10.4324 9781003173939 Previewpdf

Women and the Criminal Justice System: Gender, Race, and Class is an essential text for teaching about
women’s issues
within the criminal justice system. Split into three primary sections, van Wormer and Bartollas examine how
women are treated within the criminal legal system as perpetrators of harm, victims of harm, and as employees
within the system.The authors deftly discuss key topics such as the victim-ofender overlap, the global nature
of violence against women, the adultification of Black girls, and sexual harassment.The authors use case studies
and provide examples of recent criminal events, making this book a compelling and accessible read. Students
will enjoy learning from the book, and professors will enjoy teaching from it.
Danielle Slakof, Assistant Professor of Criminal Justice,
California State University, Sacramento, USA
For most of my career I have been lucky enough to learn from and use this comprehensive and intersectional
text by van Wormer and Bartollas in my criminal and social justice courses. Each new edition of Women and the
Criminal Justice System: Gender, Race, and Class has shared important new insights, updates, concepts, and case
studies, as well as new perspectives on the workings of courts, policing, and corrections institutions here and
abroad. I use this work for many reasons but especially because, semester after semester, students benefit
from an holistic, case by case understanding of the powerful roles of gender, race, and class in justice policy,
programming, and in ofcers’ own lives. But this latest edition is especially important for the
2021–2022 year and years to come. It creates that necessary context for students to understand current crises
and reforms in terms of recent and dramatic new social change movements students are in desperate need of
discussing, understanding, and reflecting upon in their own lives before they graduate, often into positions of
complex social power in the criminal justice workplace.
This text will be the main tool I use to help students as so many of them learn and train to serve in a justice
system undergoing needed gender, race, and class-informed reform.They will be part of a new social justice
system that is learning how to adapt to waves of empowered grassroots movements while responding to new
forms of technological oversight and political change. These movements and topics in this latest edition
include the recent #MeToo, Black Lives Matter, LGBTQIA movements as well as the impact of the COVID-19
and opioid pandemics on social justice and class inequality in America and abroad.This will give my students
important historical and civil rights context to these voices as well as theoretical depth and review so that
students can understand the times we are living in and the meanings and values we are creating for the future.
It is a rare and useful guide that speaks to students across disciplines, from women’s studies to criminal
justice to ethnic and gender studies. Especially in the wake of the pandemic and opioid crises, the harm
reduction, social health and trauma-informed, and class-sensitive approaches taught here in the context of
power and human rights help students create a new way of thinking about social justice. The addition of a
focus on concepts in glossary form is especially useful in the classroom.
Women in the Criminal Justice System: Gender, Race, Class is the text all students of criminal and social justice, especially
police and corrections ofcers in training, should be reading and applying to their lives and work with the
public.
Elizabeth Stassinos, Professor of Criminal Justice &
Ethnic & Gender Studies,Westfield State University, USA
[T]his classic text provides a well-rounded exploration of the experiences and reality of girls and women in
the criminal justice system, encompassing ofending and incarceration, victimhood, and criminal justice
career pathways. The marginalization and oppression of women by gender, class, and race is the central them
that runs through and connects all three spheres of the criminal justice system. A system designed by men
and for men overlooks the needs and diferences women present to the system. Inherent bias and
discrimination of girls and women, especially girls and women of color, and those in the lower socio-
economic status, means that their treatment and conditions are harsher than those experienced by their male
counterparts. Each section of the text includes updated material and relevant statistics that will both surprise
and inform the reader. The text gives the student a theoretical foundation for understanding male and female
diferences and needs.
There are many attributes of this text including an exploration of international circumstances and
comparisons to women in North America. On a positive note, the text presents positive advances in gender
specific programing for female ofenders. The text uses highlights of women in their own words to bring to
life the challenges faced by these women as ofenders, victims, and practitioners.This text is well-designed
and organized to maximize course strategies and learning outcomes.
I have used this text and its subsequent editions for nearly 20 years in my course Women and Crime. As a
retired law enforcement ofcer, I appreciate the attention it gives to women working in the criminal justice
system. As a professor, I appreciate the text’s organization and readability for my students. Students and
former students, both male and female, have told me that they loved my class. I attribute my success as a
professor of criminal justice to the availability of texts of this caliber. I recommend this book to my
colleagues. With all the textbooks that are available, this is one I return to every time I teach this course.
Deborah A. Parsons, Professor of Criminal Justice,
California State University, San Bernardino, USA
Women and the Criminal
Justice System
This book presents an up-to-date analysis of women as victims of crime, as individuals under justice system
supervision, and as professionals in the field.The text features an empowerment approach that is unified by
underlying themes of the intersection of gender, race, and class; and evidence-based research. Personal
narratives supplement research and statistics to help students connect the text material with real-life
situations.
This new edition is informed by consideration of major ongoing social movements such as #MeToo, Black
Lives Matter, and the fight to reduce mass incarceration. The text stresses contemporary topics such as
recognition of lesbian, bisexual, and transgender issues in juvenile and adult facilities; the introduction of
trauma-informed care in detention centers and prisons; the criminalization of Black and Latina; the efects of
an increasingly militarized police culture; and the contributions of Ruth Bader Ginsburg and other influential
women. With its emphasis on critical thinking, this text is ideal for undergraduate courses concerning
women in the justice system.
Katherine Stuart van Wormer is Professor Emerita of Social Work at the University of Northern Iowa. Her
academic work has been mostly in the areas of human rights and addiction treatment. She earned her Ph.D.
in sociology from the University of Georgia and an MSSW from the University of Tennessee, Nashville.
Clemens Bartollas is Professor of Sociology at the University of Northern Iowa, where he has taught
criminology for 35 years. He has written more than 50 texts, biographies, monographs, and articles. He
earned his Ph.D. from the Ohio State University.
Justice System
Gender, Race, and Class
Fifth Edition
Katherine Stuart van Wormer and

Clemens Bartollas
Fifth edition published 2022
by Routledge
605 Third Avenue, New York, NY 10158
and by Routledge
2 Park Square, Milton Park, Abingdon, Oxon, OX14 4RN
Routledge is an imprint of the Taylor & Francis Group, an informa business
© 2022 Katherine Stuart van Wormer & Clemens Bartollas
The right of Katherine Stuart van Wormer & Clemens Bartollas to
be identified as authors of this work has been asserted by them in
accordance with sections 77 and 78 of the Copyright, Designs and
Patents Act 1988.
All rights reserved. No part of this book may be reprinted or reproduced
or utilised in any form or by any electronic, mechanical, or other means,
now known or hereafter invented, including photocopying and recording,
or in any information storage or retrieval system, without permission in
writing from the publishers.
Trademark notice: Product or corporate names may be trademarks or registered
trademarks, and are used only for identification and explanation without intent
to infringe.
First edition published by Pearson 2000
Fourth edition published by Pearson 2013
Library of Congress Cataloging-in-Publication Data
Names: Van Wormer, Katherine S., author. | Bartollas, Clemens, author.
Title: Women and the criminal justice system : gender, race, and class / Katherine
Stuart van Wormer, Clemens Bartollas.
Description: Fifth edition. | New York, NY : Routledge, 2022. | Includes
bibliographical references and index.
Identifiers: LCCN 2021034980 (print) | LCCN 2021034981 (ebook) |
ISBN 9781032003887 (hardback) | ISBN 9780367774967 (paperback) |
ISBN 9781003173939 (ebook)
Subjects: LCSH: Sex discrimination in criminal justice administration—United States. |
Women—Drug use—United States. | Female offenders—United States. | Women
prisoners—United States.
Classification: LCC HV9950 .V38 2022 (print) | LCC HV9950 (ebook) |
DDC 364.082—dc23
LC record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021034980
LC ebook record available at https://lccn.loc.gov/2021034981
ISBN: 978-1-032-00388-7 (hbk)

ISBN: 978-0-367-77496-7 (pbk)
ISBN: 978-1-003-17393-9 (ebk)
DOI: 10.4324/9781003173939
Typeset in Joanna MT & Frutiger

by Apex CoVantage, LLC
Cover image: © Getty Images
Access the Support Material: www.routledge.com/9780367774967

This book is dedicated to Flora Templeton Stuart, the sister of Katherine Stuart van Wormer,
the first practicing attorney in the courtrooms of Bowling Green, Kentucky, fighting
for social justice then and now.
Contents
List of Boxes xviii

Preface xix
Acknowledgments xxii
PART I INTRODUCTION 1
1 Theoretical Perspectives on Women and the Criminal Justice System 3

Laws Defining Women’s Place 4
The Study of Crime From a Male Perspective and Beyond 5
Feminist Perspectives 6
The Waves of Feminism 7
Liberal Feminism 8
Radical Feminism 9
Socialist Feminism 9
Postmodern Feminism 9
Black Feminism 10
Latina Feminism 10
Islamic Feminism 11
Intersectional Feminism 11
Ecofeminism 11
Lesbian and Transgender (Trans) Feminism 12
Other Alternative Feminist Perspectives 12
Feminist Methodology 12
The Rise of Feminist Criminology 14
Backlash to the Women’s Movement 15
Backlash Stemming From Right-Wing Political Sources 15
Backlash Directed Toward Female Offenders 16
From Backlash to Misogyny 17
Key Concepts of Feminist Criminology 18
Oppression 18
Intersectionality 19
Intersectionality of Gender, Race, and Class 20
Empowerment 21
Gender-Sensitive Programming 23
The Call for a Paradigm Shift 24
Conclusion 25
Key Terms and Names 27
Critical Thinking Questions 27
Relevant Websites 28
References 28
x | CONTENTS
PART II FEMALE CRIME AND DELINQUENCY 33
2 Women, Girls, and Crime 35

Antifeminist Accounts of Female Crime 35
Is Female Crime Increasing? 37
Women’s Crime Rates 37
Juvenile Crime Rates 38
Race, Ethnicity, and Class 39
Research on Juvenile Offenders 40
Explanations for Female Crime 41
Biological and Constitutional Explanations 41
Psychological Explanations 42
Sociological Explanations 43
Integrated Theory of Girls, Women, and Crime 44
Property Crimes 45
Drug-Related Crime 46
Women Arrested for Drug Offenses 46
Juvenile Drug Misuse 47
Prostitution/Sex Work 49
Sex Trafficking 50
Female Offenders of Human Trafficking 51
Other Sex-Related Crime 52
Robbery 53
Murder 53
Domestic Homicide 54
Child Murder—Filicide 55
Domestic Terrorism 57
Girls and Violent Behavior 58
Girls in Gangs 59
Processing Women for Crime 60
Juvenile Processing 61
Conclusion 62
Key Terms 62
References 63
3 Gender-Specific Programming for Female Offenders 68

Gender Neutral Versus Gender Specific 68
Equality With a Vengeance 70
The Centrality of Gender 71
Contributions of Carol Gilligan 71
Gendered Pathways 72
Gender, Race, and Class 74
Gender-Specific Programming for Girls 75
What Gender-Specific Treatment Is Not 79
Gender-Specific Architectural Design 80
Gender-Based Programming for Women Offenders 81
Gender-Sensitive Assessment 82
Gender-Sensitive Case Management 83
CONTENTS | xi
Trauma and Trauma-Informed Care 84

Historical Trauma and Immigration-Related Trauma 87
Trauma-Informed Care in Domestic Violence and Substance Abuse Services 88
Trauma-Informed Care in Correctional Facilities 88
Case History 89
Conclusion 90
Key Terms and People 91
References 92
4 Delinquency Across the Life Course 96

Introduction to the Developmental Life-Course Model 96
The Female Delinquent 97
Longitudinal Studies of Delinquency 100
Delinquency and Crime Across the Life Course 102
Lack of Competence in Adolescence 102
Cumulative Disadvantage 102
Turning Points and Desistance 103
Age of Responsibility 105
Dimensions of Offending Across the Life Course 105
Age-Based Factors in Delinquency 105
Escalation of Offenses 106
Research on Violence Across the Life Course 106
Youth Crimes and Adult Criminality 107
Developmental Theories of Delinquency 108
Gender Bias in the Processing of Female Delinquents 109
Juvenile Residential Facilities 110
Protective Factors and the Life Course 111
The Issue of Race and Ethnicity 112
Influence of Class 114
Sexual Orientation 114
Conclusion 115
Key Terms 116
References 116
PART III DRUG ADDICTION, PRISON, AND RESTORATION 121
5 Women, Substance Use, and Criminal Justice 123

A Public Health Crisis 123
Statistical Data 125
Facts on Meth 126
The Meaning of the Statistics 128
Biological Factors 129
The Brain on Drugs 132
Co-Occurring Disorders 133
Trauma and Stress 135
Psychological Factors 136
xii | CONTENTS
Pathways to Drug-Related Crime 136

Early-Life Physical and Sexual Abuse 138
Partner Violence 138
Social/Societal Factors in Drug Prosecution 141
Race, Class, and Gender 141
Punishment of Pregnant Drug Addicts 142
From Meth to the Opioids to Meth Again 143
Substance Abuse Treatment in the Criminal Justice System 144
Therapeutic Communities 149
Promising Developments 151
Drug Courts and Community Treatment 152
Empowerment and Gender-Responsive Approaches 153
Preparing for Release From Prison 154
Conclusion 155
Key Terms 156
References 157
6 The Prison Environment 163

Historical Overview 165
The Population Profile 168
Statistical Data 169
Contemporary Conditions 172
Drugs, Race, and Ethnicity 173
Inmates as Mothers 173
The Children of Mothers in Prison 175
Classic Studies on Prison Life 177
The Contemporary World of the Women’s Prison 178
Prison Families 179
Prison Sexuality 180
Jail and Prison Health Care 181
Litigation Concerning Medical Abuse 182
Prison Sexual Abuse 183
Litigation Related to Sexual Abuse 187
Transgender Men and Women 187
Jails Versus Prisons 188
Women on Death Row 190
Innovative Programs 192
Prison Nurseries 194
Prison Nurseries in Other Countries 195
Ethnic-Specific Programs 195
Reentry 196
Financial Factors as Risk Factors in Reentry 196
Psychological Risk Factors 197
Sealing Family Ties 198
Conclusion 198
Key Terms 199
References 201
CONTENTS | xiii
7 Restorative Justice for Female Victims and Offenders 207

Introduction 208
The Adversary System 209
Models of Restorative Justice 210
In the Juvenile Justice System 212
In Adult Corrections 214
Programming for Reentry 216
In Situations of Gendered Violence 218
Domestic Violence 219
For Campus Rape 221
Critique of Restorative Justice 224
Feminist Critique 224
Colorizing Restorative Justice 225
Community Reparations 226
Conclusion 228
Key Terms 229
References 230
PART IV WOMEN AS VICTIMS AND SURVIVORS 233
8 Sexual Assault 235

Historical Overview 238
African American Women and Rape 238
Reconceptualization of Rape 239
Sexual Harassment of Women 241
Rape Vulnerability 243
Rape Prevalence and Racial/Ethnic Factors 243
Rapist Characteristics 245
Victim Blaming and Rape Myths 246
Blaming the Victim 246
Rape Myths 247
Impact of the Mass Media 249
Negative, Antiwoman Messages 250
Rape Culture 251
Categories of Rape 255
Acquaintance Rape 255
Mass Rape 257
Criminal Justice Response 258
Victims’ Rights 262
Child Sexual Abuse 263
Priest Abuse 265
Psychological Trauma 266
Stages of Recovery and Treatment 268
Denial-Avoidance 268
Guilt and Sexualization 269
Reexperience and Rage 270
Healing 270
Therapy for Childhood Sexual Abuse 271
Conclusion 271
xiv | CONTENTS
Key Terms 272

References 273
9 Intimate Partner Violence 279

Historic Overview 280
Nature and Scope of the Problem 283
Impact of the Pandemic 283
Statistics on Intimate Partner Violence 284
Stalking 285
Teen Dating Violence 286
Dating Violence Statistics 286
Domestic Violence Among Racial and Ethnic Minorities 289
Lesbian and Gay Couples 292
Domestic Homicide 293
Men Who Kill Their Wives/Partners 295
Women Who Kill Their Husbands/Partners 296
Murder-Suicide 298
Dynamics of Intimate Partner Abuse 301
Older Female Victims of Family Violence 303
Intimate Partner Sexual Violence 303
Theories of Partner Abuse 305
Structural Stress 305
Psychological Viewpoints 305
Cultural/Patriarchal Theory 306
Systems Theory 307
Feminist Explanations and the Antifeminist Backlash 308
The Substance Abuse and Family Violence Connection 308
Children Who Witness the Violence 310
Criminal Justice Processing 311
Crisis Intervention and Empowerment 314
Shelters for Battered Women 315
Treatment for Batterers and Prevention 317
Conclusion 320
Key Terms 321
References 322
10 Global Victimization: Women’s Perspectives 328

Dheeshana Jayasundara and Katherine Stuart van Wormer
Gender-Based Violence: An Overview 329
The Impact of Globalization 331
Women’s Rights Are Human Rights 332
Violations of Women Domestically 335
Gendered Crimes Against Girls 336
CONTENTS | xv
Intimate Partner Violence and Homicide 337

Domestic Violence in the United Kingdom and Canada 339
Immigration and Domestic Violence 339
Girls and Women in War Zones 340
Abuse of Foreign Women Married to U.S. Soldiers 344
Legacy of the Iraq and Afghanistan Wars 345
Sexual Assault and Trafficking 345
Marital Rape 347
Human Trafficking 347
Sex Trafficking 348
Victimization of Women at the State Level 349
Rape in War 349
Honor Killing 351
U.S. Policies that Adversely Impact Immigrant Victims of Domestic Violence 352
Treatment of Immigrants in U.S. Detention 353
Green Criminology and Ecofeminism 354
Impact of the Pandemic 355
Global Initiatives for Rights and Justice 356
Restorative Justice 357
Conclusion 358
Key Terms 359
References 360
PART V WOMEN AS PROFESSIONALS 365
11 Women in Law Enforcement 367

A History of Women in Policing 369
Barriers to Women in Policing 372
Comparison of Male and Female Officers’ Job Performance 372
Gender Issues 375
The Police Academy 377
Police Culture: The Long Road From Warriors to Guardians 379
Job Stress 382
Sexual Harassment in Police Culture 383
Community Policing: Changing Roles for Police Officers 384
Recruiting African American and Latina Women 387
Career Successes 388
Legal Protections 391
Media and News Coverage 391
A View From Canada 393
Retention 396
Conclusion 396
Key Terms 397
References 398
xvi | CONTENTS
12 Women in the Legal Profession 402

History of Women in Law 404
The Adversary System 408
Women as Prosecutors 409
Law School Socialization 410
Legal Practice: Struggles in a White Man’s World 410
Sexual Harassment 415
Race and Ethnicity 416
Intersectionality of Race, Class, Gender, and the legal profession 416
Women on the Bench 418
Mass Media Images 420
Television and Film Portrayals 421
Strengths of Women Attorneys 422
Significance of Women’s Entrance Into Law 426
Conclusion 429
Key Terms 430
References 430
13 Women in Corrections 433

History of Women in Corrections 434
Working in Juvenile Facilities 436
Women Probation Officers 439
Women Parole Officers 442
Women Jail Officers 443
Difficulty of Gaining Acceptance 443
Jails of the 21st Century 444
Women in Positions of Correctional Leadership 444
The Correctional Counselor 448
The Female Correctional Officer 450
The Prison Environment for Women Correctional Officers 452
Privacy—Equal Employment Dilemma 452
Issues of Women Working as Correctional Officers 453
Female Correctional Staff and Boundary Violations 454
Conclusion 455
Key Terms 456
References 456
14 Summary and Trends for the Future 459

Theme of Race/Ethnicity and Class in Female Incarceration 459
The Impact of Class 460
The Factor of Race 460
Intersectionality 460
The Need for a Gendered Social Construction of Knowledge 461
Attention to Social Context 461
Empowerment of Women in the Justice System 462
CONTENTS | xvii
Future Trends 463

References 464
Appendix A: Glossary 465

Appendix B: Court Decisions. Congressional Acts, and United Nations Conventions
Relevant to Women 470
Index 472
Boxes
2.1 Women and Domestic Terrorism 57

3.1 Childhood Adversities Don’t Have to be Damaging 86
4.1 Causes and Correlates of Girls’ Delinquency 98
5.1 Working as a Probation Ofcer in England With a Client With Substance Use Problems 146
5.2 My Experience in a Prison Therapeutic Community 150
7.1 You’re Gonna Make It: Reentry Planning at a Hawaii Women’s Prison 216
8.1 Rape Myths 248
9.1 Domestic Violence: A Personal Narrative 280
9.2 Dating Abuse: Warning Signs 288
9.3 Snapshot—A Social Worker’s Daily Reality at a Domestic Violence Shelter 316
10.1 Growing Up in a War Zone: My Personal Story 341
10.2 What I Learned Working With Immigrant Survivors of Domestic Violence 343
11.1 Copley Ofcer Leading by Example to Attract Recruits 374
11.2 Interview With Police Academy Graduate From Hawaii 378
11.3 Campus Policing 385
11.4 How My Police Career Evolved 390
11.5 Women in Canadian Policing 393
12.1 Trailblazing in a Male-Dominated Profession 406
12.2 How I Ended Up in Law School 412
12.3 Q&A: Criminal Defense Attorney Jessa Nicholson Goetz Talks About Her Passion for
the Rights of the Accused 423
12.4 Giving a Hand Up: Providing Leadership for Today’s Generation 428
13.1 Working With Juvenile Status Ofenders 437
13.2 Reflections From a Probation Ofcer Working with Male Ofenders in England and Wales 441
13.3 Mary Belle Harris (1874–1957): A Pioneer in Corrections 445
Preface
The world has changed dramatically since the fourth edition of Women and the Criminal Justice System was
published in 2014. With emotions already raw over the ever-expanding death toll during one of the worst
pandemics the world has ever seen, the horror of videotaped racially motivated police killings hit the TV
screen followed by mass interracial protests and cries for police reform. Although the focus was on the police
killings of Black men, primarily of George Floyd who was slowly and painfully asphyxiated by a white police
ofcer as his colleagues looked on, the earlier death of a Black woman, Breonna Taylor, in a botched arrest
came to the forefront of public attention as well.The Black Lives Matter movement was joined by the Say Her
Name campaign on behalf of women of color whose plight had previously been overlooked.
Of all the social institutions targeted by the anti-racist and anti-classist rhetoric, the one most afected is the
criminal justice system. From arrest, legal representation, sentencing, incarceration, to reentry in society, at
each layer of the justice process, a new and searching moral inventory is underway. And within this climate of
social change, what better time could there be to produce a new edition of a textbook on the criminal justice
system?
Even before the tipping point of May 2020, there were forces in American society calling for change. First
and foremost, there was the #MeToo movement drawing attention to the widespread sexual abuse of women
and the unfair attacks on their credibility when reporting the abuse. Secondly, also related to the operation of
the criminal justice system, the opioid crisis with its shocking death toll aroused a national shift in focus on
addiction as a public health rather than a criminal justice concern.Then came the devastation of the
coronavirus pandemic which so overwhelmed the political institutions and highlighted the social inequalities
that were ingrained in the system; the death toll was disproportionately defined by race and social class.
Within the criminal justice system, the vulnerability of jail and prison inmates to infection was exposed.
It is within this context of the twin crises of public health and criminal justice that we pursue updating a
book that was originally conceived in a calmer, more prosperous time. Readers of the fourth edition will note
that we have made major changes to the text consistent with contemporary forces and with suggestions by
reviewers who thoughtfully provided chapter-by-chapter critiques. In a nutshell, the changes that are new to
this edition are:
• Addition of a subtitle to the title: Gender, Race, and Class
• Heightened attention paid to issues related to concerns of three interrelated movements: Black Lives
Matter, #MeToo, and Say Her Name
• Replacement of boxed readings throughout the text with updated contributions from professionals in the
field and personal narratives by victims and ofenders
• Expanded sections on the history of women’s strides in the male-dominated professions of policing,
corrections, and law
• Recognition especially in the chapters on ofenders and victims of the roles of lesbian and transgender
people within these populations
• Extensive rewriting of Chapter 10, “Global Victimization: Women’s Perspectives”, now coauthored with
Dheeshana S. Jayasundara, who has worked as a therapist with South Asian immigrants and who shares her
own person story
xx | PREFACE
• Chapter 5, “Women, Substance Use, and Criminal Justice” has been updated throughout to reflect the
impact of the opioid crisis
• Chapter 8, “Rape,” is now titled “Sexual Assault,” to include sexual harassment
• The addition of an appendix to the book to include (1) a glossary of key terms used in the book and (2) a
list of Supreme Court cases and acts of Congress most relevant to women’s issues
This text is written consistent with the call for evidence-based decision making in criminal justice systems by
the National Institute of Corrections in its 2017 initiative.This model promotes evidence-based knowledge
about efective justice practices, and strategies for applying risk and harm reduction principles and
techniques. Goals are crime prevention through a community-centered approach and the meting out of
justice to victims and ofenders. Harm reduction is a pragmatic approach geared to the reduction of crime,
the creation of stronger and more vibrant communities, the restoration of families, and helping people who
have gotten into trouble with the law move toward healthier lifestyles.
Harm reduction approaches are informed by research-based or pilot studies and other extensive
documentation.These approaches have a special relevance to women because when women are removed
from society, whole families are punished, and especially the children. Harm reduction eforts can promote
such stability by mandating substance abuse treatment where needed to help break the cycle of
intergenerational ofending. Other harm reduction initiatives to prevent future ofending are as follows: the
reliance on gender-based homelike care for female juvenile ofenders whose acting out behavior is often
connected to a past of regular victimization; intensive community supervision for adult ofenders through
drug courts and mental health courts instead of incarceration; comprehensive treatment programs for
imprisoned women with co-occurring disorders; and reentry programs to help former inmates adjust to
challenges in returning to community life. Such approaches are built on a foundation of empowerment of
individuals rather than on a focus on institutionalization and shaming.
The fifth edition of Women and the Criminal Justice System continues to utilize an empowerment perspective.
Empowerment theory integrates the personal with the political. An understanding of power and
powerlessness is integral to this approach. Relevant to the criminal justice system, we focus on who makes the
laws and who gets punished for which kind of crimes or for which drugs of choice—in short, who gets
victimized by the system. Empowerment is a multidimensional construct that applies to the climate of social
structures as well as to treatment of individuals. Person-centered, gender-specific initiatives, for example, can
help girls and women in trouble with the law tap into their inner strengths to restore (or discover) a sense of
well-being. From the crime victim’s perspective, empowerment is about healing the wounds of crime and
coming to see oneself not as a victim but as a survivor. Women professionals in the fields of criminal
justice—law enforcement, law, and corrections, all of which are male-dominated, patriarchal fields—seek and
often find empowerment when their voices are heard.
PLAN OF THE BOOK

The book is divided into five parts. Part I, “Introduction,” lays out the theoretical framework: the
empowerment perspective for understanding gender, patriarchy, and social control and how these three
elements interact. Part II, “Female Crime and Delinquency,” is concerned with girls and women who have
been arrested and convicted of crime. Chapter 2 examines current research on crime and delinquency, while
Chapter 3 is devoted to gender-specific and trauma-informed strategies for working with female ofenders.
Chapter 4 examines delinquency across the life course.
Part III, “Drug Addiction, Prison, and Restoration,” takes us through women’s pathway to crime when
substance abuse is a factor, as it most often is. Personal and policy considerations are discussed.The final
chapter in this section examines innovative processes that restore justice and promote healing and describes
victim–ofender conferencing as a form of restorative justice with much relevance.
Part IV, “Women as Victims and Survivors,” brings an empowerment perspective to the subjects of rape,
partner abuse, and the victimization of women internationally. Recent statistics and research findings help
reveal the extent and magnitude of the battering, rape, and sexual exploitation of women worldwide.
PREFACE | xxi
Part V, “Women as Professionals,” takes us into the realm of women as they promote social justice and engage
in empowerment of other women (and men). Women’s contributions to policing and legal fields have been
significant, the more so in recent years. However, corrections is an area in which women have moved from
the helm of the profession to the periphery; prison privatization and emphasis on security over counseling
are two contributing factors. Even here, however, women’s contributions have been and still are substantial,
including inside the prison system. In humanizing these areas of criminal justice, women often have had to
confront organizational structures that were oppressive and unsuitable for their needs. Women of color have
made inroads professionally but often only after challenging institutional racism and sexism simultaneously.
Empowerment for women in these legally based fields has come in the form of participating in the
formulation of social policy as an avenue for constructive social change, change often directed toward the
empowerment of marginalized persons—the ofenders and victims with whom and for whom the police
ofcers, lawyers, and correctional staf work. The final chapter presents a summary of the book’s themes and
prospects of future directions.
Acknowledgments
Many individuals have contributed to the writing of this book.The authors are profoundly grateful to their
spouses. Robert van Wormer reviewed and edited material throughout the manuscript. Linda Dippold
Bartollas was a constant source of support and encouragement throughout the many phases involved in the
publication of this text. We want to acknowledge our appreciation to our editors at Routledge, in particular, to
project manager Ellen Boyne for her helpful advice and encouragement in guiding us through the process.
Finally, the authors are very grateful to those victim-survivors, ofenders, and professionals in the justice
system who were willing to share their stories.
PART I
Introduction
The national mood toward change is palpable. Three of the major social movements resonate today: the
#MeToo campaign to recognize the extent of sexual abuse of women at all layers of the society and to
provide the survivors with justice; the Black Lives Matter protest movement against racism in policing and
calls for transformative social change; and the politically bipartisan initiatives to end or least curb mass
incarceration.That the war on drugs has been an incalculable failure is generally accepted by all parties.
And yet, the United States now spends hundreds of billion dollars a year to arrest, try, and incarcerate 20% of
the world’s prisoners, even though it has only 4% of the world’s inhabitants (Sawyer & Wagner, 2020; Van Zyl
Smit & Appleton, 2019). And reflecting the harshness of its sentencing policies, the U.S. has more than one-
third of the people worldwide serving life sentences. Perhaps nowhere has the colossal human catastrophe of
the modern criminal justice system been more in evidence than in the high death toll of jail and prison
inmates who were unable to escape infection during the pandemic. Many immigrants died as well in
confinement in overcrowded immigration detention centers.
Economically as well as morally, the system as it presently exists is unsustainable. Most people in jail and
prison are poor, and the poorest are women and people of color. A more progressive and individually
oriented social reform movement would benefit women and families most of all. Money saved on
imprisonment and law enforcement crackdowns could be better spent instead on bolstering substance abuse
treatment, expanding the numbers of aftercare group homes, and increasing funding for domestic violence
services. Fortunately, as the 21st century gets well underway, the social and political climate seems ripe for
policy and systemic change.
A note on language and spelling: Reflecting present sensitivities and following the lead of Hurtado (2020),
author of Intersectional Chicana Feminism, Black is capitalized based on the argument that the word refers not
merely to skin pigmentation but to a cultural heritage and experience. White will not be capitalized.The
terms Chicana and Latina will be used not Latinx because it removes the feminist struggle among Mexican
American women; we use the a to include and focus on the female gender. We can add to that that Hispanics
have not strongly endorsed the use of the x and in fact according to a survey from the Pew Research Center
only 3% of Hispanics use the term (Noe-Bustamante et al., 2020).This might change in the future, and the
term Latinx does have the advantage of being LGBTQ inclusive, but the term Hispanic accomplishes the same
thing.
Central to the writing of Women and the Criminal Justice System is an emphasis on the importance of social and
cultural context in terms of how gender plays out in this book’s three spheres of concern.This knowledge is
necessary to examine the personal situations of women who are victims of crime, women who are arrested
and convicted of crimes, and women who work in various capacities as professionals within the criminal
justice system. That gender matters is the basic theme. This social context is the punitive criminal justice
system mentioned above and the patriarchal society, in which males are dominant and females experience
oppression in a variety of ways. In recent years, there has been a backlash both against people in need and
against many aspects of the feminist movement. That this backlash is played out against poor women of color
and especially women in trouble with the law are major arguments of this book.This is not to say that
women, including women of color, have not made inroads into the professional worlds of corrections and
criminal law, and not to overlook the many new initiatives within the criminal justice system to bring gender-
specific programming for girls and women.
DOI: 10.4324/9781003173939-1
2 | INTRODUCTION
As a starting point in a book that considers the many roles that women play within and across the criminal
justice system, we turn to various perspectives on gender, race, and class, drawing on insights from feminist
theory and the writings of feminist criminologists. Feminist perspectives, which focus on explaining and
responding to the oppressed position of women in society, have much to ofer to our understanding of the
functioning of criminal justice institutions. Chapter 1, accordingly, ofers a brief overview of relevant insights
provided in the feminist and feminist criminological literature. Because they place gender at the forefront of
the discourse, feminist teachings and scholarship can serve as a foundation for the later chapters on crime,
delinquency, and professional roles. Ten representative schools of feminism are singled out; we discuss each
approach in terms of cultural and political orientations.This chapter is written in the belief that an
examination of sexism, racism, ethnicity, classism, and adultism (harsh treatment of the young) is essential to
understanding the multiple marginality that girls and women encounter in American society and elsewhere.
CHAPTER 1
Theoretical Perspectives on
Justice System
The task of this chapter is to first provide a theoretical overview to enhance our understanding of the
criminal justice system in terms of the experiences of girls and women at various levels within the system.
Forces for oppression and forces for empowerment will be discussed. Our discussion is informed by insights
from major feminist perspectives concerning gender, female criminality, and victimization, and the
interactive factors of race, class, and gender. An introduction to these perspectives is important because our
subject matter is the study of the treatment of female ofenders in the criminal justice system as well as
women’s occupational advances in the field. A second but not secondary concern of this chapter is women’s
agency and their personal and political empowerment across the landscape of criminal justice.
Because there is a lot we can learn from the art and science of feminist criminology, it is to this school of
thought that we now turn to for guidance in our investigation. Committed to understanding the status of
women in society and how this status impinges on women’s roles within the justice system, feminist
criminologists have been instrumental in shaping debates and conceptions of gender and crime, and in
revealing the unique role of violence in the background of female ofenders. Employing interdisciplinary
theoretical frameworks, feminist criminology examines gender and gender inequality, as well as the
intersections of race, ethnicity, class, gender, and age (Miller & Mullins, 2006, p. 204). Feminist
criminologists also see themselves as scholar-activists in the pursuit of social justice and advocacy for change
(Chesney-Lind, 2006).
Before going further, let us clarify what we mean by feminism. bell hooks (2014), who requires that her
name not be capitalized, in her new edition of Feminism Is for Everybody provides a definition that is widely used
and a good fit with our usage in this book: “Simply put, feminism is a movement to end sexism, sexist
exploitation, and oppression” (p. 1). This definition, which hooks provided earlier in her career, has the
advantage, as she tells us, of not implying that men are the enemy. And as she asserts in her title, “feminism is
for everybody.”
In examining the challenges and obstacles faced by women ofenders, victims, and workers in the justice
system, this book has developed five underlying feminist themes. First, women ofenders, victims, and
practitioners experience sexism, racism, and classism on an ongoing basis, and these forms of oppression
contribute to feelings of “multiple marginality” (Chesney-Lind & Pasko, 2013, p. 5). Second, the efects of the
multiple oppressions based on gender, class, and race are not merely additive, that is, simply interlocking and
piled on each other, but are synergistic or multiplicative (Crenshaw, 2020).Third, this examination focuses
on the social construction of knowledge and how it is typically male oriented.The study of crime itself, as the
following discussion reveals, has been by males about males.The myths concerning female ofenders, victims,
and practitioners are vivid examples of this social construction of knowledge. Fourth, this examination of
women in the justice system heavily emphasizes the importance of social context. In this social context, in
which the doors have opened to women professionally, oppression still exists on many levels. Subcultures
within society have varying definitions and expectations of what it means to be a woman, and these norms
and values can influence a girl’s pathway into crime or into seeking advanced education and a career as
DOI: 10.4324/9781003173939-2
4 | INTRODUCTION
correctional counselor or lawyer. Finally, our attention is drawn to the theme of empowerment, a theme that
is echoed throughout the chapters of this text. Such a focus is chosen in that it provides a means or a
direction for how women, whether ofenders, victims, or practitioners, can move from oppression to
empowerment.
Beginning with a brief review of women’s legal history, or the long road from the passage of laws to
control women to legislation to protect their rights, we then explore developments in the science of
criminology. The history of criminology is the story of how a field that was long the domain of men was
revolutionized with the entry first of female graduate students and then of women faculty and researchers.
Inspired by the women’s movement, feminist criminology was born; textbooks were rewritten; new
journals were introduced; and changes in theory ultimately led to gender-based initiatives in government
policy. Before delving into the contributions of the feminist criminologists, this chapter describes the three
waves of feminism (and claims of a fourth wave) and diverse feminisms that sprang out of the second and
third waves of feminism. Although the branches or groupings represent special interests along the lines
of racial, ethnic, and ideological concerns, all are united in promoting the empowerment of women and
confronting discrimination, often in the form of legislation hostile to the goals of reproductive rights or
plans to reduce funding for victim assistance programs. Because of the increasing threats to women’s
progress by antifeminist groups, we pay special attention in this chapter to the backlash that is represented
by well-organized men’s and father’s groups fighting on behalf of fathers’ rights.The antifeminist backlash
is also reflected in other ways as well, most strikingly in the narrowing of the gender gap in male and female
imprisonment.
There is so much we can learn from the contributions of feminist criminologists.Through their research we
have come to a better understanding of what leads girls and women to ofend and the kinds of programming
that is best suited to their needs. It is important to point out that not all of the authors we cite in this chapter
are women, but the pioneers are women and women who are proudly feminist.The latter half of this chapter
presents an overview of some of the leading research findings of these pioneers. Drawing on the teaching of
these and other writers in the field, we define and discuss concepts that are the bedrock of the study of
women and the criminal justice system. Among the key concepts we have chosen to highlight in this chapter
are oppression; intersectionality, the gender–race–class configuration; gender-specific treatment, and finally,
with hope for the future, paradigm shift. Additional concepts such as trauma-informed care and restorative
justice that are foundational to gendered treatment of ofenders and victims are featured later in the text. We
begin with a little history.
LAWS DEFINING WOMEN’S PLACE

The oppression of women in a male-dominated society can be clearly seen through examining the laws of
that society.Taking the United States as an example, history reveals that the men who wrote and interpreted
the law believed in the necessity of securing the safety of women to protect the family and the community.
Leo Kanowitz (1973) aptly expressed this position: “That God designed the sexes to occupy diferent spheres
of action, and that it belonged to men to make, apply, and execute the laws, was regarded as an almost
axiomatic truth” (p. 44). The creators of the law, then, made certain that women could enter certain areas of
life only under carefully controlled circumstances. This means of protecting womanhood and motherhood
through protective legislation ended up harming women by restricting their ability to work and earn a living
on an equal basis with men. Such a paternalistic attitude, when extended to careers in the criminal justice
system, hindered their employment considerably.
This belief that women had to be protected from the sordid nature of life led to their being excluded from
jury duty. In 1879, the U.S. Supreme Court lent its support to the common-law exclusion by deciding that
states had the constitutional right to limit jury duty to men only.The Civil Rights Act of 1957 gave women the
right to serve on federal juries, but some states continued to impose restrictions. Despite the 1975 U.S.
Supreme Court decision in Taylor v. Louisiana that women could not be excluded from jury duty because of sex,
in many states when it came to the process of voir dire to choose a jury, women were often readily dismissed
(Belknap, 2021).
THEORETICAL PERSPECTIVES ON WOMEN AND THE CRIMINAL JUSTICE SYSTEM | 5
The law that was quick to protect the proper woman was equally quick to punish women at the lower
echelons of society who were caught committing a crime. Legislators sought a way to coercively control them
in hopes of reform. A way was found in the passage of the Muncy Act of Pennsylvania, directed only toward
women.This act, which was passed in 1913, stated that any female pleading guilty to or convicted of a crime
punishable by imprisonment of one year or more must be sentenced to the state prison for women and that
her sentence will be for an unlimited duration. The sentence was indeterminate, which meant that the judge
no longer had discretion, but this was only true for female ofenders (Pollock, 2014). As a result of this law,
women ended up serving much longer sentences than men for the same crimes. In juvenile justice as well,
diferential sentencing was applied; the rationale was to allow for a longer time period for girls in order to
protect them from the special vulnerability of their sex.
Eventually, as with those prohibiting women on juries, discriminatory laws such as the Muncy Act were
declared unconstitutional. In Commonwealth v. Daniel, Jane Daniel was convicted in Pennsylvania of robbery, an
ofense that carried a maximum sentence of ten years. After sentencing her to one to four years in the county
prison, the judge brought Daniel back to court for resentencing under the Muncy Act, which required an
indeterminate term of up to ten years at the state prison for women. Daniel won her appeal to the
Pennsylvania Supreme Court in a precedent-setting case, and the Muncy Act was declared unconstitutional
(Commonwealth v. Daniel, 1968).
In State v. Costello, Mary A. Costello successfully argued that her constitutional right to equal protection under
the Fourteenth Amendment had been violated when she received an indeterminate sentence of not more than
five years for pleading guilty to a gambling ofense. Under New Jersey law, a man convicted of a similar
ofense would have received a sentence of not more than two years and not less than one year.The New Jersey
Supreme Court ruled: “These distinctions, in essence, form the basis of defendant’s claim of denial of equal
protection because of discrimination on the basis of sex” (State v. Costello, 1971).
Although some women, as these cases testify, received harsher punishments than did men, there was a
parallel tradition of paternalism that afected women who presented an image of helplessness when
prosecuted for misdemeanors and felonies, including homicide. White women of a certain class and
background were usually given lighter sentences than men as part of a tradition of chivalry. Such a privilege
was never accorded to Black women, however, who could expect to be punished to the full extent of the law.
And even when individual white women did benefit by preferential treatment, the attitude that they were
“frail” and “nobler” than men was demeaning in its own way (Belknap, 2021).This paternalism was
consistent with restrictions on women in other areas.
This brings us to a consideration of legislation pertaining to women’s employment. As is widely known in
feminist circles, sex was added as a protected class to the 1964 Civil Rights Act by a white Southerner in an
efort to defeat its passage, since giving women equal rights was not something that was taken seriously at that
time. The efort failed, and women won rights that went largely unnoticed until some years later when
women got organized to assert their rights.
Today, employment lawsuits are filed under Title VII, a 1972 amendment to the Civil Rights Act, to ensure
equal employment opportunities. Passage of anti-discrimination laws, however, can only go so far to ensure
full acceptance of women in male-dominated professions; their work can always be undermined where their
presence is resented, and if they ever file a sex discrimination claim with an organization such as the Equal
Employment Opportunity Commission, future employment in that particular profession becomes
problematic.
THE STUDY OF CRIME FROM A MALE PERSPECTIVE AND BEYOND

Men, as is universally known, commit the majority of crimes. Arrest, self-report, and victimization data all
reveal that men and boys commit more frequent and serious crimes than do women and girls. Men also have
a virtual monopoly on the commission of corporate, organized, and political crimes. It is for this reason that
gender has consistently been advanced by criminologists as the strongest predictor of criminal involvement
there is (Belknap, 2021). Gender matters.Yet as Frances Heidensohn, a British pioneer of feminist
criminology, once observed, “most criminologists have resisted this obvious insight with an energy
6 | INTRODUCTION
comparable to that of medieval churchmen denying Galileo or Victorian bishops attacking Darwin”
(Heidensohn, 1987, p. 22).
From a historical perspective, it is apparent that major theoretical works written by male criminologists about
men and boys have been alarmingly gender blind.Virtually all the classic delinquency theories were
preoccupied with why males commit delinquent acts. Girls’ delinquency, according to Belknap (2021), was
seen as neither interesting nor important. But exciting research inspired by feminist thought was to change
all this and to bring girls and women into the core of criminology. As early as the 1980s, Daly and Chesney-
Lind (1988) listed five aspects of feminist thought that distinguished it from traditional male-centered
criminological inquiry:
• Gender is not a natural fact but a complex social, historical, and cultural product; it is related to, but not
simply derived from, biological sex diference and reproductive capacities.
• Gender and gender relations order social life and social institutions in fundamental ways.
• Gender relations and constructs of masculinity and femininity are not symmetrical but are based on an
organizing principle of men’s superiority and social and political-economic dominance over women.
• Systems of knowledge reflect men’s views of the natural and social world:The production of knowledge is
gendered.
• Women should be at the center of intellectual inquiry, not peripheral, invisible, or appendages to men.
(p. 504)
Feminist criminologists have employed these elements of feminist thought to conduct investigations of girls’
and women’s gendered lives and experiences in terms of race, class, gender, and sexual orientation.The
outpouring of feminist scholarship, in the work of feminist researchers such as Susan Brownmiller and Mary
Koss, whose landmark writings on the nature and pervasiveness of violence against women, helped raise the
national consciousness concerning women’s rights. At about the same time, the work of feminist
criminology’s foremothers, such as Meda Chesney-Lind and Frances Heindensohn, helped lay the foundations
for what is now generally a recognized body of scholarship on gender, crime, and criminal justice. Our
awareness of the challenges facing frontline workers and professionals in the field of criminal justice has been
further bolstered through the work of social science researchers such as Joanne Belknap, Jody Miller, and
Roslyn Muraskin. Collectively, these feminist scholars have helped move the analysis of gendered power
relations to the forefront of the discussion on delinquency, crime, and corrections. Gains have been made as
principles from feminist criminology have informed guidelines on the treatment of girls and women and the
adoption of gender-based programming in many of the nation’s juvenile and adult institutions.
Still, while the evolution of feminist conceptualizations and activism has often been credited with important
gains, there have been setbacks. First, there was the co-opting of feminist ideals in the absence of genuine
across-the-board change, and then just as laws were changing in recognition of women’s rights an
antifeminist backlash spread from the media and politics into the courtrooms to the strong disadvantage of
women in trouble with the law or in child custody battles in family courts.The war on crime, as Chesney-
Lind and Pasko (2013) indicated, became a war on poor women and women of color.This claim, which is
voiced by Chesney-Lind and Pasko (2013), is based on the increasing imprisonment of impoverished
minority women for involvement in drug-related crime. In his discussion of girls in school, Cohen (2019)
notes that girls’ bullying behavior has been criminalized, especially when the attacks are physical.
At the same time, and not disconnected to the punishment of women at the lower levels, women have moved
forward professionally as leaders in law, policing, and corrections.
FEMINIST PERSPECTIVES
Feminist perspectives historically, as stated above, have been peripheral to the study of crime and treatment
within the justice system. For example, few attempts to identify “what works” in the crime prevention and
ofender rehabilitation research specifically addressed gender.The extent to which correctional organizations,
including work roles, are gendered generally has been ignored as well. Even as some programs for female
ofenders are being designed with girls and women’s special needs in mind, workers within the system are
embedded in organizational structures that reflect the norms of the prevailing gender-stratified society.
Therefore, reflecting societal norms, many mainstream criminologists and criminal justice practitioners have
yet to appreciate the significance of feminism’s contributions.To address this oversight, this section reviews
some of the major feminist teachings from the past to the present time.The first point to make about
feminism is that there is not one feminism but many feminisms. Feminism, in fact, consists of a collection of
diferent theoretical perspectives, each explaining the oppression of women in a diferent way. We start with a
historical description of the three leading waves of feminism.Then we diferentiate among the various
schools of thought within contemporary schools of thought.
The Waves of Feminism

The first feminist movement was born in 1848 at the Seneca Falls Convention, when women demanded the
right to vote. Its sufrage emphasis culminated when the Nineteenth Amendment to the Constitution was
ratified in 1919. This period is generally known as first wave feminism.The use of waves is a metaphor as
Milliken (2017) explains, a way of presenting the evolution of social thought and revealing historical patterns
for the sake of simplification. Milliken estimates the dates of the first wave of feminism as lasting from the
late 1800s to the end of World War II in 1945. During this time, women fought militantly, even to the point
of violence in the United Kingdom, for the right to vote and to have custody of their children in divorce. A
relatively quiet period followed.
The second feminist movement began in the 1960s. It was sparked by the Equal Pay Act of 1963, which
required equal pay for equal work, and Title VII of the Civil Rights Act of 1964, which applied to wages
as well as hiring and promotions. Another major influence in the birth of the second feminist movement
was the publication of Betty Friedan’s groundbreaking The Feminine Mystique (1963). Friedan issued a call
for housewives to seek their own identity through the development of themselves as full human beings.
Identifying patriarchy as the problem holding women back, this book was widely read by college
educated women. The new consciousness ushered in what is considered the second wave of feminism
Heidensohn (2000) diferentiates the first two waves of feminism in the United Kingdom in terms of a
crusade in the Victorian era against state regulation of women (allowing for the detention of prostitutes who
had venereal disease), and an attempt in modern times to move to the issue of victimization out of private
hands and into the public arena of law enforcement. “It is not hard,” she states, “to see the parallels between
‘vice’ in relation to first wave feminism and ‘violence’ in the history of the second wave” (p. 27).
It was due to the energy and consciousness raising associated with the social activism of the 1960s and 1970s
that was to forever change higher education. Students flocked to the social sciences, and new departments and
certificates in gender and women’s studies, ethnic studies, Hispanic studies, African American studies, and
Indigenous studies programs sprang up. These programs today remain steadfastly committed to social justice
as a foundational part of the college curriculum.
One of the teachings of second wave feminism that is widely echoed today is a distinction between the term
sex, which is said to refer to the biological aspect of being female and the term gender, which is said to refer
to the social and socialization aspects. Such an oversimplification is sometimes criticized today on the basis
that there can be no sharp mind/body distinction. Nevertheless, usage of the term gender does have
advantages of inclusiveness regarding transgender women in their battle against discrimination based on
gender identity.
Several varieties of feminism evolved as this era advanced, with much overlap between them—for example,
liberal feminism, radical feminism, postmodernism, and so on. We describe these developments in the
sections below. Feminist criminology also came of age during this time of political and intellectual
questioning.
With the election of Ronald Reagan in 1980, however, the pendulum seemed to have suddenly swung the
other way, and a conservative economic ideology carried the day.This is generally considered to mark the end
8 | INTRODUCTION
of the second wave. The feminist movement was caricatured in the popular press to the extent that few
women wanted to identify with it, and the term feminist was considered threatening in many circles. At the
same time female scholars of color were highly critical of feminism for its preoccupation with discrimination
against upper middle-class women’s working lives (Burke, 2019).This is not to say that women did not
believe in the importance of achieving equality or of pursuing career goals.
Third wave feminism got its impetus from the national outrage in many circles over the treatment of Anita
Hill during the televised Senate confirmation hearings for U.S. Supreme Court nominee Clarence Thomas in
1991 (Burke). The third wave challenged the idea that poor women, women of color, and lesbians share the
same problems as white middle-class women or similarly located poor men, men of color, or gay men.The
privileging of white middle-class female voices is a familiar rebuttal to the pronouncements of movers and
shakers from the second wave.
Third-wave feminists, who are also called women of color feminists, womanists, and critical race feminists, object to white
feminists defining “women’s issues” from their own standpoint without including women of color and third-
world concerns.They also object to the antiracist theory that presumes that racial and ethnic minority
women’s experiences are the same as those of their male counterparts.These modern-day feminist theorists
focus on the significant roles that sexism, racism, class bias, sexual orientation, age, and other forms of
socially structured inequality have in women’s lives.
Central to their approach is the notion of intersectionality, which calls our attention to the interlocking
sites of oppression inherent in the categories of race, ethnicity, class, gender, gender identity, sexuality, and
age. Third-wave feminism helps clarify not only those behaviors of women defined as criminal but also the
many crimes against women. This approach makes clear the need to understand issues of social justice in
evaluating the criminalization of women. Furthermore, this form of feminist theory seeks ways for men and
women to work together to eliminate racism, sexism, and class privilege. bell hooks’ (1984) Feminist Theory:
From Margin to the Center along with her prolific outpouring of writings and keynote speeches on college
campuses had a huge impact in calling women’s attention to their peripheral status in society, a message
especially meaningful to African American women. In the following passage, hooks took the leading
feminists of an earlier day to task for their anti-male rhetoric and their general short-sightedness about
race and class:
Like [Betty] Friedan before them, white women who dominate feminist discourse today rarely
question whether or not their perspective on women’s reality is true to the lived experiences of women
as a collective group. Nor are they aware of the extent to which their perspectives reflect race and class
biases, although there has been a greater awareness of biases in recent years.
(p. 3)
The women’s movement of the third wave resulted in at least a dozen or more prominent expressions of
feminist theory that are relevant to criminal justice. Among these are liberal feminism, radical feminism,
socialist feminism, postmodern feminism, Black feminism, Latina feminism, intersectional feminism,
ecofeminism, lesbian feminism, and transfeminism.
Fourth-wave feminism similarly stresses intersectionality and the empowerment of women. Unique to this
phase, which is thought to have begun in 2012 is the use of the Internet tools to spread ideas and organize
people for action on issues of sexual harassment, body shaming, and rape culture. According to the
Encyclopaedia Britannica (2020), this new wave arose amid numerous high-profile incidents including the brutal
gang rape of a young woman in India that was widely publicized throughout the world. Later, in 2017,
following the defeat of what was to have been the election of the first female president in American history,
thanks to a massive mobilization on the Internet, the Women’s March saw as many as 4.6 million people
attending various events in the United States, making this event perhaps the largest single-day demonstration
in the country’s history.
Liberal Feminism
Liberal feminism, or egalitarianism, calls for women’s equality of opportunity and freedom of choice. Burke
(2019) traces liberal feminism to the 18th- and 19th-century social ideals of liberty and equality. Liberal
feminists look to legislation to ensure the rights of women and changes in socialization practices so that
children do not grow up accepting of an unequal status (Milliken, 2017).
In 1972, Congress passed the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA). In the campaign to ratify it, many women
were mobilized into activism, and liberal feminists were introduced to the political mainstream. However, the
defeat of the ERA in 1982 was associated with a conservative backlash, during which rights previously won by
feminists, including afrmative action and legal abortion, were challenged (Law, 2020). Despite this defeat,
we owe a debt to the liberal feminist movement for the extensive legislation that was enacted due to the
activities of its members.This perspective, however, is criticized for its reluctance to confront deep-rooted
gender inequality as well as its failure to acknowledge the relevance of race (Burke, 2019).
Radical Feminism
Radical feminists view masculine power and privilege as the root cause of all social inequality.The most
important relations in any society, according to radical feminists, are found in patriarchy, a social system
which is maintained through masculine control of labor and the economy. Control of women’s sexuality is
also emphasized.
In common with liberal feminism, proponents of the radical school argue that greater levels of inequality may
lead to an elevated risk of domestic assault and homicide by placing women at a structural disadvantage. In
contrast with liberal feminism, this orientation focuses much more on women’s oppression, while it values
and even celebrates the diferences between men and women (Payne, 2021). A major contribution has been
the focus on victims’ rights and on the prevalence of sexual violence toward women.Through the extensive
documentation and grassroots activism provided by members of this group, the national silence on the role of
violence in girls’ and women’s lives was broken. The naming of the types and dimensions of female
victimization had a significant impact on public policy (Chesney-Lind, 2006). Radical feminism has been
criticized, however, for its essentialism, or the belief that all men are the same, as are all women (Payne,
2021) and for the reluctance of some subscribers to this position to refuse to admit transgender women into
the inner circle (Almed, 2017).
Socialist Feminism
Socialist feminists, in contrast to other feminists, give neither class nor gender the highest priority. Instead,
socialist feminists view both class and gender relations as equal, as they interact with and reinforce each other
in society (Van Gundy, 2019). They thus ofer a synthesis of the radical and Marxist feminist schools of
thought. It is important, as Dominelli (2002) asserts, to maintain a perspective that emphasizes the gendered
nature of human relations that divides men and women, while also attending to other forms of oppression
(for example, class) that divide women from each other. To understand class, socialist feminists argue, it is
necessary to recognize how class is structured by gender, and understanding gender requires that one see
how it is structured by class. From this perspective, oppression is viewed as interacting with other forms of
oppression such as those based on race or disability (Payne, 2021).
Proponents of this position advocate for equal work opportunities as well as special provisions such as
childcare arrangements for employees (Barak et al., 2018). Relevant to women’s work in the criminal justice
professions, socialist feminism clarifies how women tend to become excluded from the highest-paying jobs
and marginalized within the professional ranks due to male dominance and bonding. Relevant to criminality,
variables such as women’s marginalization in the economic structure should be considered (Van Gundy,
2019).
Postmodern Feminism
Postmodern feminists began to challenge binary gender definitions used by other feminists and they
overturned a lot of thinking that was common at that time.This created space for transgender people to be
included in the movement and better understood. Feminists of this school shared an amorphous definition of
the truth (Milliken, 2017). While positivist feminists, as well as other modernists, claim that the truth can be
determined, providing all agree on responsible ways of going about it, postmodern feminism argues for
10 | INTRODUCTION
multiple truths that take contexts into account. Postmodern feminists also question whether scientific claims
are provable and reject the idea that there is a universal definition of justice true for all people all the time.
Feminists who view society through a postmodernist lens are more inclined to focus attention on power
relations rather than patriarchy as their frame of reference (Van Gundy, 2019).They emphasize the
importance of alternative discourses and accounts, which frequently take the form of examining the efects of
language and symbolic representation. Postmodernist perspectives are criticized for their neglect of
oppression in society and their undermining of feminist notions of solidarity and collective organizing
against injustice (Dominelli, 2002). From this viewpoint, a study of female crime would consider community
norms, cultural values, and how these norms and values played into lawbreaking behavior. A contribution to
criminology is the focus on deriving knowledge from qualitative data such as personal narratives of women in
the correctional system.
Black Feminism
In her landmark book Black Feminist Thought and, more recently, Intersectionality as Critical Social Theory, Patricia Collins
articulates an African American feminist position. Sometimes this approach is called critical race theory. Social
change will only come, argues Collins (2000/2019), when the consciousness of individuals is raised—
consciousness about the domination of intersecting oppressions is raised as well.The historical structure of
these interlocking oppressions must be acknowledged in order to transform the institutions of domination
for the people’s empowerment.
Hillary Potter (2012) utilizes a Black feminist criminological framework that focuses on intimate-partner
violence experiences of African American women. Following Collins’ (2000) conceptualization of critical
race theory, Potter examines women’s victimization from a combined gendered and racialized standpoint.
Many African Americans concerned with the treatment of women in society prefer the term womanism to
feminism. Womanism, to Littlefield (2003), “is an emergent theoretical perspective that reforms and expands
mainstream feminist theory to incorporate racial and cultural diferences, with a particular focus on African
American women” (p. 4). Womanism, according to Littlefield, focuses on three key themes: the interlocking
nature of multiple oppressions, the meaning of self-determinism for African American women, and the
importance of naming and claiming African American women’s culture. Moreover, writers from this school
emphasize the key role that personal spirituality and religion play in African American women’s cultural and
personal empowerment. What really distinguishes womanism from feminism is the role that spirituality and
ethics play in the lives of African American women, circumscribed as they are by the interlocking oppressions
of race, gender, and class (Tsuruta, 2012).
A fascinating addition to Black feminist writing comes in Hood Feminism by Mikki Kendall (2020). “We rarely
talk about basic needs as a feminist issue,” notes Kendall (p. xiii). Food insecurity, access to quality education,
safe neighborhoods, and health care—all are feminist issues to Kendall because they are vital to the well-
being of every woman. She also singles out an aspect of racism that is commonly overlooked—that is
colorism. Colorism is in evidence worldwide as having darker skin is linked to lower job prospects, lower
marriage rates, higher rates of arrest, and longer prison terms.The women’s movement needs to address class
as well as race.
The womanist and Black feminist perspectives have implications for criminal justice scholars and
practitioners in providing a basis for empowerment-oriented practice with racial and ethnic minorities. In
bringing our attention to the intersection of race, gender, and class, African American theorists help us to
recognize that the political backlash is not only directed at women alone but that the oppression played out in
mass incarceration has had serious repercussions for Black girls and women.The message for feminist
criminologists is clear—to focus on only one aspect of oppression (such as gender) to the neglect of the
others is to miss a vital part of the equation.
Latina Feminism
In 1973, Mirta Vidal wrote in “Chicanas Speak Out, Women: New Voice of La Raza,” an article that was
reprinted in Feminism and Socialism, that when Chicano men talk about maintaining la familia and the cultural
heritage of la raza, they are in fact talking about keeping women in the kitchen, and pregnant.The real unity of
men and women, as Vidal (1973) argued, is the unity forged in the course of struggle against their joint
oppression: “It is by supporting, rather than opposing, the struggles of women, that Chicanos and Chicanas
can genuinely unite” (p. 32). Although the Chicana Feminist Movement was a viable force for the liberation
of women from Mexico, their story remains virtually untold in the mainstream feminist literature.
Aida Hurtado (2020) describes the uniqueness of Chicana feminism with its cross-border history and dual
Indigenous/Spanish heritage.The Chicana feminist movement is rooted in the Chicano civil rights activism of
the 1960s and 1970s. Not unlike the Civil Rights movement in the South, which ultimately led to the
liberation of women and other marginalized populations, the protests of Mexican American farmworkers
under the leadership of César Chávez was a lesson in empowerment through resistance to oppression. In
recognition of the diversity within not only Latina feminists but also within the Chicana experience, Hurtado
has titled her book Intersectional Chicana Feminisms. In common with other feminists of color, she
challenges the stronghold that white feminists have had on the production of feminist theory.
The impact of ethnicity, gender, and class are inextricably linked in the life of the Mexican American woman.
Her socioeconomic class as a Spanish-speaking low-income Chicana woman determines her political and
social position. In this way, her challenges difer from those of poor African American women and Anglo
white lower-class women.
To build solidarity today on predominantly white college campuses, Latinas are relying on the genre of
testimonio, an oral tradition with deep roots in Latin American human rights struggles (Bernal et al. 2012).
Students, staf, and faculty alike join these Latina feminist groups in a special space where experiential
knowledge is fostered.
Relevant to criminal justice, the focus on empowerment and listening to the stories of vulnerable people has
important implications for practitioners who work in corrections and for women who are in trouble with the
law who can draw on the strengths of others who are in the same situation.
Islamic Feminism
As with all schools of feminism there are various ideologies among Muslim women who are advocating
gender equality. Some of the more secular scholars view themselves simply as feminists first and foremost.
Others identify with Islamic feminism and trace the origins of suppression of women in the cultural norms
of ancient Muslim societies but not in the original texts of Islam (Ghafournia, 2017). In challenging male
monopoly of interpretation of Islamic sources, they emphasize woman’s right to have a direct relationship
with God without male mediation (see Chapter 10 on global issues).
Intersectional Feminism
The concept of intersectionality is not just an important contribution to feminism but to the social sciences
and the world of knowledge in general. We discuss this concept in some depth in a later section in this
chapter. Kimberlé Crenshaw, a law professor, who coined the term in 1989 later ofered the following
definition of intersectional feminism as “a prism for seeing the way in which various forms of inequality
often operate together and exacerbate each other” (Crenshaw, 2020, 2nd paragraph). Women (and men) who
subscribe to this form of feminism are careful to consider the interplay of multiple social dynamics and
power relations that motivates intersectional studies and that has done so from the start. By focusing on
structures of power that constitute subjects in particular sociopolitical formations, we locate intersectional
dynamics in social space and time.
Ecofeminism
Ecofeminism values all forms of plant and animal life and finds a spiritual presence in nature. Ecofeminists link
principles of ecology with feminism and view Mother Earth as our nurturer and protector. Exploitation of the
natural environment has its paralleled in the exploitation and oppression of women.This environmental focus
argues that there is a connection between women and nature that comes from this shared history of
12 | INTRODUCTION
oppression by a patriarchal and market-driven society. Women’s vulnerability to climate change is a major focus
of ecofeminism today. Research shows given their concern with the home and their children that women in
the aftermath of a natural disaster sufer inordinately from stress (Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services
Administration (SAMHSA) (2020). We return to this discussion in Chapter 10 on global issues.
Lesbian and Transgender (Trans) Feminism

Amanda Burgess-Proctor (2006) has added lesbian feminism and Third World feminism to the standard list
of feminisms, discussed above. She views lesbian feminism as a radical perspective that links women’s
oppression to heterosexism and to men’s control of women’s social spaces. It is interesting to note that Betty
Friedan was averse to accepting lesbians into the leadership of the women’s movement and famously called
this group of feminists “the lavender menace” (Faderman, 2015). Later some lesbian feminists reclaimed the
name and referred to themselves as the Lesbian Menace or revolution.Today lesbians are widely
acknowledged for their continuing contributions to the cause of women’s rights.
Transgender or trans women are persons who were given a sex assignment as male at birth, and in
childhood or later they identified as female. Some have taken hormones or had surgery to align their
biological characteristics with their social identity; however, medical measures are not necessary for someone
to qualify to live life as a woman or to be accepted as a part of the transwoman movement. Some people who
may be included in the transgender category have no certain sexual or gender identity and regard themselves
as nonbinary persons, neither male nor female. Their preferred pronoun is generally “they”, used in the
singular sense in place of he or she. Trans feminists insist that their unique experiences be recognized as part
of the feminist sphere.
A self-proclaimed lesbian feminist of color and British-Australian, Sara Almed (2017) employs an
intersectional perspective to discuss the importance of lesbian and trans feminists to the women’s movement
today. Within mainstream and radical feminism, as she notes, “our being was not always accommodated”
(p. 230). For trans women there has been a fierce struggle to be accepted by other feminists who are
cisjender women (women born female and identifying as women). Some radical feminists would exclude
trans women from their feminist organizations since they claim they are not biologically women and were
socialized as boys and men in early life. Almed concludes that lesbian feminism is a necessary alliance with
trans feminism.
Gender-related hate crimes against trans women is a major concern today of the justice department and
human rights organizations. The police themselves have been known to physically attack these gender
nonconforming women.Victims of such gender-related crimes are overwhelmingly trans people who are
poor and women of color. We return to this issue in the section, Intersectionality of Gender, Race, and Class.
Other Alternative Feminist Perspectives

The examples presented here are only a sampling of the feminist groupings who are organizing today in
hopes of gaining recognition for the causes they represent. Alternative perspectives have arisen to represent
the disparate situations of each unique group.
Other forms of feminism deserving of mention are Asian American feminism to confront stereotypes and
overgeneralizations about Chinese Americans, Japanese Americans, and other Asian groups; Indigenous
feminism concerned with the many oppressions foisted against Native peoples; and postcolonial feminism
which developed as a response to a feminism focusing solely on the experiences of women in the Western
world. Common to all these feminist perspectives is their concern with women’s oppression in a patriarchal
society and the linkages among inequality, crime, and victimization. Common also to these perspectives is
appreciation for a methodology that comes from the heart as well as the head.
FEMINIST METHODOLOGY
There is no one correct method of feminist research. Although feminist scholars have tended to stress
qualitative research in the past, feminist methodology can draw on a variety of methodological designs,
quantitative as well as qualitative, participatory as well as literature based.The overriding purpose of feminist-
based methodology is to discover useful knowledge to help empower disenfranchised groups. Feminist
scholars from India Kaur and Nagaich (2019) delineate six key characteristics of feminist research: It begins
with the standpoints and experiences of women; consciousness raising is a goal of the dissemination of
results from the investigation; the researcher does not play the expert role but views the respondent as the
expert with the knowledge that is shared; women’s empowerment is stressed through the process; and instead
of aiming for value neutrality the process may be politically motivated and directed toward social change.
Linda Williams (2004) stresses the importance of a reliance on researcher–advocate collaboration. She relates
the principles of feminist epistemology to research on domestic violence. In engaging in funded research,
academically trained researchers must be careful to follow sound principles of scientific research and not to
privilege one group over the other, but to recognize the expertise of the advocates and survivors as matching
the expertise of the researchers. In the same way, quantitative research techniques should not be elevated in
value over techniques that put the voices of women at the center of the research. Finally, as Williams indicates,
a liberating methodology recognizes that the process of knowledge production is not value free but is
inevitably political. Even decisions about which questions to ask, which research methods to employ, and how
findings are interpreted are part of a political process and influenced by researcher bias. Studying violence
against women is both an ethical and a political endeavor. Williams advocates linking activism with research
and calls for researchers and practitioners to be careful to take into account the intersectionality of gender,
race, socioeconomic status, and violence against women.
The narrative approach is one that is widely used in the women’s literature on criminal justice. Often an
empirically based study, as, for example, one showing a correlation between criminal behavior and a history
of childhood sexual abuse, will illustrate the statistical findings from the survey data with personal quotes
from interviews with representative women themselves. From the perspective of writers on narrative theory,
reality is viewed as co-constructed in the minds of individuals in interaction with others (Kelley, 2017).
Narrative research is culturally sensitive in that it does not presume a way of being but aims to discover the
storyteller’s meaning.This approach is closely related to feminist postmodernism in the study of verbal
content for meaning.The meanings we attribute to experience, according to Kelley, are influenced and shaped
by cultural beliefs and practices.
As one illustration of how a feminist methodology can bring our attention to possibilities that we had not
considered before or had no evidence of. Muslim women in Australia are generally seen as living in a violent
community whose religious teachings and cultural beliefs reinforce domestic violence. In her analysis of
personal narratives of 14 abused Muslim women, Ghafournia (2017) got an entirely diferent perspective
than that provided in other research and media accounts. The women’s writings revealed a positive place in
their lives and values for their religious beliefs and sense of spiritual support by their religious community.
These are strengths that counselors could draw on in helping domestic assault survivors find meaning in life.
Using a feminist, intersectional orientation, criminologist Beth Richie (2012) developed a unique theoretical
framework for understanding the pathways that lead battered African American women into the gates of
prison. Without gathering extensive facts about the backgrounds of these 37 inmates, she never would have
discovered the patterns, or even what might be viewed as the inevitability of their ofending. What shone
through their life stories, in case after case, was that gender, race/ethnicity, personal violence, poverty, and a
racist social system had come together to cause the women to be susceptible to criminal involvement. In Arrested
Justice: Black Women,Violence, and America’s Prison Nation, Richie describes how she infuses her discussion of sexual
and racial injustice in U.S. social institutions through the use of first-hand information that augments her
points: “Throughout the book,” she explains, “I ground my analysis of how America’s prison nation contributes
to and complicates the violence the Black women experience by sharing stories of that abuse” (p. 22)
In her earlier book Compelled to Crime:The Gender Entrapment of Battered Black Women Richie (1996) described how
out of protective feelings for their men, women sometimes reported that they often failed to seek the
help they needed before it was too late. The following excerpt is from the personal narrative of Janet, a
46-year-old African American woman who after being battered for ten years was detained on a homicide
charge:
When I finally went for help, they asked why I waited so long.There was no police record. No
counselor to testify and no family witness. I could tell that the judge didn’t believe me, especially
14 | INTRODUCTION
because he went on and on about how I “seemed so smart and all.” Now what’s that supposed to
mean? That he’s dumb? I don’t want any white judge talking about my man that way. Or did he mean
that the sisters (African American women) are dumb? Either way it was a put-down that I didn’t
appreciate at all. So to answer him, that’s why I didn’t go for help sooner.
(p. 96)
Researchers who wish to learn how feminist methodologies apply to studies on women and the criminal
justice system are advised to conduct a search through articles that are published in Feminist Criminology,
an international journal dedicated to research related to women, girls, and crime within the context
of a feminist critique of criminology. Published quarterly by the Division on Women and Crime of the
American Society of Criminology, this publication highlights the gendered nature of crime and
incorporates a perspective that the paths to crime difer for males and females. Feminist Criminology, as stated
on its website, “provides a venue for articles that place women in the center of the research question,
answering diferent questions than the mainstream approach of controlling for sex.” Editors of the journal
question the use of gender as a control variable that fails to illuminate the factors that predict female
criminality. Typical topics that are explored in this journal are victim advocacy, intimate partner homicide,
critiques of mandatory arrest policies in situations of domestic violence, and the impact of the antifeminist
backlash.
Jody Miller, whose work is widely referenced in this book, has published in Feminist Criminology as well as
widely throughout the criminological literature. In an article devoted to feminist methodology, Miller (2016)
argues that regardless of which research method used, feminist advocacy is the overarching goal of gender-
based research. Research grounded in the real-life experience of women, she further suggests, has an
important role to play in understanding the causes and consequences of violence against women and in
guiding social policy. In this way, research insights will connect with those of other stakeholders—including
the subjects of the study—and with the contexts in which they live. Miller illustrates this point efectively
through her use of a qualitative interviewing design in her investigation into the risk factors in the lives of
African American adolescent girls in an impoverished urban setting.The focus of Miller’s investigation was
on the girls’ perspectives on male-on-female violence within their community.
How did the young women stay safe within their neighborhood? What kinds of situations did they avoid?
These were two of the questions Miller asked that successfully revealed strategies of self-protection as well as
the contexts that were unsafe. Public places and gatherings where alcohol and drugs were used were identified
by the girls as places or events to avoid. Women’s advocates were able to build on such information obtained
by these methods to help promote community safety. Earlier research, in contrast, which had relied on the
expertise of professional stakeholders, according to Miller, tended to overlook the structurally embedded
nature of female victimization.
While not shying away from using empirical data to bolster their arguments, we can appreciate how feminist
researchers, such as Jody Miller, Carol Gilligan (her work is described later), and Meda Chesney-Lind, also
make strong use of first-hand observation enriched with personal interviews of girls and women. Although
there is no single feminist approach to research methods, what these researchers have in common is a strong
emphasis on relationships with the subjects of their study, on reflexivity concerning their own reaction to
what they learn, and on the protection of the interviewees.
THE RISE OF FEMINIST CRIMINOLOGY

The criminal justice system is a system built on human tragedy.The tragedy is found in the personal stories
and case histories of girls and women who, like the William Faulkner women, have had to “endure and then
endure, without rhyme or reason or hope” (1936, p. 59).The stories and case histories tell of victimization,
of personal crime and addiction, and of falling in the web of too-harsh sentencing practices—and also of
survival.
For many who have come to earn the unfortunate label of “female ofender,” their sufering began long before
they got into trouble with the law. Things might have been so bad for some, in fact, that getting caught could
almost be seen as a blessing, a turning point in their lives. Perhaps there was an encounter with someone in
the system who cared or perhaps they were placed in an innovative program designed with gender in mind.
This brings us to a recognition of women on the other side of the law, from women who went into
corrections to reform the system and to help others reach their potential—among them prison wardens,
probation ofcers, and lawyers (see Chapters 12 and 13). We are referring here to women who have served
other women, working to empower others even as they themselves have been empowered.
Reform often comes as well through research and documentation of wrongs that need to be corrected. In the
field of criminal justice, much credit goes to feminist criminologists, who through their prolific writings have
inspired reform and new ways of thinking about gender and crime.Throughout the literature, personal
narratives are corroborated with empirical research and/or government data. Both forms of scholarship are
consistent with feminist methodology and the goals of efecting social change (Cho et al., 2013; Petersen, et
al., 2015). Because of the policy implications, Chesney-Lind (2006) refers to such a body of research
emerging from feminist criminology as an activist scholarship.
Contemporary forms of feminist criminology draw on parts or all of the traditions described above. For the
feminist criminologist, as for other feminists, enabling women to tell their stories and to speak of their
experiences is integral to women’s ways of gathering information and understanding the world (Dominelli,
2002).This is not to the neglect of empirical research, however, or the use of statistical data from government
sources such as Uniform Crime Reports. Feminist scholars insist on research grounded in the voices of
women—women, for example, who have experienced domestic violence first-hand or who have sufered the
pains of imprisonment. Academic attention has also been directed toward the career paths of professional
workers in the field of criminal justice and obstacles that they have encountered along the way.
These feminist researcher-activists are rightly credited with providing a rich body of research concerning
girls’ and women’s unique pathways to crime and the need for gender-based programming. As with any
reform, some of the developments have had unintended consequences, however. Zero tolerance laws for
domestic violence, strongly advocated by the feminist movement, paradoxically have now resulted in a huge
increase in the arrests of girls and women (see Chapter 9).
Meanwhile, media hype portraying young women as masculinized and violent, for example, in popular books
and news headlines has helped create an atmosphere in which harsh punishments are meted out to girls for
relatively minor ofenses (Barak, et. al. 2018). Feminist criminologists increasingly are concerned about the
antifeminist backlash, a backlash that is even evidenced in many women’s reluctance to identify with the
term feminist.
BACKLASH TO THE WOMEN’S MOVEMENT

A barrage of antiwoman proposals have come forth by right-wing politicians and legislators.These proposals
reflect a general climate of conservatism that swept across the United States in the second half of the Obama
administration, which ultimately led to the growth of what became President Trump’s base—working class
white men. Even following the 2020 election of Joe Biden, the base of Trump supporters with representatives
in the U.S. Congress and the U.S. Supreme Court strongly oppose liberal policies related to women’s
reproductive health, afrmative action programs, and welfare aid for poor families.
Backlash Stemming From Right-Wing Political Sources

State and federal legislators have issued proposal after proposal for funding cuts for policies that directly afect
low-income and minority women. Some pro-Democratic organizations and media reports refer to these
proposals collectively as the “War on Women.” Among the proposals that have been highlighted in the news
are funding cuts to low-income preschool programs including Head Start, family planning services, and
services for older adults living at home, including Meals on Wheels (“The War on Women,” 2012). The term
entitlement programs has become a negative label originally used by Ronald Reagan and immediately picked up by
the business community, while politicians and pundits of all political stripes are considering serious reforms
16 | INTRODUCTION
afecting all these social insurance programs on which women in poverty increasingly are dependent (see
Hertzberg, 2013).
The same Texas legislature which has passed highly restrictive anti-immigration laws also earlier passed a
measure requiring women seeking abortions to undergo a vaginal ultrasound, even though such a medical
procedure is entirely unnecessary and even though a less invasive form of ultrasound is available (Torregrosa,
2012). According to an update from the Guttmacher Institute (2020), in addition to abortion counseling
requirements, many states require that at least 24 hours elapse between the counseling and the abortion, thus
requiring travel back and forth, while several states also mandate when and how an ultrasound is performed
prior to an abortion. This War on Women is of course not limited to restrictions in reproductive care but also
extends to measures more directly related to the criminal justice system.
Backlash Directed Toward Female Offenders

A correlation between women’s liberation and crime, known as emancipation theory, as postulated by
Freda Adler (1975) in her bestselling book Sisters in Crime, was widely accepted when it appeared, perhaps
because the women’s movement was relatively new. People did not know what to expect as women’s roles
were changing. The thesis was that now that women had the same opportunities as men to commit
violent crimes, they would do so (Merlo & Pollock, 2015). Chesney-Lind and Pasko (2013) refer to this
as the emancipation or liberation hypothesis, an explanation that did not gain currency on the eastern
side of the Atlantic. While British writers looked to economic marginalization as a key factor in female
crime, some American criminologists and the media now viewed women as masculinized in their
lawbreaking behavior. Their criminality was seen as an indirect result of the achievements of their
feminist sisters.
Feminist criminologists shortly became outraged with this faulty proposition. Drawing on criminal justice
statistics, they could easily document that the supposed increase in female violence had not materialized.
Those women in trouble with the law, besides, were far from feminists, but rather they represented poor and
uneducated groups who were often unemployed (Cullen & Wilcox, 2015). A crackdown on welfare fraud in
the 1970s had led to an increase in arrests of women for fraud (Chesney-Lind & Pasko, 2013). Generally,
most arrests as before were for prostitution and shoplifting. Still, the media in the 1970s used the seemingly
scholarly work of Adler to discredit the women’s movement and to misrepresent the kinds of crimes that
women were committing.This reaction, admittedly, was unfair to Adler who did have one great achievement,
and this was within the field of criminology, in her writing a bestselling book on women and crime, and “in
inspiring other criminologists to bring gender into criminology” (Cullen & Wilcox p. 5). Frieda Adler is
honored today by fellow women criminologists for her pioneering work that advanced the field forward in
significant ways, chief among these was turning criminology’s focus on the study of female criminality as a
worthy area of academic scholarship (See Cullen et al. [2015] Sisters in Crime Revisited: Bringing Gender into
Criminology.)
We can consider this discrediting through false claims of feminist-inspired crime as the first antifeminist
backlash or blowback, as far as criminal justice is concerned.Then, following several decades during which
little was said on the topic, perhaps inevitably, the myth of the “liberated female criminal” has surfaced again
(Belknap 2021; Messerschmidt & Tomsen, 2016). This rebounding of an unsubstantiated claim coincides
with the recent harsh sentences meted out to women in the courts of law, in legislation hindering women’s
reproductive choices, and in both civil (child custody) and criminal litigation.
When equality is construed as sameness, when razor wire is strung around women’s prisons, when
resources go to security instead of job-training programs and treatment while curtains, rugs, and many
feminine items are removed from the premises, we are looking at systemic sexism. Racism of course is
involved as well. And this transformation of women’s prisons into male-run institutions has predicably
led to scandal after scandal of guard-on-inmate sexual assault even as lawmakers have largely neglected
women in their passage of laws to protect male prison rape victims from attacks by other inmates (Bozelko,
2020).To continue with more examples of legal setbacks for women, police in some districts have taken to
arresting both parties in domestic violence calls when in the past they more likely arrested only the apparent
perpetrator. This travesty of treating victims like ofenders was an unintended consequence of mandatory
arrest laws that were passed with the support of women advocates.These issues are explored in Chapters
6 and 9.
From Backlash to Misogyny

Misogyny, which is defined as the hatred of women, is a term that goes beyond backlash, and is gaining
some currency by feminist writers today. In Misogyny:The New Activism, Gail Ukockis (2019) sees misogyny in
humor in the form of ridicule and in other avenues of attack on women in popular culture and throughout
the social media. Ukockis’s book, as she states, is directed to readers of all genders who believe in social
justice and gender equality.
From our perspective, the misogyny that we are discussing pertains to women whose fate, one way or the
other, is tied up with the criminal justice system, is not so much hatred of women in general but, rather,
hatred of women who are seen as threatening either to themselves personally or to the social order.
Resentment of women and especially of successful women can contribute to the “perception of damaged
masculinity” in some men, and this resentment is reinforced in patriarchal male peer support groups
(DeKeseredy, 2011, p. 70). The fathers’ rights organization is a prime illustration.This lobbying organization
maintained a low profile in 1970s when it formed out of resistance to the women’s movement and the
advances of women in the professions. Then with the growth of information technology, its message began to
really find a ready audience. DeKeseredy et al. (2017) describe these men’s groups as decidedly misogynistic.
They have successfully lobbied to reduce funding for domestic violence services and for child custody rights
in the courts. Their influence on family law has had damaging consequences for women and children and put
many women at risk of continuing violence, as DeKeseredy et al. further suggest.Their eforts to get state
legislatures to pass laws requiring judges to make joint custody in divorce cases mandatory has not so far been
successful.
Exaggerating feminist gains is a central feature of the antifeminist attack.The justification for rulings against
women in many of these legal situations is that women are equal now, and as equals they can no longer
expect special consideration. This is often a winning argument of men in the fathers’ groups seeking to make
joint custody mandatory in cases of divorce. The media have often echoed and promoted their positions since
the arguments about the importance of fathers in children’s lives are appealing.These men’s wives,
stepmothers to the children, are often active spokespersons for these groups as well.These groups actively
work in Canada, the United Kingdom, and the United States with media outlets and local legislators in an
efort to get the laws changed to their advantage. As the groups have radicalized, the misogyny has even been
linked to a white supremacy ideology. Under the Trump administration, members of men’s rights groups
collaborated with the Department of Education to rewrite regulations on campus rape to strengthen the legal
rights of persons accused of sexual violence (Barthélemy, 2020).
Misogyny probably plays a role in the antiabortion movement although there are diverse motivations among
the participants. In her presidential address to the American Society of Criminology (entitled “Feminist
Criminology in an Era of Misogyny”), Chesney-Lind (2019) captivated the audience with her pointed
description of recent political developments under the Trump administration that specifically targeted women
and women of reproductive age. As right-wing extremists have gradually gained prominence, this has led to
the criminalization of women’s bodies. A related issue is found in the support for laws in various U.S.
jurisdictions that define pregnant women on drugs as criminals alleged to be delivering controlled substances
to their unborn child.
Many of the gains of second-wave feminism have been lost during this era. Hopefully, this is only a temporary
development. In employment, a major challenge has been to sustain the gains in the face of neoconservative
political developments across the globe.This is especially true in the field of corrections where, following
lawsuits based on sex discrimination in employment, women won the right to work as correctional ofcers
in men’s prisons. Resistance has been strong and characteristically expressed in sexual harassment by inmates
and ofcers alike. Resentment apparently was felt by some male ofcers who thought that if women can do
this work, then how tough is this job? (Gunnison & Helfgott, 2019). Sexual harassment is a major topic of
Chapter 8 on sexual assault including rape. For now we move forward with a description of key concepts that
will guide us in our study women and the criminal justice system.
18 | INTRODUCTION
KEY CONCEPTS OF FEMINIST CRIMINOLOGY

Oppression
Oppression is a concept that is more sociological than psychological in that it is a consideration of
discrimination against or putting down of groups of people on the basis of their social identity or
characteristics. Such discrimination is usually on the basis of race, ethnicity, immigrant status, sexual
orientation, or gender. Within the patriarchal society, oppression of women is incorporated in the norms of
the society, sometimes described as “tradition.” Patriarchy, as defined by Canadian sociologist Walter
DeKeseredy (2011), is “a sexual system of power in which the male possesses superior power and economic
privilege” (p. 71). Under this definition, we would be hard put not to say that the United States and Canada
qualify as patriarchal societies.
A denial of women’s experiences of oppression is at the heart of the setbacks to women’s advancing equality.
Commentators who deny women’s experiences in this manner argue that since women (and girls) have now
achieved equality, they should not request special consideration on the basis of gender. In the courtroom
sentencing and correctional design, accordingly, women’s bid for equality often is carried out through ever-
increasingly harsh treatment.The structural and interpersonal nature of women’s oppression is thus ignored.
Feminist criminology has as its ultimate goal the exposure of what Chesney-Lind and Pasko (2013) call
“equality with a vengeance.” As they explain:
The public mood coupled with a legal system that now espouses “equality” for women with a
vengeance when it comes to the punishment of crime, has resulted in this punitive attitude
surrounding . . . women and, in general, much greater use of imprisonment in response to women’s
crime.
(p. 129)
Although the victims of such strategies are often poor and minority females in trouble with the law, such
strategies have been used in the workplace as well to the detriment of many women. In divorce court, the
emphasis on parity in parenting has been especially hard on women due to their lack of economic resources.
The Power and Control Wheel, discussed in Chapter 9, graphically illustrates the basic forms of oppression
that are used in violent situations to intimidate and control women in partnerships. Use of male privilege,
isolation, emotional abuse, threats, and economic abuse are some of these forms. Feminist criminology
confronts such systemic oppression through making its existence known and identifying the various
strategies that are used to put a person or group in a subordinate position on the basis of gender, race, and/or
class. It is the perspective of multiracial feminism, as Burgess-Proctor (2006) suggests, that is most relevant
to feminist criminology in the 21st century.
For a closer look at the research on oppression, we can turn to the writings of Dominelli (2003), Mullaly
(2018), Robbins (2017), and van Wormer et al. (2012). Common to all these writings is the belief that a
clear understanding of oppression and power relations must inform the treatment of girls and women in the
system. As defined by Black feminist scholar bell hooks (1984), oppression is the “absence of choices” (p. 5).
Oppression is seen as characterized by power imbalances within a wider social system that reinforces the
powerlessness of certain groups. The four kinds of oppression that we have singled out from the anti-
oppression literature are these:
• Psychological oppression—operates at the interpersonal level with negative consequences for one’s self-
identity and sense of control over one’s environment;
• Social oppression—is based on divisions of class, ethnicity, race, gender, and age;
• Economic oppression—stems from the limits on the resources available to people, who are thereby
excluded from full participation in the society;
• Political oppression—involves domination by a powerful group of a less powerful group.
An outstanding example of the existence of all four forms of oppression is revealed in Jody Miller’s (2016)
ethnographic research on violence against urban African American girls. In the economically and politically
disadvantaged community she studied, virtually all the young women reported being pressured or coerced
sexually; some had experienced gang rape. The absence of police or community support for such victims was
a major finding of the research. One of the most disheartening facts revealed in Miller’s analysis was the
extent to which young women adhered to ideologies that held female victims accountable for male violence.
Feminist criminologists are especially cognizant of those aspects of oppression that are related to the
institution of justice. Concerning girls in the juvenile justice system, for example, Chesney-Lind and Pasko
(2013) describe patterns of ofending in girls from social and economically disadvantaged backgrounds who
were psychologically traumatized by personal violence and who are now confined in residential treatment.
These girls may have come to the attention of the authorities through running away, their drug involvement,
or through involvement in prostitution on the streets. Personal and structural oppressions thus come together
in the backgrounds of such individuals. An empirically based study of almost 200 Black girls in a detention
facility confirmed a background of trauma related to their family and peer relationships (Quinn et al., 2020).
As the next section shows, the combination of poverty, minority racial status, female gender, and a
dysfunctional family background can give a child a poor start in life.
Intersectionality
Before the term intersectionality came into common usage, standpoint theory provided many of the same
insights. Infused in the writings of leading feminist scholars in the 1980s, standpoint theory is a theoretical
perspective that starts with the premise that the standpoint or position in society of women is primary. From
this vantage point, one can holistically view women’s social reality. A key concept of standpoint theory is the
interactive impact of membership in more than one marginalized group at a time, for example, the
multiplying efect of gender plus race plus class (Crenshaw, 2020).
Nancy Hartsock (1999), in her classic study of feminist standpoint epistemology, argued that women’s
cognitive styles, in their prioritizing of relationship and life-afrming goals, provide a standpoint from which
one can envision possibilities for overcoming oppression and building a better society. It was Hartsock’s belief
that such a vision is superior to a masculine focus on hierarchy, dominance, and dichotomous, oppositional
thinking. Ways of knowing informed by the motive of caring for everyone’s needs will be of much greater
value to the community than ways of knowing informed by the interests of domination.
Feminist standpoint theory begins with the idea that less powerful members of society experience a
diferent reality related to their oppression. Research that is undertaken from this perspective is political in
the sense that the research findings often serve to promote social action on behalf of the oppressed group in
question.
Informed by ideas invested in standpoint theory’s focus on women’s condition in society, the concept of
intersectionality was born.The term was coined by Black legal scholar Kimberlé Crenshaw in 1989 and
further developed in her study of immigrant women of color who were victims of domestic violence.
Crenshaw (1994) discussed how these immigrant women who were abused by partners or husbands who
were U.S. citizens found it difcult to get the help they needed. Socially isolated and trapped in the home
with these men who could have them deported, the women were especially vulnerable and unaware of legal
avenues for escape.
Using an intersectional lens, social scientists are attuned to the voices of those experiencing overlapping,
concurrent forms of oppression, in this way they hope to understand the depths of the inequalities and the
impact of these inequalities on the individual person (UN Women, 2020). Using an intersectional lens means
recognizing the historical and cultural context in a woman’s life. Listening to a woman tell her story from her
point of view leads to empathy and empathy heightens our understanding.
Inspired by the writings of Crenshaw, feminist criminologists Slakof et al. (2020) examined the plight of
domestic violence service providers and of the victims they served during the COVID-19 pandemic.Viewing
the challenges through an intersectional lens, they argue that service providers would benefit by tailoring
support for victims with multiple marginalized identities. For example, impoverished women or those from
minority ethnocultural communities may lack access to phone or Internet services, and new technologies are
essential to enhance communication.
20 | INTRODUCTION
While intersectional theory began as an exploration of the oppression of women of color within society,
today the analysis has expanded to include many more aspects of social identity. In positing that an oppressed
person is often in the best position to judge his or her experience of oppression, intersectionality relies on
standpoint theory.
Crenshaw (2020), in a Time magazine interview, discusses the feminization of poverty, or how the
economic struggles that women have had compared to men starting in poorly paid employment plays out in
every other aspect of their lives, from child rearing to old age. She then tells how this oppression is
compounded by minority racial status. As she argues:
Anything that’s meant to address gender inequality has to include a racial lens, and anything that’s
meant to address racial inequality has to include a gender lens. Unfortunately, that hasn’t been the
center of political and policy debate.
(paragraph 5)
Related to criminal and social justice, an intersectional feminist perspective is a good fit with the principles
and application of restorative justice. Consistent with feminist theory, restorative justice is a whole diferent
way of thinking about crime and justice with a focus on truth telling, peacemaking, and healing. Restorative
processes are especially relevant to issues of power, marginality of minority groups, and personal responses of
a victim to a crime.This approach, the focus of Chapter 7, ofers a means of obtaining justice for victims of
all types of crime including gendered victimization such as from sexual assault and domestic violence.
Intersectionality of Gender, Race, and Class

Women grow up in a social context of domination and control by males. In this patriarchal society, troublesome
females are quickly subjected to various forms of discrimination, exploitation, and criminalization.These forms
of oppression are expressions of sexism, racism, and classism. Discussion based on the racial category in this
book also includes ethnicity while the gender discussion includes individuals whose gender may not be a part of
the traditional gender binary. Kahle and Rosenbaum (2019) argue convincingly for the need to make gender
responsive approaches “queer responsive” as well as gender responsive. For any examination of who is apt to be
victimized by personal violence or confined in correctional institutions working as employees in the justice
system, it is important to realize that gays, lesbians, and transgender people are overrepresented in all these
systems and areas of concern (Patterson, 2020).The involvement of many LGBTQ people in the criminal justice
system as ofenders may be related indirectly to the discrimination they bear in society, including in
employment.They are overrepresented as both ofenders and victims. For example, the recent killings of Black
transwomen are part of a horrifying pattern; hate crimes against transgender and gender non-conforming
individuals that have been on the rise for years (Human Rights Watch, 2020). Of the 37 homicides of
transgender and gender non-conforming people in the United States from 2020, the majority were Black
transwomen, and most were killed by family members or friends.
An understanding, in short, of a holistic class–race–gender interactionist configuration is essential to a full
study of the criminal justice system. Feminist theory is increasingly committed to examining how factors
such as racism, classism, sexism, and heterosexism are useful for understanding gender diferences and
discrimination dynamics (Belknap, 2021; Kahle & Rosenbaum, 2019). It is through examining these factors
that oppression against women can be more clearly grasped and understood.This perspective suggests that
discrimination based on gender, class, and race involves interlocking forms of oppression and that the whole
is greater than the sum of the parts (Crenshaw, 2020). In other words, each minority category to which a
woman belongs reinforces the others to the extent that the efect is multiplicative, not merely additive. “To
fully understand the interface between patriarchal social control mechanisms and criminal justice in the
United States,” Chesney-Lind (2006) suggests, “we must center our analysis on the race/gender/punishment
nexus” (p. 10).
The female ofenders who are incarcerated in the juvenile justice system are often victims of “multiple
marginality” because their gender, class, and race have placed them at the economic periphery of society.
Patriarchal interests, as Chesney-Lind and Pasko (2013) suggest, often overlap with systems that reinforce
class, race, and privilege. Labeling the troubled girl a delinquent takes place in a world, Chesney-Lind (2006)
charges, where gender still shapes the lives of young people in very powerful ways; the social context of this
world is not fair to women and girls, especially to those of color and those with low incomes.The detention
rates of African American girls have increased more rapidly than the rates for either white girls or boys.
The impact of gender, class, and race exists simultaneously and interactively in every social situation.This fact
suggests that almost everyone experiences both dominant and subordinate positions at one time or another.
We conclude therefore that there are no pure oppressors or oppressed in the United States or other industrial
nations. Nevertheless, the more categories of minority groups one occupies, the greater becomes the
discrimination. This fact becomes a critical component in understanding the criminal justice system’s
resistance to women’s pursuing a career in law enforcement, to women lawyers gaining partnerships at
leading law firms, and to women correctional ofcers finding acceptance in prisons for men. If they are of
diverse race, ethnicity, or gender identity, the resistance is compounded.
We now move to much more positive developments in how the justice system responds to girls and women
in trouble with the law beginning with a focus on principles of an empowerment perspective and gender-
sensitive practices.
Empowerment
Sociological research and theory on feminism have “rediscovered” an emphasis on human agency.The term
human agency, or agency, recognizes the fact that women not only are acted upon by social influences and
structural constraints but also make choices and decisions based on the alternatives that they see before them.
Feminist criminologists acknowledge the strengths, resilience, and agency of women as they strive toward the
goals of female empowerment and self-determination.The rational choice approach favored by this school of
criminology stresses the importance of rational decision making in delinquent and criminal behaviors.
Individuals generally are viewed as “planful” and making choices among options that are available to them. It
is these decisions that are so critical in constructing their life course.
The feminist and empowerment perspectives view power and powerlessness related to race, gender, and class
as central to the experiences of women in poverty and women of color. Empowerment theory, closely related
to the strengths approach of social work, because of its positive approach in helping people, sees individual
problems as arising not from personal deficits but from the failure of society to meet the needs of all the
people. The promotion of social justice is primary.
Central to the empowerment approach is the concept of power. Power is viewed as an attribute with
consequences that may be negative or positive. Negative consequences arise from powerlessness, power
imbalances in relationships, and an inability to make choices about one’s life or livelihood.The subordination
of women is a factor that creates violence, whether institutionally (for example, against women in prison) or
within the family system. From a positive standpoint, power can be a liberating force. Gaining a sense of
personal power can be a first step in assuming personal responsibility for change and for a personal journey
from apathy and despair to positive social action.
Of special relevance to criminal behavior, and without which change is unlikely, is the taking of personal
responsibility for one’s actions and one’s life. A counseling relationship can serve as a powerful tool for
helping clients change cognitive misconceptions that result in self-destructive thoughts and behavior. Even in
a life crushed by circumstances of time and place, there nevertheless exists the potential for actions other
than those characteristically taken.This belief in potential is at the core of a healthy, therapeutic relationship.
An empowerment approach focuses on oppression and on those who sufer from its consequences.
Oppressed individuals are not devoid of personal or moral strengths or resources. Help in tapping into those
resources often is needed. For all of us, a sense of control over our lives and relationships is crucial. In the
words of Lee and Hudson (2017):
A basic assumption of the empowerment approach is a structurally based phenomenon with far-
reaching efects on individuals and communities. These efects range from physical death due to . . . .
the death of adolescents and young adults due to gang violence, drugs, other forms of homicide and
suicide; to incarceration and the death of hope.
(p. 150)
22 | INTRODUCTION
Shoshana Pollack (2013) warns that there is a danger in prioritizing an individualistic or psychological
notion of empowerment while minimizing the importance of social influences and oppression. When
empowerment is viewed as an individual’s subjective sense in which she can determine her own life’s course,
personal struggles tend to become privatized and individualized.This is particularly problematic in addressing
the efects of oppression. Individualizing social issues can result in blaming women for problems that arise
from being oppressed in various ways and can result in further disempowering them. In addition,
perspectives that view empowerment as residing within the individual will lead to services and policies that
are thought to enhance feelings of self-worth and autonomy. In contrast, perspectives assuming that an
individual’s autonomy is largely determined by social relationships and environment will tend to adopt a
social or political analysis of empowerment, advocating critical social reflection and social change as methods
of obtaining empowerment.
Until recently, the empowerment perspective has been absent from the criminal justice literature. A
computer search of google scholar on women, prison, and empowerment reveals thousands of references
for 2020 alone. What is evident in this search is that criminologists and other academic scholars are
describing innovative programs as models that are shown to be successful in returning women to the
community. Since the programs often exist within a highly punitive total institution, the researchers
generally call for a new paradigm to focus on the inmates’ strengths rather than on their faults and failures.
A strengths approach borrowed from social work is gaining ground in research and recommendations from
the National Institute of Justice as is a related model—trauma-informed care. Although trauma-informed
care is still described in many of the articles as an alternative treatment design. Also inspired by the
disciplines of social work and psychology, trauma-informed care is making inroads in treatment facilities
that work with juvenile ofenders who are likely to have been traumatized in their past and who require an
approach that is sensitive to their mental health issues. Guidelines are provided by SAMHSA (2014). The
guidelines have special relevance for the special needs of combat veterans, juvenile ofenders, and women
inmates with histories of severe trauma.
The National Institute of Justice, which is the research arm of the U.S. Department of Justice, funds research
evaluations of innovative programming in correctional institutions.This encouragement of evidence-based
research results in publications to disseminate results to scholars and policy makers.
We should not fool ourselves, however, into thinking that girls in detention or women in prison are in
institutions that are empowering. The paradigm shift from a one-size-fits-all retributive justice response
toward a healing gender-based model has not happened on a mass scale. Drawing on ethnographic data from
California, Tosouni (2019) uncovers the reality of the experiences and callous treatment of marginalized girls
locked in institutions that bear little or no resemblance to the ofcial rhetoric of empowerment that
dominates the National Institute of Justice literature. Her book Gendered Injustice: Uncovering the Lived Experience of
Detained Girls gives voice to juveniles who are trapped in a system that is neglectful and abusive.
We concur with Tosouni that there are huge contradictions in a penal system in which a focus is on security
rather than gender empowerment cannot be expected to successfully implement a model geared toward
healing and restoring family networks. Nevertheless, we write this book in the belief that when
empowerment is the priority, the institutional setting must be adapted to enhance the model rather than the
model to take a back seat to security. We call for a complete paradigm shift that will extend to the hiring of
empathetic staf as well as major changes in architectural design. Healing, not punishment, then could be
emphasized. A focus on solutions rather than problems is empowering to clients and corrections workers
alike.
Following Williams and O’Brien (2017), we call for feminist social workers to adopt an anti-oppressive
orientation to justice-involved women, build social work responses around national reform measures, and
advocate for decarceration and restorative justice as a paradigm for responding to women’s involvement in
systems which criminalize them. Empowerment theory, with its focus on personal, social, educational, and
political dimensions, ofers a useful framework for addressing the needs of women at all levels of the criminal
justice hierarchy. Just as a woman in prison or on probation can become empowered through her
understanding that her situation is not just a personal problem but one related to gender, class, and racial
oppression, so too can female correctional ofcers and lawyers be informed by a macro view that explains
why afrmative action programs may be a necessary but not sufcient requisite to success.
The personal is political and the political is personal. This, in a nutshell, is the underlying theme of a feminist
empowerment approach.The view of humanity underlying this approach is that humans are unique,
multifaceted beings with the potential to make a contribution to their community.This contribution can be
made unobtrusively through public consciousness raising and networking, for example, through membership
in various self-help groups or specialized professional associations (Lee & Hudson, 2017). Sharing in writing
and receiving newsletters are examples of educational empowerment. Political empowerment can occur
through activities such as lobbying politicians and mass media campaigns. Issues relevant to women in
criminal justice are lobbying for victims’ rights, working toward legislative changes to protect women in
prison from sexual abuse, and working to enhance afrmative action programs to increase the female-to-
male ratio in policing. The empowerment of professional women in the field of criminal justice should have a
ricochet efect on women at every level of the criminal justice system. Empowerment is a concept to keep in
mind as we view ways the system can respond to crime and delinquency.
Gender-Sensitive Programming
Consistent with most feminist perspectives of the second and third waves is the emphasis on gender and
gender relations. To understand gender relations, it is necessary to examine both the structures of
relationships, which involve the enduring and expected patterns of behavior that constrain practices, and the
agency of individuals in learning, accommodating, navigating, and resisting these structures. Agency itself is
made up of both social practices and behaviors and the configurations of gender identity that women bring to
these activities. In some cases, the two correspond, as when women draw from a repertoire of behaviors in
order to enact or demonstrate their gender identity; yet the relationship between gendered social practices
and gender identities is sometimes much more complex (Miller and Mullins, 2006, p. 11).
We have developmental psychologist Carol Gilligan (1982) to thank for bringing researchers’ attention to
fundamental gender diferences in moral development. Until the time of Gilligan’s writing, discourse on
moral development was couched in terms of formal, abstract, and male-centered concepts.Through her
research on young women and their decision making, Gilligan concluded that female values centered around
the development of personal and caring relationships rather than the inculcation of an ethic of justice.
Gilligan argued that female voices needed to be heard and that women’s belief systems and values were in no
way inferior or less mature than those of men. Personal growth for the woman, as demonstrated in Gilligan’s
findings, involved accepting responsibility for making her own decisions.
Gilligan’s theoretical model has been criticized by some feminists for its “diference feminism”—its emphasis
on male–female psychological diferences as well as Gilligan’s claim that women’s decisions are not based on
a notion of justice. We discuss Gilligan’s contribution in more depth in Chapter 3.
The writings of influential criminologists today who are concerned with the obvious gender diferences in
the pathways to crime echo the work of Carol Gilligan. Drawing on Gilligan’s “diferent voice” and relational
constructs, researchers such as Frances Heidensohn have investigated diferences in the life course
experiences in the backgrounds of male and female juvenile and adult ofenders. Extensive research has been
done documenting the participation of girls in gangs and on the role of physical and sexual abuse starting a
girl on a path to crime.
The work of Bloom et al. (2003) has been at the helm of the movement to shape gender-responsive theory
and programming for girls and women in the criminal justice system. According to these writers, the first
step is to understand gender-based characteristics and be familiar with the specific life factors that shape
patterns of ofending. Female ofenders are more likely than their male counterparts not only to have
experienced childhood and adulthood abuse but also to have distinctive physical and mental health needs.
When arrested, they were often the primary caretakers of their children and posed little danger to the
community. Running away and alcohol and drug use are often intervening variables in the troubled family
history of a juvenile ofender. Undeniably, trauma is a key pathway to ofending, especially for white girls and
women. Temptations from the street more often bring African American and Latina girls into juvenile
facilities and prison, according to self-reporting surveys. This does not mean, however, that abuse (physical
and sexual) in the early lives of these girls did not play a role in their later lawbreaking behavior (see Richie,
2012). These pathway models that show the link between victimization and ofending, as Belknap (2021)
24 | INTRODUCTION
suggests, are built on some of the most useful data regarding understanding girls’ and women’s entries into
delinquency and crime.
Best practices within the criminal justice system ideally are based on evidence for what works—and what
does not. What is the long-term impact of sending girls to juvenile institutions? This is one of the research
questions that was addressed in long-term evaluations of hundreds of thousands of female ofenders.The
results showed that locking up low-risk ofenders with more serious ofenders, while also separating them
from their families and communities, sends them on the road to more serious crime more often than not
(Gajwani, 2012).
The National Institute of Corrections, which is the center for correctional learning and training, has
developed an evidence-based case management model for women under correctional supervision.This model
evolved from gender-informed practices designed to reduce recidivism and enhance the lives of women and
is based on the gender-responsive formulation as articulated by Bloom et al. (2003).
What the research data on girls and women showed, in a nutshell, is that gender matters. Furthermore, the
data showed that feminist theory first helped us ask the right questions, and secondly, that feminist theory
paved the way to provide accurate interpretation of the results (Petersen et al., 2015). A more recent digest of
selected rigorous studies from the National Institute of Corrections (2018)—those using large treatment
samples, collection of data over time to measure recidivism rates, and a control group for comparison—
showed that the findings of positive outcomes for gender-responsive practices as compared to traditional
approaches were statistically significant. These studies are summarized in tabular form in the “what works”
section of the government’s report.
In juvenile corrections, over the past one or two decades, attention has been paid to the specific needs of
adolescent girls. In many places, based on the arguments of influential feminist criminologists, arguments
bolstered by extensive research, innovative, gender responsive programming is being provided (Treskon &
Bright, 2017). The federal government’s focus on gender-appropriate treatment for girls is facilitated by the
Juvenile Justice and Delinquency Prevention Act, which was reauthorized with bipartisan approval in 2018.
This act requires that state plans provide needed gender-specific services for the prevention and treatment of
juvenile delinquency, and provides substantial funding for such programming (Patterson, 2020). Another
significant development is the increasing willingness to provide gender-specific programming for adult
female ofenders in community correctional programming.
To summarize the discussion so far, not only is feminist criminological theory convincing in its own right,
but there is also substantial research evidence to confirm its basic precepts, and this research is bearing
results. The best recommendation is that correctional treatment and programs be tailored for girls’ and
women’s special needs. A major challenge to implementing gender-responsive programming, however, is the
scope of the needed changes because it means basically tearing down the prison and detention center walls. It
means hiring correctional ofcers Politics aside, so many areas within community corrections and in the
larger culture need to be addressed that implementation appears overwhelming.
THE CALL FOR A PARADIGM SHIFT

From an empowerment perspective, we call on social activists and policy makers to advocate for
decarceration and more humanistic approaches to the treatment of ofenders and for community-oriented
restorative approaches to restore justice and meet the needs of victims/survivors of crime. We call, in short,
for a paradigm shift in the way justice-involved girls and women are treated in the system.
A paradigm shift is a revolution in the worldview of a social unit. It can take place on the individual,
organizational, institutional, systemic, society, and scientific levels. During this time period, understanding or
knowledge is perceived in a new way.This term is associated with the writings of Thomas Kuhn (1970), who
suggested that changes in our construction of reality come about through a series of paradigm shifts. In
science, for example, new discoveries from astronomy eventually led to an intellectual revolution in our
understanding about the universe.
The history of social justice is a history of paradigm shifts related to our conception about the nature of
crime and the purpose of punishment. In the 1960s and 1970s, rehabilitation was discredited and
replaced by a “just deserts” philosophy and standardization of punishment (Zehr, 2002). The “get tough on
crime” model continued to dominate crime policy then and during the next two decades; this led to
draconian punishments in the courts and skyrocketing prison populations that are only somewhat
diminished today.
From the start of the Obama administration and into the Trump and Biden administrations a paradigm shift
became evident away from zero tolerance and one-size-fits-all laws, which everyone could see only made the
situation worse. Now the talk was more of illicit drug use and the death toll by overdoses as a public health
rather than a law enforcement problem. The racism in the way the laws had been applied was now very much
realized and addressed in various ways. A focus was now turned to rehabilitation. In cities across the United
States, there is a proliferation of drug courts to keep people out of prison, mental health courts that are
getting people the treatment they need, an emphasis on gender-specific programming for girls in detention,
restorative justice in the schools for youth in trouble, and reentry planning for female inmates.These
progressive developments are all discussed in the pages to follow.
No, the system has not been overhauled, and until massive systemic change has occurred all the progressive
models in the world will not be truly transformative. This is because the models are inextricably linked to and
dependent on laws and social welfare policies which shape the social climate out of which the models exist.
In his incisive book America’s Exceptionalism in Crime and Punishment, Reitz (2018) attributes much crime and the
punitive nature of the U.S.’s criminal justice system at least in part to the lax gun control laws, the high-
income inequality, racism, and the government’s neglect of people who live in the most disadvantaged
neighborhoods.
So, as we describe the innovative programming, we need to be realistic in recognition of the political
context in which such programming might make a poor fit. With that in mind, we can still promote a
paradigm shift toward a focus on rehabilitation, mental health and substance abuse treatment as priorities
and guidelines from the Institute of Corrections on gender-responsive approaches for female ofenders and
from the U.S. Department of Education endorsing restorative justice practices as an emerging approach to
school discipline.
CONCLUSION
The eforts of the second wave movement brought attention to women convicted of crime and to women
victimized by crime. This period also generated much scholarship concerning gender issues that had largely
been ignored up until that time.Young women, inspired by the climate of social change and liberation,
became first-generation college students, some of whom chose to study criminology. Among the graduates,
some went into policing and correctional work while others went to law school and graduate school.That
ultimately led to the growth of feminist criminology and the spread of knowledge on gender issues such as
domestic violence, courtroom justice for women, and sexual assault.
Intersectionality, which was a theme of the third wave, enriched feminism as it enriched criminology with a
multidimensional focus. A central goal of feminism is a commitment to challenge oppressive social structures
as before, but also to raise the level of awareness about the interlocking nature of sexism, racism,
heterosexism, classism, and more recently, transphobia. Feminism, to borrow from the eloquence of Sara
Almed (2017), is the dynamism of making connections (p. 3). In her words: “I think of feminist action as
like ripples in water, a small wave, possibly created by agitation from weather, here, there, each movement
making another possible, another ripple, outward, reaching” (p. 3).
Historically, women endured the domination of men in family and social life, and legally, in such matters as
follows: the right to own property, to vote, and to serve on a jury; and the need to be protected from sexual
predators and from violence in the home. Over time and thanks to the first and second waves of feminism,
one legal victory after another helped move women further along the road to gender equality. During the
26 | INTRODUCTION
second wave of feminism, which was the era of the greatest protest and social change, diferent groups of
feminists began forming. By the time of the third wave, there were lesbian feminists, socialist feminists, Black
and Latina feminists, and many more, each advocating for representation within the larger body of feminists
such as the National Organization for Women. At about the same time as women were making strides and
somewhat before, the courts struck down laws hindering the advancement of racial and ethnic minorities, so
progress toward equal opportunity for one group was matched by expanding opportunities for all. White men
no longer had the monopoly in politics or in highly skilled employment as they had had before.The
implications for employment within the male-dominated criminal justice system were vast.
As is true of any significant political change, there are forces of resistance or blowback. And the blowback is
not always in the domains where the changes have been made. It might be argued that as women and
minorities have advanced in the professions, thanks in part to lawsuits and Supreme Court rulings, girls and
women at the lower levels often had to pay the price.The price, it could be argued, is paid in increasingly
harsh sentencing of girls and women in trouble with the law.This situation, in conjunction with the media’s
showcasing of isolated episodes of girls’ and women’s violence, the judicial system’s meting out of unduly
harsh punishments, and the right-wing war on women’s reproductive freedom, can be viewed as a
counterreaction to women’s advancement.
Resentment against competition from women in the professional and academic spheres also comes out in the
subtle and not so subtle forms of putting the female recruits down.This backlash by male colleagues becomes
a major challenge to women’s progress, a fact especially pronounced in policing and corrections.This chapter
identified instances of backlash in other areas as well, the introduction of laws at the state level restricting
reproductive rights, increasing arrests of women in domestic violence cases, and the increase of fathers
gaining custody of their children. The influence of father’s rights groups with the support of positive stories
in the mainstream media has been phenomenal.
Central to feminist criminology is a familiarity with the concepts: oppression, intersectionality of gender,
race, and class, and empowerment. These concepts all have a bearing on the understanding of crime and
victimization, dual phenomena that are often inextricably linked in the lives of female ofenders.The notion
of intersectionality and oppression too are closely linked. From this perspective the variables of gender plus
race plus class are not additive but interactive and synergistic, in combination they are much more than the
sum of their parts. An illustration that we gave in this chapter was of the hate crimes committed against trans
women of color who also are subject to mistreatment when stopped by the police.Their membership in
multiple marginalized groups renders them especially vulnerable to discrimination at every level of society. As
one of the major themes of this book, an intersectional analysis guides the discussion in the chapters that
follow.
An understanding of how the backlash turns the goals of feminism against women, especially of marginalized
women, is essential in eforts to counter its efects. Ofering women equality of opportunity does not mean
policies must be gender neutral; inviting women to achieve success along with men in the working world
does not justify treating girls and women in trouble with the law like dangerous, antisocial males. Common
sense should prevail. Equality, in other words, does not mean sameness.
This chapter, in summary, has provided an overview of how patriarchal domination affects female
victims, offenders, and workers in the criminal justice system. Within the professions in criminal
justice, women have made remarkable strides, but in some quarters, there has been resistance. The
resistance is especially pronounced in the policing and the correctional fields. And yet, the
contributions of women in these professions, and women of all races and backgrounds, has been
noteworthy and continues to be so.
Relevant to girls and women in trouble with the law, government initiatives to fund and guide gender-
specific programming mark a promising development in correctional treatment. This kinder, gentler
approach now has ample empirical research to validate its efectiveness. The proof that the model works,
a model that was originally advocated by feminist theorists and activists, beautifully illustrates the saying
“there’s nothing as practical as good theory.” A major challenge for the future is to move this
programming forward within a system that is amenable to a humanistic approach. This leads us to a
closer look at what brings women into the criminal justice system, and at the crimes that they commit,
the topic of Chapter 2.
Key Terms and Names (Terms in Bold Are Defined

in the Glossary)
backlash
Black feminism
Chesney-Lind
cisgender
Crenshaw
decarceration
ecofeminism
empowerment approach
equality with a vengeance
feminist criminology
feminization of poverty
first, second, third, and fourth waves of feminism
Gilligan
intersectional feminism
intersectionality
liberal feminism
misogyny
nonbinary persons
oppression
paradigm shift
postmodern feminists
radical feminism
sexual harassment
socialist feminists
standpoint theory
transgender
Critical Thinking Questions

1. What was the main focus of the women’s movement in the first wave? Describe some of
the laws that restricted women in those days from full participation as citizens.
2. What was the basic thesis of The Feminist Mystique and what was its impact on women?
Why do you think Betty Friedan was concerned with what she called “the lavender
menace” which happened when the feminist movement had gotten underway?
3. Which form of feminist theory do you find most attractive? Why?
4. Discuss the rise of feminist criminology and the impact of the early theorists on the
treatment of female offenders in sentencing and treatment.
5. What is the nature of the antifeminist backlash against women? How does this affect girls
and women at all levels of the criminal justice system?
6. What is the importance of the class–race–gender analysis regarding the criminal justice
system?
7. How does the gender–race–class analysis relate to the criminal justice system? Discuss the
concept of intersectionality and give an example.
8. What are possible avenues for feminism to have greater influence on the culture of the
United States and other Western societies?
9. Why has patriarchy led to the oppression of women?
10. What are the consequences to women offenders of the backlash to the women’s
movement?
28 | INTRODUCTION
RELEVANT WEBSITES
New Websites are being developed, while others are disappearing. Check with a search engine such as
Google at www.google.com to locate information on feminism, female victims or ofenders, individuals who
work with women ofenders or victims, and other relevant subjects, using a key word or phrase or
organization.
American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) Women’s Mass Incarceration: www.aclu.org/report/

womens-mass-incarceration-whole-pie-2017
African American Feminisms Bibliography: www.library.ucsb.edu/subjects/blackfeminism/
Amistad Digital Resource, Black Feminism: www.amistadresource.org/the_future_in_the_present/black_
feminism.html
Asian American Feminist Collective: www.asianamfeminism.org
Black Lives Matter: blacklivesmatter.com
Bureau of Justice Statistics, Victims: www.bjs.gov/index.cfm?ty=tp&tid=9
Chicana Feminists: www.chicanas.com/
Correctional Services Canada: Women ofender programs: www.csc-scc.gc.ca/women/002002-
0002-en.shtml
Fathers’ Rights Groups: www.meetup.com/topics/fathersrights/
Feminist Criminology (journal): https://journals.sagepub.com/home/fcx
Feminist Majority Foundation: www.feminist.org/
Human Rights Watch, Women’s Rights: www.hrw.org/topic/womens-rights#
Justice Now: www.justicenow.org/
#MeToo: www.metoomvmt.org
National Organization for Women: www.now.org
Restorative Justice: www.restorativejustice.org
Substance Abuse and Mental Health Services Administration (SAMHSA): www.samhsa.gov/
UN Women: www.unwomen.org
Uniform Crime Reports: www.ucr.fi.gov
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Women and the Criminal Justice System: Gender, Race, and Class is an essential text for teaching about

Katherine Stuart van Wormer and

ISBN: 978-1-032-00388-7 (hbk)

Typeset in Joanna MT & Frutiger

Cover image: © Getty Images

Access the Support Material: www.routledge.com/9780367774967

List of Boxes xviii

1 Theoretical Perspectives on Women and the Criminal Justice System 3

PART II FEMALE CRIME AND DELINQUENCY 33

2 Women, Girls, and Crime 35

3 Gender-Speciﬁc Programming for Female Offenders 68

Trauma and Trauma-Informed Care 84

4 Delinquency Across the Life Course 96

PART III DRUG ADDICTION, PRISON, AND RESTORATION 121

5 Women, Substance Use, and Criminal Justice 123

Pathways to Drug-Related Crime 136

6 The Prison Environment 163

7 Restorative Justice for Female Victims and Offenders 207

PART IV WOMEN AS VICTIMS AND SURVIVORS 233

8 Sexual Assault 235

Key Terms 272

9 Intimate Partner Violence 279

10 Global Victimization: Women’s Perspectives 328

Intimate Partner Violence and Homicide 337

PART V WOMEN AS PROFESSIONALS 365

11 Women in Law Enforcement 367

12 Women in the Legal Profession 402

13 Women in Corrections 433

14 Summary and Trends for the Future 459

Future Trends 463

Appendix A: Glossary 465

2.1 Women and Domestic Terrorism 57

PLAN OF THE BOOK

LAWS DEFINING WOMEN’S PLACE

THE STUDY OF CRIME FROM A MALE PERSPECTIVE AND BEYOND

The Waves of Feminism

Lesbian and Transgender (Trans) Feminism

Other Alternative Feminist Perspectives

THE RISE OF FEMINIST CRIMINOLOGY

BACKLASH TO THE WOMEN’S MOVEMENT

Backlash Stemming From Right-Wing Political Sources

Backlash Directed Toward Female Offenders

From Backlash to Misogyny

KEY CONCEPTS OF FEMINIST CRIMINOLOGY

Intersectionality of Gender, Race, and Class

THE CALL FOR A PARADIGM SHIFT

Key Terms and Names (Terms in Bold Are Deﬁned

Critical Thinking Questions

American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU) Women’s Mass Incarceration: www.aclu.org/report/

State v. Costello. New Jersey State Supreme Court 59, 1971.

Women, Girls, and Crime

Gender-Specific Programming for Female Offenders

Delinquency Across the Life Course

Women, Substance Use, and Criminal Justice

The Prison Environment

Restorative Justice for Female Victims and Offenders

Intimate Partner Violence

Women in the Legal Profession

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