart, 2010). Moreover, these studies noted that internalized racism appeared to

manifest in several specific ways, including the appropriation of Eurocentric beauty

standards, as well as the devaluing of one’s own group by endorsing racial inferiority.

Previous attempts to measure internalized racism have focused on assessing one’s level

of racial identity development within Cross’ Racial Identity Scale. These attempts are

predicated on the assumption that the more a person ascribes to White people for a

reference group orientation, the greater disconnect they feel with their own race

(Vandiver et al., 2002). Most recently, however, Campon and Carter (2015) created an

Appropriated Racial Oppression Scalewhich looks at feelings about and towards life
  
  
  


events, microaggressions, transgenerational trauma, and stressors that are personal,

familial, and cultural. Items in this measure are subsumed within the factors of negative

emotional responses to being Black, an American standard of beauty, devaluation of

one’s own group, and patterns of thinking which suggest that racism is over (Campon &

Carter, 2015). The authors established initial construct validity for this measure, but there

have been no other published articles since that initial publication.

In David and Derthick’s (2011) book, Internalized Oppression: The Psychology

of Marginalized Groups, a chapter on internalized racism within the Black community

provided examples of what thoughts, behaviors and emotions might accompany

internalized racism. The authors listed it as the following:

• Denial of continued racial discrimination

• Belief that African Americans’ failure to progress is a result of their
unwillingness to work hard enough
• “Excessive demands”—the belief that African Americans are demanding too
much
• “Undeserved Advantage”—the belief that African Americans have received
more than they deserve

They cited Bailey et al.’s (2011) Internalized Racial Oppression scale for Black

individualswhich also identified four particular manifestations of internalized racism:

• (1) belief in a biased representation of history

• (2) alteration of one’s physical appearance
• (3) internalization of negative stereotypes about African Americans
• (4) changing one’s hair texture and style to fit a more European aesthetic

The authors finish this chapter with an acknowledgement that internalized racial

oppression is contextualized by the intersection of other salient identities. In doing so,

they also note the importance of considering identities such as gender, class and sexual

orientation, when thinking about internalized racism in Black people.

  
  
  


Internalized Sexism

Much like internalized racism, internalized sexism occurs when women enact and

endorse learned sexist attitudes and behaviors upon themselves and other women

(Bearman et al., 2009). What is interesting, however, is that sexism differs fundamentally

from racism in the sense that there is some necessary interaction between groups that

needs to take place between different sexes. While Black and white people can arguably

live and work largely separate from one another, some academics have stated that there is

a biological and environmental necessity to (cisgender) males and females interacting in a

positive manner (Piggott, 2004). This is not to say that racism and sexism, as structural

oppressions, depend upon the presence (or lack thereof) of seemingly opposite groups.

Rather, the execution of these oppressions can look different because of the presupposed

necessity of positive heterosexual relationships, and this difference is important to

consider, when thinking of how these oppressions are internalized. Some have outright

dismissed claims like Piggott’s (2004) as heterosexist, despite the fact that the

continuation of the human race continues to be largely dependent upon cisgender,

heterosexual interaction. This motivation for the dominant group, heterosexual men, to

get along with women (and vice versa), means that sexism can often have benevolent

overtones, making it harder to determine what elements of sexism are harmful, especially

when internalized.

Since adolescence is an age at which people with marginalized identities are

likely somewhat aware that discrimination is socially unacceptable, some may find it

curious that internalized sexism is questioned less than other oppressions are. Again, this

is likely due to sexism encompassing both benevolent and hostile traits, the former of
  
  
  


which is couched in rationale designed to make women feel cherished and protected

(Klonoff & Landrine, 1995). Furthermore, traditional sexism encompasses conservative

gender stereotypes, unwanted sexual attention, and violence towards women. In contrast,

sexism as it manifests today has evolved in direct reaction against the Second Wave of

Feminism’s focus on legal inequalities, reproductive rights and domestic violence. More

recently, theorists have provided clearer refinement on the concept of sexism. For

example, there is Neosexism, “ a manifestation of conflict between egalitarian values and

residual negative feelings”, and Modern Sexism, wherein discrimination towards women

is denied, complaints about sexism are resented, and special favors for women are also

attacked (Martínez & Paterna-Bleda, 2013; Lewis, 2018). Although there are antagonistic

undertones to these new forms, they are still often cloaked among benevolent aspects of

sexismwhich may make them harder to pinpoint.

Once learned and taken in, internalized sexism typically manifests in four

different ways. First, there is the insistence that women are incompetent; and second,

there is the idea that there needs to be competition between women. Ironically, the former

of these encourages a sense of powerlessness, and the latter creates a power struggle

amongst women, especially in the professional world. The internalization of

incompetence encourages women to have low expectations of their own

capabilitieswhich in turn encourages competitiveness whereupon women will avoid

hiring other women, due to their belief that men are generally more capable (Singh &

Prakash, 2019). The other two ways through which internalized sexism presents itself

include the construction of women as objects, and the invalidation or derogation of

women (Bearman et al., 2009). When women are seen (and in turn, see themselves) as
  
  
  


objects, their personhood is stripped away, and they are viewed and described as a

collection of sexualized body parts. While this self-objectification can serve as a

superficial buffer to external sexism, it also involuntary reinforces the denigration of

women by implying that their only value is in their looks. Similarly, invalidating women

by criticizing them for being outspoken encourages them to believe that any woman who

is assertive is, or will be seen as, undesirable, unpleasant, unfeminine, or any number of

other similarly pejorative names (Bearman et al., 2009). Naturally, the effects on

women’s self-esteem and their overall health outcomes are similar to those inflicted by

other internalized oppressions. The clinical implications of internalized sexism are vast,

and for that reason, we need to design more accurate and effective methods for measuring

this construct in Black women.

Much like with internalized racism, David and Derthick’s (2011) chapter on

internalized sexism also provides a list to contextualize behavior, thoughts and feelings

which could characterize a woman with some amount of internalized sexism:

• Powerlessness—whereby women believe themselves to be more limited and

less capable than they actually are
• Objectification—whereby women come to think of themselves as bodies
seen from the outside
• Loss of self—whereby women fail to recognize, or sacrifice, their own needs
and desires
• Invalidation—whereby women discount their own feelings and thoughts,
specifically when they don’t match male standards
• Derogation—whereby women use criticism as a form of gender role policing
• Competition between women—whereby other women take the blame for the
limited resources and hardships imposed by sexism

Internalized Misogyny

Given the limited research, and absence of formal measures on internalized

sexism, there exists even less for internalized misogyny, largely because the research
  
  
  


literature has conflated sexism with misogyny. Admittedly, the ever-changing definitions

of sexism and misogyny have made it difficult to parse out the difference; but overall,

sexism encompasses misogyny. Misogyny refers to a specific dislike or hatred of women,

something that is more in line with hostile sexism, as opposed to benevolent sexism

(Szymanski et al., 2009). Therefore, it is possible for an individual to be sexist, e.g.

endorsing and perpetuating beliefs that women are delicate, and also to be concurrently

be anti-misogynist; for example, by rejecting the idea that all women are secretly

promiscuous. What’s more, there is also the implicit suggestion of violence in misogyny,

since misogyny encourages the idea that there should be negative consequences for

women because they are inherently deceitful, promiscuous, and worthless. Internalized

misogyny can not only lead to the same factors that internalized sexism does, but can also

have implications for safety, if it encourages women to accept violence as a natural

consequence for being a woman.

Even those who have made a clear distinction between sexism and misogyny have

conceptualized internalized misogyny as also encompassing of women doubting

themselves, undermining other women, and expressing hatred for qualities deemed to be

feminine. However, there are also the elements of active hatred or mistrust of other

women to consider, in addition to a demonization of femininity which says that

masculine traits are valued (Szymanski et al., 2009). Internalizing these values creates a

confrontational atmosphere amongst women, whereupon there is no room for solidarity

and fighting against patriarchy. Although scholars have acknowledged the need to study

internalized misogyny, most inquiries into this topic have been qualitative, with the

exception of a measure in an unpublished thesis (Piggott, 2004). Unfortunately, the idea

  
  
  


of internalized misogyny is still somewhat underdeveloped, due to its conflation with

internalized sexism. It is the hope that illustrating how misogyny is distinct from sexism

can help to emphasize the negative and violent (psychologically and emotionally) aspects

which help to separate misogynoir from gendered racism.

Gendered Racism

In recognizing that this study utilizes and builds upon studies conducted on Black

women, with respect to race and gender, it is important to consider the context of other

relevant research. Building upon Essed’s 1991 work on gendered racism, researchers

over the last 20 years have begun to further explore the relationship of gendered racism to

various health problems experienced by Black women. This has included mental health

complaints, such as depression or anxiety, as well as physical health complaints, such as

the effect of gendered racism on pregnancy (Jackson & Mustillo, 2001). While Essed

noted that a racist perception of gendered roles can be applied to men and women of

color, much of the subsequent research has built upon Crenshaw and Essed’s work by

talking specifically about Black women.

Studies within the last fifteen years that investigate the relationship between

gendered racism and Black women’s mental health, offer a more current approach to the

literature. Thomas, Witherspoon and Speight (2008) conducted a study on gendered

racism, psychological distress, and coping styles among Black women. This study

expounded on previous work about Black women’s feelings of distress around racial and

gender discrimination, and their subsequent coping skills. In doing so, the researchers

attempted to establish a theoretical relationship between psychological distress, gendered

racism, and coping. The authors proposed that individuals who experience gendered
  
  
  


racism should employ some type of coping mechanism, and that, if gendered racism is

also related to psychological distress, then coping may serve as a mediating variable.

Thomas and her colleagues administered the Symptom checklist 90 (SCL-90R),

Africultural coping skills inventory (ACSI), and a Revised Schedule of Sexist Events

(RSSE) (replacing the word “woman” with “Black woman”) to a sample of 344 African-

American women across the age spectrum. Findings revealed a significant positive

relationship between gendered racism and psychological distress, as well as significant

relationships between gendered racism, cognitive/emotional debriefing coping, and ritual-

centered coping. Additionally, cognitive-emotional debriefing coping significantly

mediated the relationship between gendered racism and psychological distress.

Subsequent studies have reinforced this notion, particularly as it relates to coping styles

like detachment and internalization/self-blame as mediators between gendered racism

and psychological distress (Szymanski & Lewis, 2016). Given that internalized

misogynoir is a form of gendered racism, this helps to establish a precedent for the

consideration of coping as relevant to buffering higher levels of internalized misogynoir.

There are a few methodological issues related to the Thomas et al. (2008) study

that should be considered, in creating a measure of internalized misogynoir. One of the

more debatable parts of the researchers’ methodology stems from their distinction

between using the concept of double jeopardy versus using what they deem to be an

intersectional perspective. Thomas and colleagues distinguish a double jeopardy from an

intersectional approach, in stating that the former inadequately discusses social

inequalities as having equal and additive effects by “artificially establish[ing] a

‘hierarchy of difference’ around areas of oppression” (Thomas et al., 2008, p. 308). They
  
  
  


instead view the intersectional approach as one which views race and gender

simultaneously and holistically in recognizing that these identities intersect to affect

aspects of human life. Thomas and colleagues are not the only researchers who have

taken this view, and yet there are other researchers that would disagree with this

definition (Lewis & Neville, 2015; Anderson & Collins, 2015). Other, earlier work on the

role of racism and sexism in Black women’s lives has described double or multiple

jeopardy as an intersectional approachwhich acknowledges compounding levels of

oppression related to various identities (Reid & Comas-Diaz, 1990). Given that more

recently published articles appear to agree with the distinction between double jeopardy

and an intersectional approach, it is likely that this is a difference in school of thought

amongst many Black women scholars. Although this does not necessarily present a

methodological issue for the Thomas, Witherspoon and Speight study, it is relevant to

consider in discussing misogynoir. As internalized misogynoir has roots in gendered

racism, it is then best understood as taking an intersectional and more holistic approach.

Other methodological considerations of the Thomas article include the authors’

comment on the nuances in gendered racism. They state that gendered racism may be a

useful way of understanding negative experiences related to race and gender, but that

more focus groups are needed in order to capture the rich intersectional complexity. Since

misogynoir, by definition, is a form of gendered racism, assessing internalized

misogynoir in this study may help to further capture this complexity. It is unclear whether

simply replacing “woman” with “Black woman” in the RSSE accurately captures the

discrimination that Black women face. The authors noted that using the term “Black

woman” does not mean that participants were cued into gendered racism, and thus, there
  
  
  


are conceptual and measurement concerns with this study. In this case, creating a specific

instrument for Black women (rather than revising one), such as one measuring

internalized misogynoir, can help to avoid these kinds of measurement concerns.

Several studies within the last five years have continued to build upon the work of

Thomas, Witherspoon and Speight, by examining the relationship between experiences of

gendered racism and health outcomes. Given the established relationship between

gendered racism and health outcomes, newer studies have examined the variables that

help to mediate and moderate this relationship. Lewis et al. (2017) explored the influence

of gendered racial microaggressions on the mental and physical health of Black women.

The authors noted that little research exists on the influence of gendered racism upon

health outcomes, and thus they hoped to explore the role of coping and gendered racial

identity as a potential mediator and potential moderator, respectively. The researchers

posited three main hypotheses, including that gendered racial microaggressions would

significantly predict negative self-reported health outcomes, and that coping mediates this

relationship. Their final hypothesis posited that greater gendered racial microaggressions

and lower levels of gendered racial identity centrality would be positively related to a

greater use of disengagement coping, and negatively related to health outcomes.

Participants across the age, education, and sexuality spectrum took an online survey

consisting of several measures, including the Gendered Racial Microaggression Scale

(Lewis & Neville, 2015), the Short Form Health Survey-Version 2 (Ware et al., 1996),

the Brief Coping with Problems Experienced Inventory (Carver, 1997), and a modified

version of the Multidimensional Inventory of Black Identity Centrality Subscale (Sellers

et al., 1997). Findings of this survey supported all three hypotheses, with the authors
  
  
  


specifically noting that they found no support for the role of positive coping in mediating

the relationship between gendered racism and health.

Subsequent studies conducted by Williams and Lewis (2019) and Moody and

Lewis (2019) focused specifically on the relationship between gendered racial

microaggressions and depressive symptoms, as well as gendered racial microaggressions

and traumatic stress. Willams and Lewis’ work tested a moderated mediation model, in

which increases in gendered racial microaggressions were associated with greater use of

disengagement coping. Disengagement coping, or avoidant-detachment coping, was then

in turn associated with increased depressive symptoms. Moreover, they also found that

Black women who had more negative perceptions of their identity used more

disengagement coping, and subsequently had higher levels of depressive symptoms. As it

pertains to trauma, Moody and Lewis’s regression analysis revealed that greater

occurrences of gendered racial microaggressions were significantly associated with

greater traumatic stress symptoms. The authors also found that Black women who

reported higher greater gendered racial microaggressions and greater internalized

gendered racial oppression also experienced greater traumatic stress.

Findings in both of these articles, as well as those of the Lewis et al. (2017) study,

are consistent with findings from Thomas et al. (2008) and other works. However, the

authors in these studies also note that the lack of existing intersectional measures to study

the experiences of Black women were a limitation in each study. The adaptation of

measures not originally designed to illustrate the gendered racial experiences of Black

women can yield less statistical reliability, and limit findings overall. Likewise, Moody

and Lewis (2019) and Williams and Lewis (2019) noted the importance of future research
  
  
  


focused on internalized gendered racial oppression upon Black women’s mental health.

This noted gap in the literature, as well as the recommendations for future research, lends

support to the need for greater study of internalized misogynoir.

Perhaps the most direct influence on the construction of the Internalized

Misogynoir Measure was Lewis and Neville’s (2015) development of the Gendered

Racial Microaggressions Scale for Black women (GRMS). As the name suggests, the

goal of this study was to create a measure of the gendered racial microaggressions that

Black women experience. Like the Thomas et al. (2008) study, this study also espoused

the problems with using an approach rooted in the double jeopardy or intersectional

approaches. Lewis and Neville opted to use an intersectional approach, in stating that this

is the only approach which addresses race and gender simultaneously, without trying to

separate them. After conducting an online study of participants diverse in age and

geographic location, findings showed the GRMS to have good construct validity in

relation to the Schedule of Sexist Events and the Racial and Ethnic Microaggressions

Scale (Nadal, 2011). The GRMS was also significantly related to scores on the

psychological distress scale (Mental Health Inventory; Veit & Ware, 1983). Although the

article was published after the initial formation of the Internalized Misogynoir Measure,

the 4-item internalized gendered racial oppression factor of the Gendered Racial-Ethnic

Socialization Scale for Black Women (GRESS-BW) also mirrors items found on the

IMM (Brown et al., 2017).

Construction of the Gendered Racial Microaggressions scale was

methodologically sound, with the authors using focus groups, as well as literature on

microaggressions and Black feminism, in order to determine the types of

  
  
  


microaggressions that Black women experience. The authors took great care to conduct

their focus group for revision of the items with a community sample, in order to ensure

that the scale could be generalized to Black women across identities. Interestingly, in

summarizing their findings, Lewis and Neville mentioned that women reported

microaggressions that were associated with the Strong Black Woman stereotype to be the

least stressful. The authors attribute this to Black women perhaps internalizing the

stereotype, and thereby seeing it as less offensive. Given that the Strong Black Woman

stereotype has been associated with a number of mental health problems, including

disordered eating and depression, further examination of possible internalization would

be helpful (Harrington et al., 2010). Similar methodology for the construction of the

Internalized Misogynoir Measure was undertaken in utilizing focus groups to further

refine the measure, as well as using other related measures of internalized oppression to

support construct validity. As the Gendered Racial Microaggressions Scale does not

assess the extent to which individuals endorse the beliefs behind microaggressions, a

measure of internalized misogynoir could be a complement to the literature in this area.

More recently, the Georgetown Law Center for Poverty conducted a study

building on both legal and educational history of the disproportionate treatment of

children of color, and also qualitative researchwhich suggested adultification of Black

girls. Adultification is defined here as “a race-based sociocultural stereotype that treats

Black girls as if they are willingly engaging in behaviors typically expected of Black

women” (Epstein et al., 2017). In this sense, stereotypes about Black women, including

those surrounding aggressiveness and hypersexuality, are also ascribed to Black girls.

Epstein, Blake and González adapted a scale on childhood innocence, and randomly
  
  
  


assigned 325 participants gathered from an online community sample to answer

questions, either about white girls or Black girls. Results showed that Black girls were

viewed as more adult than their white peers at almost all stages of childhood (age 5-19),

and were perceived as needing of less nurturing, protection, and comfort. Additionally,

Black girls were perceived to know more about adult topics, including sex (Epstein et al.,

2017).

The authors present these findings as a potential explanation for why school-aged

Black girls have higher rates of suspension and encounters with school law enforcement,

as well as disproportionate treatment in the juvenile justice system as a whole. It is also

important to note that the majority of participants in the Epstein et al. (2017) study were

white (74%) and women (62%), and around 70% of teachers in the United States are

white women. Given these numbers, it is easy to see the direct relationship between

beliefs that are rooted in misogynoir and the subsequent educational disenfranchisement

of Black girls. The experience of being punished at a higher rate, or of having encounters

with law enforcement, is by nature a hostile one, because it is rooted in the fact that these

Black girls are perceived as having engaged in something worthy of punishment. This

suggests that misogynoir is something which operates across age, and that Black girls as

young as 5 are imbued with negative societal perceptions about Black women. What’s

more, the article noted that one alternative definition of adultification is a process

whereby children “function at a more mature developmental stage because of situational

context and necessity.” As the study did not interview any Black girls who had

experience with the school punishment system or juvenile system, there is no way to

know whether Black girls noticed unequal treatment by teachers or law enforcement. It is
  
  
  


not a far-reaching assumption to suggest both that Black girls noticed this unequal

treatment at an early age, and that this contributed to stripped innocence and a loss of

childhood identity. It is therefore possible that, as Black girls age, the gap between

adultification of Black girls and white girls increases, due in part to the internalization of

adultification attitudes; that is to say that perhaps the adultification of Black girls is born

out of a situational context wherein Black girls are treated more as adults, and therefore

learn earlier on to act like adults in order to cope. Although the study of internalized

misogynoir did not use children as participants, it may be helpful in learning what beliefs

that 18 and 19 years olds have internalized, and whether school or the juvenile justice

system was a place in which these beliefs were reinforced. In turn, this could provide an

impetus for future studies of internalized misogynoir in younger populations, and of how

it might be addressed earlier on.

Although a specific measure of internalized gendered racism has not been created,

Gainor (1992) provided a look into how internalized racism may manifest specifically for

Black women in their interpersonal relationships with one another. The author noted that

Black women’s relationships are traditionally discussed in the literature as safe and

supportive. While she does not disagree with this sentiment, she also posits that there are

interpersonal dynamics which could act as demonstrations of internalized racism. She

noted that conflicts related to skin tone, hair texture, and body shape and size, as well as

judgments about “appropriate” sexual behavior and displays of affection, can impede

Black women’s relationships with each other. While Gainor’s insight was specifically

tailored towards doing group therapy with Black women, it is a useful starting point for
  
  
  


thinking about what the thoughts, feelings and behaviors of internalized misogynoir

might look like.

Creating a Measure of Internalized Misogynoir

Over the last ten to fifteen years, there has been an increase in literature and

measures focused on internalized oppression. Some of these measures of internalized

oppression include the Internalized Racial Oppression Scale (Masai-Bailey, 2008), the

Appropriated Racial Oppression Scale (Campón & Carter, 2015), and the Internalized

Misogyny Scale (Piggott, 2004). However, out of these existing measures, none have

looked at forms of intersectional internalized oppression. Likewise, there has also been an

increase in qualitative research on Black women, gendered racism, and intersectionality.

Yet and still, no measures currently exist which specifically address Black women’s

internalized oppression related to their race and gender (Thomas et al., 2008; Lewis &

Neville, 2015; Porter, 2013).

Parsing out internalized misogynoir from other internalized oppressions highlights

a form of gendered racism that is unique to Black women, and is particularly dangerous.

Moya Bailey explains to critics:

“We have to refine language in a lot of different ways so we can actually come up

with solutions that help the communities we want to address. When you use

language that’s generic or unspecific you can get at some of the problem but not

all of it.” (Solis, 2016).

Bailey’s statement highlights that, while gendered racism has most commonly

been used to refer to the experiences of Black women, the lack of specificity in the term

means that it could be applied to other women of color. Bailey went on to note that she
  
  
  


wanted to interrogate the ways in which Black women experience a unique form of

gendered racism that is different from that which other women of color may experience.

This is not to say that other factors, such as skin color and socioeconomic status, do not

contribute to the way in which Black women experience gendered racism; rather, the

definition of misogynoir holds that all Black women experience oppression based on their

gendered-racial identities, regardless of these other identities.

In considering the value of an internalized misogynoir scale, it is also important to

acknowledge the distinction between misogynoir and internalized misogynoir. An

understanding of internalized misogynoir, as conceptualized in this study, is combined

from Bailey’s work on misogynoir and other authors’ work on internalized oppressions.

While misogynoir refers to anti-Black misogyny, internalized misogynoir acknowledges

that Black women can come to understand and use misogynoir as an anti-Black and

misogynistic lens through which to view themselves and other Black women. An inquiry

into the etiology of internalized misogynoir expands on this by acknowledging that there

is a process of gendered racial socialization which Black women experience. Through

this process of gendered racial socialization, Black women seemingly become aware of

stereotypes about Black women that engender more positive or negative evaluations in

society (Gay & Tate, 1998). In her novel Sister Citizen, Harris-Perry (2011) noted that

Black women subsequently may “[adopt] identities and behaviors that are meant to

counter negative assumptions” (p. 120) in an attempt to resist gendered and racial shame.

Creating a measure of internalized misogynoir serves to fill a gap in the literature

by providing a measure specific to the oppression that Black women can experience as a

result of their intersecting identities of being both Black and women. A measure of
  
  
  


internalized misogynoir can help to further distinguish the ways in which Black women

can experience hostility at the intersection of racial and gender oppression. Thinking

about internalized misogynoir also allows for the consideration that experiencing

structural oppression as a result of having multiple marginalized identities could lead

people to perpetuate and reproduce this oppression in their own lives. Operating under

the assumption that people can reproduce oppressions in their own lives might also

uncover ways of helping individuals to resist optimally.

A measure examining internalized misogynoir may also prove to be a better

predictor of negative mental health outcomes than measures of internalized racism or

internalized misogyny alone. Research examining the stressors that women can

experience based on additional marginalized identities may aid in understanding

intersectional oppression, as well as inform treatment practices (Szymanski & Stewart,

2010). As it pertains specifically to Black women, those who are currently looking to

study racism and misogyny test samples by looking for correlations and interactions

effects among separate measures of racism and sexism (Lewis & Neville, 2015).

Unfortunately, measuring racism and sexism separately may not be able to capture the

experiences which some Black women may encounter that are different from those of

Black men or white women. An understanding of internalized misogynoir rests on the

idea that, while gendered racism is unique from racism and sexism, and should be studied

as such. As previous research has shown a connection between internalized oppressions

and poorer health outcomes, it follows that internalized misogynoir may also contribute

to conditions like depression, anxiety, and psychological distress. By creating a measure

which explores a phenomenon unique to Black women, future psychologists may be able
  
  
  


to develop a better understanding of how this suspected phenomenon affects their mental

health.

In considering the contents of this literature review, a theoretical framework for

internalized misogynoir is best illustrated by the following diagram:

In this diagram, I recognize that internalized misogynoir is the convergence of

overlapping identities of race and gender, and their related oppressions of race, sexism,

and misogyny as it is applies specifically to Black women. The unconventional design of

this schematic denotes that internalized misogynoir is a concept with an overarching

theoretical framework of intersectionality. Intersectionality acknowledges that there is a

  
  
  


place at which relevant identities interact that is unique from the spaces that the identities

inhabit on their own. In this, the three internalized oppressions of internalized racism,

internalized sexism, and internalized misogyny interact with one another, the juncture of

which being where we situate internalized misogynoir. This juncture is the place where

Black women begin to devalue themselves as a result of believing and reproducing, on an

intrapersonal level, oppressive views about Black women.

  
  
  


Chapter 3: Methodology

Rationale for Measure Development

The purpose of this research is to gain a greater understanding of internalized

misogynoir, and to refine an untested measure of internalized misogynoir created by this

author. The development of an internalized misogynoir scale may help researchers to

better understand how Black women make meaning of, and try to resist, the interaction of

racism, sexism and misogyny in their own lives. In doing so, the measure hopes to fill the

research gap by providing an alternative to measuring internalized sexism and

internalized racism as separate oppressions that Black women may experience. The hope

is that a measure of internalized misogynoir will more accurately capture how Black

women internalize oppression related to their gendered racial identities.

It is important to note that this study does not assume that internalized misogynoir

is inevitable for all Black women; rather, it acknowledges that Black women, regardless

of ethnicity, age, sexuality, and class, can internalize oppression stemming from the

intersection of systemic racism, sexism and misogyny. Clinicians might recognize

internalized misogynoir from misogynoir in noting where Black women incorporate

negative stereotypes about Black women into their own attitudes and behavior. For

example, misogynoir may be exhibited by a TV show in which the only Black women

characters are portrayed as aggressive and angry. Internalized misogynoir, however, may

manifest as a Black woman who explicitly, or implicitly, conveys a belief that most Black

women are loud and aggressive. This same Black woman may then attempt to portray

herself as the opposite of loud and aggressive, by adopting a more passive and demure

identity. The extent to which Black women incorporate negative beliefs about Black
  
  
  


women into attitudes and behaviors can vary, as they may reject many beliefs while still

internalizing a few. While Black women exist across diverse ethnicities, socioeconomic

status, religion, and skin color, an internalized misogynoir scale may highlight the

common racist, sexist and misogynistic experiences of Black women across these other

identities (Lewis et al., 2010; Thomas et al., 2008).

Study Design

This study took a qualitative approach by using Interpretive Phenomenological

Analysis (IPA). IPA values how individuals make meaning of particular concepts, in

order to provide insight into underlying themes and opinions on a particular topic. For the

purposes of this study, the qualitative approach included guided questions to help Black

women discuss and explain their experiences with internalized misogynoir. A working

definition of internalized misogynoir was determined by the meanings of internalized

oppression and misogynoir. Internalized misogynoir, in this sample, is thus used to refer

to instances in which Black women described integrating standards, attitudes and values

descriptive of misogynoir into their sense of self. This, in turn, was used to help refine

items on the Internalized Misogynoir Measure that this author created.

Research Questions

Research questions were as follows (relevant focus group questions are noted in italics):

1. How do Black women experience misogynoir in the world?

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2. How much and why do Black women internalize misogynoir?

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3. What are the emotional and psychological effects of internalizing

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4. Does the Internalized Misogynoir Measure help to illustrate the experience

of Black women’s internalization of hostile attitudes related to their gender-

racialized identities?

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Research questions were created based on a critical understanding of internalized

misogynoir as experienced by Black women. Internalized misogynoir is defined as

“Black women’s incorporation of anti-Black misogynistic attitudes, values and opinions

into their own sense of self”. These attitudes, values and standards are specific to Black

women, and different from those attributed to Black men and women of other races.

While participants were allowed to self-identify as Black women for this study, “Black”

here is taken to mean “someone who considers themselves a descendant of people from

the African Diaspora, both ethnically and culturally”. Although internalized misogynoir

is not conceptualized as an inevitable occurrence for all Black women, the sociocultural
  
  
  


and sociopolitical nature of Western society has exposed Black women to experiences of

misogyny which are specifically informed by a Black experience. As such, Black women

can internalize some aspects of misogynoir while at the same time rejecting others.

In asking the focus group questions, I listened for experiences suggesting that

respondents had incorporated anti-Black misogynistic beliefs about Black women’s into

their personal sense of self and their sense of Black women in general. These beliefs are

largely sociohistorical in nature, and are reflective of characterizations used for centuries

to dehumanize people of African descent. Such characterizations typically include

negative commentary on Black women’s bodies, hair texture, intellect, sexual behavior,

and gender roles. The incorporation of such beliefs are different from Black women

acknowledging the ways in which they might alter their behaviors in order to survive a

society built upon patriarchy and white supremacy; for example, a Black woman might

acknowledge that society deems straight hair to be more professional, and thus may wear

her hair straight in order to get a job. This behavior, in and of itself, is not necessarily

emblematic of internalized misogynoir; however, if that same Black woman were to

believe that straight hair is superior to curly or coily hair, this may indicate internalized

misogynoir, in suggesting that Black people's natural (curly) hair is inferior.

Recruitment

For this study, purposive sampling was used in order to recruit participants who

were familiar with the topic of study and who may have had a “revelatory relationship

with the subject matter under investigation” (Wertz, 2005, p.171). As such, only people

who identified as Black women participated in this study. IRB approval was first

obtained to conduct the study with a convenience sample of students recruited from a
  
  
  


University in the Northeast. A recruitment flyer was posted around various locations on

campus, and emails were sent out to the to the listservs of several campus affinity groups.

These campus groups included the Graduate Students of Color Collective and the

University’s Chapter of National Society of Black Engineers. The original goal was to

recruit students across all levels, in order to increase the likelihood that the IMM is

relevant to Black women across age, socioeconomic status, education, and occupation.

However, this initial study includes students who are largely within the early adulthood

developmental stage. A $20.00 Amazon gift card was provided as remuneration to

participants, given that the study involved an investment of their time and energy.

Students interested in the study contacted the researcher via email, and were given a

description of the study, as well as a link to fill out times and dates that they would be

available to participate in a focus group.

Participants

This study does not assume that Black women are a monolith, and acknowledges

Black women, regardless of background, can experience internalized misogynoir.

However, for this initial investigation into internalized misogynoir, homogeneity of the

sample was used. Homogeneity in this study refers to participant inclusion, defined by

participants who self-identified as Black women of any ethnicity between the ages of 18-

34. The age restriction was designed to allow focus on one generation for this initial

investigation into internalized misogynoir. This sample is also placed at a developmental

stage, wherein they are likely reflecting upon their value system and how it operates

within the new setting of college. Erikson’s Psychosocial Stages of Development and

subsequent research into identity development both acknowledge that adolescence begets
  
  
  


a search for identity through the exploration of goals, values, and beliefs (Kroger, 2007).

As people begin to move into their early 20s, these initial conclusions about identity

continue to be malleable, as people come to explore their roles in society and their

relationship to society outside of the jurisdiction of their guardians. The age rangesof

participants in this study are at the unique synthesis of childhood identifications, identity

exploration, and identity formation. Participants of this age likely have some sense of

identity, but are also interrogating what that identity means, as well as how it functions in

society.

During the recruitment phase, flyers which were used to invite people to

participate in the study purposely used the word “woman”, and not the word “female”, so

as not to exclude trans women or nonbinary and/or genderqueer individuals who may

identify as women. Likewise, participants were also invited to share their perspectives as

they related to the intersection of other identities (such as ethnicity and class), and their

understanding of misogynoir.

In total, 20 people contacted me via email to schedule interviews; and 18

participants completed the online schedule poll for focus groups. Of these 18 participants,

it was evident that some participants knew each other prior to the focus groups, based on

their reference to shared classes or reference groups. Given that the university is a

predominately white institution with a small percentage of black women, their familiarity

with one another was understandable.

Materials

Interview Protocol. A questionnaire (see Appendix A) was created for this study

in order to gather demographic information, racial composition of current friend group,

  
  
  


and racial composition of neighborhood growing up. The focus groups were semi-

structured. I asked participants questions, and allowed the conversation to flow naturally.

Participants engaged in a focus group of 3-4 people each. They were given 3-7

minutes to review and sign informed consent forms, and then 5-10 minutes to complete a

demographic survey. Following this, participants were given 5 minutes to review a paper

version of the Internalized Misogynoir Measure. In order to help foster a sense of privacy

and safety, each participant was asked to create a code according to directions at the top

of the demographic questionnaire. This was designed to help me to keep track of which

participant had made each comment, and to allow for their demographic questionnaire

answers to be connected with their focus group contribution. Prior to the questions,

participants were informed that they were not limited to answer only the questions asked,

but could allow the conversation to go wherever it seemed relevant. Participants then

stated this code at the beginning of the recording, and
engaged in a focus group interview

of approximately one hour during which they discussed the topics in Appendix B. Topics

included messages they receive about Black women, feelings when they encounter these

messages, perceptions of Black women in society, and their thoughts on the scale items.

Within each focus group, questions were modified and participants were asked to

elaborate as needed, in order to help facilitate the flow of conversation. Throughout the

interview, I utilized various counseling skills, including open-ended questions, silence,

and clarifications, in order to capture each participant’s experience. It was my intention to

establish rapport, explore participants’ thoughts and feelings, and allow for space to

explore important topics as they arose. Questions were carefully formulated to avoid

making assumptions about the participants’ experiences; they were also formulated to
  
  
  


avoid influencing the answers with leading phrasing. Each question was designed to

allow the participants freedom to be descriptive in their responses. As needed, I would

ask clarifying questions, one such example being: “Are you saying that you value your

family’s opinion more, because family feels more constant than friends?”

While I recognize that neutrality cannot exist in a study of this nature, phrasing of

focus group questions was deliberate, so as to reduce influence on participants’ answers.

To that effect, questions were phrased as: “What messages do you receive about Black

women?” versus “What negative messages do you receive?”, so as not to prompt

participants to only think about negative messages. These questions, of course, also

reflect my own assumptions as the researcher, that participants would only think of

negative messages. An attempt was made to maintain a standard of neutrality throughout

questions asking about participant’s feelings around hearing messages, thoughts on the

Internalized Misogynoir Measure, and perceptions around Black women in society.

Participants were asked both how much and why they internalized certain messages, and

I listened for an explicit articulation of internalization. The phrasing of “how much” was

intentional, and was designed to allow participants to describe internalization as operating

on a continuum, instead of as an either-or variable. This includes giving participants the

option to say “not at all” in response to the question of “how much?” Similarly, asking

participants why they internalized misogynoir was done in order better understand how

Black women differentiated between behaving in ways to survive in a white patriarchal

society, and actually holding certain beliefs. Asking participants why they internalized

messages allowed for space for participants to say whether they internalized messages

due to reasons of sociopolitical survival. Furthermore, asking participants why they

  
  
  


internalized messages immediately after asking them how much they internalize

messages helped to reinforce the idea that they can internalize messages to varying

degrees.

Procedure

Research Participants. Prior to beginning the focus group questions, participants

completed the demographic questionnaire. Focus groups had participants who identified

as African, African-American, Afro-Latina, Afro-Caribbean, of mixed ethnicity, and as

multiracial. The age of participants ranged from 18 to 28, with an average age of 22.33

(SD = 3.43). Each focus group lasted 45 to 70 minutes. In each group, all interview

questions were asked. In an effort to establish rapport with participants, I also shared

relevant information about myself, both as a researcher and as a graduate student

studying Black women. Likewise, I informed participants that they could ask me to

clarify or further explain any questions that they did not understand. Participants were

informed that their interviews would be recorded, transcribed at a later date, and that their

confidentiality would be protected.

Focus Group Process. After determining a date and time that yielded a fairly

equal number of participants per focus group, I contacted participants with the location of

their sessions. Upon arriving to the location, participants were provided with an

explanation of the study, were permitted to ask clarifying questions, and were provided

with both verbal assent and signed consent, before returning signed consent forms to me

(see Appendix C). The consent form detailed possible risks and benefits. The name of the

Principle Investigator, a licensed mental health professional, was also provided to

research participants if they desired to speak with a clinician.

  
  
  


Participants were first asked from where, and from whom, they received messages

about Black women, and what the most salient messages they have received from social

media, the general media, family members, and peer groups are. Following each question

about what messages they receive, participants were asked two follow up questions

related to internalization; specifically, they were asked how much they internalize these

messages, and why they internalize these messages. Respondents were not asked to

respond according to a scale, and were instead allowed to use whatever metric they felt

best to describe their experiences. This included participants responding with phrases

such as, “a lot,” “more when I was younger,” and, “to an extent,” before continuing to

expound on their answer. There were no Black women in this study who responded that

they did not internalize misogynoir at least to some extent. Participants were then asked if

they needed clarification on the term “internalize”. They responded in ways suggesting

that they understood internalizing messages to mean being influenced by messages and

incorporating these messages into their personal beliefs and behaviors. Responses from

participants explaining their understanding of “internalize” included: “You mean why do

we take it to heart, right?” and “You mean why we let it affect us and who we are?” The

next set of questions asked what are the most prominent messages about Black women

they have heard, and how they feel about these messages. Participants were then asked

about their perceptions of Black women in society. Most notably, they were asked what

their beliefs are about Black women’s public behavior, their treatment in society, and if

they have presented themselves differently as a result of these perceptions and beliefs.

Participants were asked to give feedback on the Internalized Misogynoir Measure

for both phenomenological purposes and for measure creation. Their feedback helps to
  
  
  


address the gap in the literature that exists, since neither misogynoir nor internalized

misogynoir have been formally studied. Asking participants specific questions as they

relate to the IMM helps to provide information on whether they thought the measure

accurately reflected their experiences as Black women. Questions asked included what

participants thought of the scalewhich items they liked/disliked and whywhich items they

would/would not change and why, and if there were items that they would add to the

scale. See Appendix D for all focus group questions.

During the focus group interviews, I took notes on participants’ comments for

each focus group question. I made note of which participants agreed with each other, and

which participants disagreed with each other. I also noted which participants used each

other’s comments as starting points for their own commentary. Once all of the focus

group questions had been asked, participants were then asked if they had any last

comments. After the recording device was turned off, participants were also educated

about the definition of misogynoir, and given an example similar to those used in Chapter

1. The reason why the definition was provided after the recorder was turned off, and not

during the focus groups, was because providing the definition was not a planned part of

the study. However, in each focus group, at least one participant asked for a definition

following the focus group question “Have you ever heard of the term misogynoir?” My

response to this question was always that I would provide them with a definition once the

focus group had finished, because I did not want the definition to color their answers to

the final two focus group questions. After the participants had left the room in which the

focus groups took place, I read over my notes for clarity and made additional comments

as needed.
  
  
  


In choosing to do a focus group, I am aware that the belief that participants

collectively create meaning amongst themselves is inherent to this type of data. Focus

groups assume that individual opinions are shared, but that a joint discussion occurs in

which people build upon another’s beliefs (Romm, 2015). Thus, any data gathered is

thought to be the opinion of the group, and therefore cannot be attributed to one person.

For this study, I accept that discussion and understanding around misogynoir, internalized

misogynoir and Black women’s experiences, “are created via a complex interactive

process rather than collected or found like shells on a beach” (White & Drew, 2011, p. 7).

IPA Data Analysis

Transcription. Each focus group was audio recorded, and I transcribed

recordings verbatim. The transcript was reviewed for accuracy, and then additional, non-

verbal indicators of communication were also noted in the margins. This information

included the tone, facial expressions that I had previously noted, and gestureswhich

accompanied the commentary of each participant.

Analysis Goals. The goal of the analysis was not to provide an assertion of Black

women as a monolith who understand and internalize misogynoir in a specific way;

rather, the analysis of focus group transcripts was designed to clarify Black women’s

perceptions and understandings of internalized misogynoir. Data gathered from the focus

groups was analyzed using an Interpretive Phenomenological Approach (IPA; Smith &

Osborn, 2003). IPA is a fluid approach conducted on small sample sizes, which offers

insight into an individual’s “personal perception or account of an object or event” (Smith

& Osborn, 2003, p.53). IPA requires the thorough examination of the data in order to

allow for a deeper understanding of the meaning that participants give to their
  
  
  


experiences. IPA consists of 4 steps, including: 1) reading and re-reading material to gain

a clear understanding, 2) dividing the text into smaller units and documenting

relationships, connections, observations noted upon re-review, 3) documenting themes by

summarizing phrases to capture the crux of participants’ stories, and 4) converting and

collecting phrases into terminology which best helps to display findings.

As previously mentioned, participants took part in focus groups to gather both

their opinions on the Internalize Misogynoir Measure and to gather information on their

experiences with internalized misogynoir in general. Data from this study was used to

further refine the IMM, by noting how well Black women believe that this measure

accurately reflects internalized misogynoir. Additionally, study findings identified key

themes of misogynoir and items which might expound upon these themes.

Emergent Themes. After all of the focus group interviews were transcribed, I

began the process of analysis. I first read through each transcript, to re-familiarize myself

with the content of each interview. Then, I created a note section, wherein I highlighted

what messages Black women had reported receiving, how much they internalized

messages, why they internalized messages, their feelings about these messages, and the

treatment of Black women in society. During this time, I also noted important comments,

key words, and phrases that participants had used to give personal meaning to their focus

group contributions. It became apparent that participants, without prompting, also

discussed how they resist misogynoir. Given that this occurred in each focus group, I also

began to note descriptions of how the participants resisted these messages. For example,

this included instances where participants discussed ways in which they try to challenge

negative beliefs about Black women. Throughout this process, I made note of non-verbal
  
  
  


communication that seemed particularly relevant to the language used by participants

(e.g., participant rolling her eyes when discussing unsolicited comments on Black

women’s physical appearance).

The key words and phrases used by participants were then separated and

compared with one another, so that similar elements could be grouped together. There

were two sets of key words and phrases; one was comprised of the types of messages

Black women reported receiving, and the other was comprised of how much (and why)

Black women internalized these messages. Separation of these two types of themes is

necessary for gaining a full understanding of the elements of misogynoir, and of how

internalization of misogynoir operates. These sets became the lists of emergent themes,

and a label was created for each theme that attempted to capture the meanings of the

participants’ responses.

I then created a table of each participant’s key phrases and emergent themes, and

looked for patterns amongst participants and the frequency of similar ideas. At this point,

I was able to consolidate themes based on shared components, as well as whether they

appeared in the commentary of at least 12 participants or two-thirds of the sample size.

Ensuring the Quality of Qualitative Research

As qualitative research acknowledges the inherent subjectivity of researchers it is

important to manage this assumed biaswhich may have an effect on data analysis. I

utilized both a statement of subjectivity and an external auditor for the purposes of

analyst triangulation. The purpose of a statement of subjectivity is to help researchers

consider how their own identities, experiences, beliefs, and professional values may
  
  
  


affect their research, as well as to communicate this to other scholars for the purposes of

considering the credibility of the study (Given, 2008).

Statement of Subjectivity. It is important to note that I, the researcher and

interviewer, am a highly educated African-American woman with family ties to the

American South. Likewise, as a Black woman, I have personal experiences with

misogynoir. In my role both as a listener and an observer of Black women’s stories about

misogynoir, I expect to encounter stories which resonate with my own. Because I share

sociohistorical and contemporary experiences with the sample, this will hopefully

provide a unique and illuminating understanding of Black women’s experiences with

internalized misogynoir. Additionally, my lens potentially has some biases, due to the

existing research on Black women and expectations based on my own “native” or lived

experience (Robinson-Wood et al., 2015). In acknowledging my potential partiality and

expectations, I am practicing bracketing, as is advised by various qualitative researchers

(Creswell, 2007). Here, bracketing refers specifically to the idea of both identifying and

setting aside any assumptions I have about Black women or internalized misogynoir.

External Auditors. Two auditors were used for this study, in order to provide

triangulation and feedback for the organization of themes and of terms used to describe

themes. The first auditor was a Black woman educator who conducted her dissertation

using the IPA. The second auditor was a Brown, Muslim, Middle Eastern woman, who is

both a licensed social worker and has experience with conducting qualitative research

with people who have socially-constructed marginalized identities. These auditors were

located through professional networks consisting of other graduate students, Black

women with doctorate degrees, and mental health professionals.

  
  
  


I discussed my findings with each auditor, as well as my thought process along

each step of interpretation. Their feedback included ways to consolidate themes, as

certain themes had similar elements. The second auditor, in particular, also took care to

ask for more information about my personal reactions during the focus groups. These

reactions included any feelings, positive or negative, that I had towards participants. She

helped me to think critically about the sense of camaraderie I had felt with participants, as

one of my personal values is that of sisterhood with other women of color, and

particularly with other Black women. Discrepancies were discussed between each auditor

and myself. We were then able to come to a consensus about the research, and ensure that

the analysis reflected the intended meaning of each participant.

Summary

This chapter outlined the rationale, specified methodologies and procedures for

this research study on internalized misogynoir. This study seeks to use a

phenomenological approach to explore how internalized misogynoir manifests itself in

the lives of Black women. Chapter 4 will address the results of the focus group questions,

including separating out themes on messages that Black women received, and themes on

why (and how much) they internalized these messages.

  
  
  


Chapter 4: Results

In this chapter, I provide a presentation of my findings from this qualitative study

on internalized misogynoir. First, I give a summary of demographic information, to offer

insight into participants’ backgrounds and experiences. Then I discuss themes which

emerged from findings and break these into themes about the misogynoir-laden messages

participants receive about Black women, and themes about how much and why they

internalize misogynoir. Following that, I relay the emotions that Black women explicitly

communicated or implied through tone in the focus group discussions. Likewise, I also

note how Black women report resisting against internalized misogynoir. Finally, I discuss

participants’ thoughts on the Internalized Misogynoir Measure, including whether they

thought it accurately demonstrated their experiences, and how they thought that the

measure could be improved.

Participant responses to focus group questions varied in length and complexity,

with some briefer responses, and others where multiple participants would jump in to

agree and elaborate on one point. Quotations from participants were selected to support

the general findings, as well as to protect the anonymity of participants, given the sample

size. Choosing quotations was done by analyzing statements which expressed similar

sentiments and selecting a quotation that represented the general tone and content

expressed by participants. Moreover, I attempted to choose quotations which were as

descriptive as possible, in order to facilitate understanding of the themes. Group

interviews were analyzed using an Interpretive Phenomenological Approach (IPA; Smith

& Osborn, 2003). In IPA, of particular focus is the meaning that participants give to their

experiences, rather than the meaning that researchers impose. The steps to using IPA in a
  
  
  


qualitative analysis include (i) reading and re-reading material to gain familiarity, (ii)

dividing text into small, meaningful units and documenting comments, observations,

paraphrases, associations, and connections prompted by the review of the material with

each reading, (iii) documenting emerging themes by condensing phrases to capture

essential quality of participants’ contributions, and (iv) transforming and clustering

phrases into terminology which captures and organizes findings.

Demographic Information

Eighteen (18) Black women aged 18-28, recruited from a university in the

northeast, were included in this study. Participants ranged in ethnic identity, with slightly

more than half of the women identifying as African-American (n = 10, 56%) and nearly

one-fourth of the women (n = 4, 22.2%) also identifying as having two or more races.

The rest of the participants identified as Afro-Caribbean, Afro-Latina, or African. In

terms of geographical area, the majority of participants (n = 16, 89%) identified

themselves as being from the northeast United States. While all participants were current

students at a university, participants varied slightly in educational status, as 61% (n = 11)

identified as having some college education or currently in progress towards a bachelor’s

degree. More than half of the Black women (n = 10, 56%) in this study identified

themselves as working part-time, with another 22% (n = 4) noting that they worked full-

time.

In reference to home environments, the majority of participants attended a mixed-

gender school (n = 17, 94%) and attended public school for both primary and secondary

school (n = 13, 72%). 60-70% (n = 12) of participants were eligible for free or reduced

lunch in primary or secondary school, and the majority of participants are currently
  
  
  


receiving financial aid to help pay for their education (n = 13, 73%). When describing

their current socioeconomic status, the majority of participants (n = 16, 89%) ranked

themselves within the 5-7 range on a scale from 1 to 10, with 10 representing people in

the United States who would be considered within the highest socioeconomic status in

terms of money, education, and jobs.

With regard to the environment in which they were raised, 44% (n = 8) of

participants reported growing up in a dual-headed household, with another 33% (n = 6)

reporting that they were raised in a single-female-headed household. Additionally, when

asked about the racial composition of the neighborhood that they grew up in, nearly half

of participants (n = 8, 44%) stated that their neighborhood was mostly Black, with

another 39% (n = 7) of participants reporting a neighborhood that was mostly of another

race/ethnicity. The racial composition of the schools that participants reported attending

was similarly stratified, with 39% (n = 7) of participants reporting that they had attended

primary and secondary schools that were mostly Black.

When asked what race they typically compared themselves to, a majority of

participants (n = 13, 72%) reported that they compare themselves to other Black women.

Likewise, slightly more than half of participants (n=10, 56%) reported that their social

group is comprised mostly of other Black people.

  
  
  


Table 1.

Breakdown of Themes by Participant

Pseudonym Age Ethnicity Messaging Internalization
Themes Themes
Aisha 26 Afro-Caribbean SB, SA, NS, FF, PM
(Jamaica) BSO, RP
Lauren 20 African-American SB, SA, NS, VY, LD, FF, PM
BSO, RP
Tina 24 Afro-Caribbean SA, BSO, NS, FF, PM
(Haiti) & African- RP
American
Danaë 19 African-American SA, NS, BSO VY, LD, FF, PM
Nina 23 Afro-Latina SB, SA, NS, VY, LD, FF, PM
(Dominican BSO, RP
Republic)
Jazmine 27 Afro-Caribbean SB, SA, NS, VY, FF, PM
(Haiti) BSO, RP
Tamar 25 African SB, SA, NS, LD, FF, PM
BSO, RP
Sara 18 African (Kenya) SB, SA, BSO, VY, FF
RP
Angelica 27 African-American & SB, SA, NS, FF, PM
Puerto Rican BSO, RP
Chidalu 19 African-American & SB, SA, NS, RP VY, LD, FF, PM
Native American
Micah 18 African-American SB, SA, BSO, VY, LD, FF, PM
RP
Ashley 28 Afro-Caribbean SB, NS, BSO, VY, LD, FF
(Jamaica) & African- RP
American
Brianna 20 African-American SA, NS, BSO, VY, LD, FF, PM
RP
Yendé 21 African (Nigeria) & SA, NS, BSO, FF, PM
Afro-Latina RP
(Dominican
Republic)
Monica 25 African-American SB, NS, SA, LD, PM
BSO, RP
Elisha 21 African-American SB, SA, NS, VY, LD, PM
BSO, RP
Thalia 23 Afro-Latina SB, SA, NS, FF, PM
(Honduras) BSO
Evangeline 18 Afro-Caribbean SB, NS, BSO, VY, FF
(Antigua & RP
Barbados)
  
  
  


Note. SB = Strong Black Woman SA = Sapphire NS = Not Seen and Not Heard
BSO = Beauty, Style & Sexual Objectification RP = Respectability Politics

VY = Vulnerability of Youth LD = Lack of Diversity

FF = Family is Forever PM = Peers Matter

Summary of Focus Group Questions

Before discussing the analysis, it is helpful to reiterate the focus group questions.

The focus groups began with asking participants what messages they receive about Black

women in general, as well as from media, social media, family and peers. They were then

asked how much they internalized these messages from various different sources, and

why. The purpose of asking these first two sets of questions was to distinguish between

internalization of messages about Black women vs. exposure to messages. The distinction

is based on an understanding of internalized oppression as a psychological form of

oppression. Psychologists, philosophers and scholars of various disciplines emphasize

that internalized oppression is an unconscious and involuntary response, wherein

negative stereotypes are internalized (David & Derthick, 2014). It is best understood as

something that is cultivated over generations, as a result of colonialism, the portrayal of

the marginalized culture(s) as “wild, savage and uncivilized”, and a punishment/reward

system for marginalized peoples who don’t assimilate vs. those who do (p. 8). This

understanding of the mechanisms behind internalization acknowledges that Black women

can be exposed to certain societal messages and yet, the extent to which they incorporate

these messages into their attitudes and behaviors can vary. It also allows for the

possibility that people with marginalized identities may choose to publicly assimilate for

survival, while privately maintaining a different set of cultural attitudes, beliefs and

behaviors. By asking separate questions on messages received, and on how much or why
  
  
  


messages were internalized, participants were allowed to acknowledge whether there

were messages they had received but did not internalize. The result was that participants

might acknowledge that they have heard particular messages; it varied on whether they

would reply with phrases such as “not a lot,” or “definitely a lot,” in response to the

questions on internalization. For example, one participant who self-identified as having

darker skin noted that, while she had heard colorist messages when she was younger, she

does not internalize these messages “as much anymore.”

Following the first sets of questions, the Black women in the groups responded to

inquiries about the most prominent messages they received about Black women, and how

it felt when they heard some of these messages. The next few questions invited

respondents to discuss whether they believed that Black women should act a certain way,

and about their thoughts on how Black women are treated in society. I then requested that

participants talk about whether they had tried to present themselves in a particular way to

avoid being perceived negatively, and if so, were they trying to avoid negative

stereotypes about Black women? The rest of the focus group questions concerned the

Internalized Misogynoir Measure, namely, whether participants thought it illustrated

Black women’s experiences, as well as what they liked and disliked about the scale, or

would add to or change in the scale. As this is the initial foray into internalized

misogynoir, these results focus on self-report, and will be used to refine the Internalized

Misogynoir Measure. Future research will integrate the IMM and self-report, much like

how studies on other various internalized oppressions have used self-report alongside

specific measures (e.g. The Internalized Racial Oppression Scale for Black Individuals).
  
  
  


Other Important Observations

Participants were largely unfamiliar with the term “misogynoir”, when asked

about their exposure to the word. At the end of the focus group, after the recording device

was turned off, participants were given an explanation of the term. Upon explanation,

respondents were observed nodding, or saying, “That makes sense,” suggesting that the

concept was not wholly unfamiliar to them. No significant differences were noted

between participants based on ethnicity, age, geographical origin, or other demographic

questions. How much participants chose to speak varied among the focus groups, as some

group members appeared to know each other and felt more comfortable engaging in

dialogue. As a whole, the group members appeared to form a bond while in the group,

engaging in a naturally-flowing dialogue. They repeatedly used strong nonverbals with

each other (e.g. snaps, head nods, “mmhm!”) and, at times, became animated when

expressing an experience that other group members related to.

Emotions that Arose

As participants discussed the messages they have received about Black women

and their experiences of internalization, a variety of different emotions were either

explicitly reported or denoted in tone. These emotions were reported both in response to

explicit questions about how they felt when receiving certain messages, and as

spontaneous responses that participants gave when explaining their experiences.

In total, 25 different emotion words were mentioned throughout 5 focus groups,

nearly all of which were negatively-laden. These words were used in response to

questions around how participants felt in hearing messages about Black women, how

they thought Black women were treated in society, and how much they internalized
  
  
  


certain messages. Such words included terms that appeared to have a more internal

focus, like “hurt” or “disappointed”, suggesting that these messages felt personalized, or

that participants saw them as an indictment of themselves. Other emotion words would

have a more external focal point, such as “irritated” or “angry”, communicating both

dissatisfaction and a desire to push back against such sentiments. Similarly, participants

used emotion words which ranged from the mild “sad” or “upset” to the more evocative,

such as “alienated” or “disempowered”. Interestingly enough, the more evocative words

tended to be used in response to greater systemic issues, such as police brutality, whereas

words like “sad” were used in response to personal experiences of discrimination.

Predictably, certain words came up repeatedly in different focus groups, with the top 3

words mentioned being “tired/exhausted” (which was mentioned 10 times), and

“annoyed” and “sad” (both of which were mentioned 9 times). Individual focus group

participants generated these words independently. This indicates that participants were

experiencing similar emotions, in response to messages about Black women and the

subsequent internalization of those messages.

Of the emotion words mentioned, only 2 were not explicitly negative in and of

themselves: “motivated” and “empowered”. However, these words were used in the

context of having successfully navigated a difficult situation, and not in reaction to any

images that respondents discussed seeing or internalizing. The use of “motivated”

specifically referred to a participant’s description of how she resists negative messages

received from non-Black women (i.e. motivated to prove them wrong).

Various studies have estimated that that anywhere from 55-70% of these are

nonverbal messaging, particularly in the form of gestures and overall body language
  
  
  


(Birdwhistell, 1970; Mehrabian &Weiner, 1967). Moreover, among African-Americans,

communication which is “passionate and animated”, including gestures that are

“frequent, and sometimes, large”, is seen as both normative and authentic (Elliott, 2010).

For these reasons, I also considered participants’ nonverbal communication in the overall

understanding of their responses to questions about internalized misogynoir. Many of the

emotions that arose in the focus groups, as implied by tone and body language, mimicked

those explicitly stated by the participants. Multiple participants were noted as shrugging

their shoulders when describing why they internalized messages, reinforcing their use of

words such as “confused” and “unsure”. Participants also gesticulated with their hands

when describing messages they perceived to be especially harmful or absurd. While

participants were not explicitly asked to clarify their non-verbal behaviors, hand

gesticulations are commonly understood as being used to emphasize one’s words. Thus,

the use of gesticulations while participants simultaneously used terms such as “irritated”

or “angry” further helped to illustrate the intensity of their feelings. Interestingly enough,

participants who were less physically expressive while describing their emotional

reactions to their experiences frequently used words such as “exhausting”, “numb”, or

“hesitant” when describing their feelings pertaining to messages about Black women.

These emotion words reflected a sense of resignation about the messages received and, in

some ways, communicated the effort it took for participants to fight against

internalization. One might hypothesize that their non-verbal communication reflected the

same sense of unhappiness and acceptance that they described with their words.

It is important to note that non-verbal expressions were also not specific to

particular messages, as different participants reacted to discussion of the same topic in

  
  
  


different ways. For example, within the same focus group, one participant might stab her

finger in the air while discussing respectability politics (suggesting anger), while another

might shrug her shoulders (suggesting confusion). Instead, expressions of nonverbals

tended to be more unique to participants themselves. That is, regardless of the particular

message being discussed, respondents would use similar nonverbals, suggesting a feeling

about the messages as a whole.

The Look of Internalized Misogynoir

In seeking to understand participants’ understanding and experience of

internalized misogynoir, it is important to refer back to the definition of internalized

oppression as a whole. Internalized oppression is defined as “the devaluation of one’s self

and group, and may be characterized by self-defeating thoughts, attitudes and behaviors

developed in an oppressive environment” (David, 2014, p. 8). I take the position here that

Western society - and specifically the United States - is built on and perpetuates a

patriarchal system of white supremacy. As such, Black women are raised in an

oppressive environment in which it is impossible not to come into contact with

misogynoir. The extent to which they internalize that misogynoir, as well as what

messages they internalize, may vary based on other identities and contexts (Bailey et al.,

2011). That being said, based on previous research on internalized oppression,

internalized racism and internalized sexism, it is possible to generate an idea of which

thoughts, behaviors and feelings indicate some amount of internalized misogynoir.

The themes raised by Black women in this study will touch on several

components that help to give a picture of what internalized misogynoir looks like. Each
  
  
  


of these will be discussed as they show up in the themes, but are also listed here for

clarity:

• Attempts to dissociate with other Black women

• Belief/endorsement of negative stereotypes about Black women
• Higher expectations for Black women than for other groups
• Automatic negative thoughts & perceptions of Black women
• Alteration of physical appearance and changing hair texture & style to fit a
more European aesthetic
• Conflicts related to skin complexion, hair texture & body size
• Objectification and judgments about what qualifies as appropriate sexual
behavior and expressions of affection
• Derogation and criticism as a form of policing
• Invalidation of own thoughts, feelings and desires (particularly when they
don’t meet a white, patriarchal standard)

Emergent Themes: Messages Received About Black Women

The following themes were identified in response to questions about the messages

participants received about Black women in general and from media, social media, family

members and peers: a) Strong Black Woman (SB), b) Sapphire (SA), c) Not Seen and

Not Heard (NS), d) Beauty, Style and Sexual Objectification (BSO), and e)

Respectability Politics (RP). Themes in this section were consistent with previous

literature documenting the intersectional experience of racism, sexism and misogyny in

the lives of Black women.

Strong Black Woman. Statements containing underlying references to the strong

Black woman stereotype were perhaps the most prevalent in the focus group discussions.

This well-researched and documented stereotype is one which emphasizes that Black

women are capable of bearing any burden, almost by virtue of their gendered racial

identity (Beauboeuf-Lafontant, 2007). Participants listed several phrases they have heard

in reference to messages they receive about Black women, particularly that Black women

are “strong”, “independent”, and “capable”. They talked about how these messages were
  
  
  


frequently communicated in such a way to suggest that being strong and selfless is the

only option. As it relates to the thoughts, feelings and behaviors of internalized

misogynoir, the Strong Black Woman theme highlights both higher expectations for

Black women than for other groups, as well as the invalidation of own thoughts, feelings

and desires. When asked about messages received about Black women from family

members, Micah pointed out the ways in which the message of being a strong Black

woman was presented as non-negotiable:

“We’re strong... you’re on your shit. It’s just honestly like there’s no other option

than greatness... But also, I know I always grew up being told, ‘You’re gonna

have to work twice as hard to get half as far.’ So it’s definitely work.”

In this statement, Micah noted how such a message conveys that there is a narrow view

of what it means to be a Black woman (i.e., being strong is the only way). Moreover, she

also highlighted the ways in which Black women are told that being strong is a necessary

response to a racist, patriarchal society. Participants resonated with the notion that being

told to be strong, especially by their family, was an attempt to prepare them for an unjust

world. They acknowledged that while these terms about strength were often used to

support Black women’s optimal navigation through difficult and uneven terrain, the

emphasis on greatness was also invalidating at times. For some Black women, this left

them feeling that displays of weakness were not acceptable.

“Strong is the way that term can be used for and against Black women. So we’re

strong in terms of our resiliency and the ability to be able to take care of whole

families. But... they use that same term to work against us and say, ‘You’re too

strong.’ So you can’t accept help, or you don’t need help, or you’re being loud, or
  
  
  


you guys are mean and angry, or something like that... The strong title definitely

goes both ways.” – Aisha

Aisha described Black women’s experiences as feeling caught in a double bind where

Black women are expected to be “strong”, but will simultaneously have pressure put on

them to not be “too strong”. “Double bind” here refers to Black women’s experiences of

receiving conflicting messages about how Black women should operate. Participants

went on to discuss the ways in which the message of being a strong Black woman

operates as a reaction to societal norms. Specifically, they spoke of Black women having

to fight for recognition, being hardened because they have had to fight, and needing to be

selfless for the good of their families and communities. Angelica articulated the ways in

which media portrayal of Black women, particularly when based on a “true story”,

presents struggling as necessary for Black women to achieve as such:

“I think I receive a lot of messages that Black women are struggling, and hurt, and

abused, and taken advantage of. In a lot of movies that have come out recently,

whether it’s ‘Fences’ or ‘The Help’, or even ‘Hidden Figures’, show Black

women having to fight against male dominance and having to fight for survival.”

This idea of struggling as necessary for growth or achievement was further expounded

upon in the context of relationships with men, and particularly with Black men.

Participants highlighted this in the context of violence, noting that they receive messages

that Black women’s strength enables them to withstand abuse.

“’Cause like trending, last week the whole Fabolous [the rapper] and Emily B [his

girlfriend] situation was really disheartening, because it was just like, just like

people talking about domestic violence in a way around Black women, and it
  
  
  


wasn’t, the majority of the content [was dismissive and degrading towards Black

women].” – Jazmine

Jazmine spoke to a sentiment echoed by other participants, namely that because Black

women are viewed as strong, they are also given less societal and media attention when

they are abused. In this way, the narrative about the strong Black woman unfortunately

communicates that Black women are stronger that women of other races, and are

therefore more able to withstand abuse. Again, this echoes the sentiment that Black

women are being held to a higher standard. What’s more, both in this example and

throughout the mentions of the strong Black women narrative, participants pointed out

the ways in which this message was most often communicated to them by other Black

women. This suggests that the idea of being a strong Black woman is often a fundamental

part of gendered-racial socialization for Black women. Moreover, because this strength is

presented in contrast to that of other (particularly white) women, this also suggests that

white womanhood is a part of gendered-racial socialization for Black women.

Sapphire Archetype. Another theme that arose as salient is that of the Sapphire,

or angry Black woman, archetype. Throughout the focus groups, respondents made

several references to receiving and internalizing messages that Black women were angry,

aggressive and overbearing. The history of the Sapphire archetype, particularly as

portrayed in the media, is well-documented in psychology literature (Rosenthal & Lobel,

2016), and refers to the stereotype of Black as aggressive, domineering and emasculating.

This theme highlights both endorsements of negative stereotypes about Black women, as

well as automatic negative perceptions of Black women. Participants in this study

discussed seeing “angry” Black women in media, and processed how the Sapphire
  
  
  


archetype manifests itself in their professional lives and interpersonal relationships.

Respondents noted the ways in which the Sapphire archetype created expectations that

influenced their relationships with others, at times even before they had even been able to

meet with that other person:

“I feel like even when I was younger, it was like, I needed to be quieter and softer,

and so the first time people actually get to meet me, their expectation is not that

they’re going to meet this loud, aggressive person. I just feel like there’s always

this message that you’re going to be angry and loud and stuff, when that’s not

even your personality; they’re just assuming that’s how you’re going to come

off.” – Tina

Tina and other participants emphasized that the stereotype makes it difficult for them to

display a range of personality out of fear that negative assumptions will be made. Even as

children, this automatic negative perception of Black women as loud and aggressive had

been present for them, to some extent. Respondents talked about the terms “difficult”,

“aggressive” and “loud” as being used concurrently with “angry”. They went on to

discuss how this can be particularly concerning in professional settings. Black women

pointed out that, when they are expressing a dissenting opinion in a professional setting,

they are often seen as angry by mostly non-Black women. Moreover, participants

described feeling that they are never just angry, but are instead perceived as an “angry

Black woman”. Similarly, they reported being blatantly told or having it hinted to them

that they are perceived as having a negative attitude, or of being difficult in temperament.

Tamar spoke to the feeling of needing to do preemptive work in professional settings in

order to ensure that she would not be perceived as angry or aggressive:

  
  
  


“Even when I’m trying to advocate for myself like, ‘But thank you ever so much,

I’m just grateful for this opportunity,’ I feel like that reminder has to be put in

there, ’cause otherwise whatever I’m saying, even if it’s in the most gentle way,

it’ll be perceived as me being difficult or trying to butt heads.”

This added burden of presenting oneself as overly polite and deferential is further

compounded and made complex by interpretations of what is appropriate in a “politically

correct” society. In addition to the perception that they have negative attitudes, Black

women talked about how it can be difficult to bring up concerns related to

multiculturalism or equality:

“I would agree that [the messages about Black women are] being aggressive as

well as overly sensitive, just like a combination of both things. And then it makes

it really tricky, when you’re trying to talk about issues of racism and systematic

oppression, because it just affects people in so many different aspects of their

lives. So it’s necessary to bring it up over and over again. But you know anyone

who’s Black, me as the Black woman, is always going to be seen as saying those

facts in an aggressive and overly sensitive lens.” – Chidalu

Black women noted that these kinds of stereotypes and narratives make it hard to

advocate for themselves, once again placing them within that double bind.

Some participants noted that, despite these professional struggles, they often

received comfort and validation from other Black women with similar experiences. Other

respondents countered this by maintaining that the message of not being loud and angry

was one which they received most often from other Black people. Angelica voiced how
  
  
  


these messages were communicated to her early on, both from the outside community

and from within her own family:

“I think the notion that Black women tend to be loud and aggressive also hits

hard. I know that I have encountered that stereotype, and women in my family

have encountered [and repeated it to each other].” – Angelica

In pointing out specifically how this stereotype “hits hard”, she echoes a sentiment

amongst participants that a part of their childhood socialization included the notion of not

being loud and angry. The fact these messages were repeated to each other amongst

Black women, most often as a form of warning or rebuke, shows how ingrained such

beliefs were. Moreover, Angelica’s report that women in her family have told each other

that Black women are loud and aggressive suggests that there was also a tacit

endorsement of this stereotype, and thus, also some internalized misogynoir.

Not Seen and Not Heard. Some of the participants noted receiving messages

which indicated that Black women’s voices were either ignored or devalued in various

arenas. Research on gendered racial microaggressions has documented this phenomenon

as one in which Black women feel silenced and marginalized in the workplace, academia

and in other professional settings (Capodilupo et al. 2010; Constantine et al. 2008). This

theme showcases attempts to dissociate with other Black women, along with having

higher expectations for Black women. Within this study, participants who had either

entered the working world or were preparing to enter the job search communicated

similar feelings. Respondents discussed how they prepare themselves to combat

stereotypes that they may encounter in these settings, including the notions that Black

women are unintelligent and tardy:

  
  
  


“I would say in terms of meetings, that’s one thing I do. I’m always prepared, I

always have a writing utensil, I’m always on time. ’Cause I’m like, ‘Ha, you’re

not gonna get me, I’m gonna be early,’ you know, things like that. ’Cause people

think Black people are never on time, they’re always late and blasé blasé.” –

Ashley

In talking about the ways in which they actively work against such stereotypes, Ashley

and other participants made it clear that they did so out of a fear that they would

otherwise be ignored in professional settings. Therefore, being early and overly prepared

for meetings was, in some ways, an attempt to present themselves as above reproach and

worthy of professional attention. In this way, participants described having higher

expectations for themselves out of a belief that meeting an arbitrary “higher” standard

was the only way for them to be noticed. Angelica, in particular, described this way of

thinking as a result of a message ingrained into many Black Americans: “You’re gonna

have to work twice as hard to get half as far.” For her and other participants, things like

being early and always having a writing utensil are ways in which they can show

themselves as being overly prepared, with the idea that this is necessary in order to

achieve as a Black woman.

While the “twice as good” message makes a commentary on the inequality

perpetuated by patriarchal white supremacy, participants made it clear that people of

various identities contributed to their feelings of not being valued. The pressure to present

themselves as deserving of professional attention is one that they noted coming most

often from all people in positions of power:

“You know what comes to mind? The episode of Insecure with Molly and the
  
  
  


Black intern. That’s what came to mind immediately when you said that... They

made Molly talk to the Black intern.” – Brianna

Brianna referenced a scene from the TV show Insecure, in which a Black lawyer named

Molly speaks to a Black woman intern who is perceived to be loud and uncouth. Molly

attempts to tell the intern to code-switch around the white coworkers, and the intern is

later fired after not being able to do so. Molly suggests to the intern, and in other

episodes, that code-switching for Black women at her job is not just acting “less Black”,

but also stylizing herself, in some ways, after the white women lawyers. This includes

being quieter, as well as being assertive without appearing aggressive. Molly makes it

clear that she is aware that a double-standard exists for lawyers based on gender and that

aggressiveness may be praised in colleagues who are men, while being viewed

pejoratively coming from her. Contextually, it is important to note that Molly was also an

associate attorney at a mostly-white law firm, and who was hoping to become partner

soon. Throughout the series, Molly makes references to a dual consciousness, where she

is aware that being associated with negative stereotypes about Black people or Black

women specifically could negatively affect her professional progress. While Molly

presented herself in this episode as wanting to assist the intern, as an associate lawyer,

she also held a position of power over the intern. Thus, Molly was also communicating

messages about how the intern needed to present herself as a Black woman. Notably,

Molly did this in part because she did not want anyone to associate the intern with

negative stereotypes about Black women, and in turn, associate Molly - by virtue of her

Black womanhood - with those same stereotypes. Although Molly did not actively

dissociate with the intern, in talking to the intern, she showed a desire to dissociate - if
  
  
  


not with other Black women, then with her firm’s idea of what Black women are. While

Black men may also have difficulty conforming to overall whiteness in the workplace,

the example referenced here notes a stereotype and gender-racialized burden specific to

Black women. By referencing this episode of Insecure, Black women highlighted the

seeming necessity of conforming to a standard of white womanhood in order to not be

ignored and overlooked:

“But I think in like, the workplace, I think that the higher people who are white

are looking for you to conform and be a certain way. So it makes it hard, ’cause

you wanna be yourself, obviously, but you also want a job. So it’s very

conflicting.” – Yendé

The conformity to a standard of white womanhood unfortunately permeates non-

professional spaces, as well. Black women in this study also reported the phenomenon of

Black women being marginalized and largely ignored in news media. Participants

acknowledged that, while representation of Black women has improved in fictional

media, Black women are still overlooked in news stories. Participants cited several

examples, including that of “Missing White Woman Syndrome”, or how Black women

and girls who go missing are less likely to receive news coverage than their white peers

are (Baker, 2017). They were clear in their belief that Black women receive less coverage

because they are Black, and because Black women’s stories are viewed as less

compelling, due to the elevated value placed on whiteness. Moreover, participants also

discussed how the lack of attention to the stories and experiences of Black women is

similarly reflected in social justice movements. Respondents pointed to a lack of

intersectionality within feminist and civil rights movements, specifically that those who
  
  
  


are leading these movements do not always consider how various issues affect Black

women:

“We’re overlooked, just generally overlooked, or hidden purposefully. So I say

overlooked, or just kind of like in the sea of everything else and like, I always

think about like, people always ask about Black women’s view, ‘Are you a

woman or are you Black first?’ And that’s what I think about, when I say

overlooked, because we are both, and we have issues that directly affect both. But

we’re often told within these two groups that you gotta be one or the other, some

type of waywhich is very frustrating. And then like, hidden is like when we do

step forward and say, ‘No, we are Black women, listen to us.’ It’s like, ‘Wait your

turn, be quiet,’ like wait.” – Monica

Monica reiterated the notion that Black women are ignored because they do not conform

to a standard of whiteness or patriarchy, even within social justice contexts. Her

statement also echoed the sentiments of other participants that, even in contexts where

people are supposed to speak up, Black women are told to be quiet. Monica went on to

say that such tactics are “another method of making us quiet, and to subdue us.” Use of

the word “subdue” is particularly interesting, as it further emphasizes that, when told not

to speak up, Black women feel as though they are being told that their experiences are not

worth outcry or attention. This in turn reemphasizes the feelings of censorship and

silencing that Black women describe.

Beauty, Style, and Sexual Objectification.

Throughout the focus groups, participants highlighted messages they heard about

Black women’s physical appearance, as well as stereotypes about Black women’s

  
  
  


sexuality. In addition to commentary about specific features, such as body type, hairstyle

and skin tone, they noted that they perceived the sexual objectification of Black women

as being different than that of women as a whole. This perception is seen as the presence

of “gendered racial forms of objectification”, or objectification which focuses on features

deemed stereotypical of Black women (Lewis & Neville, 2015; Shorter-Gooden, 2004;

Woods-Giscombé & Black, 2010). Several of the behaviors and beliefs designating

internalized misogynoir were apparent in this theme, including alteration of appearance to

fit a European aesthetic, conflicts related to skin complexion, hair texture and body size,

and objectification and judgments about what is appropriate sexual/affectionate behavior.

As it pertains to perceptions of beauty, participants of all shades reported being

told a variety of statements implying that lighter skin is better. This is congruent with

Bailey’s description of colorism as an important part of misogynoir. For participants who

identified as lighter-skinned, they noted being told statements like “Stay out of the sun”,

while those who were darker recalled receiving explicit messages that dark-skinned

women could not wear certain things (e.g. bright lipstick). Black women in this study

also noted the various messages they’ve received about body shape or weight as a major

determinate of attractiveness. These messages were often contradictory, as they reported

hearing both that thinness was unattractive (“Haitians like you to be fat”), and that they

should not gain too much weight (“swimsuit season is coming!”). Moreover, participants

noted that a curvy or hourglass shape was seen as the ideal, with people either shaming

respondents without that shape (“When is your butt coming in?”) or teaching them from

an early age that they should strive for curves (“My sister has a really big butt, and

apparently I’ve been jealous of her since I was little.”). Respondents reported
  
  
  


simultaneously dismissing these messages, while also finding themselves trying, at times,

to conform to these messages (i.e. doing more squats to increase butt size). In doing so,

they illustrated the conflicts about skin tone or body size indicative of internalizing

misogynoir.

Body shape and weight also appeared to be a strong factor in sexual

objectification for participants. They described several instances in which they were

objectified or accused of being sexually explicit, based on their body type alone:

“I think it’s relevant, because I just think, ’cause not even just like dancing, in our

clothes. So it’s like, I have to think about, how does my body show in my clothes

when I’m at work? And it’s just like, if I wear a certain type of dress, it’s gonna

be like, ‘Oh she’s a thot (term here used to mean sexually provocative woman),’

or something like that. Like she wants somebody to see her curves or something

like that. Like the way I’m built, you’re gonna naturally see my curves unless I’m

dressed like in like, a muumuu (shapeless dress), or something like that. So like,

when those terms are so quickly given to Black women, it holds us back. And it’s

another method of making us quiet, and to subdue us.” – Aisha

Aisha’s comment illustrated the double bind that Black women find themselves

in, whereby having a body shape that is deemed more physically attractive can also

increase how much they experience gendered racial sexual objectification. Moreover, her

statement that she has to think about whether her body shape will be perceived as sexual

works to illustrate both a judgment about what is appropriate sexual behavior, and an

attempt to alter (i.e. hide) her appearance in order to fit with more European ideals. Much

like Aisha, other participants reported being hyperaware of way that they dress, as well as
  
  
  


how they walk and speak to people. Respondents pointed out instances in which the focus

and objectification of Black women’s beauty and style had led to being fantasized about

and fetishized, in both romantic and non-romantic relationships. In particular, they

discussed feeling as though people were interested in stereotypes of Black women, rather

than being interested in a Black woman as an individual:

“I also feel like Black women are sometimes fantasized. Sometimes I feel like

I’ve met people who are like, other ethnicities, or like white men for example, like

they wanna be with a Black woman for the experience, but they can never see

themselves with a Black woman. Or they would never take a Black woman home.

Or people want a Black woman as a friend, but not really in your in-circle. It’s

like you want the fantasy of what it is to be in, but you don’t wanna really take

responsibility for what it means to really be there for that Black woman. Just

being a genuine friend or a partner.” – Tina

This fetishization of Black women’s bodies and styles has also extended to other

physical aspects, most notably: hair. Beyond skin tone and body shape or weight, focus

group members also noted the ways in which hair is also seen as a crucial part of beauty

for Black women. Historically, Black women’s hair has been measured against white

standards of beauty, and thus deemed unkempt or unprofessional in its natural state

(Banks, 2000). The prevalence of the natural hair movement, or having hair that is not

chemically straightened, has recently pushed back on this narrative and provided Black

women with a different way to conceptualize beauty (Rhett Rocque, 2019). Participants

noted that, although this movement is meant to be empowering, it is also one that has

been fraught with division. They expressed that, while the “natural hair movement” was
  
  
  


supposed to empower Black women of all hair textures, it appears that only looser curl

textures are praised in media and on an individual level.

“Every time I see a Black woman [on social media], like the skin is popping, the

hair... I can’t remember the last time I saw, or the last time I’ve seen, a Black

woman be on there barefaced. It’s usually, if she has coarse hair, it’s in braids. A

lot of times, when I see natural hair, it’s very thin curls? Which isn’t necessarily

bad, but there is a whole image of pursuing a certain type of hairstyle that’s really

‘good hair’, very done up... Even with the natural hair, it’s rare that you see a 4C

(tight, kinky coily) hair pattern. It’s always something looser and flowy, and

[sarcastic tone] how relatable.” - Sara

They went on to note that, for Black women who did not fit into any of the

aforementioned beauty standards (i.e. lighter-skinned, curvy, loose curls), there was an

added pressure to present themselves as “immaculate”. This included things such as

always having one’s hair styled, wearing a nice outfit, and wearing makeup.

Respectability Politics. Participants’ descriptions of feeling pressure to present

themselves as “immaculate” relates closely to the final theme of respectability politics.

Respectability politics, or beliefs about how Black women should behave in public

arenas, have long been documented as a method through which Black people attempt to

distance themselves from various negative stereotypes (Brooks Higginbotham, 1993).

Higher expectations for Black women, as well as derogation and criticism as a form of

policing, are both key behaviors in this theme. These stereotypes echo those highlighted

in previous themes, including the stereotypes that Black women are loud, intellectually

inferior, and promiscuous.

  
  
  


Participants in the focus group expressed a feeling that, when Black women are

visible (e.g. in professional settings), there is an extra pressure on them from family

members, friends, and a larger community to perform in ways which are above reproach.

This includes everything from dressing in a way to hide curvier body types (which may

be considered more provocative) to “talking white”, or speaking grammatically-correct

American Standard English. Although Black women are not the only ones asked to be

“professional” in certain settings, the consideration of aspects like hiding one’s body

shape communicate a higher set of expectations for Black women. Respondents talked

about being hyperaware of the pressure to present themselves as above reproach -

specifically when around large amounts of non-Black people:

“So I grew up in a low-income Black neighborhood in NYC, and it was taught to

me that like, if I wanted to be professional, and wanted to go into professional

spaces, that I essentially had to assume a type of character that involves a certain

type of script, a certain type of costume, all these different things that would

essentially strip away this identity of where I came from.” – Yendé

Yendé’s description illustrated the phenomenon of racial socialization documented by

Brooks Higginbotham and others. Following Yendé’s comment, Black women went on to

note how racial socialization also included aspects of criticism wherein they were

discouraged from doing or saying certain things or acting in certain ways. Subsequently,

they engaged in self-criticism, whereupon they altered their public behavior, so as not to

seemingly reinforce negative stereotypes. Participants also reported feeling pressure that

they could not disappoint other Black people, and were expected to “lift as [they] climb”,

by paving a way for other Black people to be successful after them.

  
  
  


“I guess going off of what you said about wanting to make those people proud, I

internalize it because I want to make my family proud, like, leave behind the same

legacy they gave to me, and use the same privileges that they gave to me to be

able to grow off of that and leave privileges for the next generation.” –

Evangeline

Similar to the theme of Not Seen and Not Heard, Black women noted that helping the

next generation also entailed communicating to non-Black people that Black women are

capable. Participants noted that it was communicated to them, either explicitly or

covertly, that Black women are supposed to represent all Black people, and thus present

themselves as intelligent, capable and resourceful.

“On my mother’s side, I’m the oldest grandchild in general. So I feel like there’s

this bar and expectation that I have to live by and even like, oversee. And so, I

internalize a lot of that, because it’s like, I can’t let anybody down. It’s not just

the mom or the aunts or the grandma, but like, everyone’s looking. And you

know, because I was raised by a single mom... So it’s like alright, that’s

something that I have to prove, too.” – Thalia

What’s more, respondents reported receiving a similar message about representation from

white people, in that they found themselves being asked to provide “the Black

perspective.” The idea of a “Black perspective” is something that focus group members

mentioned as contributing toward the idea of Black women as a monolith.

“It’s a very uncomfortable conversation when you’re in a predominately white

space, and they’re like, ‘So how do you feel about some topic that has to do with

Black women?’ I would never answer that, ’cause I’d probably lose my job at the
  
  
  


end of the conversation.” – Aisha

Emergent Themes: How Much and Why Black Women Internalize These Messages

Participants were given the opportunity to discuss at length not only the specific

messages that they’ve received about Black women, but also how much they have

internalized these messages, and why they have internalized these messages.

Internalization was defined as “the process by which people come to incorporate the

values, beliefs and opinions of others into their own identity or sense of self” (Corsini,

2002). Participants were not explicitly given this definition, as I wished to avoid

influencing their own understanding of what it means to internalize certain messages.

Internalization was not measured by using a specific scale, but through respondents’ own

description of how much, and why, they internalized particular messages.

Overall, asking how much, and why, respondents internalized messages appeared

to give them pause, as they were slower to respond to these questions. Participants would

visibly stop to think about these questions, versus the quickness with which they had

answered questions about the messages they received. The focus group questions asked

Black women about the messages they’ve received from various sources, in conjunction

with questions about internalization. For example, participants were asked about what

messages they receive about Black women from their family, and then they were asked

how much they internalize these messages, and why they internalize these messages.

The following themes were identified in response to the focus group questions of

“How much do you internalize these messages?” and “Why do you internalize these

messages?” from media, social media, family members and peers: a) Vulnerability of

Youth (VY), b) Lack of Diversity (LD), c) Family is Forever (FF), and d) Peers Matter
  
  
  


(PM). Participants were not given measurements with which to answer “how much”, but

were instead allowed to freely describe amounts. As such, participants used phrases such

as “a lot” or “not that much” in describing how much they internalized messages. Themes

in this section were once again consistent with previous literature documenting the

intersectional experience of racism, sexism and misogyny in the lives of Black women

(Epstein et al., 2017; Harris-Perry, 2011; Thomas et al., 2008; Banks, 2000.)

Vulnerability of Youth. Black women in the focus groups noted the difference

between the way and extent to which they had internalized messages during childhood

and early adolescence versus at their current age. When talking specifically about the

internalization of messages from media and peers, Black women made reference to their

perceived vulnerability when they were young.

“I think when I was younger, I used to take everything in more, and now it’s more

like I know who I would want to be, so I’m looking more at people who are my

role models instead of just, like, everything that’s being thrown at me” – Lauren

Lauren spoke to the idea that, at younger ages, Black women may have a harder time in

filtering out messages from TV, news and film. In some ways, this echoes previous

research on racial socialization and gender socialization across the developmental

spectrum (Hughes et al., 2006; Fagot et al., 2012). However, this also speaks specifically

to gender-racialized socialization, as participants noted that both positive and negative

images of Black women were the most influential on them at a young age. They made a

point of stating that they internalized messages more when younger, but that they do so

less now. Respondents made statements such as “Even when I was younger, it was [a

greater feeling of], I needed to be quieter and softer,” and “these statements [on the
  
  
  


Internalized Misogynoir Measure] I definitely would have agreed with when I was

younger, but not now.” They went on to explain that they believe the reason for higher

internalization at younger ages is two-fold; respondents pointed toward both the

impressionable nature of youth, as well as the dearth of Black women in media, as key

reasons for higher levels of internalization.

“I would say, recently, you see the emergence of more Black women with natural

hair [on TV]. But I know, outside of Moesha, when I was growing up, you didn’t

really see that that often. Usually, like, they’re like brown skinned or lighter

brown skinned, long hair, thin, slim-thick, as they would say... Like you don’t

necessarily see, come to think of it, even now, you don’t really see characters -

Black female characters, at least - who [are not portrayed as strong and

competent]. The only one that kind of comes to mind is Issa Rae in Insecure.” –

Ashley

Ashley made a critical point in stating that the Black women she’d seen on TV had a

certain type of image. Participants pointed out that they saw few Black women on TV

while growing up, and that these Black women were not diverse in phenotype or

characterization. While respondents are older now, they also reported noticing that they

continue to internalize messages around Black women being angry, hypersexualized and

“ghetto”, due to how much they had seen them at a young age.

Much like the title of this theme suggests, Black women noted that they are “less

bothered now” by messages, since they are older and can recognize stereotypes. This was

not true for all respondents, however, as other focus group members noted that

internalization still occurs, but for the opposite reason than when they were younger. That
  
  
  


is, in more recent years, there has been a surge of Black women as lead characters on

major network primetime television shows (e.g. Scandal, How to Get Away With Murder,

Empire). Participants cited that, while it is good to see more Black women on TV, they

find themselves hyperaware of the characteristics that these Black women sometimes

portray (e.g. selfish, loud, demanding).

“I think a lot of [messages I receive about Black women] comes from the TV

shows I watch, like Scandal and HTGAWM. And like, they’re known for being

aggressive, but they’re also thought of as not being receptive to other people’s

opinions, because they’ve been hardened, for one reason or another.” – Thalia

Thalia not only identified these as some of the most prominent messages that she’s

received about Black women, but also as messages that she still finds herself particularly

cognizant of. Thalia and other participants appeared to make the connection that

receiving negative messages early on about Black women being angry, unattractive, and

loud had made them hyperaware of messages at their current age. In this way,

respondents described themselves as being primed to internalize particular messages

because they were inundated with these same messages at a young age.

Lack of Diversity. Given that this study was conducted at a predominately white

institution (PWI), it was expected that the topic of diversity would come up. In discussing

the internalization of messages from media, social media and peers, participants noted

how they were, or are, one of few Black women in their academic/professional circles.

Participants noted that, while they found other Black women to be supportive and

validating, the scarcity of Black women in their circles was a perceived detriment.

Whether correct or incorrect, participants subsequently assumed that non-Black women

  
  
  


peers did not have much contact or experience with Black women, and may base their

knowledge on messages from media or social media.

“Other people who don’t know me will use [social media] to kind of be... I guess

you can say that as a baseline of who I am. So it’s just like, if, especially people

who are in homogenous communities and don’t see other types of depictions of

Black women, they’ll just think, ‘Oh, all Black women are this type of way,’

based on what they see on social media or in their community, or something like

that. So it does affect me, in that way, because it’s like those first impressions are

always important.” – Aisha

Aisha not only described her perceived importance of social media messages, but also her

concerns that she will be combating the effects of people’s non-diverse experiences.

Participants described a belief that they would have to represent all Black women

because of a lack of diversity as one reason why they internalized messages.

Respondents were clear that the lack of diversity in present-day settings also

mirrored the environments in which they were raised. They discussed how growing up in

neighborhoods or attending primary schools that were predominately non-Black

contributed toward greater internalization of messages and images that they received

from media.

“When I was younger, I grew up in a predominately white neighborhood, and

school was mostly white, too; so like, I feel like I internalized it a lot more then,

because I felt like I was the only one. So like, if there was a comment, people

would look towards me.” – Brianna

  
  
  


Brianna echoed similar sentiments as the ones in Vulnerability of Youth, in discussing

how she believes she internalized messages more when she was younger. However, as

Brianna and other participants noted, it was also the feeling of being the “only one” that

had led them to internalize messages. Respondents pointed out that, while they may have

had other examples of Black womanhood in their families, they spent most of their time

at school or in the company of similarly-aged peers. And as a result, they had little to no

other real-life examples of Black women to counter the messages they had received from

peers, media and social media.

Family is Forever. In contrast to how much they internalized messages from

media and social media, participants were more unified in their view of messages

received from family. Black women stated that they internalized messages from family

members at a high level. Respondents discussed how the internalization of messages

received from family has remained consistent over time, in contrast to their ability to

filter out messages from media or social media as they have gotten older. This

consistency (or idea) that family is permanent also contributes to another reason for the

internalization of family messages.

“Your family is the one thing, like, those people outside come and go, but family

is forever.” – Elisha

Elisha’s point that non-family are seen as able to “come and go” was particularly

important, in describing why family opinions were valued above all others. Not only are

family members seen as more permanent, but respondents also noted that family

relationships were presented as ones which should be preserved largely over all others.
  
  
  


The preservation of family relationships meant that messages from family

members were also seen as necessary to preserve, thereby making it harder to let go of

harmful messages. Respondents in this study also discussed how their earliest messaging

about Black women often came from family members. Similar to those opinions

expressed in Vulnerability of Youth, they highlighted how some messages were more

longstanding because they had been received at an impressionable age.

“I do feel like [messages from family are] more insidious than the media

messages, because they are your family, and they’re supposed to love you no

matter what. So sometimes, it just like creeps in like, ‘Oh, I’m gonna try to make

my hair extra neat, because my family thinks it looks bad,’ and stuff like that.

Definitely [internalize it] more than I would just by looking at something on the

news.” – Jazmine

Jazmine spoke to the ways in which messages from family were viewed as an extension

of family members themselves. Multiple group members emphasized that a person cannot

“get rid of” their family, and that it would be seen almost as hurtful to reject messages

from their family.

As many of these messages came from older family members, Black women

talked about valuing their elders’ opinions and believing that their elders are wiser or

more experienced.

“I think for me, it’s just ’cause I’ve always seen family as the ones who are

always gonna be there for you no matter what. So, if they’re saying these things

that hurt you, then it’s kinda like well, is it really important to them or is it a joke,

like she was saying. Just trying to figure out how we can come to some kind of
  
  
  


agreement on these things.” – Danaë

Danaë noted here how Black women find themselves searching for value, even in

hurtful messages, because of a belief that their family may be trying to communicate

something important to them. Participants also communicated a collective interpretation

of self, in that parents in particular were seen as knowing participants better than

participants knowing themselves. Messages received from parents were then internalized

because they were seen as more accurate than messages that participants might generate

within themselves, or receive from other avenues.

Peers Matter. The term “peers” was purposely left undefined, for respondents to

decide how they conceptualize who their peers are. They described peers not just as

people with whom they socialize, but also as their classmates, coworkers, colleagues, and

those they interact with on social media. As participants responded to the question of how

much they internalized messages coming from peers, they were careful to point out that it

depends upon the type of peer. Specifically, they noted the difference between Black

women peers and non-Black women peers, as well as peers they work with versus peers

whom they consider to be friends.

A majority of respondents stated that they internalized messages from their

friends to a lesser extent than they did those of their family members because the opinion

of peers was seen as less valid. This sentiment was consistent across all focus groups. At

the same time, participants talked about how they internalize the messages received from

work peers or academic peers because of the need to maintain professional relationships.

“Yeah, I feel like promotion and progression in the workplace hinges so much on

likeability. ’Cause think about every new job that you get: what do they ask for?
  
  
  


References. So if you didn’t make any connections in your previous job, you

don’t have any references, and you’ll just kind of remain stuck. Like, we

shouldn’t have to feel like we have to act in a certain way, but if we do want to

kind of like, get to those like, goals that we have, we end up having to, being

forced to act within that certain type of stereotype.” – Monica

In discussing the perceived necessity of internalizing messages from peers (both

mentors and not) in order to advance professionally, Monica conveyed the sentiments of

many participants. Respondents talked about how they found themselves internalizing

messages so that they could be aware of stereotypes that their professional peers may

have about Black women. Their stated goal was to then present themselves in a way in so

as to avoid those stereotypes.

As the Black women in the focus groups were all students, many of their peers

were the same people that they saw for work, class, and in social settings. Participants

noted that the insular nature of programs meant that it was sometimes hard to engage

with people who are not their academic peers. Similar to issues raised in Lack of

Diversity, the lack of opinions from those who are not peers meant that it was hard not to

internalize these messages. Participants also made the distinction that different “levels” of

peers yielded different extents to which messages were internalized.

“It’s one of those things where it’s like, you know how you have different levels

of friendship? Like, with some friends I know, I can be my complete self with, so

like, those are the people I completely let in. And then you have more so

acquaintances, where it’s like, okay you’re good for the season, or good for this

math class. So you know, the people I know I can’t completely [be myself with],
  
  
  


it’s like okay, I’m 10% here you go.” – Micah

Micah and other participants noted that they were able to place many of their peers within

a tiered system which helped them to avoid internalizing certain messages; yet, at the

same time, the necessity of building relationships within programs (similar to in a job

setting) still meant that messages were internalized, to some extent.

Given that the Black women in the focus groups were Millennials, it is

unsurprising that many of them considered people with whom they interact on social

media to also be their peers. According to Pew Center Research (2019), 88% of 18-29

year-olds report using at least one form of social media, including Facebook, YouTube,

and Snapchat which allow you to communicate with people directly and on a mass level.

Since social media activity does not completely disappear from the internet, this also

means that, on a mass level, peers can include those in the future who use social media.

“Social media, in a way, is our time capsule. So, 50 years from now, people will

go back and look at our culture and think, ‘this is what they thought of Black

women at this time [and] it’s really upsetting...’ So I internalize it more, because I

think about our legacy, and I think about the next generation of young women

who are coming up behind, and how are they thinking about it, how is this

affecting them?” – Tamar

Tamar’s characterization of peers as people who can interact with current social media 50

years from now was deeply fascinating. Participants discussed that they found themselves

cognizant not just of what peers in modern times think, but also of how their “peers” in

the future will view them. This notion of legacy, and also of how Black women in the

future will be affected by current messages, is one which respondents pointed out as
  
  
  


influencing why they internalize messages. They stated that this even makes them

conscious of how they present themselves on social media (which was originally intended

to be a fun, lighthearted avenue).

Resistance

Throughout the focus groups, respondents discussed the messages they have

received, their view of themselves as Black women, and their experiences in society. In

each group, they also brought up how they resist against these messages. Notably, none

of the focus group or follow-up questions asked participants how they fight back against

negative messaging and emotions, as coping or resistance was not the focus of this initial

inquiry into internalized misogynoir. Rather, participants spontaneously discussed the

ways in which they either avoid internalizing certain messages or work to unlearn/un-

internalize these messages. Participants described using a few different techniques of

resistance, and that the techniques they used depended upon the context.

One such technique that Black women discussed using was that of preemptively

taking a protective stance against any messaging that they may receive about themselves

or Black women. Some participants described the idea of going into the world with a

“thick skin”, or of being told by their parents that they needed to develop a thick skin. For

these women, they approached interactions with society as something that they could not

avoid and that they could not let upset them. Similarly, a few women discussed code-

switching through language, dialect or style as a method of resistance.

“I’ll full-on speak Kreyòl (Haitian Creole) with my mom, ’cause I’m like, ‘I can

speak another language’ and I’m like ‘I don’t care, I just can’t struggle with this

conversation right now.’ So then I’ll get the like, ‘OMG, I love when you like talk
  
  
  


that way,’ and I’m like, ‘It wasn’t for you to hear, I just needed to talk to my

mom.’ – Tina

Tina and other participants noted that code-switching acted as a way for them to have

both a “true” self and a public self. For these women, choosing to interact with people in

the style of the dominant culture was a way of protecting their “real” selves from being

affected by negative messaging. Choosing to switch into different clothes or dialects with

friends and family functioned much in the same way, by allowing them to feel as though

they had a private self which was protected from society’s messages.

This notion of dual selves also manifested itself in the ways Black women

discussed seeking affirmation as a method of resistance. Participants spoke at length

about the importance of seeking other Black women with whom they could let down their

guard and find support.

“Some of my peers are Black women, and with that, the messaging is

encouragement and ‘We’ve got you,’ and ‘We’re here for you,’ and ‘You can do

this,’ and ‘We’re all in this together,’ and you know, ‘Let me recommend you to

my natural hair friend.’ You know, there’s like this network of affirming direction

and compassion.” – Nina

When describing their interactions with other Black women peers, different participants

repeatedly used the word “affirming”. They noted that surrounding themselves with these

peers reminds them that they are not “crazy”, that their experiences are valid and that

they can be hurtful. Even when unable to be around other Black women, respondents

discussed surrounding themselves with friends who give them space to discuss their

experiences. Respondents mentioned that this sometimes manifests in having several

  
  
  


friend groups, in which one group might also be comprised of other women or people of

color who may have analogous experiences.

Black women also emphasized the importance of seeking affirming images or

content by being purposeful in the media that they watch. They pointed out that women

like Olivia Pope from “Scandal” and Annalise Keating from “How to Get Away With

Murder” can be problematic in some aspects, but simultaneously inspiring.

“There are Black women now on TV who are amazing. Like, I think of Olivia

Pope on Scandal, minus the affair (with the President). Like, she was like a power

player in the room. And like, Annalise Keating, and how she’s strong. Even

Michaela (from How to Get Away With Murder), Michaela’s like, she owns it.” –

Ashley

Ashley referenced these women in a discussion of how images of Black women in

scripted media are often accomplished and powerful. What’s more, characters like Olivia

and Annalise are not written as colorblind, and make explicit reference to their Black

womanhood (e.g. discussing having to work twice as hard). Participants saw these

characters as a way of affirming that they can live in the fullness of their identities while

also achieving great things. Respondents noted that they similarly try to curate their

social media accounts to show positive images of Black women. They reported following

accounts which showcased Black women, or hashtags like #blackgirlmagic, as a way of

influencing the algorithms of social media sites to show them positive images of Black

women.
  
  
  


Respondents also reported choosing a method of resistance rooted in examining

messages and experiences with a critical eye. For these participants, resisting the

internalization of certain messages was easier, when it came from non-Black women.

“I would say, for the most part for [non-Black] peers, I guess like, the people I see

on day-to-day in my classes, I don’t [internalize their opinions], just because I

know they don’t know me enough for their opinion on that certain subject to be

validated. So I’m not gonna give my time or energy to that. That’s not to say that

certain things that they do aren’t wrong or offensive in some way. Like, if it does

rub me the wrong way, best believe I will confront it. But I wouldn’t say I

internalize it.” – Chidalu

For Chidalu and other respondents, their assessment of how “valid” a source was affected

whether or not they internalized certain messages. To that effect, people who were not

Black women were seen as having invalid opinions, because their opinions were not

rooted in first-hand knowledge. Since the dominant narrative has often been crafted by

those traditionally in power (i.e. wealthy white men), Black women also discussed

unlearning certain narratives as part of resistance. For these participants, they viewed

some of the messages they have learned as inherently problematic, since they had been

created and perpetuated by non-Black women. As such, they view the unlearning of these

messages as critical in crafting their own narrative of what it means to be a Black woman.

Moreover, respondents discussed the necessity of helping to educate other people,

particularly other Black women, about why these messages were false and harmful.

The final way in which Black women discussed resisting negative messages

builds upon the idea of creating their own narrative of what a Black woman is and of how
  
  
  


she navigates through the world. Respondents discussed how Black women are not a

monolith, and as such, they have the freedom to determine who they are as individuals.

“I don’t think any race or gender should act a certain way, I’m not here for

norms... everyone’s experiences are so different, and it’s so limiting to like, tell

Black females, ‘Oh, you gotta be this perfect,’ blah blah whatever else. That just

doesn’t leave room for humanness or like, mistakes... I tend to believe that

complexity is the hallmark of individuality. And so, since we’re not bots, don’t try

to make me one.” – Elisha

Elisha’s statement was a direct response to the question of whether participants believed

that Black women should act in a particular way. Participants tended to laugh or expel air

dismissively to this question, nonverbally communicating a similar statement to Elisha.

In follow-up, they acknowledged that aspects of themselves may, at times, fit with certain

stereotypes (e.g. being a good dancer), but that this was something unique to them.

Respondents emphatically stated that they should not have to feel pressure to conform to,

or fight against, certain stereotypes.

Participants also mentioned needing to create their own notion of self which

acknowledges stereotypes and messages about Black women, but is not informed by it.

For these participants, the idea of being able to create their own narrative was

empowering, as it allowed them to resist against internalizing outside narratives.

“There’s like, a quote of Chinua Achebe’s that talks about like, basically being

able to like, reclaim your narrative, and stuff like that. And I think with more

media that’s more positive to Black women, it’s beautiful to see that, because it

shows that we are reclaiming our own narrative [about beauty, empowerment],
  
  
  


and there are more people that are stepping up and doing so.” – Sara

Sara’s point emphasized not just the idea that Black women are creating their own

narratives, but also that they are charting their own path of what it means to be a Black

woman. Respondents reiterated Sara’s point by talking about the importance of showing

different ideas to society of what it means to be a Black woman. For focus group

members, charting their own path meant showing that Black women are capable of being

more than just one-dimensional stereotypes. Instead, they wished to show that Black

women can embody the full range of human experience, emotion and personality, the

same as any other gender-racialized group of people can.

Thoughts on Internalized Misogynoir Measure and How to Improve It

For specific reactions to the Internalized Misogynoir Measure, participants were

asked what they thought of the measure, about specific items they liked or disliked, and

whether they would change or add any items. Participants’ opinions on the Internalized

Misogynoir Measure were, overall, positive and affirmative. Black women noted that the

measure was specific enough to capture the nuance that occurs at the intersection of being

both Black and a woman, while also covering “a lot of the perception about... female

blackness.” As expected, not all participants resonated with every experience outlined in

each of the questions. However, they did also acknowledge that they could imagine these

experiences occurring, or that they knew Black women who had had these experiences.

When asked about items that particularly resonated with them, Black women

reported relating the most to items from the Projected Stereotypes Factor. Respondents

endorsed items from this section a total of 15 times, while items from the Assumptions

About Beauty and Style factor were endorsed 8 times, and those from the Silenced and
  
  
  


Marginalized factor were endorsed 6 times. In contrast, the most endorsed item of the

Internalized Misogynoir Measure was “I’m worried some will challenge me if I am in a

position of authority”, from the Silenced and Marginalized factor. Participants discussed

how they were in the beginning stages of their academic or professional careers, and were

becoming more aware of how people viewed them in leadership positions. Following

this, the next-most endorsed items were “My family raised me to be a ‘Strong Black

Woman’” and “Black women tend to be loud and aggressive”. Again, Black women

pointed to their budding careers as the reason for why they found these items to be

particularly salient at this point in their lives.

Black women in the focus groups noted items that they disliked for a variety of

reasons. The most commonly-stated reasons included that these questions appeared to be

indicative of blatant self-hatred. Respondents indicated that they had never had direct

thoughts of self-hatred, and believed that it would be unlikely to meet Black women who

would endorse these items. They also noted that the recent landscape of popular culture,

and within the last several years, has indicated a slight change in beauty standards. As

such, the full lips and bigger behinds that older generations were teased for are now

revered. Likewise, with the rise of the natural hair movement, and the derision towards

“fake hair” that they had reported hearing from Black men, participants reported feeling

at ease with their own hair and/or did not associate long hair with a standard of beauty.

Given these comments, the following items have been discarded from the Internalized

Misogynoir Measure:

1. The images I see on TV and in movies make me ashamed of being a

Black woman
  
  
  


2. If I could, I would change the size of my nose or lips

3. I feel pressure to wear hair extensions (including weaves, wigs, or

braids) so that I can have long, flowing hair

In response to questions about particular items that they would change,

participants had suggestions for several items. The first item they expressed confusion

about was #9: “Black women should support Black men instead of complaining about

them”. Respondents noted that the second half of this sentence made it sound both as if it

came from a Black man, and as if Black women do not support Black men at all. They

noted that, while there may be some people who believe this statement, they felt that the

general consensus was that Black women support Black men. However, participants also

expressed feeling pressure to engage in more emotional labor in support of Black men,

sometimes at cost to themselves. In order to address this concern, this item has been re-

worded to say: “Black women should support Black men more”.

Respondents also thought that #14, “People might think I’m ‘fast’ or a ‘thot’ if I

dance a certain way”, could be further expanded to better capture their experience. They

noted that, while dancing only takes place in social contexts, style of dress was something

that they found themselves more concerned about. Black women stated that they found

themselves concerned that certain clothes would look provocative on them, particularly in

professional settings. They then spoke about how they experienced added stress, or found

themselves putting in more effort to look “professional”, in order to draw attention away

from their body shape. Additionally, the word “fast” is more often used among Baby

Boomers and Generation X, while “thot”, has also been used humorously on social media

among Millennials and Generation Z, and may not carry the same negative connotation.
  
  
  


For the purposes of addressing both of these points, item #14 has been rewritten as “I

can’t dress or dance in certain ways for fear of being sexualized”.

Participants suggested a subtle change in the wording of question #3 from “If I

speak up for myself, people will think I am an angry Black woman” to “If I speak up for

myself, I’ll seem like an angry Black woman”. They reported that the original phrasing

made it sound as if an angry Black woman was what they are, versus how they may

seem. Although the wording seems very similar, respondents believed that the second

phrasing acknowledged that they, themselves, were secure in knowing that they were not

an “angry Black woman”.

Although participants felt that the current version of the IMM largely

encompassed Black women’s experiences, they thought that it would be helpful to also

add items that reflected their dating experiences. They described ways in which they were

told (implicitly or explicitly) that certain stereotypes of Black womanhood made them

less desirable dating partners. These included stereotypes that Black women were loud,

aggressive and only wore weaves or hair extensions. Participants discussed noticing - in

media, social media and in real life - a tendency for some Black men to exclusively date

outside of their race, while also vilifying Black women to justify their dating habits.

Moreover, they noted the implied a connection between beauty and dating. Participants

pointed out that, as Black women are often not seen as the standard of beauty in popular

culture, they are also not seen as a standard, or even a viable option, for dating, according

to images they see in media.

  
  
  


In order to further tap into the themes identified, as well as to address the

suggestions of the respondents, the following 4 questions were added, based on

participant suggestions and topics of conversation throughout the focus groups:

1. People find it easier to date non-Black women (Sapphire)

2. I feel pressure to do well in life so that I don’t let other people down

(Respectability Politics)

3. It would not bother me if a romantic partner emphasized that they “have never

been with a Black girl before” (Assumptions About Beauty and Style)

4. I was raised to be independent, and to be able to handle anything that comes

my way (Strong Black Woman)

Final structure of the IMM is as follows:

1. If I speak up for myself, I’ll seem like an angry Black woman

2. Some Black women are too easily offended

3. I feel pressure to do well in life so that I don’t let other people down

4. People should only go natural if they have “good hair”

5. I would prefer for my children to be light-skinned

6. I was raised to be independent, and to be able to handle anything that

comes my way

7. Black women tend to be loud and aggressive

8. It would not bother me if a romantic partner emphasized that they “have

never been with a Black girl before”

9. I feel pressure to wear hair extensions (including weaves, wigs, or braids)

so that I can have long, flowing hair

  
  
  


10. Black women should support Black men more

11. My family raised me to be a “Strong Black Woman”

12. I’m worried some will challenge me if I am in a position of authority

13. The ideal body shape includes a larger bust, narrow waist, and a larger

butt

14. I can’t dress or dance in certain ways for fear of being sexualized

15. People find it easier to date non-Black women

  
  
  


Chapter 5: Discussion

Introduction

This chapter includes a review of key findings from the data collection and

analysis of focus groups on internalized misogynoir. It will begin with a summary of

findings from the focus groups, as it pertains specifically to the four research questions.

Following this will be a discussion of my own reactions as a Black woman and as a

researcher, including the horizontal and vertical interactions which took place during the

focus group research process. From there, I will move into a discussion of clinical

implications, including therapeutic relevance for clinicians, as well as how to consider the

role of resistance and social media. The next section will incorporate both strengths and

limitations, including how the research might be improved through the use of different

styles of qualitative analysis. I will conclude with a discussion on future directions, as

they pertain to research on internalized misogynoir.

Discussion of Key Findings

Research Question 1. The first research question presented in this study asked

focus group participants how Black women experience misogynoir in the world. This

question largely sought to answer how misogynoir presents itself, and about how Black

women situate their lives within misogynoir; this included gaining an understanding of

messages that Black women received and deemed to be indicative of misogynoir. Based

on descriptions outlined in the focus group, it is evident that Black women experience

misogynoir as an insidious form of gender-racialized oppression. These oppressive

experiences often take place in the form of stereotypes about Black women that

negatively inform and impact self-image. These experiences can take place in several
  
  
  


different ways, as illustrated by the themes discussed in Chapter 4. Whether through

archetypes of the Strong Black Woman and Sapphire, attempts to stifle Black women

through Respectability Politics, the silencing of Not Seen and Not Heard, or through

Beauty, Style and Sexual Objectification, misogynoir is something that the Black women

in this study saw as contributing to a hostile society.

The overarching message that they were less than, or “wrong”, simply by virtue

of being Black women, is something which affects the inner dialogue of Black women

and, subsequently, how they operate in society and interact with others. Misogynoir adds

a burden of socio-emotional labor for Black women, as people in a marginalized or

position, to try and seem appealing to those in power. This includes operating in ways

that those in power deem socially acceptable and that, for some Black women, are

antithetical to their authentic ways of being. Choosing to present themselves in a certain

way, in order to obtain a job or to interact with people in particular ways, is not

misogynoir in and of itself. Arguably, making these choices could serve as a way of

conquering and resisting an unjust system. That Black women feel the need to present or

interact in such ways is indicative that misogynoir does exist.

Research Question 2. The next research question inquired how Black women

describe how much, and why, they internalize misogynoir. Participants noted how the

process of internalization is a dynamic one, in that internalization operates along a

spectrum instead of as a dichotomous variable. Although participants stated that they

were more impressionable at younger ages, the overall themes around how Black women

experience misogynoir were not specific to particular contexts. Instead, a variety of

circumstances, such as the presence of family members or Black women peers, contribute
  
  
  


heavily to how much, and why, participants internalize misogynoir. Generally,

respondents noted that growing up with Black women as peers and family members

helped to counteract the internalization of media images. Alternatively, messages which

came from Black women family members were often internalized more out of a sense of

family loyalty or of connected collectivism.

The key aspect of why, and how much, Black women internalize misogynoir lies

within the idea of socialization. The distinction between socialization and internalization

is somewhat unclear, as theorists like Parsons (1951) and Durkheim (1966) have

suggested that internalization is merely a stage of socialization. Vygotsky (1978) posited

that internalization occurs when an interpersonal process becomes an intrapersonal

process. That is, individuals have entered internalization when they have moved past the

point of understanding social norms and values (socialization) into accepting these norms

and incorporating them into their own personality and sense of morality. Kucyzynski et

al. (1997) echo this articulation, noting that socialization refers to ideas that are external

to an individual’s thoughts and actions. In this current study, when talking about

socialization, I am specifically referring to messages about how Black women should

operate in society, what society believes about Black women, and how society treats and

interacts with Black women. Internalized misogynoir, then, is not the knowledge of

societal messages about Black women or understanding that these messages developed in

a white supremacist patriarchy. Internalized misogynoir is when these messages are

incorporated into one’s sense of self, and are subsequently used to guide both personality

and moral beliefs. For example, internalized misogynoir is not the knowledge that Black

women who defend their opinions or beliefs from others are perceived as angry; in fact,
  
  
  


one could argue that this is a part of optimal resistance, as this shows an awareness of

dominant discourses which exist about Black women. Questions about whether a person

has internalized misogynoir become relevant when a Black woman actually believes that

choosing to defend herself means that she is angry. Follow-up questions and

interpretations of how much she has internalized misogynoir could be determined by the

behaviors that she then chooses to engage in (i.e. not defending herself, or in doing so in

a way that is more socially acceptable). Although making choices about how to respond

to an invalidating environment is a part of optimal resistance, certain choices, such as

choosing to not defend oneself (e.g. avoidance), are suboptimal, and may be indicative of

internalized misogynoir.

It is important to acknowledge that non-Black women also experience U.S. or

Western-centric socialization and are likely also socialized with messages about Black

women. Although it is impossible to explicitly know the messages that other groups have

received from family and friends, media and social media are mass-consumed by all

groups. A 2011 breakdown from the Nielsen Cross-Platform Report showed that, while

African-Americans watched the most traditional TV, Asian-Americans spent the most

time watching videos on the internet. Moreover, while the breakdown of the top 5 U.S.

TV shows varies among racial and ethnic groups, even a show ranked as #5 among

African-American viewers (How to Get Away with Murder) still reported that 58% of its

2017-2018 viewers were white (Statista, 2019). Given this fact, if various groups are

consuming the same media, it is likely that the same images and messages conveyed

about Black women are seen by these various groups. However, because these groups are

not Black women, they do not have to contend with the complexities which come with
  
  
  


identifying as a Black woman and trying to understand how, or if, these messages about

Black women apply to their own sense of identity. Focus group respondents also

discussed that misogynoir was often embedded into messages that they received from

media, family, and peers about what it meant to be an acceptable Black woman in

society.

This socialization aspect became even more apparent, as participants described

not being aware that these messages were problematic until they had grown closer to

adulthood. The ability to find messages problematic and the age or stage at which they

were able to do so, in turn, contributed to how much participants internalized particular

features of misogynoir. Since participants did not specifically describe when they were

able to recognize messages as problematic, it is unclear what distinguishing events or

developmental processes were involved in these realizations. Considering that the process

of internalizing misogynoir takes place through socialization, this also raises the idea that

the extent to which Black women internalize - and then learn to combat the

internalization of misogynoir - may be a part of their identity development. Unlike

patriarchy and gendered racism, misogynoir (by definition) is specifically targeted

towards Black women, and thus may have a more pointed impact than patriarchy

(affecting women as a whole) or gendered racism (applicable to people of color of all

genders). Misogynoir is so deeply-embedded into the messages that Black women receive

from various sources that I believe it would be difficult for Black women to not

internalize some amount of misogynoir throughout their development.

While there is not a model of gendered-racial identity development, racial identity

development models suggest that people’s understanding of racial identity begins when
  
  
  


they have embodied views of the dominant culture (Cross, 2002). In incorporating a

lifespan developmental perspective, the Ethnic and Racial Identity (ERI) in the 21st

Century Study Group argued that, during ERI formation from early adolescence to late

adolescence (age 12-18), people begin to understand how race/ethnicity affects social

experiences and life chances (Umaña-Taylor et al., 2014). Adolescents at this stage

develop salience and centrality in regards to their identity, as well as private regard and a

greater awareness of public regard. Because Black women adolescents are just

developing a deeper understanding of how their identity is viewed socially, they may not

have previously questioned messages they have received from an oppressive society. The

ERI Group went on to argue that the period of emerging adulthood (age 18-25) is one that

heightens individuals’ awareness and understanding of systemic oppression. During this

period, people also begin to consider the intersections of their various important

identities, and engage in a process of identity coherence. Identity coherence includes both

an understanding of how their various identities intersect, as well as further negotiation of

their sense of private and public regard for their identity group. As Black women move

into emerging adulthood, the process of identity coherence can facilitate the questioning

of messages which they have internalized about their identities. For example, participants

who identified as darker-skinned noted that messages about colorism were internalized

more when they were preteens and teenagers, as opposed to once they had reached

college-age. They acknowledged that, in getting older and having more experiences, they

had developed a better understanding of systematic oppression. This also meant more

awareness that messages of misogynoir were harmful, as well as a subsequent greater

ability to resist internalizing these messages.

  
  
  


The conclusions of the ERI in the 21st Century Study Group echo one of the

themes on how much and why participants internalize misogynoir: Vulnerability of

Youth. The ERI study acknowledges that an understanding of systemic oppression

develops with emerging adulthood, suggesting that age (and particularly being at a

younger age), is a risk factor for internalizing misogynoir. Moreover, considering that

Black women can continue to struggle with internalizing misogynoir throughout their

lifespan, it may be more accurate to say that identity development which is in the first

stages - regardless of age - is also a risk factor. Ultimately, a model of gendered-racial

identity development would be more helpful in understanding the interplay between

misogynoir and identity development. As it stands, the ERI’s model of racial identity

formation, and its acknowledgement of intersectional identities, helps to give an idea of

the developmental processes behind the internalization of misogynoir, and of how Black

women can come to resist internalized misogynoir.

All of the themes for how and why participants internalize misogynoir can be

used in order to understand potential risk factors for, and protective factors against,

internalizing misogynoir. From a lack of diverse and uplifting media messaging, to the

belief that one must accept family beliefs in order to be accepted, these themes all work

to illustrate participants’ rationale behind internalizing misogynoir. Along similar lines,

protective factors against internalizing misogynoir may include some of the aspects that

respondents discussed when talking about resistance. Environments in which Black

women have their gender-racialized identity affirmed by their families, are shown

positive images of Black women, and are informed about the ways in which systemic

oppression operate, may be conducive to lower amounts of internalized misogynoir.

  
  
  


Research Question 3. Following these questions about the experience of

misogynoir, and of how much/why participants internalized misogynoir, the next research

question asked about the emotional and psychological effect of internalizing misogynoir.

As was congruent with the research on other oppressions, respondents in this study

described a host of negative emotional reactions. In answering this question, participants

further built upon their responses to the first two research questions, as it pertains to the

idea of a Black woman’s burden and the role of socialization. Participants noted that their

negative emotions were not only in response to the messages they received about Black

women, but that the burden created by internalizing misogynoir also left them feeling

exhausted and resigned. Participants acknowledged the ways in which internalizing

misogynoir can occur as a function of the socialization process, and yet, doing so makes

it more difficult to interact with society. That is, internalizing misogynoir helped them to

recognize and incorporate certain messages into their ways of being. This may have

helped Black women to better navigate or be prepared for experiences in a white,

patriarchal society. At the same time, internalizing misogynoir also became a burden, in

the sense that it creates a hyperawareness of societal messages, out of a need or desire to

better cope with society. Hyperawareness or hypervigilance, particularly as a reaction to

discrimination and prejudice, has been documented among various minority groups as

contributing to negative emotions and overall psychological distress (Brondolo et al.,

2008; Benkert et al., 2006). As hypervigilance can be temporarily beneficial in helping to

avoid prejudice events, Black women may be more apt to see it as helpful, and less aware

of its long-term effects on mental health (Hatzenbuehler, 2009).

  
  
  


The experience of internalizing misogynoir also yields a dialectical response, in

which Black women find themselves caught in a struggle. There is a part of them that can

recognize and resist misogynoir, while at the same time also internalizing it, to some

extent. Whether this internalization occurs consciously or subconsciously, this struggle

speaks to the process of internalizing misogynoir as dynamic, developmental, and as a

source of stress. Participants described, for instance, knowing that their families were

biased towards natural hair, but also attempting to make their hair appear “presentable” to

their families and to themselves. This, in turn, causes an internal dilemma, wherein Black

women sometimes struggle to define their authentic selves. There is a tension between

wanting to be accepted by their families and peers, but also not wanting to be stifled by

stereotypes and respectability politics. Finding the balance of respecting the views of

others, while exploring dissenting values, may be the work of individuation, or finding a

sense of individuality which is separate from peers and family members. However,

individuation as traditionally defined by Jung has been criticized as having a Western and

colonialistic viewpoint, particularly given Jung’s belief that African cultures were

inferior (Brooke, 2008). As such, the process of individuation and resolving of such

tension may look different for Black women who are trying to contend with both Western

interpretations and diasporic beliefs around the self, in relation to others.

Research Question 4. The final research questions asked whether the

Internalized Misogynoir Measure helps to illustrate the experience of Black women’s

internalization of hostile attitudes, in relation to their gender-racialized identities. Black

women reported finding the IMM to be an overall helpful metric in illustrating some of

their experiences. As with the overall discussion, the experience of talking about the
  
  
  


measure elicited strong reactions. Participants noted how angry or sad they felt in seeing

some of these experiences written down on paper, particularly ones which resonated with

them on an individual level. What’s more, the original items on the measure that they

rejected were ones that overtly reflected internalized misogynoir, such as “The images I

see on TV and in movies make me ashamed of being a Black woman”. This further

illustrates the point of subtlety, as items such as “People find it easier to date non-Black

women” acknowledge the hostility embedded in misogynoir, while also highlighting the

covert and insidious ways in which misogynoir can present itself.

Researcher Reactions

Researcher Intentions. Reflecting upon my position as a researcher, I am

conscious that researchers can inhabit different roles while in engaged in qualitative

research. Adler and Adler (1987) identified three roles that researchers take on: a)

peripheral members who do not participate in core group activities, b) active members

who are involved with activities while aligning themselves with the values and goals of

the group, and c) complete members who are already a part of the group, or become fully

integrated, throughout the research. My original intention was to facilitate the focus

groups as a peripheral research member who did not involve myself in the key

discussion. I understood this to be the best way for avoiding influencing the group

members, as I wanted to abstain from interjecting my own experience into their

narratives. What I did not originally account for, however, was that as a fellow Millennial

Black woman, I was automatically somewhat of an active member, if not a complete

member. In asking questions, encouraging members to elaborate, and clarifying

statements, I became involved with the activities of the group. While Adler and Adler
  
  
  


noted that acting as a complete member can facilitate acceptance by group members, they

also acknowledged that there is a higher risk of role confusion. In the data collection

process, I found myself considering how to respond to participants as a participant, rather

than as a researcher.

The question of how to facilitate a focus group without becoming a participant is

especially important, as an in-group member of the population which is being studied.

Prior to facilitating the focus groups, I was aware that, as a Millennial Black woman, I

would likely relate to the experiences which were discussed. I was also forced to process

whether internalized misogynoir was a phenomenon, or if I was projecting my own need

for validation and understanding onto my participants. Standards for qualitative research

state that, in order to answer this question, I needed to bracket my assumptions about

Black women and internalized misogynoir; yet, one could argue that my identity as a

Millennial Black woman makes it impossible for me to do so. Corbin-Dwyer and Buckle

(2009) noted that being an insider into a group does not necessarily influence the process

in a negative way. Rather, it necessitates a deep awareness of personal biases and

perspectives, as well as reflection on the research process. As such, while I held this role

as an insider, I do not believe that it made me a more or less effective researcher.

My intended goal was ultimately to make peace with occupying an in-between

space. I am aware that my personhood affects the analysis of the focus group data, and

that the data itself affects my personhood as a Black woman. In this, I cannot be an

outsider to the data, because I am intimately familiar with the topic, and I cannot fully be

an insider either, because I am a researcher. Feminist researchers have argued that this in-

between space can actually be beneficial, as it allows for a “non-hierarchical, non-

  
  
  


manipulative research relationship” (Reinharz, 1983, p. 594). They posit that answering

participant questions, giving support, and sharing knowledge and experience makes

qualitative interviewing a more natural experience for participants (Cotterill, 1992). In

turn, creating that natural experience yields more fruitful and honest reflection from

participants, as well as an overall richer collection of data. Therefore, I chose to operate

in these focus groups as a researcher who interacted with participants from a place of

equality, empowerment, and shared experience.

Reflections Post-Focus Group. Comparing my intentions prior to conducting the

focus groups with how I actually facilitated, I am aware that I did follow the advice of

feminist researchers. This is partially because facilitating focus groups also requires the

use of clinical skills, like active listening and showing empathy. Since my clinical

theoretical orientation is one that values reducing power dynamics and empowering

clients, it makes sense that this sort of facilitative role would resonate with me.

Moreover, feminist therapy also acknowledges that how a counselor shows up in their

personhood is just as relevant as the coping skills that they might teach. I realize that I

became intimately involved in the group process, by virtue of being of similar age,

gender and race to the participants.

Listening to group members discuss their experiences with internalized

misogynoir was at once validating and empowering. As a similarly-aged and similarly-

educated Black woman, I have had similar thoughts, feelings and experiences as the ones

which they described. On both a personal and professional level, it was a comforting

reminder that I was not alone in these struggles. What’s more, hearing the ways in which

they resisted these messages was liberating, particularly in hearing from younger
  
  
  


Millennials who were already aware of how problematic some societal messages were.

Throughout the groups, I found myself not only providing commentary for clarification,

but also laughing and displaying empathy at appropriate moments. In this, I recognize

that I made a connection with participants, which could have had an influence on the tone

of the group. As such, it is important to acknowledge that, despite my original intentions

surrounding neutrality, there was likely no neutrality based on both my identities and how

those influenced my reactions during the focus groups.

Given both my lack of neutrality and the ways in which the focus group felt

healing for me, I am also reflecting on the ways in which focus groups can have a

proactive role. Although I did not provide participants with a definition of internalized

misogynoir, a proactive approach could have been to provide the definition in order to

specifically have a conversation about resistance. Additionally, asking participants how

they felt at the end of the focus group discussion could have been helpful in determining

whether just allowing the space to discuss these topics was helpful. I am aware that part

of my personal feelings of empowerment and validation came from the opportunity to

simply sit and talk with other Black women. In thinking about the role of community and

resistance, it is possible that providing space for Black women to receive validation, as

well as to discuss methods of resistance, was healing and restorative on its own.

Collectivity and Community. In continuing to think on the role of meaning-

making as it pertains to internalized misogynoir, it is also important to think about the

role of community. When choosing my sample, I was aware that, in attending a

predominately white institution, it was likely that participants would be familiar with one

another. I was also aware that I might be familiar with some of them myself, from both
  
  
  


academic and social settings. In this, I knew that it would be impossible to ignore the

relationships that participants may have had with one another, or with me. During the

focus groups, participants generally did not make explicit reference to knowing each

other, but at least two participants walked in together and implied that they were friends.

In considering the relationships amongst the participants, between myself and the

participants, and our group relationship, there were implications for meaning-making.

Even in acknowledging Moya Bailey’s definition of misogynoir, there is a co-

construction of meaning that takes place, both by my asking questions and the group

responding to them. In some ways, this is even heightened, because each focus group was

largely cohesive in their descriptions of their thoughts, experiences and feelings. While

members may have differed in what they specifically experienced, at no time during the

focus groups was there dissent about whether something was problematic or hurtful.

Participants may have stated that they had not had a particular experience, but they did

not communicate that they thought the experience shared was false, or not harmful.

Although we did not establish group guidelines beforehand, it appeared that participants

adopted a spirit of non-judgment, perhaps to validate each other’s experiences so that

they would receive validation in return. Whether present before the group or something

that developed in the process, it became evident throughout the course of the group that

the concept of sisterhood was present. In this context, sisterhood is defined as “a

collective of women bonded by similar experiences or values who take interest in

understanding, supporting and uplifting each other” (hooks, 2000). This took place in

various forms, as I witnessed participants validate each other’s emotions, offer solutions

for how they approached situations, and demonstrate vulnerability in discussing why they
  
  
  


internalized certain messages. Moreover, I realize that I, too, engaged in this sisterhood

through sympathetic facial expressions, appropriate laughter, and in clarifying particular

points. By doing so, the participants and I created a space that was at once safe and

familiar.

Despite the sisterhood displayed in the group sessions, I am also aware that the

lack of vocalized dissent does not mean that dissent was not present. It is unclear whether

some group members were quieter for lack of something to say, or because they did not

want to disagree with the group and be ostracized. As the group leader, I encouraged all

group members to speak, but did not want to specifically call participants out by asking

them to offer an opinion. I recognize that my engagement in the group process through

nonverbals and laughter may have also been seen as tacit approval of particular

statements. I can imagine, then, how it would have been difficult for a group member

with a different opinion to speak up. Added to this is the fact that I purposely did not give

participants a definition of misogynoir or of internalized misogynoir. In this, the meaning

created about internalized misogynoir was not one which was presented by the group

leader and commented-on by the group participants. Rather, each participant presented a

piece of their experience and what it meant to them, and I have combined these

recitations. Were I to go back to these participants and present to them my understanding

of what they said, I do not know what they would agree or disagree with.

Clinical Implications

Therapeutic Relevance. In seeking to measure and illustrate levels of

internalized misogynoir, there are several relevant counseling implications at play. All of

these implications are rooted in the belief that Black women cannot fully escape the
  
  
  


systematic oppression in society that generates misogynoir. Much like how other

oppressions can be institutional, interpersonal, or internalized, misogynoir can operate in

a number of ways. What’s more, internalized misogynoir can also exist in differing

amounts, and even those smaller amounts of internalized misogynoir are harmful. In

considering that it is difficult to be a Black woman who does not internalize some amount

of misogynoir, it is also important that internalized misogynoir be thought of as a lifespan

process. While Black women may internalize misogynoir more (or easier) at younger

ages, it is not necessarily something that disappears upon reaching adulthood. The

participants in this study are emerging adults who recognized the harmful messages and

yet still struggled with them. It therefore could be argued that the process of un-

internalizing misogynoir is lifelong and includes Black women learning ways in to resist

internalizing misogynoir or to cope with internalized misogynoir.

The overarching benefit of the Internalized Misogynoir Measure, as it pertains to

counseling, is related to multicultural ethics and the support of clients, as they unlearn

internalized misogynoir. Since counselors strive to be multiculturally competent, an

understanding of internalized misogynoir could help clinicians to better treat anti-Black

misogyny at play in the lives of their Black women clients. From a professional

perspective, it is important for practitioners to be aware of misogynoir, so that they do not

perpetuate these messages within psychotherapy. Since practitioners are people who have

also been socialized in Western society, it is important that they examine what messages

they have received about Black women and how they have adopted them into their

schemas. Moreover, doing so (and subsequently liberating themselves) may require their

own personal work, through therapy and/or educating themselves outside of a therapeutic
  
  
  


context. This may be especially important for practitioners who are Black women and are

also working through their own process of un-internalizing misogynoir.

Currently, there exists no published literature discussing misogynoir or

internalized misogynoir within a psychological or counseling context. Expanding this

search to theses and dissertations reveals that only 3 dissertations published since 2017

have explicitly focused on misogynoir - and even then, only within the context of

women’s studies and media studies. A search for literature on “internalized gendered

racism” shows that this has largely been contained to a few dissertations and one

published article about Asian-American women. Thus, the research in this dissertation

helps to further the work of understanding internalized misogynoir, as well as further

define these critical processes that Black women can experience. As counselors, it is not

uncommon for us to teach clients the importance of using specific words and phrases to

name our experiences; we do a multitude of things, from giving clients emotion wheels to

describe their feelings, to using phrases like “catastrophizing”, in order to describe

unhelpful thought processes. Clinicians do so not only to give clients a framework for

how to view their experiences, but also as a way to empower clients. Feminist and

multicultural therapists, in particular, rely heavily on the ethics of social justice

movements. For example, counselors may provide clients with language like “victim-

blaming” and “gaslighting” as ways in which to help them to reclaim narratives about

their negative experiences.

Because this research helps to further clarify misogynoir, and specifically

internalized misogynoir, it also helps with how therapists can use language to help clients

validate the hostility that they’ve experienced. This has implications for how seeing,
  
  
  


hearing and being aware of internalized misogynoir might help psychologists to intervene

competently. By providing clients with language to name their experience - for instance,

by introducing the word misogynoir - counselors are then able to remind clients that the

problem exists within society. At the same time, therapists are able to help clients

recognize the ways in which they are reflecting that hostility within and onto themselves.

The recognition of internalized misogynoir might also help guide therapists in

considering what therapeutic style might be most helpful for their Black women clients.

Incorporating aspects of womanist psychology, as well as resistance theory, could be a

way of addressing issues particular to Black women, through methodology specifically

created for Black women. The goals of a counselor seeking to intervene with a client

experiencing internalized misogynoir are then going to be multifold. Goals could be to

provide a space in which clients do not experience misogynoir, help them to process

internalized misogynoir in their lives, and to increase clients’ resistance strategies.

As it pertains to creating measures that look at intersectional internalized

oppression, the Internalized Misogynoir Measure provides another symptomatic tool for

clinicians to use with first-time clients and on an ongoing basis. Less than 7% of Black

women seek therapy, and those that do may not speak of it in the same way as their white

counterparts do, who may be more apt to say, “I’ve been feeling depressed or anxious”

(Ward & Heidrich, 2010). Instead, they may experience and speak about depression as

physical health problems (e.g. as bodily aches and pains, or in spiritual terms such as,

“My spirit feels weary”.) What’s more, many Black women, being used to systematic

oppression, may have difficulty in connecting these symptoms to the commonplace

experiences, such as comments about their hair, or constantly feeling the need to be
  
  
  


strong (Ward & Heidrich, 2009). An internalized misogynoir measure allows for

specificity in showing Black women how much they have internalized societal messages

about who they are. For clients who are unable to change their circumstances,

recognizing potentially-problematic thought processes and beliefs can help to provide

them with the tools they need to resist internalized misogynoir.

Role of Resistance. Resistance, as it pertains to internalized misogynoir, was

something that arose repeatedly in the focus group discussions without prompting from

me. In each focus group, participants chose to talk at length about how they try to counter

some of the negative messaging they receive from various sources. Again, given that they

were not asked directly about resistance, the fact that they spontaneously talked about this

topic suggests two possibilities; the first reflects intentionality and critical consciousness,

in that participants recognized that these messages were violent and corrosive. Moreover,

they recognized this prior to any verbal or nonverbal feedback from either the group

members or myself. This suggests that respondents may have had previous conversations

with other Black women about how to resist against such messaging. In the context of the

focus groups, there may have been a part of participants that talked about resistance as a

self-reminder of why these messages are harmful. The second possibility is related to the

idea of being “woke”, defined here as “being socially conscious”. Within the last few

years, popular culture, specifically among Black Americans, has put emphasis on

people’s social awareness and the ability to present themselves as such. Since 2012,

discussion around wokeness and hashtags such as #staywoke have promoted the idea that

being socially conscious is both important and fashionable (Freelon et al., 2018). Being

perceived as not woke, particularly among a group of peers, could be seen as detrimental
  
  
  


to a person’s image. It is possible that participants in the focus group had some level of

awareness, or felt pressure that, in talking about messages they have internalized, they

also needed to show that they are woke, and thus know how to resist the messages. This

pressure to present oneself as woke and to know how to resist internalized misogynoir

may itself be a facet of internalized misogynoir. Such a tension perpetuates the Strong

Black Woman theme, by suggesting that Black women should automatically know how

to take care of, and heal themselves, without assistance from others. Counseling

psychologists seeking to help Black women navigate this conflict might highlight how

feeling like they need to be woke, and therefore unable to ask for assistance, is a form of

suboptimal resistance.

Regardless of the reasons for discussing resistance, the fact that it so greatly

permeated the conversation is an important piece of data for clinicians and future

researchers. Participants listed a litany of things they do in order to resist internalized

misogynoir, including surrounding themselves with positive others, and directly

challenging beliefs in order to create a new self-narrative. In doing so, it sounded as

though participants were utilizing what Robinson-Wood et al. (2015) and Robinson and

Ward (1991) referred to as “optimal forms of resistance”. Optimal resistance embodies a

sociopolitical awareness which utilizes affective, behavioral, and cognition dimensions,

and supports Black women pushing back against oppression through values of unity, self-

determination, and living a purposeful life. This is in contrast to suboptimal forms of

resistance, such as increased use of substances or risky sexual behavior. Although

participants briefly mentioned using self-affirmations and finding community, asking

  
  
  


Black women explicitly about how they resist misogynoir could help provide insight into

ways that clinicians may reinforce optimal forms of resistance.

Role of Social Media. Another important clinical implication of this study is the

salience of social media messages. Over the last ten years, use of social media amongst

adults has increased from 36% to 72%, with nearly 90% of adults aged 18-29 reporting

usage of at least one social media site (Pew Research Center, 2019). It is unsurprising,

therefore, that the Millennial participants in this study had strong opinions about the

messaging that they receive from social media. Perhaps what was most important from

their discussion were the ways in which they viewed social media as a double-edged

sword. They noted that social media forces them engage with people whom they might

not otherwise engage, or pushes media that they might not readily choose to consume.

Because social media is also largely left unregulated, participants can (and did) encounter

both uplifting and degrading messaging on Twitter, Facebook or Instagram regarding the

same topic.

Stanton et al. (2017) found that Black women with higher levels of social media

use and greater endorsement of the Strong Black Woman ideal also had lower scores on

self-esteem. The participants in that study also reported higher scores of other adverse

mental health factors, such as psychological distress. Moreover, the Stanton study noted

that participants who engaged with Black-oriented blogs also had more symptoms of

anxiety and depression, as well as lower scores on well-being. These findings suggest

that even respondents who chose to engage with media relevant to their identity

encountered negative messaging. Therefore, it is unsurprising that participants in the

focus groups on misogynoir described feeling hypervigilant and vulnerable, when

  
  
  


engaging with social media as a whole. The mechanisms by which social media affect

Black women, negatively or positively, are still unclear. However, the role of social

media in influencing sociocultural norms needs to be studied, particularly for Millennials

and Generation Z, who have grown up with this medium.

Study Limitations

Choosing IPA Over Grounded Theory. There were several qualitative methods

of analysis that I could have chosen to use in analyzing the focus group data. Because a

study of internalized misogynoir does not yet exist within the literature, one possible

method was Grounded Theory. Grounded Theory is a methodology which looks both at

experiences and other data sources in order to develop an objective understanding of the

subject (Starks & Brown Trinidad, 2007). The goal of Grounded Theory, or GT, is to turn

the data collected into codes, which in turn become concepts that help create the basis of

a new theory (Strauss & Corbin, 1994). Since internalized misogynoir does not exist in

the literature, and there is little on misogynoir itself, Grounded Theory could have been

one method of informing a theory around internalized misogynoir. In turn, this could

have been useful for getting an explanatory model to design the Internalized Misogynoir

Measure.

Ultimately, I chose to use Interpretive Phenomenological Analysis, for many of

the same reasons that Grounded Theory is a useful approach. IPA predicates itself on

understanding the subjective experiences of particular individuals. The analysis is rooted

in participant accounts of a particular experience. In gaining an understanding of

internalized misogynoir, I wanted to understand what a given experience is like

(phenomenology), and how people made sense of their experiences (interpretation).

  
  
  


Similar to GT, IPA generates codes from data gathered in qualitative approaches, with

the intent of finding themes and subthemes. However, the goal in IPA is often on

answering a specific research question about experiences, and not necessarily on creating

a theory. Although misogynoir has not been studied in-depth, there is an existing theory,

as posited by Moya Bailey, about what misogynoir is, and how it might show up. As

such, I believed that IPA would be more relevant in capturing the meaning and common

features of internalized misogynoir. Although I am confident in my choice, it is still

possible that the use of Grounded Theory would have been more helpful in further

developing a theory of internalized misogynoir.

Asking “Why” Questions. When asking participants about internalization of the

messages they received, I formulated these questions as two parts: first, asking

participants, “How much?” and then, “Why?” The purpose of asking participants “why”

was to gain a better understanding of their rationalization behind internalizing certain

messages. This not only included awareness around internalizing these messages as a

result of white supremacy and patriarchy, but also what emotional and psychological

reasons they had for internalizing them. The rationale behind asking a “why” question

also rests on my belief that it is difficult for Black women in U.S. society to not

internalize some amount of misogynoir in their lifetime. Simultaneously, I do believe that

Black women have some control over the amount that they internalize, and how they

resist internalizing misogynoir. Again, as internalized misogynoir is not a dichotomous

variable, and operates along a continuum, it is possible for the amount of internalized

misogynoir to vary.
  
  
  


Although I had specific intentions when choosing to ask “why” questions,

conventional guidelines around focus groups discourage formulating questions in this

way. In asking “why” questions, there is often a concern that participants can feel

pressure to provide answers that are socially acceptable or impersonal (Holloway &

Jefferson, 2000). Participants who feel pressured to give an acceptable answer may

navigate this in various ways, including choosing only to give short answers. As a result,

asking “why” questions may yield answers that are less richly-detailed. A common

alternative presented to “why” questions are “how” questions, as they are thought to

invite discussion around the particular situations or circumstances under which decisions

were made. While I asked participants both “how” and “why”, it is possible that the use

of a “why” question served to inhibit some participants’ answers. A more effective

phrasing of “Why do you internalize these messages?” could have been “When you think

about reasons for internalizing these messages, what comes to mind?”, or “What might be

the reasons that you internalize these messages?”

Assumptions About Internalized Misogynoir. My inherent lack of neutrality in

the focus groups means that I am also forced to contend with any assumptions about

internalized misogynoir that I held prior to the study. As internalized misogynoir and

misogynoir have not been studied in depth within the psychological literature, my

definition is based on an understanding of internalized oppression and misogynoir. Up

until this point, misogynoir itself has largely been defined by the creator of the term,

Moya Bailey, and expounded-upon by Trudy of the now-defunct social critique blog

GradientLair. As such, my understanding of misogynoir and internalized misogynoir was

predicated largely on their work. While I attempted to bracket my understanding of

  
  
  


misogynoir, it is possible that my perspective still largely influences the understanding of

internalized misogynoir generated by this study. This could be, in part, because my

perspective on internalized misogynoir has not changed after facilitating the focus

groups, but has been further solidified in hearing participants talk about their experiences.

Moreover, I also assumed that, based on the definition, internalized misogynoir can be

experienced by any Black woman, regardless of other identities. This does not take into

account how internalized misogynoir make look different if a person holds other

marginalized identities, such as being transgender or low-income.

Other Contributing Factors. Reviewing the methodology of this study, it is

possible that not providing participants a definition of misogynoir was a limitation. This

raises the question of what it would have been like to give participants a definition of

internalized misogynoir, and then ask if and how they had seen it manifesting in their

own lives. Along similar lines, I could have chosen to define internalized misogynoir at

the end of the focus group, and ask whether participants felt that this term described their

experiences. Had I done so, it is unclear whether respondents would have agreed that this

term best-illustrated their experiences. It is possible that participants might have even

provided another term which they thought more accurately reflected the discussions.

Future Directions

Validating the Measure. As the ultimate goal of this research was to further

refine the Internalized Misogynoir Measure, one of the most important next steps would

be to validate this measure. One of the focus group questions in this study asked

participants how much they internalized misogynoir. Although participants chose to

answer with non-specific amount phrases, such as “a lot” or “not as much”, being able to
  
  
  


connect these qualitative descriptions to an actual scale point could be useful in detecting

how much internalized misogynoir a person has. Validation could begin with gathering

another sample to take the IMM, and then performing an exploratory factor analysis in

order to assess factor structure and initial psychometric information. Standard procedure

for an EFA should be followed, including assessing factorability of the correlation matrix

beforehand, engaging in appropriation rotation, examining the scree plot, and conducting

a parallel analysis to determine the potential number of extractable factors. Items which

meet minimum factor loading, but do not add conceptual clarity to the scale, should be

deleted. Likewise, Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficients should be examined to note

levels of internal consistency among items on the factors.

It may also be helpful to explore convergent validity for this measure through

measures of internalized oppression, as well as a measure of gendered racial

microaggressions. Some relevant measures include the Gendered Racial

Microaggressions Scale (Lewis & Neville, 2015), as well as the Internalized Misogyny

scale (Piggott, 2004). The Gendered Racial Microaggressions Scale for Black women

(GRMS) is a 26-item measure, with 4 factors related to beauty and sexual objectification,

the strong Black woman stereotype, the angry Black woman stereotype, and the feelings

of being silenced and marginalized. Sample items include “Someone has made me feel

exotic as a Black woman” and “Someone has imitated [to me] the way they think Black

women speak”. Cronbach’s alpha reliability coefficients for the four factors ranged from

.74-.88, suggesting acceptable reliability. Additionally, total reliability coefficients for the

frequency and stress appraisal scales were excellent, at .92 and .93, respectively. As
  
  
  


constructs for the IMM were based on those used in this scale, data from this measure

will be used to support convergent validity for the Internalized Misogynoir Measure.

Similarly, The Internalized Misogyny Scale (IMS) is a 17-item, 3-factor measure

used to assess internalized misogyny, as it pertains to distrust of women, devaluing of

women, and gender bias in favor of men. Participants are asked to rate their agreement

with various statements, such as “Generally, I prefer to work with women”, on a 7-point

Likert scale from 1 (strongly disagree) to 7 (strongly agree). This is currently the only

known and validated measure for internalized misogyny, and has displayed good

reliability with alpha coefficients ranging from .88 (Piggott, 2004) to .90 (Szymanski et

al., 2009). Using both the GRMS and IMS to validate the IMM will help to further refine

the measure and establish it as a tool for clinical and research purposes.

After establishing convergent validity, the Resistance Modality Inventory

(Robinson-Wood, 2014) may be a useful scale to help determine divergent validity. The

Resistance Modality Inventory (RMI) is a 40-item instrument created to measure the

construct of psychological resistance among Black women. This measure includes items

which indicate both suboptimal resistance (“I feel like my daily life is a constant struggle

against racism”) and optimal resistance (“I believe that the hard times in life have a

purpose”). Respondents are asked to rate their agreement on a 4-point Likert scale from 1

(strongly disagree) to 4 (strongly agree). Cronbach’s alpha for this measure were .72 for

the optimal scale and .75 for the suboptimal scale in the initial preliminary study.

Norming the Internalized Misogynoir Measure will be equally as important as

establishing factor structure and both convergent and divergent validity. One of the focus

group questions in this initial study asked participants how much they internalized
  
  
  


misogynoir. Participants gave non-specific amount answers such as “a lot”, or “not as

much now”, to give a general idea of the amount of misogynoir that they saw themselves

as internalizing. Norming the IMM on a sample of Black women of varying ethnicities

would help to determine what levels of internalized misogynoir exist and are typical

among the general population of Black women. It will be important for this quantitative

data to be interpreted in conjunction with qualitative interviews, in order to gain an

understanding of what scores on the IMM are related to harmful psychological and

emotional effects. Doing so will help clinicians to better understand what levels of

internalized misogynoir are expected from clients living in an oppressive society, and

what levels constitute cause for concern.

Psychological Distress. Research has demonstrated that the experience of racial

and gender discrimination is related to various types of negative mental health outcomes

(Szymanski & Stewart, 2010). The term “psychological distress” is used here to

encompass the various mental health outcomes defined by unpleasant emotions and

impairments in functioning. These impairments may or may not have a particular

psychiatric diagnosis. In reference to Black women, the link between psychological

distress and racism and sexism is one which has long since been examined in the research

literature. Stevens-Watkins et al. (2014) explored a moderation model on the relationship

amongst racism, sexism, and stressful events on psychological distress. These researchers

demonstrated that racism and sexism are significant sources of stress for Black women

that are both correlated with one another and other stressful events.

An intersectional perspective honors the relationship between internalized

misogynoir and psychological distress, and might be central to the evaluation of

  
  
  


oppression-related psychological distress in Black women. A 2015 study by Watson and

Hunter examining the costs of the Strong Black Woman schema demonstrated that the

SBW schema predicted psychological distress among Black women, and was also

associated with negative attitudes towards seeking psychological help. Although this

study does not specifically look at the impact of gendered racism, the point of Black

women specific schemas and outcomes on psychological distress, is well-made. With the

exception of Lewis et al. (2013) and Thomas et al. (2008), most of the literature has

either focused on women of color broadly, or has chosen not to focus on gendered racism

and psychological distress, but instead on racism and sexism separately. Moreover, both

Carr et al. (2014) and Szymanski and Lewis (2016) found that greater experiences of

racist and sexist events, or gendered racism, led to greater use of internalization as a

coping mechanism. As internalized misogynoir is a form of gendered racism, it stands to

reason that individuals who have higher levels of internalized misogynoir may also

experience more psychological distress.

An explicit look into the relationship between internalized misogynoir and

psychological distress could further help to expand-upon the negative emotional and

psychological experiences that respondents in this study discussed. One method of

inquiry to measure psychological distress could be the Kessler Psychological Distress

Scale (K10), which measures level of anxiety and depressive symptoms in the most

recent four-week period (Kessler & Mroczek, 1994). The scale is comprised of 10

questions on psychological distress, with 5 response categories ranging from 1 (none of

the time) to 5 (all of the time). Sample items include, “Did you feel tired out for no good

reasons?” and “Did you feel that everything was an effort?” Bessaha (2017) conducted a
  
  
  


study in which they assessed the factor structure of the K6 (a truncated version of the

K10), and subsequently found that each of the models for depression, anxiety and

psychological distress demonstrated good fit for an emerging adult population. Reliability

tests also indicated moderate reliability with kappa and weighted kappa scores ranging

from .42-.74. Given the importance of intersectionality, a more complete understanding

of the relationship between internalized misogynoir and psychological distress

necessitates the incorporation of resistance. It would be important to use the Resistance

Modality Inventory to see how resistance mediates or moderates the relationship between

internalized misogynoir and psychological distress. This would help deepen an

understanding of how resistance either explains the relationship between internalized

misogynoir and psychological distress (mediator) or affects the strength of the

relationship (moderation). As a whole, demonstrating a connection between internalized

misogynoir and psychological distress could be useful in predicting mental health

concerns, as well as how participants use optimal or suboptimal resistance strategies.

Relationship with Coping Styles. Another point of consideration when thinking

about future work is whether certain factors could be related to differences in levels of

internalized misogynoir. One such factor might be the coping skills that people are using

to deal with negative feelings surrounding internalized oppression. The relationship

between internalized oppressions and maladaptive coping styles is one which researchers

have begun exploring within the last 10-15 years. Szymanski and Lewis (2016) examined

how engagement and disengagement coping styles influenced the relationship between

gendered racism and psychological distress. They found that two disengagement styles,

detachment and internalization, uniquely mediated the relationship between gendered

  
  
  


racism and psychological distress. As a whole, the authors saw that greater experiences of

psychological distress were related to higher levels of coping, by withdrawing and

blaming oneself. This supports earlier research (e.g., Thomas et al., 2008) by

emphasizing that these coping styles are not as effective in helping individuals to cope

with the discrimination over time as optimal coping styles.

In a similar vein, Lewis et al. conducted a 2013 study on the strategies that Black

women college students used in order to cope with gendered racial microaggressions.

They found two resistance coping strategies, one collective coping strategy, and two self-

protecting coping strategies. The self-protecting coping strategies, in particular, were

defined as “Being a Black Superwoman” and “Becoming Desensitized and Escaping”,

both of which parallel themes found on internalized misogynoir in this study. More

importantly, the authors also found that participants made choices on how they coped

with microaggressions by contextualizing the agency and power that they felt that they

had. That is, participants who felt as though they were in situations where they had less

power (for instance, with a supervisior) tended to use more detachment and

desensitization as coping styles. Considering these two studies in conjunction with

Thomas, Witherspoon and Speight’s (2008) work on gendered racism, psychological

distress and coping, it may be important to consider whether individuals with higher

levels of internalized misogynoir also tend to use more maladaptive coping styles.

Conclusions

The work of this initial investigation into internalized misogynoir was largely

done to help form a framework for how clinicians and researchers can begin to look at

this phenomenon. Although gendered racism among Black women has been investigated
  
  
  


for some time, this study builds upon the literature by adding to an understanding of

internalized gendered racism. In many ways, this study echoes many of the same themes

found by scholars of Black women over the last 30 years. Themes surrounding

archetypes, respectability politics and other related topics have long since also been

articulated in work on microaggressions, racial identity and intersectionality. That they

are also present in a discussion of internalized misogynoir reemphasizes their truth, and

also presents a different facet of consideration. Likewise, participants’ discussion of

resistance echoes much of the work on Black women and optimal resistance. By

providing a framework for internalized misogynoir, this study helps deepen our

understanding of the ways in which internalized oppression can manifest for Black

women. This can help clinicians to be cognizant of the various considerations that they

should take into account when working with Black women. Although brief, this research

also makes an important point about the need for continued research into the effect of

social media, as well as the messages that people receive from it. Considering the

developmental considerations relevant to internalized misogynoir, it will be important to

understand how social media, particularly for Generation Z, influences people’s access to

messages.

Black women have long been attempting to articulate who they are in a Western

society which was not initially created to help or celebrate them. Although individual

Black women are responsible for their own self-work and their process of unlearning,

there is also a greater societal shift that needs to occur. The rhetoric around Black women

has been largely negative since this country’s conception, and to this day, the subsequent

legacy of slavery and Jim Crow has not been rectified. On a sociopolitical and
  
  
  


sociocultural level, there needs to be a deep commitment from all of us to engage with

the harsh historical realities and present-day effects. This includes coming up with

concrete plans to provide reparations for Black women in ways that actively work to

undo the messages that all people in this society are socialized with. The work presented

here, and the participants who shared their stories, are merely one place to start along the

road to social reparations. That Black women have, and will continue to, engage, survive

and thrive regardless, serves as a reminder for a quote of my own creation: “The struggle

is real. But so is our #magic.”

  
  
  


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Appendix A:
Demographic Questionnaire

Please describe your current education status:

___Some high school
___Completed high school/Received GED
___Some college
___Competed college
___Some technical/trade school
___Completed technical/trade school
___Some graduate school
___Completed graduate school

Please describe your current work status (Check all that apply):
___Working full time
___Working part time
___Student
___Volunteering
___In the military
___Unemployed, laid off, or looking for work
___Staying at home with children/taking care of family
___On maternity or family leave from job
___Not working due to illness or disability
___Not applicable

What is your identified ethnicity? Please select all that apply:

___African-American
___African
___Afro-Caribbean/West Indian
___Afro-Latina
_____________________Other (please specify)

Do you identify with any other race/ethnicity? If so, please specify:

___Yes__________________________
___No

What is your mother’s (or guardian’s) identified ethnicity? Please select all that apply:
___African-American
___African
___Afro-Caribbean/West Indian
___Afro-Latina
_____________________Other (please specify)

What is your father’s (or other guardian’s) identified ethnicity? Please select all that apply:
___African-American
  
  
  


___African
___Afro-Caribbean/West Indian
___Afro-Latina
_____________________Other (please specify)

What geographical region did you primarily grow up in?

___Northeast
___Midwest
___South
___West
_______Outside U.S. (please specify _________________________)

Please describe the racial composition of your neighborhood growing up:

___I grew up in a mostly Black neighborhood
___I grew up in a neighborhood where the majority of people were of a different
race/ethnicity (please specify other race/ethnicity
__________________________________________________________)
___I grew up in a fairly diverse neighborhood (equal number of Black people and
people of at least one other race/ethnicity) (please specify other race/ethnicity
______________________________________)

Please describe the racial composition of your current social group:

___Most of my friends are Black
___Most of my friends are of a different race/ethnicity (please specify other
race/ethnicity
________________________________________________________________)
___My social group is fairly diverse (equal number of Black friends and friends of at
least one other race/ethnicity) (please specify other race/ethnicity
_____________________________________________)

Think of a ladder, with 10 steps representing where people stand in the United States. At
step 10 are people who are the best off – those who have the most money, the most
education, and the most respected jobs. At step 1 are the people who are worst off – those
who have the least money, least education, and the least respected jobs or no job. Where
would you place yourself on this ladder?

1 2 3 4 5 6 7 8 9 10

What is your age? ______

  
  
  


Appendix B:
Original Internalized Misogynoir Measure

Scoring based on 5-point Likert Scale:

1=Strongly Disagree
2=Disagree
3=Neither Agree or Disagree
4=Agree
5=Strongly Agree

Cultural Archetypes
1. The images I see on TV and in movies make me ashamed of being a Black woman
7. Black women tend to be loud and aggressive
10. It’s a compliment to be told that I don’t act like other Black women
11. My family raised me to be a “Strong Black Woman”
14. People might think I’m “fast” or a “thot” if I dance I certain way

Silenced & Sidelined

9. Black women should support Black men instead of complaining about them
4. Some Black women are too easily offended
3. If I speak up for myself, people with think I am an angry Black woman
12. I’m worried some will challenge me if I am in a position of authority

Beauty Ideals
13. The ideal body shape includes a larger bust, narrow waist, and a larger butt
8. I feel pressure to wear hair extensions (including weaves, wigs, or braids) so that I can
have long, flowing hair
5. People should only go natural if they have “good hair”
6. I would prefer for my children to be light-skinned
2. If I could, I would change the size of my nose or lips
  
  
  


Appendix C
Focus Group Questions

1. From where do you receive messages about Black women?

2. What messages do you receive about Black women from:

a. Media entertainment (Magazines/television/movies/music)
b. Social Media (Facebook, Twitter, Tumblr, blogs?)
c. Family
d. Peers

3. What are the most salient/common messages you’ve received about Black
women?
4. How do you feel about the way Black women are represented in media and
popular culture?
5. What did you think of the scale we gave you?
a. What are some items you liked? Why?
b. What are some items you disliked? Why?
6. Would you change any items on the scale?
a. If so, what?
b. If no, why not?
7. Would you add anything to the scale?
a. If so, what?
8. Have you ever heard of the term misogynoir?