2015.119533.ancient Indian Ascenticism Text

Ancient
Indian Asceticism
by
M. G. BHAGAT
Hitnshiram jHatioharlal
Pttbfishors Pvt, Ltd,
First published 1976
© 1976, Bhagaf, Dr. Mansukh Ghelabhai (b. 1922)

Published by
Munshiram Manoharlal
Publishers Pvt. Ltd.
54, Rani Jhansi Road,
New Delhi-110055
Printed in India by
Radiant Printers
20/26, West Patel Nagar,
New Delhi-110008
To
the ever -cherished memory

of
my father
2
Contents
Abbreviations ix
Preface xiii
Chapter 1 Introductory /
Chapter 2 The Concept of Asceticism 9
Chapter 3 The Origin of Asceticism 62
Chapter 4 Asceticism in the Indus Civilisation 93
Chapter 5 Asceticism in the Early Vedic Literature 100
Chapter 6 Asceticism in Buddhist Literature 138
Chapter 7 Asceticism in Jaina Literature 169
Chapter 8 Asceticism in the Epics 202

(i) The Mahabharata 202
(iO Asceticism in the Bhagavad Gita 233
(iii) Asceticism in the Ramayana 251
Chapter 9 Asceticism in the Arthasastra 281
Chapter 10 Asceticism in the Law Books 298
Chapter 11 Impact of Asceticism on Indian Civilisation 31
Bibliography 335
Index 357
Abbreviations
AV. Atharvaveda
Ang. Nik. Anguttara Nikaya
Ap. DS. Apastarhba Dharmastitra
Acar. Acaraiiga Sutra
AB. Altareya Brahmana
AJOC. All India Oriental Conference
Aup. Aupapatika Sutra
BG. Bhagavadgita
BS. Brahmasutra
Brhad. Up. Brhadarapyaka Upanisad
Baudh. DS. Baudhayana Dharmastitra
Bhag. Bhagavat
Chand. Up. Chandogya Upanisad
Comm. Commentary
CHI. Cambridge History of India
CSUP. Constructive Survey of Upanisadic Philosophy
Digha. Nik. Digha Hikaya
DS. Dharmasutras
DP. Dhammapada
Dasa. Dasasuyakkhandha
Dsv. Dasaveyaliya
Divya. Divyavadana
DOB. Dialogues of the Buddha
ESD. English Sanskrit Dictionary
Epi. Car. Epigraphia Camatica
Epi. hid. Epigraphia Indica
EB. Encylopaedia Britannica
EBM. Early Buddhist Monachism
ERE. Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics
FDOB. Further Dialogues of the Buddha
Gaut. DS. Gautama Dharmastitra
GB. Gaupatha Brahmana
X Ancient Indian Asceticism
HOS. Harvard Oriental Series

HIP. History of Indian Philosophy
HDS. History of Dharmasastra
HSL. History of Sanskrit Literature
HIL. History of Indian Literature
HJM. History of Jaina Mortachism
IP. Indian Philosophy
IA. Indian Antiquary
JBU. Journal of the Bombay University
JAOS. Journal of the American Oriental Society
JRAS. Journal of the Royal Asiatic Society
JBORS. Journal of the Bihar and Orissa Research Society
JASB. Journal of the Asiatic Society of Bengal
JDL. Journal of Department of Letters
JOI. Journal of the Oriental Institute
JS. Jaina Sutras
JA. Jaina Antiquary
Jat. Jataka
JMJ. Jaina Monastic Jurisprudence
Kau. Up. Kausitaki Upanisad
KS. Katha Saihhita
Kalpa. Kappasutta
Kau. Br, Kausitaki Brahmaqa
Mbh. Mahabharata
Man. Up. Mandukya Upanisad
Mund. Up. Mundaka Upanisad
MU. Minor Upanisads
Mul. Mulacara
Maj. Nik. Majjhima Nikaya
Maha. Up. Mahanarayanopani§ad
Manu. Manusmriti
Naya Nayadhammakahao
OST. Original Sanskrit Texts
OIP. Outline of Indian Philosophy
POU. Philosophy of the Upanisads
PU. Principal Upanisads
P. Pali
PTS. Pali Text Society
q. b. Quoted by
W. ,
Rgveda
Abbreviations
RPU. Religion and Philosophy of the Upanisads

Rayap. Rayapaseniya
Ram. Ramayana
Sveta. Up. Svetasvatara Upanisad
SB. Sankar’s Commentary on the BS
SEE. Sacred Books of the East
Sk. Sanskrit
SV. Samaveda
Sam. Nik. Nikaya
Saifiyutta
Stmt. Vil. Sumangala Vilasini
Suyagad. Suyagadanaga
Stkr. Sutrakrtahga
Smv. Samvayahga
SED. Sanskrit English Dictionary (Macdonell)
SB. Satapatha Brahmaija
Tail. Up. Taittirtya Upanisad
Than. Thanahga
TS. Taittiriya Saihhita
TPU. Thirteen Principal Upanisads
Theri. Therigatha
Thera. Theragatha
Tativa. Tattvarthasutra
TB. Taittiriya Bnlhmana
Up. Upanisad
Uttar. Uttarajjbayana
Vinay. Vinaya Texts
Vas DS. Vasistha Dharmasutra
VS. Vajasaneyi Sarahita
Vis. Visiju Dharmasutra
YV. Yajurveda
YaJ. Yajnavalkya Smrti
Preface
Tn August 1957 in the Loh SabhaSadhu Bill urging the registra-

a
tion of nearly six lakhs of Sadhus and Saihnyasis was moved.
The intention of the mover of the Bill was “to purge the increasing
number of imposters and blackshcep robed in saintly saffron guise
from committing unsocial acts.” After an animated discussion the
Bill was defeated as the Government found it difficult to implement
it. The reasons were two-fold. Firstly, the law could not drag the
—
nuns Budhist, Jaina and Christian, who had renounced the world
to line up with the Sadhus at a registration office. The very idea of
registration was mundane to those who had left all social conven-
tions. Secondly, the basic question was to define the terms ‘Sadhu’
and ‘Saihnyasi’ in the terms of law. It was found an impossible
task; foronce a saronyasi or monk took the vov/ of saihnyasa or

renunciation, he or she ceased to have any antecedents.
The discussion emphasised three salient points. Firstly, the Bill
was an attack on the spiritual heritage of India. Secondly, this
ancient institution had rendered yeoman services to the society by
bringing about a healthy blending of material prosperity and
spiritual requirement of the people. Thirdly, the ascetic in ancient
India was known by many names. Rishis and munis. Yogis and
mystics, Sages and saihnyasis all alike basked under the holy ban-
yan tree of asceticism.
The fake elements in the holy institution of Sadhus and Sathn-
yasis and their being involved in anti-social acts is not peculiar to
modern times. The Kautilya Arthalaslra, echoes the state of ascetic
institution of those times and how it was view'cd as a force which
disrupted society. Even the Buddhist Vinaya Laws and Jaina
Monastic jurisprudence partly reflect the anxiety of the Buddha
and Mahavira to keep their orders pure in harmony with the social
conscience. However, that is only the other side of the picture.
It is no one can study India’s ancient history and
also true that
culture without being struck with the splendid heights and dignity
XIV Ancient Indian Asceticism
of the aims of the ascetic movement and the seriousness of the men
and women who were inspired by it. When the movement first made
its appearance, it was the greatest intellectual and religious force of
the time. It captured the noblest minds and ruled them. It produced
the finest flowers of the human spirit of whom many know'n and
unknown seers of the Upanishads, the Buddha and Mahavira were
representatives. For many centuries, thereafter, the highest spiritual
life of the land found for itself in its discipline, a sufficient and a
satisfying expression. Only high ideals most earnestly pursued could

have produced the lofty literature of asceticism and monastic ideals.
The present thesis attempts to capture some glimpses of that move-
ment, trace its genesis and evaluate its contributions to social, reli-
gious, intellectual, ethical and other spheres of life of the people. It
is a vast panorama of ancient India that the study seeks to capture
— right from its earliest dawn to the beginning of the Christian era.
The vastness of the subject and its deeper philosophical ramifica-
tions permit us, however, to attempt only the main outlines of the
problem.
The work is divided into eleven chapters. The sources utilised
are Indian and foreign. In main literary sources of the Vedic texts,
Buddhist and Jaina writings, the Epics (the Mahabharata, the Gita
and the Ramayana), Arthasastra, Dharmasutras and Yogasutras are
purpose of investigation. The foreign sources consist
utilised for the
of the impressions recorded by the Greeks and the Romans before
and after the invasion of Alexander.
The method followed is two-fold. Firstly, the progressive develop-
ment of asceticism is divided into various periods so as to enable
us to have a full picture of each age and see how far the position
of ascetic institution w'ent on changing in response to the varying
conditions and human needs of the society. Secondly, with a view
to have a synthetic picture of the ascetic institution, a connected
narrative of the different ideas and aspects of asceticism viz. Tapas,
Vairagya, Sarimydsa and Yoga is given while discussing the concept
of asceticism. Each one of the four facets assume different forms of
processes and disciplines of Indian asceticism at different times.
Each aspect is separately treated with a view' to show how each was
closely related with the other to form a composit concept of asceti-
cism. The evolution of ascetic institution as a socio-religious institu-
tion can be perceived here clearly in its various strands and stages.
With regard to the origin of asceticism, an attempt is made to
Preface XV
Study the problem from a perspective of human psychologj' besides

that of theology and philosophy of religion. It isalso endeavoured
to assess the impact of primitive religions on the ascetic beliefs and
practices and the possible contributions of the pre-Aryans to the
evolution of asceticism.
I am greatly beholden to all the scholars, Western and Eastern,
whose works I have studied and utilised for thepurpose of investig-
ation. I am indebted to my guide Dr. L.B. Kcny for the personal
and persistent interest he has taken in the progress of my work at
every' stage. My thanks are also due to my innumerable friends,
who have given me the benefit of their suggestions and advice from
time to time.
This work, which has since been revised, was presented as a
thesis to the Bombay University for which I was awarded the
degree of Doctor of Philosophy-
In the meanwhile, all constructive and valuable suggestions for
the improvement of this work v/ill be welcome.
M. G. Bhagat
Bombay
24 April 1976
Chapter 1
Introductory
It is European scholars, who in their attempt to

the legacy of the
understand and interpret Indian inheritance, have described the
‘East as passive, tranquil and dreamy as opposed to the active,
busy and practical West.’^ India is symbolic of ‘the brooding East’
and it is very characteristic of her ancient wisdom that she has
always appeared to them antique and mystic. It is due to this
reason, it is often said that it is in the East that wisdom dawmed
earlier.® This is also borne out by ancient India’s speculative
activity. When it was the beginning of philosophy in Greece,
India had already made considerable progress in philosophy. And
it has been rightly noted by a great scholar that the hipest wisdom
of Greece was ‘to Know Ourselves’; the highest wisdom of India
is ‘to Know Our Self.’® It is this wisdom and thought with their
bewildering variety and mosaic pattern have drawn, not only in the
past but even now to India’s bosom, many a traveller in the quest
of her rich and precious treasures. The journey might not have
taken them to the goal of complete unfoldment of her ancient
heritage, but the attempt must have been amply rewarding in the
enrichment of the heart and mind of those who undertook this
fascinating and eventful though arduous journey.
In the long line of such travellers was Max Muller who endea-
voured to plumb the depths of the heart and mind of India. He
took a lofty view of her art, sciences, literature and philosophy.
Says he; ‘Whatever sphere of the
human mind you may select for
iThe brooding East, Arnold. India,
dreamy India, Philosophical, Unpracti-
cal and hopelessly unsuccessful
in the maintenance of her political freedom
immer. Philosophies of India,
p. 65. India favours passivity more than
activity—Urquhart, The Vedanta
and Modern Thought, p. 4. The West is more
âctical, the East more mystical—
Crook, S., EB., Art. ‘Jesus Christ.’ Oman,
The Mystics, Ascetics and Saints
of India, p, 270.
-Brunton, The Hidden Teaching
beyond Yoga, pp. 165, 320, 321; ‘All that we
value most has come
to us from the East...’ Muller, What Can India Teach Usl
3 m a er,
,
the West law-A Latin Proverb,
he higher Hinduism in Relation
to Christianity, p. 78.
2 Ancient Indian Asceticism
your it be language, or religion, or mythology

special study, whether
or philosophy, whether be laws or customs, primitive art or
it
primitive sciences, everywhere you have to go to India, whether

you like it or not, because some of the most valuable and most
instructive materials in the history of man are treasured up in
India and in India only.’* The word ‘materials’ means the sources
viz. archaeology, sculpture, painting, literature and coins which
unfold manifold aspects of India’s cultural history.
Out of the many others, most worthy of mention are Goethe,
Schopenhauer, Rolland and Toynbee, Goethe is said to have danced
with joy over the German translation of the §akuntah by Kalidas.
Schopenhauer eloquently expressed his faith in the Upanishads:
‘It has been the solace of my life: it will be the solace of my death.’
Rolland, who interpreted Gandhi, Vivekananda and Ramakrishna

Paramhamsa to the Western world said: ‘If there is one place on
the face of the earth where all the dreams of living men have found
a home from the very earliest days when men began their dream
of existence, it is India.’ In very recent memory, Toynbee, as if to
flatter us declared ‘In India there is an attitude towards life and
:
an approach to the needs of the present situation in the world as a

whole,’ and exhorted her ‘to go on giving the world Indian exam-
ples of the spiritual fight that makes man human.’*
There is another type of travellers, who in their readiness to
criticise, has only discovered the lower elements of Indian culture
and thus failed to do justice to its higher aspects. In their endea-

vour to analyse its essential strength and weakness, their vision and
judgement fall an easy prey to hasty generalisations that accentuate
only the weakness of Indian culture. Representatives of this class
'
are a legion.
Oman believes that ‘It is the ascetic profession that time out of
mind has been of pre-eminent dignity in the eyes of the Indian
people.’ Quite oblivious of the fact that they have also eminent
regard for the heroic tradition, he adds : ‘The only possible state of
a religious (holy) life is one involving asceticism.’* Renou considers
Hinduism as ‘the very type of a religion of renunciation.’ He labels
this observation as ‘a global characterization of Hinduism.’*
’Muller, op. cit., p. 15.
*Toynbec, One World and India, pp. 41, 63.

30man, op. cit., pp. 271-272.
^Renou, Hinduism, Introduction, p, 5.
Introduciory 3
Schweitzer brands Indian religion, thought and culture as 'life-

negating.’* McKenzie finds Indian asceticism ‘full of abhorrent
ideas, anti-social and not enough and as defended by
spiritual
philosophic thought does not partake of the nature of ethical acti-

vity.’® Ronaldshay finds that ‘Pessimism infects the whole physical
and intellectual of India and that the Indian philosophers

life
have never been able to paint any positive picture of bliss.’® Koestler
mocks at our Indian way of life, especially the Yoga tradition as a
physical or spiritual discipline. To him Samadhi is ‘pure imagination
without thought.’^ He feels that Indians are not as contemplative as
they are reputed to be and concludes that he had ‘never encountered
a people as uncontemplative as the nation of Yogis.’® He is not
merely a biased observer but a hostile witness. Many Western scho-
lars unduly harp on the note of pessimism in Indian asceticism and
characterize Indian thought as wholly pessimistic and other-worldly.
To the research worker of history who has to discover and assess
factual reality in its varied aspects from many divergent as well as
harmonious views, both the sets of views are equally important and
deserve careful examination.
Itbecomes necessary for the research worker, therefore, to be
He has to view
very careful in his interpretation of Indian culture.
every cultural phenomenon or reality dispassionately, with a sense
of historical proportion and perspective. Tradition is respected but
not as a blind adoration of the past. The sentimental approach has
to be discarded, inasmuch as tradition is examined in the context
of its cultural setting to yield its essentia] strength as also its weak-
ness. It approach that is intended to be followed to investi-
is this
gate the problem of asceticism in ancient India, its origin and
development and its contribution to Indian culture as a whole.
Importance of the Subject

India is one of the few countries where ascetic ideal has been
*Schwcilzcr, //irf/oH thought and its development. Preface. Also q. b. Basham,
The Wonder that was India, p. 9.
^McKenzie, Hindu Ethics, p. 240, also q.b. Hopkins, Ethics of India, Preface,
pp. x-xi; Kane refutes this allegation, HDS., Vol. II, Pt. I, pp, 3-4.
—
^Ronaldshay, India a Bird’s eye~viev>, p. 313,
«Koestler,The Lotus and the Robot, pp. 125-132. Walker defends Yoga
against Koestler’s criticism and proves the fallacy
of his observations. The
Conscious Mind, pp. 117-122.
®ibid.
fondly upheld and ascetic practices have been widely followed

from very ancient times. Its roots seem to be lost in the mist of the
pre-Aryan civilization. ‘It is a tribute to the high metaphysical
capacity of the Indian people,’ says Deussen,^ ‘that the phenomenon
of asceticism made its appearance among them earlier and occupied
a larger place than among any other known people.’
Throughout the history of Hinduism, ascetic ideals have main-
tained a stronghold on the minds of the people. To the mind of
the Hindu, the life of the Samyasi who has freed himself from all
human ties and given up all physical comfort and well-being for
a spiritual existence, has always seemed to be the highest. Even
today its appeal to the masses as a symbol of holy life is consider-
able. For ancient Indian culture is dominated by religion. And the
assertion not without truth that ‘the Hindus are the most reli-
is
gious people in the world, that is, the greatest slaves to the bondage
of tradition.’®
The reason for the perpetuation of such a tradition can be traced
to the role which the ascetic group of seers and rishis, saints and
sannyasis, mystics and yogis played in moulding the religious history
of India through the ages. The Vedas were revealed according to
the orthodox tradition to lishis like Atri, VaSisthaand Vi^wamitra
and many others. Yajnavalkya, Sandilya, Manu, Valmiki and Veda
Vyas, most of the thinkers of the Upanishads, Buddha and Maha-
vira, belonged to the ancient family of seers, munis and ascetics.
The six systems of philosophical thought, the Darsanas, are symbo-
lic of India’s moral and spiritual values. These were also origina-
ted or promulgated by the fishis or ascetics.® Ascetics and saints

have played an important role in ancient India.^ Even today holy
men hold a real fascination for almost all the classes in India.
And a Western scholar has rightly observed: ‘In Indiano religious
iDeussen, The Philosophy of the Upanishads, p. 65.

^Williams, Brahmanism & Hinduism, Introduction, p. vii.
^Ghurye, Indian Sadhus, p. 255; Mahadevan, Ten Saints of India, p. 1.
*Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism, Preface, p. ix; Radhakrishnan, Eastern
Religion and Western Thought, p. 35. Dutt writes: ‘It is to the ascetics that
India owes largely all that is valuable and enduring in her cultural and spiri-
tual life.’ Radhakrishnan observes: ‘From the beginning of her history India
has adored and idealised not soldiers and statesmen, not men of science and
leaders of industry, not even poets and philosophers but those rarer and
chastened spirits time has discredited heroes as easily as it has forgotten
every one else but the saints remain.’
Introductory 5
teacher can expect a hearing unless he begins by renouncing the

world.’^ Dutt elaborates : ‘One who has need to sway the group-
mind whether a religious preacher, a social reformer or even a
political leader— finds it to his purpose to appear in sannyasVs
likeness in this country, for in that semblance he is able to com-
mand the highest respect and the readiest following.’^ This suggests
how the Indian mind still perceives in him a symbolic relation to
the moral and spiritual values the Bhiksu or the Sannydsin embodi-
ed in himself in ancient India.
The ascetic in ancient India had peculiar beliefs and practices
which evoked considerable curiosity and admiration. The power
bom of his austerities and self-mortification which came to be
known as Tapas, was a great force which could achieve extra-
was a method of achieving highest goal of
ordinary results. It
power, happiness, wisdom oremancipation.^ One can attain
Brahmaloka or go to heaven through lapas.^ The efficacy of
tapas is so great that even venerable Gods like Vispu are described
as practising tapas to achieve soul-force before embarking on
momentous undertaking.” Even Prajapati is said to have practised
tapas prior to each act of creation.® Tapas was also one of the
ways of self-realisation, the search for truth tapasa brahma viji- :
jhasva.’’ Through tapas the ascetic could reach out for perfection.
His fife of tapas was an eloquent testimony to the supremacy of
the spiritual over the material splendour. Agrawala observes :
‘Tapas is the soul of Sddhand aspect of Indian culture. It is the
backbone of our culture. Strength and charm have been added to
our thinking solely through tapas. Its beauty alone illumines the
lives of Shiva, Buddha, Tirthankara, Nara-Narayana, Parvati,
Bhagiratha and Aijuna. The attraction of their images lies in their
devotion to tapas which leads us towards the goal.’®
Êlliot, Hinduism & Buddhism, I, Introduction,

-Buddhist Monks and Monasteries of India, p. 44.
®cf.Dasgupta, Hindu Mysticism, p. 91.
iRam., in. 5. 28; IV. 13-19.
^Ram., I. 29. 3.
6SB., X. 4. 42; Brhad. Up., I. 26; TU., H. 6.1.
>Mund. Up., Ill 1-2-3 Also Sveta. Up., I. 15-16; Maitri Up.,
4.4.
®Agrawala, Kata aur Sanskriti, p. 199.
’'ir^ ^ «it uram-w t u? aim srro 1 1
mi ir^
was a unique phenomenon that iapas came to occupy such a

It
vital significance in the life and culture of ancient India and in-
fluenced its history of religious and philosophical thought. How
tapas came to be regarded as a significant part of asceticism, an
aspect of Sadhana and a backbone of our culture becomes relevant
to our investigation.
not intended to exalt ascetic institution or the ascetic
All this is
ideal as the most sublime. Nor it is desired to convey an impres-

sion that the ascetic life was the best and the only ideal life in
ancient India. The main aim of almost all the Darsanas was to
show the way and they represented the life of renun-
to salvation
ciation (Sarimyasa) as an ideal for everyone. But it will be an
error to hold that they represent the whole life of every Indian. It
must be noted that not even one out of ten thousands took to
renunciation.^ Although a life of renunciation was considered neces-
sary for salvation, there is also abundant evidence in ancient India,
aswe shall see in the sequel, of a vigorous reaction to the challenges
and attractiqns of mundane life. It also meets with disapproval
as in Buddhism, Arihasastra and the
But the fact remains that
Gita.
the ascetic life came and essential for salva-
to be regarded as holy
tion at certain times and later on found a place as the fourth asrama
as Samnydsasrama. How did asceticism or tapas and renunciation
{Samnydsa) come to play such a vital role in ancient India, form
the theme of this study.
Purpose of the Study

The problem of Indian asceticism in its modern form has been
studied and investigated by Oman® and Farquhar.® With regard
to its ancient form, Sharma* has made some contributions. Ghurye
in his work has also presented ‘the rise, history, work and present -
^ 3flT,
I i
fs,
HnihsT anfk % site’ Jr ^^ 1 1 ^ ifte % f?rt^ ni ^ rnmn
^ ^ I
^cF. Raju & Radhakrishnan, The Concept of Man,p. 207.

,-Oman, Mystics, Saints and Ascetics of India, London, 1920.
^Farquhar, JRAS., 1925, pp. 479-81. The Organisation of the Samnydsis of
Vedanta.
iSharma, Contributions to the History of Brdhmanical Asceticism (Samnydsa),
Poona, 1939.
Introductory 7
organization, of Hindu asceticism and ascetics,’* The work takes a

rapid survey of asceticism during the course of its development
over four millennia. Though in the later part of the book, it
succeeds in its object of furnishing the details of the extant various
orders and sects and sub-sects ad and the rules of each
infinitum,
order or sect supposed to govern the conduct and mode of life of its
members, it does not adequately trace the origins of asceticism and
its influence over the monastic orders of the Buddha and Mahavira,
whose contribution to asceticism also does not receive deserving

treatment.
In his concluding chapter, Ghurye remarks that, ‘it has not been
possible to make a statistically satisfying survey of the reasons and
motives that impel individuals to renounce ordinary life in favour
of asceticism.’* Thus for the modem as well as the ancient period,
the motives and desires which also form the basis for the origins of
asceticism, remain to be surveyed. We are, however, concerned only
with the ancient period.
Moreover, with regard to ascetic origins, Ghurye traces them
to our sacred literatureand not the minds of men. He discusses
asceticism as complex of a number of traits viz, celibacy, aus-
‘a
terity, concentration and ecstasy.’® How a ‘complex’ has the mean-
ing of ‘group’ or ‘combination’ but it also has a psychological con-

notation when it suggests a state of mind which is not normal. The
normal human tendency seeks material progress in and through
society. What were the factors that turned the normal tendency
away from society and drove men to run away from normal life?
What were the psychological or other needs to prompt such ten-
dencies? We do not have satisfactory answers to these questions
which demand an insight into the psychology of religious pheno-
mena with reference to the conditions that preceded and accom-
panied them. Most of the writers on asceticism have either
ignored or not paid due attention to this psychological basis. The
result is that the interpretation of asceticism in terms of theology
and philosophy alone has led to the misrepresentation of this
universal phenomenon. Eliade has also done exhaustive research
on Yoga one of the facets of Indian asceticism.* Hov/ever, all this
’Ghurye, Indian Sadbus, Bombay, 1953,‘Pierace.

*ibid, p. 251.
®ibid, pp. 17-19.
*Eliade, Yoga, Immortality and Freedom, London, 1958.
leads us to affirm that though Sharnia, Ghiirye and Eliade have

dealt with some of its aspects, the problem of asceticism in its
whole range has not so far been submitted to scientific investigation.

The present work attempts to do this and thus reveals a neglected
chapter in India’s social history with a special emphasis on the
genesis of asceticism.
Extent of the Work

The study is confined to the period from the Indus Valley Civili-
sation (e. 2500 Bc) to the advent of the Christian era.
Sources
The sources and materials available for the present work natu-
rally divide themselves into two classes : (1) Indian and (2) Foreign.
Indian Sources
The archaeological sources of ancient India available at present
are meagre. We have, therefore, to rely solely upon tradition as
recorded in our sacred and secular literature. Thus literature on the
Samhitas, Brdhmaiias, Aranyakas, Upanisads, Epics, Buddhist and
Jaina texts,Arthasdstra, Dharmasutras and Yogasiitras is explored,
and evidence adduced therefrom, for the purpose of investigation.
Foreign Sources
These will merely consist of the impressions recorded by forei-
gners, especially the Greeks and the Romans, in their writings on
India before and after the invasion of Alexander. The writers on
whose accounts we will rely are Herodotus (484-431 bc), Tertullian,
Aristoxenus of Toranto (3rd Century bc), Strabo (60 bc-ad 19),
Arrian (200 ad) and Megasthenes who was the ambassador of the
Graeco-Persian King Seleukes at the court of Chandragupta Maurya
from 311 302 bc. Despite certain inaccuracies and mutual con-
to
tradictions they have their own value as they throw considerable
light on the ascetic practices and beliefs of the Indian ascetics of
the times.
Chapter 2
The Concept of Asceticism
From very early times asceticism has been a curious phenomenon

in India. The ascetics have always exercised considerable influence,
capturing the imagination of a great number of population of India,
literate and illiterate alike. The strange beliefs, practices and pre-
tentions of these ascetics have always exercised, interest of many

foreigners who came to India at different times from Strabo in the
fourth century bc^ to Oman,® Brunton,® Rutledge,* Marshall® and
Ouspensky® in our own times.
The ascetic ideal which the institution of asceticism fosters has
been the outcome of a slow and long evolution through many cen-
turies. With this ideal many ancient elements and ideas, beliefs and
practices so mingle that it becomes essential for us to have a clear

idea of the different aspects which have gone to constitute the whole
concept of asceticism.
The word ‘asceticism’ is derived from the Greek word askesis
meant
v/hich exercise and training for the purpose of strength, skill
and mastery in the athletic games.®
The Webster’s dictionary (1962) defines an ascetic as ‘one who
iWe have the records of the Romans and the Greeks before and after the
invasion of Alexander, Vide Chapter IX.
^Mystics, Saints and /^scefics o/Ind/o, Chapter VI. Oman describes the
impressions of some European visitors to India and of the Sadhus they had met.
^Brunton’s A Search in Secret India, is a record of the Sadhus or ascetics he
had met in India,
^Rutledge’s In Search of A Yogi is an enquiry into the supernatural powers
acquired by the Yogis of India.
“Marshairs Hunting the Guru in India, is an account of the holy men, the
religiousteachers belonging to the ascetic institution v/hom she has encoun-
tered. This, however, is not to say,
she discovered the ‘mysterious East’ and
miracles in India. What she found is summed up in the preface: ‘Of all
the
nations of the world, only India knows
how to nourish the soul.’
®In his In Search of the Miraculous, Ouspensky describes
bow man can
achieve immortality through the ways
of the fakir, the monk and the Yogi and
deals with the Indian tradition.
®£RR.,U,P.63.
Jives a life of contemplation and rigorous self-denial for religious

purposes,’ or ‘any one who lives with strict self-discipline and
abstinence.’
In thesame dictionary we find asceticism defined as (a) ‘the
practice or way of life of an ascetic, systematic self-denial for some
ideal.’ (b) ‘the religious doctrine that we can reach a higher
spiritual state by rigorous self-discipline and self-denial.’
The ascetic in ancient India was known by many terms Vdna- :
prasthin, Tapasvm, Yogin, Tapas, Yatin, Vairagin, Vairangika, Muni,

Parikansin, Sanmydsin and Vaikhdnasa. All these terms connoted
only relative attitudes of varied conducts of the ascetics detached
existence.
Vdnaprasthin is a forest dweller, a hermit, {Aranyavdsi, Vanavdsi,
Vanasthdyi, Vanastlia), a Brahmin in the third stage of life.* He is
often called a Vaikhdnasa.^
Yogin is one who is engaged in Yoga or meditation (from Vyuj,
to join, to direct, to employ, to unite).®
Tdpasa is one who practises tapas (from tap, to be heated, to
burn, hence austerity).^ He is the one who is habituated .to auste-
rities : tapaij. silamasya.^ He is also called tapasvin : tapasvibhyo
adhiko yogi.^
Yatin is one who has controlled his passions (from yam and yat,
to restraint, to subdue, to control; to strive, to exert oneself). In
the Vedic and later Brahmanical literature, a Yati is one who has
brought all his passions and feelings under restraint.^ The term
^SED., p. 299.
^Tait. Ar.,{l. 13.3) describesthem as one of the ^tsis who were born of
Prajapati: Yenakhah tevaikhanasah yevalafi tevalakhilyafi. Manu (vi. 21) refers
to the institutes of VaikhSnasa when he prescribes rules for the Vattaprasthas.
Medhatithi comments: Vaikhanasarii ngma sastram yatravanaprastha dharma-
mate sthilah. There is also a work called Vaikhanasasmartasutra
vihilastejarii
which can be dated in the fourth century ad but whi:h contains far earlier
material.
^Sveta. Up., II. 12: Yogagune pravftte yogagnimayam sariram. BG., VI. 46:
Karmbhya ca adhiko Yogi.
MF., xiii.2.25; Brhad. Up., IV.3.22; Sankh. Br., XIV.6,8,10; Uttar., SBE.,
XLV, p. 140, 418 n2; Manu, vi.27: tapasejveva vipreju yatrikam bhaik$amaharet.
^Shabdakalpadrum, tapo’syastiti tapoyuktalj tapasajj cf. tapati tapate ayam
atmanepadinyanye, p. 587.
^BG., VI.46; AV., Xm.2.25.
’’Taitt. Sam., iii.4.9.2; Ait. Br., Vn.28; Tandya Br., VIII.I.4, XIII.8-17; Mund
Up., III.2.6; Samnyasayogadyatayalj. Manu-yi.55-59-, BG., V. 25: yatatmanafi.

The Concept of Asceticism 1 i
Yatin always means a Samnyasin i.c. a person in the last of the

four diramas} The word is also used synonymously to denote a
muni, a parivrajaka and a bhik.su. All these terms denote the fourth
an Aryan’s life.^ The Jaina monk is often called the Yati.^
stage of
Yama meaning control is the first among the eight elements [afigas)
of classical Yoga.'*
Vairagin one who has subdued or freed himself from all earthly
is
desires. The word comes from Vi, meaning apart, away without
faga meaning desire or attachment, virdgasya bhdvah.^
Vairdhgik is one who is free from all worldly desires due to
acquiring vairagya.^
Muni is originally one who has taken the vow of silence, mauneya’
also man, to think (inananat munih).^ The Rigvedic muni is devesiio
and tmmadita maunayena, ‘inspired’ or ‘moved by the spirit’ and
‘mad with silence.’® He is also the one who knows the Brahman.^®
He is variously styled as Yati, Parivrajaka, Bhik.su or Samnyasin syno-
nymous with the fourth dsrama,^^ The Jaina monk is also called the
muni}^ The word acquired a general meaning in Buddhism and is
applied by the Buddha to any man attaining perfection in self-
restraint and insight.*®
Pdrikdhsin is a contemplative Brahmin in the fourth stage of his
life. He is the same as the Samnydsin.^^ The word also means an
ascetic who devotes himself to abstract meditation or a contempla-
^Taitt. Sam., vi.2.7.5. Ail. Br., vii, 28.1; Kau. Up., iii.l; Mami, vi.87, 96; Vas
DS., xi.34.
Âp. DS., II.9.21.I: mauna-atha parivrajalj; Vas. DS., 11.6,17.
^Stevenson, The Heart of Jainism, p. 233.
11.29.
^SED., p. 301; ESD., p. 1025.
<ÊSD., p. 27; SED., p. 300,
"‘Chand. Up., viii.5.2: cf. Moneyya or Mona (Pali) Munis are called mounls:
Mbh.I.n.S.
^ci.Unadisiitras, 1V.122; man-ln-ucca, manyatc janati iti munir Vasijlhadiî fr
man=impulse, eagerness cf, jFtK., VII.56.8; Brhad. 17p„iii.5.1.
X.136.2-3, cf. SED., p. 231.
mrhad. Up., lV.4.22cf. Munati in Pali means ‘fathoming,’ ‘recognising,’
‘knowing’; Pe/ora/zAH, 163. cf, Utiar., SBE., XLV, p. 140,
^mund. Up.,lll.2.6; Baudh DS., 11,10.17; Gaul. DS., 111.2.11; Vis DS.,X.l;
Manu, VI.ll, 54, 56, 69, 86.
*®Stevenson, op. cit., p. 65.
268-269; Also atlahitan ca parahitan ca munati janati ti muni: PeZa-

vatihu, 163.
«£Si).,p.620.
:
tive saint.^
Samnyasi is one who
lays down or renounces the world, a Brahmin
in the fourth cjra/nn'.®The word sarimyasa is derived from sam-{-
ni+as, to place or put down, deposit, give up, abandon or quit
Kamyanam karmamm nyasam saiimyasam.^ It also means sam-\-nyas,
samyag prakdrena, completely laying aside or down iiydsa, abandon-
ment of all worldly concerns."*
Satimydsin is the most common terra applied to an ascetic, the
one who completely renounces the world and its attachments.® The
term also means in the Gita, to make, to deliver, entrust or commit
to the care of: mayi sarvdni karmdni samnyasddhyaUmcetasd.^ As
to the question what he renounces, apart from the world, there are
different answers. According to the Samnydsa Upanishad, it is a fire
meaning the Vedic sacrifices.’ In the Vedanta it is the renunciation
of false values and attachment.® This is explained and reiterated in
the Gild, according to which it is the renunciation of actions done
with some fruit or purpose in view, Karmaphalatydgath?
According to the Vaikhdnasadharmaprasm the Brahmins alone
were allowed to become saimydsis}^ However, this privilege, accord-
ing to Manu was extended to the higher-castes Idvijdti)}^ The siidra
was not only not allowed to take to samnydsa but also forbidden to
practise austerities.^’ A sanmydsi was also called a PdrikansikP
iSED (Apte), p, 1012. ,
~£SD., p. 1148.
35G., XVIII. 2.
mafia. Up., 62, 11.
^SED., (Apte), p. 1625; Manu, vii.94; Vedantaih vividhacsrutva samnyase-
danj-ijo dvijalj. Bhartrhari, 1II.192; Samdasya kjapabhanguraih tad khilam
dhanyastu samanyasti.
65C, 111.30.
mu, p. 20.,
'
®Sankar in Bhagavatpada: dehanyaso hi samnyaso naiva kasayavasasa,
naham deho’.hamatmeti niscayo nyasalakjanam. Also nityanityavastu-viveka.
»BG., XVIII.2.
101.10-13: brahmanasyasramascatvarah kjatriyasyadyastrayah vai^yasyadyau
tadasramijjascatvaro brahtnacari gfhastho vanaprastho bhikjuriti. Also lX-8:
brahmananam caturasramyarii k§atriyaijaih tryasramyaih vai§yanaih dvayas-
ramyam vihitam.
iWcm/, VI.87, V.137; cf. Jabala. Up., IV. VI.2.42.
i®Rama Saihbuka, a sudra practising penance {Ram. VII-76 f.). Also
kills
Matanga, a cau(i7!la practising austerities is looked upon with disfavour {Mbh.,
xiii.27).
VÊSD., p. 27.
13
There are other terms viz. Parivrajaka, Bhiksil and Sramana which
were also used to denote the ascetic or the samnyas’u Though these
are purely Sanskrit terms they were originally Prakrit words des-
cribing the Buddhist and Jaina monks but subsequently incorporat-
ed in Sanskrit literature by the Yedic authors. All these terms viz.
Pahajjaka (P), and Bhikkhu (P) and Samana (P) were used to
denote that mode of life described in the Pali literature as ‘passing
from the household to the homeless state’: Agarasma anagariyam
pahajjati} ‘The same idea is conveyed in Jainism by the phrase:
Agarao amgariam pavvayai.’^ The Buddhist Pifakas and Jaina
Afigas are full of references to the existence of a numerous com-
munity of men who were called world-forsakers and who lived
outside society. The terms are used to refer to a wandering com-
munity of homeless men.
It that the Buddhist and Jaina monks and
may be remembered
nuns were not homeless but they were persons without a family
life. They had the sahghas of brothers and sisters and led a
monastic life at different places and cannot be truly described as a
wandering community. In contrast a Brahmanic wanderer (pari-

vrajaka) had no shelter at all, having left home and possessions:
paritajya sarvam gacchati or vrajati iti parivrajakakA
Tapas
The scholars, Western as well as Indian, have translated the
term ‘asceticism’ as lapas or austerity or renunciation.^ It is also
used to mean Vairagya.^ It is to be noted that though asceticism
isrendered as tapas, tapas is one of the facets of asceticism. Tapas
has a wider connotation than what is conveyed by the word
‘austerity.’ It is used sometimes to comprehend all forms of the
pursuit of self-control.®
The word ‘austerity’ implies severity.^ Life denied of comforts
and pleasures becomes austere and painful. The austere life is one
Ôigha Nik., 1.60, 1.240, UI.SS.
Âcar., n.2.1,
^BhatioJidiksUa.
%adhakrishnan. PU., pp. I09-HO; Wintemitz, fflL., I, p. 220; ESD.,
p. 27; Eliot,Hinduism & Buddhism, I, p. 71
p. 27.
^Chand. Up,, II.23.1. cf. Radhakrishnan, The
Principal Upaniâds, p. 375.
‘Sanskrit terms for austerity are: karkasyam,
kathipyarii, ugrata, kathi-
nata, nijthuiata, kalhorata, katuta.
that is given to abstinence, severe discipline hence, tapas. This

sense is often conveyed by the use of the word, itgram. Rsi
Agastya engaged in lapas is called rsir ugraJt.^ The tapasas or
tapasvis are called, iigratapas.^ When the term 'austerity’ is used
to mean iapas, it stands for physical endurance or harsh treatment
of the body by fasts or wanton avoidance of pleasure or comfort
of life. Hence it is used in the ascetic literature to convey self-
torture or self-mortification.®
Sometimes an attempt is made to distinguish 'austerity,' from
both of which are rendered by the Sanskrit term ‘tapas.'
‘asceticism’
To Radhakrishnan, tapas is ‘severe self-discipline undertaken for
spiritual Farquhar, on the other hand, points out that
ends.’^
austerity endurance of pain to gain some material end,
is ‘the
whereas asceticism aims at moral or spiritual ends.’® This differ-
ence, however, is not absolute and has little practical significance,
as tapas is used for both the terms austerity and asceticism to
denote the tapasvin’s ascetic effort. Moreover, tapas is employed
not only for spiritual ends but for various motives where the ends
are not purely material but also not moral. For instance, Ravana
who carried off Sita had acquired his power by tapas which enabled
him to extort a boon from Brahma.®
The Sanskrt term tapas is derived from the root tap and means
‘to be hot or heated,’ ‘to burn.’" Tapas, signifies, therefore, in the
first instance warmth, fervour or heat and means that which gene-
rates heat. Various practices were capable of generating ‘fervour,’

‘heat’ or ‘warmth’ in the literal sense viz. sitting near the fire or in the
sun, consumption of intoxicating and narcotic substances, internal
heating and ecstasy.® The condition of internal heat can be caused
by fasting or holding the breath.® The Vedic as well as the Buddhist
^RV., I.I79.6.
-Ram., I.63-I8, 1.63.15 &
24; Mbh., L8.36. 1.223-35, 1.123.26, IX.5.19. 48.3,
Xn.324.26; cf Manu, VI.75 tapascaranaiscangrahai sadhyanti tatpadam.
3cf. ERE., II. p. 87.
’op. pp. 109-110.
cil.,
^The Crown of Hinduism, p. 247;

cf. ERE., II, pp. 225-235.
Such examples can be multiplied: The powerful /-f/s cursed

r>Ram., 1.16.4-5.
to make one’s life miserable, even to extinction: Ram., 1.25.12-13; 1.64.15;
1.58.10; 1.59.18; Vn.5.16.
'^RV., 6.5.4, 7.34.19, 4.5.4.
®cf. Renou, Vedic India, p. 125.
Vaimini, iii.3.1; Kau. Br., XXni.5; Baud. DS., IV.1.24.
The Concept of Asceticism 15
texts refer to the heat obtained by holding the breath.^ The Buddha
is described as burning : tapati tejasa^ He is called ‘burning’as he
practices ‘tapas.’ It also means its effect as ‘shining’ or ‘glowing’
with lustre * Ahalya, practising austerities, is described as magru-
ficent, flaming in ascetic Tapas was thus extended to the
energj'.'*
feelings or sensations usually painful experienced as a result of
‘heat’ or ‘fervour’; and thus pain or suffering in general, especially
the pain which is voluntary and self-inflicted as in austerities,

ascetic practices. The term, therefore, came to be applied in parti-
cular to religious penance, austerity, devotion and to connote the
merit which such devotion was supposed to assure.^ The ascetics
(tapasas, lapasvis) are described as highly effulgent by virtue of
austerities, ascetic practices {maliatejah, mahatapahY whose wealth
is austerities {iapodhanam),^ of great austerities (pararn-tapah)^
Tapas is often translated as penance but the idea of sin and its
expiation is not always present behind the austerities of most asce-
tics. However, in some cases the penance is performed as in the
case of Visvamitra, not only to atone for moral lapses but also to
transmute his lower nature of lust and passions into a higher state
of perfection. Vanquished by Vasistha many a time Visvamitra
realised that a warrior’s strength was nothing as compared with
that of a Brahmin. He resolved to achieve this lofty pinnacle by
the might of his austerities. He engaged himself in tapas of the
most and awe-inspiring kind. Roots and fruits were
rigid (ugra)
his only food. After Menaka’s seduction he added to his tapas
the vosv of chastity and to bring his senses under control. Rambha
came to lead him astray from the path of virtue and rob him of all
that he gained. But this time he resisted the temptation and cursed
Rathbha, giving vent to anger which deprived him of a great deal
of accumulated ascetic merit. He started observing mamavrata.
His tapas grew more fierce: he never opened his mouth, never spoke,
never ate and held even his breath for all the time. He was in
MK, XV.15; MaJ. Nik., 1.244.

^DP., 387.
®In Pali tapati means shines, tappati is tormental, ‘oppressed.*
^^m., 149 . 17 ; paritangi dhumenapi diptamagnisikharaiva duragarjam
diptam suryaprabbamiva.
1.32.1, 1.51.27.
a samadhi for a very long time. He was satisfied only when he

could subjugate lust, greed, anger and all kinds of passions and
lower propensities of his nature. As the result of his unparalleled
tapas he became a Brahmarsi, not only a Brahmin by caste but also
gaining all the moral virtues required of an ideal Brahmin. He
came to be known to every age as the greatest of all ascetics, asce-
ticism incarnate. He affords an excellent example how tapas ele-
vates a mere mortal to the highest state of perfection.*
Sankaracarya explains tapas as krchra a noun from the root
krs (Sk) which means ‘to draw together,’ ‘obtain,’ ‘master’ and
implying exertion, retention etc.® This word has a merit of expli-
citly conveying the idea of ‘harnessing’ or ‘mastering’ the tower
tendencies of man for a higher life, spiritual training. It thus

brings out the idea of control, hence self-discipline.
Let us now see how the concept of tapas has evolved from very
early times. As this aspect is exhaustively dealt with in the sub-
sequent chapters, only a brief account is given here so as to obtain
a connected picture.
The Aryan conquest of India was the most important event in
the history of India. With their entry began a new era: the first
literary document of the Aryan world, the Rgveda marked its
dawn. Though the original habitat of the Aryans is still a subject
of speculation and controversy, the scholars believe that they des-
troyed the Mohenjodaro settlements of the pre-Aryan settlers. The
latter knew agriculture and trade but were not good warriors like
the Aryans. They worshipped a three-faced deity and Mother God-

dess and also knew some sort of meditation.® It is natural to
surmise that the Aryan religion in which nature worship was predo-
minant, borrowed some forms of religious beliefs and practices
when it came into contact with the pre-Aryans.*
Let us first turn to the Rgveda. The Vedic hymns declare that
the prayers and worship are the best means for gaining the favour
of the gods. Later scholarship has often made the claim that
every Vedic hymn is the condensed expression of a triple feeling:
an overt prayer for material prosperity, a homage to the gods and
I.5I-55, 57-66, Mbh., l.\n.

®Comm. on Taitt. Up., 1.9.
Wide Chapter IV.
*ibid, m.
a veiled allegorical notation of a profound philosophical intuition.^
No doubt, the philosophical insight as manifested in ekath sad

vipra bahudha vadanti^ finds its fuller development in the Upanisads,
The B-gvedic Aryans frankly accepted the world and life as we find
them living a full, vigorous and simple life propitiating the differ-
ent gods through prayers, poetic homages and yajna or sacrifice.
We find iapas used in its primary sense of heat or burning.® Its
meaning is extended to zeal or fervour of doing things. It becomes
the unflagging, unsparing effort in the achievement of things worth-
while.^ It is hence conceived as a mighty power from which spring
all great things. Satya and Rita, Truth and Order, are said to be
bom at the beginning out of tapas.^ Gods and sages perform noble
things through tapas.^ Tapas turns Manyu into a mighty warrior.'^
Indra is said to have conquered heaven by tapas.^ It is emphasis-
ed that it engaged in tapas to heaven.®
led the rsis creation The
hymn depicts the Primal Being as practising tapas before the crea-
tion of the world.®® Kama (desire) is said to be born out of iapasP
The power of tapas is so miraculous that it enables the long-haired
Muni to wander about the earth, fly through the air and divine the
thoughts of others.®® In the Pgveda, tapas is thus used to meant
the heating, the burning of sun and fire; to consume by fire and
heat, evil or enemies; in the psychological sense to give pain or to
make to suffer, self-inflicted heat and pain i.e. ascetic practices
resulting into magical powers. Tapas also means devotion.
In the Atharvaveda we find that a Vedic student had to undergo
certain and mental disciplines to acquire fitness for the
physical
knowledge of Brahman. His life of tapas comes to be associated
with celibacy or brahmacarya. Much stress is laid on the control
®Sampurnananda, Evolution of the Hindu Pantheon, pp. 6ff; Chaifanya, A

blew History of Sanskrit Literature,
p. 52.
HV., 1.164, 46; X.1I4.5.
^RV., 7, 34.19; X.89.12; VI.5.4. in.18.2; X.83.3.
<Bose, The Call of the Vedas,
p. 56.
®?T.,X.169.2.
X.83.3.
®^tF.,X.167.1.
®.?t'.,L109.4;X.l54.4.
®^K,X129.3.
®''5K,X.129.4.
®iibid.
®^^K,X.136.2-7.
and sublimation of sex energy which is to be turned into spiritual

power. It is said that ‘animated by this creative vigour the four
quarters live.’^ It is said that through tapas of Brahmacarya the
king protected his kingdom, the teacher desired his pupil, the girl
received a youthful husband, the gods turned away death and
Indra brought heavenly lustre to the gods.® The glorification of the
Brahmacarl is extended to all these to emphasize the idea that
Brahmacarya should precede as a necessary condition to the know-
ledge of Brahman. It is said that Agastya who wished offspring
and strength practised both Brahmacarya as well as Garhasthya?
It is also emphasised that he practised tapas while living a chaste
life of a householder.^ Brahmacarya thus becomes a part of Tapas.
The great virtue ascribed to Brahmacarya is further illustrated
by the Taittiriya Brahmatia which speaks of Brahmacarya in the
sense of studying the Vedas with due self-control. Bharadvaja,
who Brahmacarya for one whole life which was as long
practised
as three lives, is approached by Indra, who finding him, decayed
and old said; ‘Bharadvaja, if I were to give you a fourth life, what
would you do with it?’ He answered; ‘I would use it in practising
Brahmacarya.'^ Here by Brahmacarya is meant a life of tapas
which signifies the exertion of mental energy for the Brahma-know-
ledge and for the endurance of privations of all kinds, of heat, cold
and the like.®
Brahmacarya as an integral part of a life of tapas acquires in-
creasing significance in the institution of Naisthika Brahmacarls in
the Upanisadic times.® In Buddhism and Jainism it found a place
amongst the five great vows of monastic conduct.® In Patanjali’s
Yoga discipline it is recognised as one of the moral virtues {yamas)
to be cultivated.® Though it is said that purity is godliness and
physical as well as mental purity in offering prayers to God is
ÂV., XI.5.12 : brahmacari siricati sanau retajj prthivyaifa tena jivanti

pradiSas catasralj.
MK, XI.5.17-19.
1.179.6: ubhau varpau pupoja.
K, 1.179.2.
‘TB., iii.10.11.3.
‘cf. BG., VI.7, 11.14, 11.38, VI.7; Also Manu 1.26, VI.81 : dvandai sukhadukhn-
dibhlft sarvadvanda vinimukto brahmanyevavatisthate.
''Chand.Up.,Tl.'22.\.
8Rhys Davids, Buddhism, p. 139.
*YS., n.30.
19
empliasised,^ seems that the tremendous power generated by

it
Brahmacarya is not fully appreciated as it ought to be. That it

radiated spiritual energy is clearly denoted by the Vedic Brahma-
cari and the example of Bharadvaja.
The association of the sublimation of sex-energy with spiritual
power is understood in fuller detail in modern times than it was
before, owing to the new light thrown on the subject of psycho-
analysis led by Freud. Sorokin, examining the effects of sex upon
health and longevity, shows how among the Christian saints, majo-
rity of whom were the ascetics, continence was an important life-
prolonging factor.® He commends Brahmacarya as a strong force
for spiritual and moral growth and explains how religious creators
and great moral leaders have been either ascetics, like most of the
monastics or became continent or serai-continent after the begin-
ning of their religious and ethical activity.® He cites the examples
of the Buddha, A1 Ghazzali, Gandhi and Aurobindo as also many
spiritual teachers of the East and the West. It was not a chance
Brahmacarya was viewed as an essential con-

matter, therefore, that
dition for ascetic conductand monastic life by Hinduism, Budhism
and Jainism. Sorokin observes: ‘Most of the spiritual leaders require
chastity not- for the purpose of torturing the body or securing
salvation for the soul, but as a condition necessary for the attain-
ment of the hipest spirituality.’*
The ancient Indian thinkers were aware of the great potentiality
of Brahmacarya as a creative power. They believed that the seed
within man and woman was intended for the purpose of creating a
body by which another soul may come into physical embodiment.
When this is controlled Brahmacarya helped creative work of
every kind. It transformed the tapasvin’s vital energy into ‘special
power called OJas.’^ In the Vedic literature we come across many
prayers for strength (savas),* valour {virya),’’ manliness (jirimnd),*
Vn.95-7, Vni.44.2I.
*Sane, Sex-Order, pp, SOS'.
•ibid, pp. 61-63.
‘ibi'd.p. 62.
=Gonda, Ancient Indian Ojas, p. 36,
X.I48.4; I.1I.2., cf. Sam.,Y.S2S.
'BV., IX.110.7.
8SK., 231.
conquering power (sahas),^ wrath (manyu),^ fearlessness {abhaya),^

vigour {balaY and other qualities of heroic power. Ojas is one of
them.® It stands for soul-force or Swami
spiritual power.®
Vivekananda according to whom ojas literally
means ‘the illuminat-
ing or bright’ defines it as ‘the highest form of energy attained by a
constant practice of continence and purity.’ He holds that every
man possesses a certain measure of ojas in his brain. This measure
may be increased by chastity, strict chastity even in word and
thought, for even impure words and thoughts disperse that energy
which if preserved, is transformed into ojas. ‘The more the ojas in
a man’s head,’ says he, ‘the more powerful he is, the more intellec-
tual, the more spiritually strong will that man be.’^ In this connec-
tion Gonda remarks that the Indians ‘have always been aware of
the mighty energy of a great personality.’® For the Indians a great
personality is that ‘from which ojas is set free and imparts to those
who approach a sensation of vitality, soul-force and authority, of
the heroic, the impetuous and the wonderful.’® We are thus led to
believe that behind the tapas of many an ascetic, lay the idea of the
acquisition of Ojas through Brahmacarya.
We find now an increasing tendency of tapas to travel from the
external physical plane inwards. The Rgvedic muni was in an
ecstatic trance, described as Unauneya unmada.'^^ Mauneya also
implies silence. Solitude can be gained only when there is a mental
withdrawal from the world outside. It is conducive to concentra-
tion (ekagratd). To this is added Brahmacarya and inwardness.
The Aranyakas pass from the fruit or flesh of the sacrifices to their
spiritual interpretation, and explain the efficacy of the inner or
mental sacrifice. It is said that a man should perform the Brahman
sacrifice in his body, which is purified and should constantly brood
on the Atman by means of tapas, brahmacarya and fasting.”
W., 19.9.
2ibid.
ÂV., XIX.15.6. W; Vni.4.7.
111.53. 18.
m.62.5. SV., 372, AV., VII.21.1.
®cf. Bose, op. cit., p. 81.
'’Rajayoga, p. 252.
®op. cit., p. 37 note 6.
®ibid, p. 42.
X.136.3.
XV. 1.
21
Breathing exercises are more and more emphasised; he who chants

the Gayatrastotra should not breathe.^ The idea of
Upasana or
internal worship to gain Brahmavidya develops. We meet with the
institution of the Vdnaprastha, the hermits who retire to the woods

to study the inner meaning of the sacrificial rites and formulas.
From the moment when meditation on the ritual becomes more
important than the rite itself, the ascetic becomes more important
than the priest and the inner way of enlightenment and perfection
more important than the ritual order.^ Tapas has, in the Aranyakas,
come to be associated with meditative worship.
In the Upanisads where the Updsanas are prescribed we find
meditation and knowledge gaining an increasing importance along
with sacrifice. Not that the sacrifices are totally discarded but their
efficacy isonly partially accepted. Some of the best minds turned
away from them and sought peace and salvation in true knowledge
which led to the infinite bliss by the absorption of the individual
Atman in the Universal Brahman. The Upanisad says; ‘There is
joy in the infinite; there is no joy in the finite.’® It is at this precise
point that the Upanisadic rsis seemed to have met with the ascetics
and yogins. Some yogic methods were employed as preliminary
exercises in purification and contemplation. The ivetasvatara
Upanisad not only describes all the conditions that are required
for perfection in Yoga but also the early mystical experiences,
the vision of the Self and the ultimate identity of Self with God,
It is said that the Yogin by the Self is able to reach the Brahman.®
Side by side it is now accepted that the magical value of the sacri-
fices could be attained also by tapas, involving meditation and self-

imposed sufferings and mortifications.® It is regarded as a great
force which could achieve extraordinary results. Thus it is said
that the Great Being, Brahman performed tapas and having done
so created all Sankara means by tapas, knowledge:
the world.®
The Supreme reflected on the form of the world to be created. He
willed, he thought and he created.’ Tapas is the creative moulding
Br., 1II.3.1; Kau. Br. ,xxm.5.
~ci. Dawson, Religion And Culture, p. 179.
^Cband. Up., VII. Sec. 23.
^Sveta. Up., II. 8-14: Yadatmatatlvcna tu Brabmatatvam.
SDasgupta, Indian Idealism, p. 8.
croif. Up., n. 6.
’Tapa iti jnanam ucyate tapafi paryalocanam
_ SO icanadi-
vijayam alocanam akarod atmety arthah.
^ —
power, concentrated thinking.’ In a number of passages tapas is

identified with Brahman (tapo Brahma) and it is also emphasised
that Brahman performed tapas. Even the thought of Brahman is
regarded as his tapas: (Yasya jhahamayam tapah).^ It is stated that
Brahman is nurtured by tapas and yet asserted that for the real
knower, knowledge is tapas.'^ Tapas comprehends all forms of the

pursuit of self-control.® Tapas reveals the nature of the reality® and
is considered indispensable as a means of knowing the Atman.’
Tapas thus stands for energy or self-effort, thought, self-control or

study and a means to enlightenment or self-knowledge.
The Buddha, having practised the most vigorous tapas or self-
torture himself almost to the point of death for six long years to
attain the highest wisdom, condemned self-mortification as painful,
'
unworthy and unprofitable. He preached a middle path which
avoided the two extremes of over-indulgence and self-mortification
and led to peace of mind, to the higher wisdom, to full enlighten-
ment and to Nirvana. To reach this goal one has to follow the
eight-fold path.® His sole emphasis was on leading a good life
life of right conduct and right meditation.
Tapas in Jainism is of two kinds: physical or external and mental

or internal. Physical austerity is of six types: fasting, decreased
diet, collecting alms, giving of delicious diet and mortification
of the flesh. Similarly, mental austerity consists of expiation,
humility, service, study, renunciation of thebody and meditation.®
The forms of physical austerity practised in a right manner
six
are said to result in non-attachment, lightness of the body, con-
quest of the senses, protection of self-discipline and annihilation
of Karmic matter.’® The Jains emphasise external tapas not as the
end in itself but for the sake of a higher life. They hold that
physical mortification is essential for a successul self-control. It is
•See Brhad. Up., I. 4. 10-11, Mailri. Up., VI. 17 which assume that cons-
ciousness is at the source of manifestation.
*Tait. Up., III. 2 f.
*Mund. Up., 1.1.9.

‘ibid, I. 1. 8-9.
^Chand. Up., II. 23.1.
'Ta/V. Up., 3.2, Katha Up., 1.2.15.
’’Mailri Up., 4.3.
* Mahaparinibbana Sulla, 1-4.
Ûllar, XXX. 8, 30.
“rat/vfl, ix. 19.
desirable so long as it serves the cause of self-discipline. No kind

of tapas can be of any good until the mind is purified.
The idea of tapas as severe ascetic practises or self-mortification
is carried on in the Epics. In the Ratnayana the phrase ugram
tapas is of frequent occurrence indicating its severity. Tapas is
called Mgra/ ghoram.^ Ugra tapas is also called duradharsam.^
The performance of tapas was the sole objective that led the
anchorites — the munis and hermits to seek the calm solitude
rsis,
of the forest. Their tapas involved abstinence, mortification, medi-

tation and self-restraint. The epic gives an exhaustively rich picture
of vanavdsa, the life in the hermitages (asramas) against idyllic
surroundings. Not only the hermits but the Aryan lay men and
women, Raksasas and Yaksas practise austerities for various ends.
It was common to perform austerities for progeny.^ Yisvamitra
becomes Rajarsi through severe tapas but vanquished by Vasistha
again undertakes tapas to attain Brahmanhood.® Raksasas Ravana
and Yiradha performed tapas to attain a divine boon from Brahma
which made them superior to mortals.® Yisvamitra practised more
and more rigorous tapas with a view to subjugate his temper and
passions.'^ He had attained such extraordinary powers through
tapas that he started creating another Brahma and a rival universe.
He had gone as far as the creation of new constellations but was
prevailed upon to stop it by the entreaties of the alarmed gods.®
As in the Ramdyana, the practice of austerities is not the sole
privilege of the ascetics in the Mahabharata. Even the kings and
asuras practise tapas for variety of motives but broadly either to
gain power or some material end. Women perform austerities to
get husbands. Some of them have taken to the life of Naisthika
Brahmacarya. We find detailed descriptions of the ascetics engaged
in tapas and who have become immune to their environment and
physical needs. Ascetic practices are called ugra.® Durvasa is called
I. 63.18.
*Eam„ I. 15.24.
’Ram., I. 65.17, 61.4; 3.5.28, III. 7.13.
•Ram., I. 8.1-3, 1. 25.5, 1. 4,46.2.
•Ram., I. 56.24, 1. 57.8.
•Ram., 1. 16.4-5, lU, 3.6.
•Ram., 1. 64.16-19.
BRam., 1. 60f.
xii. 217.14,
ugra, samsitavrata.^ Many examples describe what sort of tapas was

practised and with what motives.® By ugram tapas one can win,
satisfy and influence even great gods and force them to grant one’s
heart’s desire,® to obtain Brahmanhood,* to kill demons® and to
gain divine or spiritual vision.® The epic eulogises the power and
efficacy of tapas. There is nothing superior to it and by its miracu-
lous might great results can be achieved. Sakri could convert a
king into a cannibal.® Cyavana could control all the activities of a
whole army.® Vasistha was no less powerful who could defeat
Visvamitra a number of times.® However, it should be noted that
there are various meanings of the word tapas suggested in the epic;
fast, the religious observance to be performed during the acquire-
ment of the Vedas, any particular practice, acquiring the knowledge

of Atman, the act of giving, austerity control of senses, yna/zo etc.®®
Let us now turn our attention to the Gita. It fully recognises the
part which nature has to play in the spiritual development of man.
It says; all beings follow their nature; what can repression do?
Nature, therefore, is neither to be indulged nor suppressed.®® Sup-

pression of the natural appetites and desires of the flesh would do
more harm than good. Hence it advocates the middle path of wise
guidance. It says that Yoga is not for him who eats too much or
eats too little but for him who is temperate in all habits.®® ‘Eating’
should be understood as to include all sense enjoyments. It speaks
of the nourishing kinds of food that are liked by the wise and the
II. 67.132.
®1. 123.26; IX. 5.19, 48.3, XII. 324.26.

31. 223.35, II. 14.65. III. 138.8.
4IX. 40.29.
5Xn. 74.9.
6XII. 271.36, 300.27; XIII. 26.96.
®I. 178.
sm. 122.
®I. 179.
ÔMbh., XII. 228 (Ki-snamacarya and Vyasacarya, Bombay, 1907 edition
pakjamasopavasadin manyatc ve tapodhana vedavratgdini tapa apare veda-
pgragalj yalhavihitamacarastapalj sarvam vratamgatah atmavidyavidhanam
'
yattapalj parikirtitam tyagastapastatha safltistapalj indriyanigrab brahma-
caryam tapalj proktamahurevam dvijatayab jnanatmakam tapab sabdarii yc
vadanti viniscifalj.
III. 33-34.
12BG., VI. 16-17.
25
good.^ Religious life is to be based on temperate habits wWch

avoid the excesses of indulgence and repression. We are advised
neither to avoid the desires prompted by the objects
of the senses
nor to be carried away by them.* True iapas consists in the control
of the natural man and not in his eradication. The limitations of

fasting and other forms of self-restraint are shown.® The Rajasa
and Tarnasa austerity are condemned.* The Gita also denounces all
kinds of penances and practices which involve the torture of the
flesh.® It is only immature religious teaching that advocates extreme
asceticism. True tapas involves the discipline of the body, speech
and mind.® Tapas is not dwelling in a cave, giving tip food or the
affairs of the world or tormenting the body. Its secret lies in what
—
the Gita calls Bhavasarhsuddhi purification of attitudes and emo-
tions.’ It is a discipline by which instincts and urges are sublimated
by purifying the body and mind.
Tapas in the Dhanmsutras covers vows and rites both purifac-
tory and expiatorj’. The first is three-fold; kfcchra, atikrcchra
and krcchrati-krcchra? The expiatory ones are called prayascittap
As the three krcchras differ only in point of a degree of severity
of fasting, they naturally came to be regarded as tapas Gautama
regards the three krcchras as the greatest of all expiations,” thus
showing that tapas and prayascitta become almost co-extensive
in meaning. Moreover, tapas stands for moral virtues and strict
abstinence from pleasures, comforts and luxuries. Gautama says
that tapas consists in celibacy, truthfulness, baths in three Savans,
wearing wet-garments, using ground as bed and fasting.^* Apas-
tamba means by tapas rules of etiquette a Rrahmacarin has to
JBG.,XVII. 8-10.
^BG., n. 70.
^BG., H. 59.
*‘BG., XVn. 18-19.
5SG?.,XVn. 5-6.
CBff„XVn. 14-16.
*BG., XVU. 15.
^Gaut., xxvi. 1-11, xix. 20, xxvii. 2; xxv.
1-17, xxvi. 20. Ap., L 25.8, 27.6.8,
20, 28, 1. 27.7; Baud., 1. 12, 12, H. 2, 37/38, 42-45, IV. 5-7, II. 2, 41, IV. 5-9-10;
Vas. XXI. 20, XXIV. 3, XXII, 16; Yoj., XXII, 42-43. XXIV. 4-5. Sarmidhana,
I. 2. 1.
^Samvidhana, I. 5.8.
i®ibid. 22, 3; cf.
i. Mam, ix. 211, Hardatta on Gautama, xix. 15.
iiGaut. xix. 20,
”ibid, xix, 15.
observe.' Thus tapas signifies nol^^^]^ôîly mortifications but

also some and
definite virtues practices. Fasting is regarded as the
greatest tapas and becomes its constant factor.^ But the highest
value is attached to the moral qualities of the soul.®
We find in the Dharamasiitras that some of the
and regu- duties
lations prescribed for the Vanaprastbas are practically thesame as
those for samayasis.^ But the vanaprastha had to concentrate upon
tapas, subject himself to privations, severe austerities and self-
mortifications, while the samnyasin was concerned mainly with
samyama, restraint and contemplation of the highest reality.® Manu
makes tapas and sacred learning as the distinct mark of a Brahmin.®
He also uses the word tapas by analogy, for the special duty or
merit of each of the four castes.’
Tapas in the Yoga system of Patanjali has come to acquire a
special shade of meaning. ‘Yoga’ means union. Tapas, as we have
seen in its primary sense, means that which generates heat or
energy. Tapas now becomes the practice of conserving energy and
directing it towards the goal of Yoga, toward union with the
Atman.® The object is to tame the bodily and mental habits and
make the body fit for any hardships.® As such, it finds a place in
the Niyama and in the practice of kriyayoga: tapas, svadhyaya
and Ishwav Pranidhana.'^ According to Patanjali, tapas does not
mean self-mortification or injury to the body. It jjieans body con-
ditioning. for the removal of impurities and the perfection of the
physical and mental powers.*' This means that tapas results in
perfect bodily vigour, endurance, agility, immunity from illness.
Âp., i. 5.1.
’Ga/rf., xix. 15.
DS. (I. 8.23.3-6) calls upon all asramas to eradicate faults that tend to
*Ap.,
destruction and to cultivate the opposite virtues. This shows that in the scale
of values mere performance of sacrifices and purificatory and other religious
ceremonies ranked, according to the law-givers, very low.
*Manu, Vi. 25-29, 38, 43-44.
*Ap., II. 9.18, 21, 18, II. 9.23.2.
‘Manu, xii. 1C4.
235 f.
’ibid, xi.
‘Prabhavananda, The Spiritual Heritage of India, p. 241.
•Bhat, Yogic Powers and God Realisation, pp. 9-10.
“YS., II, 32.
*'75'., II, 43, 45.
27
besides beauty and brightness.^ Patanjali says that yogic powers

(siddhis) are either a gift from birth or acquired by
medicines
(ausadhi), repetition of the sacred mantras, tapas and samadhir

Except the last one samadhi, he does not dilate upon the first four
sources. The reason is that he calls them ‘obstacles’ in the spiritual
path. These are exploited usually for selfish purposes. Patanjali
and all the representatives of classic yoga considered these siddhis
of no value towards deliverance. No doubt their exhibition has

always made a deep impression on the Indian people. Tantricism
does not reject them; it even regards them as direct proof of man’s
gaining divinity. But the siddhis play no part in the Gita.

Let us take a resume of the evolution of the concept of tapas.
It can be clearly seen that the idea of tapas has taken on a new
meaning from time to time. From its basic sense of ‘heat,’ it came
to be associated with ‘heat’ or ‘fervour’ caused by harsh treatment
of the body or physical endurance extended to self-torture or self-
mortification. The term tapas came to be used for austerities or
ascetic practices. With the growth of religious and philosophi-
cal ideas in the Vedic age, austerities came to be very much valued.
Tapas and Brahmacarya were regarded as great virtues and con-
sidered as being productive of the hipest power. Gradually it
assimilated within its fold abstinence, meditation, self-restraint and

moral qualities till it finally emerged as an inward discipline. From
its mere physical plane, thus it came to be understood as a mental
discipline and a moral factor until it was assimilated by the Yoga

system. During its long span, it came to be practised with various
ends in view: material, moral, religious and spiritual.
From our above discussion we will not be wrong to conclude that
tapas had two aspects. One was the negative aspect of self-torture
and the other, the positive aspect of self-training. Thus there were
some thinkers in ancient India who favoured the perverse cult of
fanatical self-punishment whereas there were others who held the
view that there was no need for the torture of the body for the dis-
cipline of the mind. The teachings of the Buddha, the Gita and
the Yogasutras by Patanjali favour the latter
view. They emphasis-
ed the quiet and sane self-control which is the joyful positive as-
pect of tapas,
^Sveta. Up. (II. 12-14) mentions the

physical and spiritual results of the yoga
in identical terms.
*YS., rv. 1.
Vairagya
The extinction of desires is for Indian philosophy, the indis-
pensable ethical desideratum for all spiritual achievement,’^ says
Dasgupta. Whether it is the Hindu, Buddhist or Jaina scheme of
life, the emphasis is always on the attainment of freedom from the
attractions of the world, mundane desires and possessions and con-

quering the flesh in order to qualify for self-liberation. In other
words, it is emphasised that self-conquest leads to self-liberation.
What is implied in self-conquest is the conquering of the sensuous
self. This is possible only when mind
the is withdrawn
totally
from the world. As such this is the main idea behind vairagya
which is known by various terms: indifference, non-attachment,
detachment, dispassion, desirelessness, passionlessness, freedom
from or absence of desire and renunciation.
The word vairagya (Sk.) comes from vi, apart, away, without
raga, attachment, desire. One who has attachments or desires is
called Ragi, Anuragi. One who is the opposite is Vairagl. The

ascetic, the satimyasin is, therefore, called a vairagi, a Bairagi, one
who has not only given up the world but also all the desires that
bind him or attach him to the world which has ceased to be of any
attraction to him. He has acquired a state of mind which has made
him indifferent to all that is worldly. He is thus a Vairangika:
‘One who is free from all worldly desires or one who has subdued
all earthly desires.’^ Vairagya, thus implies ‘aversion, disgust or
indifference to worldly objects or weariness of life.’® It stands for
freedom from all worldly desires, indifference to the worldly objects
of life.
Though mean both ‘Vairagya' and

the term asceticism is used to
‘samnyasa' ifyaga),^ there a difference between the two. Vairagya
is
is an essential condition leading to tyaga, withdrawal from worldly
life, samnyasa. This withdrawal to be complete has to be neces-

sarily a total withdrawal, physical as well as mental. The physical
tyaga must go together with tyaga on the mental plane. This
mental withdrawal from the world is vairagya. It presupposes a
training, a discipline, which prepares the mind to be detached
from worldly life. Henê it is the pre-requisite of a sarhnyasi:
^Hindu Mysticism, p. 96.
ÊSD., p. 27.
3ibid, p. 301.
îbid, p. 27.
samnyasdheUi rairagyam} The Jabalopamshad makes vairagya the
only alternative condition for entering samnyasa. Having first
emphasised that a man should pass through the first three asramas
in their proper order, it says that he may take to samnyasa the very
day he is free from attachments.^ Thus vairagya is the spirit behind
renunciation.
What constitutes Vairagya is v/ell illustrated by the Maitri
Upam’shad. It refers to the king Brihadratha v/ho performs a
severe tapas for a thousand days with the aim of gaining the know-
ledge of Atman. Before retiring to the forest it is clearly stated
that he had acquired indifference to objects {vairagya) reflecting the

body as impermanent {asdsvatam).^ The same source lays down
elsewhere that when indifierence towards all objects {vairagya)
arises in the mind, a learned person may take up Samnyasa.^
In other words, Vairagya lies in the realisation of the transitoriness
of all worldly objects and desires. It is the state of mind which
has found out that worldly possessions like wealth, wife, children
and other things were not likely to give permanent happiness.
Happiness lay not in earthly goods but in something else. It was
a thing of inner life, an aspiration for higher things of the spirit.
So we read in the Byhadaranyaka Upanisad:
‘The vrise of old did not desire for progeny. For they thought:
What shall we do with children? To us the entire world is our
own self. So they gave up the desire for sons, for riches and for
worlds and wandered about begging.’®
It should be noted here that no special emphasis is given in the
Upanisads to the sex-desire or the desire for a son for being called
kama, whatever v/as the desire for a son was the same as the desire
for wealth and the desire for wealth was the same as any other
'^Jivanmukthiveka, 1-3.
-Jabala, 4; Yad ahSra eva virajet, tad ahara era pravrajet.
^Maitri. Up., 1, 1-7.
*ibid, n. 3-10: Yadg. manasi vairagyani jatam sarveju vastuju tadaiva
saninyasetvidvana. In order to generate vairagya and to curb his senses, an
ascetic should make his mind dwell upon the body as liable
to disease and old
age and as packed full of impurities. He should
resolve in his mind the
impermanence of all mundane things, the trouble one has to undergo in body
and mind from conception to death, the incessant round
of births and deaths.
Manu, VL76-77; Yaj., ID. 63-64; Vh. DS., 96. 25-4Z
sSrfiad. Up., TV. 4.22.
worldly desire. Hence sex-desire stands on the same plane as any

other desire.^
Such a above characterizes the Indian Mind
state as described
‘which has realised the self which is the self within all beings’® and
has risen above the desire for mundane things. It is said that one
who has attained this state of self-realisation ‘transcends hunger
and thirst, grief, delusion, decay and death.’® He verily crosses over
the ocean of suffering: Tarati sokam atmavit} It was thus a worthy
goal for the Upanisadic thinkers to strive after and achieve. Here
we find the supreme aspiration of the Indian mind to seek salva-
tion through knowledge which was termed para-vidyd. It was the
higher knowledge which led to the Supreme Self, the Imperishable

Brahman.® To the seers of the Upanisads no knowledge had any
value if it did not seek the salvation of man. ‘Save for that
nothing is worth knowing,’ declares the Svetdsvara Upanisad.* All
else was therefore considered useless. ‘Everything else was of evil:
ato'nyad artariiP All obstacles that distract from the path leading
to salvation were, therefore, to be crossed over, subdued. And
what are these obstacles? On the one hand they are the attach-
ments and desires of the human heart which bind man to the world
and as a result of which he clings to the world and its wealth and
attractions. On the other these desires are accompanied by fear,
hatred, possessiveness, vanity and pride etc. which constitute his
lower nature. With regard to the first aspect of desires Kathd
Upanisad says: ‘When all the bonds of the heart are broken in
'cf. Dasgupta, HIP., I, p. 57.

*Brhad. Up., III. 5.1 Ya atma sarvantarstafn me vyacak^vetyeia la atma
sarvmtarah.
’ibid. This Vairagya is called Jitdnagarblia vairagya by Sadkaracarya.
According to him vairagya is of two kinds; Nairvaidya and JftHnagarbha.
Nairvaldya arises out of the unhappiness resulting from the craving for home,
friend, son, wealth etc. Jndnagarbha is born as the result of jnana or divine
knowledge. In this case the mind feels the apathy for worldly things as for
the sight of vomitted food. In a similar manner for one who has controlled
the mind, his Sariinyasa (parivrajya) is two fold: first he gives up home and
possessions and then he renounces the “I-ness” of this body. [$ataSloki, 14).
*Chand. Up., VII. 1.3.
’Murtd. Up., I. 4-5.
*Sveta. Up., I. 12. Bhoja commenting on a text of the Yoga-sutras (iv-22)
also says that any knowledge whose object is not deliverance is valueless.
’’Brhad. Up., III. 5.1.
this life^ or all the desires cherished in the heart cease, then one
knows the Brahman and attains immortality.’^ This is further
elaborated by the GUa which also shows how the second aspect of
refining man’s lower nature and raising it to the higher level
through the restraint of passions and urges is possible of attainment
through Vairagya.
obvious that both these aspects of the removal of obstacles
It is
implies a training and a discipline through which man can attain a

mental and moral development for spiritual life. It signifies as
Aurobindo and self-conquest by which man
says ‘the self-denial
represses his lower impulses and rises to greater heights of his
nature.’® Though both Vedic thoughts and the Gita emphasise
Vairagya as a valuable process towards self-perfection, they differed
mainly on one point. Whereas the former prepared the seeker of
truth through Vairagya to leave the world, the Gita shows how this
attainment for spiritual life is possible even when living a worldly life.
Let us now examine how the idea of Vairagi’a has developed

right from the earliest Vedic times onwards until it becomes an
essential condition for samnyasa and a worthy objective towards
the attainment of self-perfection or preparation for a spiritual life
even when leading a worldly life.
We do not come across the word Vairagya in the Vedas and the
ten principal Upanisads. We find that the majority of the Aryans
accepted with all its blessings and joys and there seemed to be
life
no need to deny it as all the worldly desires and even heaven were
within their reach through a righteous life lived according to the
Vedic However, Brahma-jnana and its value were em-
rituals.
phasised and commended by the Upanisadic thinkers and mystics
who formed but a minority, we do come across the terms ‘nirveda'
and the like together with tapas, faith, brahmacarya and satya as
the essential qualifications of a seeker after self-realisation.® The
words ^nirveda' which means ‘freedom from desire,'® ‘vitaragah'
‘tranquil’ and prasantali, ‘free from passions’ are to be met with.®
^cf.
rijjcmti.
DP (211) also speaks of breaking the bonds or knots: tesam m
’Katha Up., VI, 14-15; cf. Maitri. Up., VI. 34.
‘The Foundations of Indian Culture,
p. 85.
‘Chand. Up., 8.5.3.5; Mund. Up.,
3.1.5; Prasna Up., 1-2.
*Mund. Up., 1. 2.12.
•ibid, m. 2.5.
These terms are used to qualify the seers who have found the self
in all and therefore enter into everything. They describe the perfect
state of tranquillity when the sages have realized the self.^ It is
only by implication that it is suggested that these virtues were

necessary to reach Him. The principal Upanisads do not seem to
dwell upon vairagya as an essential condition or training for self-
realisation. Even the later Upanisads take it for granted and
address themselves to the seekers of truth as if they have already
undergone the training and acquired the necessary moral fitness.®
It is only in the Gita and Sankaracarya’s exposition of the Vedanta
philosophy that the idea of vairagya finds its full development.
However, the Katha Upanisad points out the conflict between
what is good (sreyas) and what is pleasant {preyas). The path of
preyas leads only to transitory pleasures whereas that of sreyas
to Brahma-knowledge. The ideal pilgrim on the path of sreyas is
Nachiketas who refuses to be chained in the life of pleasures and
like a true vairagi and seeker after truth spurns all wealth, heavenly
as well as earthly. The Upanisad says that it is only one of the
thousands that turn to the path of sreyas?-
But the stage is now slowly set for vairagya as illustrated by the
story of the king Brhadratha. Having been disgusted with worldly
pleasures and having renounced his kingdom he has practised
severe penance (tapas) in the forest. When asked by the sage
Sakayana, the knower of the self, to choose a boon, the king
requested the sage to instruct him in self-knowledge but the sage
tried to pursuade him to return to worldly pleasures. But full of
pessimism the king said: ‘What good can there be in the enjoyment
of pleasures in this useless body, which is but a mass of bones,
skin and other things; which is again assailed by passions and
over-powered with hunger, thirst, grief and other evils like old
age, disease and death?’ ‘Moreover’, the king continued, ‘we see
that all that exists is perishable: the plant world and the animal
world, the warriors and emperors, the demigods and gods, die.
The oceans dry up, the mountains fall, the pole-star moves, the
^Katha Up., II. 3.18; brafimaprapto virajo'bhud.

—
Sharma, The Upanishads An Anthology, p. TI.
®cf.
^Katha Up., I. 2 ff. The Dhammapada in the canto of the Pleasant (xvi)
dwells upon the path of the preyas which hinders the path of the higher
knowledge,
earth submerged under water and the gods depart. What is the
is
use of pleasures in such an uncertain world as this?’^ Here we

find a contempt of the body and its pleasures. The King’s vairagya
has taken a form of aversion, a loathing towards worldly objects
and the world itself. He has realized the impermanence of every-
thing and seeks only the Atman.
The idea of Vairagya gains further importance with the rise and
development of the doctrine of transmigration (samsara) and law
0 ^ Karma. The Karma theory says: ‘A person consists of desire and
as is his desire, so is his will. As is his will, so is bis deed; and
whatever deed he does, that he will reap.’^ According to Samsara
and Karma doctrines, the destiny of man moves in an endless chain
of births and rebirths. Man is bom again and again due to the fact
that he of desires and for their fulfilment he performs actions

is full
out of attachments, passions and antipathies. He enjoys or suffers

the fruits of his actions in this or in subsequent births. So if the
successive chain of births be stopped, the accumulation of the
is to
fruits of Karma must be Toward this end, desire must be
stopped.
rooted out. Extinction of desires, therefore, becomes of primary
importance. This position is accepted by the Brahmanic, Buddhist
and Jaina schemes of life though called differently as Vairagya,
trsnaksaya and nirjara. All of them aim at the total annihilation of
desires.
It is necessary to consider here the Buddhist attitude towards

desire as revealed by the teachings of the Buddha.
The essential truths to which the Buddha attained are known as
the Four Noble Truths. They are:
(1) Life is suffering,
(2) Cause of the suffering is thirst or attachment {tanhd, trsna)
which leads to rebirth,
(3) Suffering ceases with the cessation of tanha, and,
(4) For this one must tread the Eight-fold Path.®
It follows from the above that the origin of suffering is human
passions, cravings. It results from desire {kamd), thirst {tanha, trsna).
Until tanhd is destroyed, it leads to continued transmigration and
the return of suffering. It is said that from tanhd arises attachment
^Mallri. Up., I. 2-4.

^Brhad. Up., IV. 4.5.
^Mahapartnlbbana Sutta, H. 2; Digha Nik., 1.119.
to worldly objects. This leads to continued ‘becoming’ (bhava), an

infinite series of new existence. These finally are the causes of birth,
old age and death, pain, sorrow, suffering and despair.^
We read in one of the earliest Buddhist scriptures that the crav-
ing for existence rooted out through the noble conduct of life,
is
the noble earnestness of meditation, the noble kind of wisdom and

the noble salvation of freedom.- The Buddha also recommends the
Middle Path which avoids the two extremes of self-indulgence and
self-mortification —
a path which leads to peace of mind and to Nir-
vana. What is that Middle Path? It is the noble Eight-fold Path;
right view, right aspiration, right speech, right conduct, right live-
lihood, right effort, right mindfulness and right contemplation.®
The Dhammapada declares Nirvana as the highest happiness
(nibbanam param sukham).'^ Nibbana is described in many ways.
The basic idea leading to it, however, remains the same: the extinc-
tion of tanhd. The stopping of becoming {bhava) is nibbana.^ It is
called Nibbana because of the removal of craving {tanha).^ It is
said that the monk of wisdom devoid of desire and passion, attains
to deathlessness, peace, the unchanging state of Nibbana.’’ Nirvana
is also described as the calm of all the impulses, the casting out of
all ‘basis,’ the extinction of craving, dispassion, stopping.® Dispas-
sion is called the Way. It is said; ‘through dispassion is one fried’
yet in meaning
all these words: stopping, renunciation, surrender,
of clinging are synonyms for Nirvana.^

release, lack
The Dhammapada in the canto of craving (tanhd) not only nar-
rates the havoc tanha plays in the life of a worldly man and a
Bhikkhu but mankind. It is described as base and
also the entire
poisonous, be conquered.^®
difficult to It is likened to the deeply
rooted, luxuriantly growing Birana grass and a great flood crushing

reeds. It is like an evergrowing tree, which although cut never
^ ^Mahavagga,!. 1.2.
^Mahaparinibbana Sutta, IV. 2.
sibid, 1-4.
4Z)P., 204.
BSam. Nik., H. 117.
fiibid, I. 29.
’’Suttanipata, 204.
Âng. Nik., V. 322.
^Visuddhimagga, pp. 507-09.
mDP., 335-36.
withers, unless it is rooted out, root, trunk, branch and all.^ Man
in the clutches of latiha is no belter than grass or a reed. Tt is said
that mankind surrounded by tanha round and round as a
circles
hare entangled in the net of a hunter.- One who has to go forth

and retire from the world has to break fetters stronger than wood
or iron. Thus it is said that ‘the love for jewels and ornaments
and intense longing for sons and wife are the strongest bonds.
For they drag men down and although loose, are difficult to break.
Men have to cut asunder even such bonds, abandon sense pleasures,
having become indifferent to them and go forth, retiring from the
world.” Freedom from craving and attachment is one of the quali-
fications of a great sage (mahapuriso).^ The Bhikkbu is exhorted to
bam'sh his craving and be free from passion and lust.® He is called
tranquil when he is quiet in body, peaceful in speech, regulated
in thought and has entirely renounced the material delights of the
world.®
Freedom from tanha is verily an ornament of a Brahmin. The
Buddha says that there exists no craving in a Brahmin.’ He is with-
out worldly belongings, free from every attachment,® all fetters, who
has transcended all ties and is absolutely unshackled.® Not only he
has left behind all human attachments such as love of life or sensual
pleasures but also transcended heavenly attachments, thus detaching
himself from all ties.^® He owns nothing, possesses nothing and is
attached to nothing.^^ It is declared that extinction of ianhd conquers
all suffering,’®
Jainism
The words Jaina and Jainism are derived from the sanskrt rootyi,
which means to conquer. A Jina is one who believes in conquering
1PP„ 335, 337, 338.

343.
3pp., 345-46.
*DP., 352.
5PP.,343, 369.
SPP., 378.
^PP., 411, 416, 422.
8pp., 369.
8pp., 397, 410.
lopp.. 4i7.
WPP.,421.
12pp., 355.
the flesh in order to attain that supreme purity which leads to

knowledge, infinite happiness and infinite power the same
infinite —
conquering the flesh and the same self-liberation that all other reli-
gions have taught.^ Mahavira and his followers were called the
‘Nigganthas’ {Nirganthas) which means ‘free from fetters.’ The desi-
gnation stood for one who had forsaken all the bonds of this worldly
life and thus achieved a high state of Vairagya. The whole apparatus
of the monastic conduct, the importance the Jains assign to the
institution of tapas in its external and internal form, the art of
fasting developedby the Jaina Sadhits in which they have acquired a
remarkable proficiency and carried to the extent of religious suicide,
the practice of nudity by the Digambaras as a vindication of their
vow of aparigraha and brahmacarya, pulling out the hair with one’s
—
own hands {Joyd) all these speak of their utter indifference not
only for the physical frame but also the world, their effort to free
the mind from the bondage of sensual attractions, worldly care and
attachment.^
The monks have reached a high level of Vairagya for they are
described as ‘free from all worldly occupation, ever engrossed in four
kinds of devotion (darsana, jfiana, caritra, tapalt) without worldly
ties, without delusion.’® The spiritual journey of a man from samsdra
is also described in identical terms: ‘The soul exists (in samsdra) in
combination with Karma. To reach the end of hka, the soul is to
be purified of the dirt of karmic matter. Thus desirous of quiescence,
the soul shall not submit to the slightest attachment to anything.
Having thus became from attachment, it crosses the ocean of
free
samsdra.'^ Complete dispassion or detachment is essential to break
the chain of samsdra.
Jaina yoga which also aims at Vairagya is quite different from the
traditional Hindu yoga of Patanjali or even of the Buddhists.®
An aspirant to dhydna has to achieve an equilibrium of mind and
become rmattached to all things, adopt equality to all beings, be-
come disinclined to all worldly enjoyments. Then he gets rid of
aU passions with a mind full of peace.® The resulting indifference
^Prabhavananda, The Spiritual Heritage of India, p. 155.

-Vide Chapter on Jainism.
^Niyam-sara, p. 75.
^Panchastikayagatha, V. 27-28, 179.
EDasgupta, HIP., 1, p. 203.
Bibid, pp. 202-203.
37
to the world is the same as Vairdgya described in the Yoga-sutras}
Epics
The Mahdbhdrata enjoins Vairdgya to destroy ali desire iydsana)
which is at the root of attachment. Attachment is the root of all

mental agonies: it is attachment that makes every creature miser-
able and brings on eveiy' kind of woe. It is the root of all misery
and of all fear. It produces joy and grief of every kind. From it
spring all worldly desires and the love of v/orldly goods. Both of
these are evils but the first is worse than the second.-
Desire, the epic says, is also linked up with the Karma theory.
The fulfilment of a desire leads to another desire and so on in un-
ending series of desires v/hich in consequence create karmas. Man
is never satisfied as it is said: Contentment does not come from an
acquisition of the objects of desire. The thirst, for acquisition is
only further thrown into it.^ It is further stated: Desires are not
fulfilled by their gratification; the more they are gratified the more
they are intensified.^ The most effective way to end the life of
Karmas is, therefore, to destroy all desire. It is thus said: ‘Libera-
tion from the cycle of births and deaths and itsaccompanying
happiness and sorrow can be achieved when is no more
there
Karma. To attain this end all desire must be killed.’^ Towards this
end, moksa is the highest object of pursuit for all classes. It is
attainable by renunciation (tjdgafi) of all worldly possessions and
of desire for them. When the knowledge of identity with the one
eternal Atman is gained then only no trace of Karma will be left
behind.®
Let us now turn our attention to the Gita wherein the idea of
Vairdgya finds a full development.
The Gild speaks of Vairdgya as detachment from all affections
like son, wife or home.’ It is also called dispassion towards the
^Dasgupla, HIP, I, p. 203. YS., I. 12: abhyasavairagyabhyam tan nirodhah.

^Mbh., m. 2. 26-28.
Sibid, Xin. 174-48.
*ib!d, cf. Manu, 11. 94.
sibid.Xn. 174,45ff.
®ibid, XII. 181 fF. bhaktirbhave marapajanmamayam hplistham
sneho na
bandhuju na mamnathaja vikarab samsargadojarabita vijana vananta vairag-
yamasti ki'matab paramarthaniyam (Vairagyaatakam 72).
’SG.,X1II. 10.
—
objects of the senses (wdriyarthesu vairagyam)} The word indriya

is used to include the passions, as in mdriyanigraha or indriya-
damana. Vairagya thus connotes freedom from worldly attachments,
desires as well as freedom from the lust of the senses.- This state
of mind, the Gita says, is not to be achieved by repressions and
inhibitions which are condemned.® The emphasis here is on the
subdual of the senses or restraint of the passions. It is said: ‘A
man who curbs the organs of action but allows to dwell on the
sense-objects is a hypocrite. The truly admirable man controls his
senses by the power of his will ’* Self-imposed physical restraint is
a condition precedent to mental restraint. The mind and body should
be made to accord well. The passions and desires should be regu-
lated for this purpose, which demands self-control. The Gita, with
this end in view, repeatedly lays stress on mental discipline: ‘Yoga
is hard to be attained by one of uncontrolled self.’ Hence Yoga
is called ^samatvam.'^ It means balance or equilibrium which is not
possible of attainment without mental discipline. Thus Vairagya

becomes a method of self-control (atmavinigraba).^ Self-control is
also called self-harmony.’ It is a beautiful word which not only

describes the process of self-control but also its total effect on the
individual which is one of harmonious adjustment or integration of
personality.
The Gita shows how this self-control is to be achieved through
Vairagya. The Gita is called the Yogasastra and Lord Krspa the
Yogeiwara. The Gita is also called a scripture of God-realisation.
With this end in view Krsna exhorts Aijuna: ‘Do thou become a
yogi’ yogi bham.'^ The Yogi is one who has mastered himself
iyatdtmanali).^ To become a yogi is the central teaching of the Gita.
This means that one should realize the ideal of a perfect man: the
sthitapragna. One of the essential qualifications of a sthitapragm is
to have a mind which has attained balance, equalibility, equilibrium
iBG., XIII.8.
®Mascaro, The Bhagavad Gita, p. 99.
6-7.
Mbid.
^BG., II. 48.
XIII. 8, XVII. 16.

’Mascaro, op. cit., p. 99.
8BG., VI. 46.
9BC7., V. 25.
39
{samatva).'^ Now the mind is the instrument of perception. If it is

disturbed, we are disturbed. So long as it is unsteady and unstable,
we cannot perceive a thing. Nor can a restless mind have the pos-
sibility for realising the ultimate truth. Mind in Indian thought,
Hindu and Buddhist is said to be fickle and difficult to control.^
The question arises: how can the mind which wanders at will, be-
come stable and obedienti The GUa admits that it is a difficult pro-
position but says: ‘The mind can be held in check by constant
practice {abhyasa) anddispassionfvfliragja).® Vairdgya is interpreted
here as ‘apathy’ or absence of desire’'* and ‘mastery- over the mind.’*^

However, the basic idea remains the same; the mind must be tra-
ined and controlled so as to attain the state of dispassion or deta-
chment.
Now and train lire turbulent mind it is not enough
to control
that we withdraw it from the senses and sense-objects. It must be
diverted to some higher purpose, the life of the spirit. In other
words must be directed to God, to become God-minded. To use
it
a beautiful simile the mind is a Kalpavfksa. Standing under this

Kalpavrksa whatever we think, we so become.® If we train the mind
to dv/ell on God, through abhyasa it will indwell Him. We will
become God-minded. According to the GJia this is the easiest way
to achieve self-control. For it says: It is the disciplined and the self-
controlled Yogis who see Him seated in self, with the eye of the
spirit;those without self-control do not sec Him, in spite of all
endeavours.’ It is no wonder that the Gita calls for the unwavering
and all exclusive devotion to Him; ‘Abandon all duties and come
to Me, the only refuge.’® Thus Vairdgya through abhydsa aims at
educating the restless mind to cultivate non-attachment to pleasures
of the senses and worldly desires and to think of the Supreme.
The GMcarries the idea of Vairdgya still further. It says that
complete detachment towards the world and sense-objects is not
possible unless one rises above the pairs of opposites—above cold
iBG,. II. 56-57.

-BG..VI. 35 also DP., 33, 35.
»£G.,VI. 35.
*Tilak, Gila Rahasya, II, p, 1000, Index, p. 98.
SSG., VI, 36: Vasyatmana tu yatata
sakyovaptumupayatah.
8Agrawala, Veda-Vidya, pp. 52-53.
7BG.,XV. 11.
»BG., XVm. 66.
and heat, pleasure and pain, honour and dishonour, victory and
defeat etc.^ This implies rising above the planes of body, mind
and feelings. In other words, we should learn to move amidst the
sense-objects and the world with an easy self-mastery neither attra-
cted nor repelled by them. As the Gita says: ‘The disciplined soul
moves along the objects of sense with the senses fully under control
and free from likes and dislikes.’- Thus Vairagya or virago mean-
ing without Raga or attachments — signifies not only detachment
from all affections but also from all aversions. It neither accepts
nor rejects: neither seeks nor rejects. This is the ideal of serenity
and detachment which is implied in Vairagya. It is real equanimity
which teaches: ‘to be moved but not to be swept away.’ Such a
state of detachment enables one to look at life in all its aspects and
evenly.® Vairagya thus becomes a state of higher indifference which
can be described thus: ‘Vairagya is not running away from the
world or callousness towards men and matters or going through
the routine of life disliking it. It is the capacity to face the realities
of existence and evaluate men, things and events at their true
worth, without letting ourselves be affected by any of them.’^
Throughout, the Gita stress is laid on the cultivation of this higher
indifference.®
It should be pointed out that the concept of Vairagya as elabo-
rated by the Gita is applicable to all the worldly as well as the
renomcers of worldly life. But the fact that since the Gita does not
support samnyasa in the sense of leaving the world, its teaching was
of not much value to the samnyasis. If they were to practise vairagya
as taught by the Gita, there would have been no need for them to
renounee worldly life. By the time Gita was preached, the insti-
tution of asceticism was well established. In the Brahmanic school,
Vairagya remained the essential condition as also the precedent of
Samnyasa.
There seems to be another reason why the teachings of the Gita
did not have enough and even far-reaching influence on Indian
asceticism. In this connection, Dawson, a Western critic of the
Gita writes: ‘The Gita in spite of its immense popularity and in-
II. 15. 38, 48; cf. Manu, VI. 75, 81.

II. 64.
®Mahadeva Desai, Gita According to Gandhi, p. 53.
^Thcosophic Movement, Vol. XXIX (March 1959), p. 176.
S6G., V. 19-22, VI. 9.
41
India. Aijuna, the

fluence has not changed the religious ideal of
jiappy warrior, the hero of the Gitd, who attains
salvation by the
performance of his duty in battle has never displaced the figure of

the -world-renouncing ascetic and contemplative as the pattern of
Indian sanctity.’^
Like Dawson, such a thought might have disturbed many a
mind. The reason is not far to seek. We cannot do better than
quote Panikkar who is of the view that the teachings of the Gitd
lay hidden for a thousand years until the Gitd was rediscovered in
the nineteenth century.He gives two reasons for it. First was the
dominance of the renunciatory creed of which Sankar was the
champion. Secondly, the earlier religious thinkers only used the
Gitd to support their own previously enunciated religious doctrines
and paid no attention to the social ethics of Lord Krspa’s
teachings."
To us this is not all surprising. For we a mere
find that Aijuna,
mortal like us, having heard the Lord’s Celestial song once, had
already forgotten what the Lord had taught him. The Gracious
Lord must have smiled within, not without some amusement, that
even mankind would likewise err and forget His gospel— that also,
too soon. However, He repeats all over again whatever he had
taught, in the AnugJtd for the benefit of Arjuoa. If Aijuna could
afford to forget, so could mankind. But having rediscovered and
heard ‘Song of Spiritual Life’ once again, its music reverberates
this
in the soul.We begin to live in the work of the moment, which
becomes a humble offering to Him, as if it were a beautiful flower.
And we are for ever grateful.
Yogasutras
Yoga deals with the means by which we control the mind; citta-
vasikdro updyah.^ In the language of the Gitd, Patanjali uses the
same two words, steady practice {abhydsa) and detachment, non-
attachment (yairdgyd) as the two disciplines, along with the others,
to control the activities (nirodha) of the mind {citta).^ Abhydsa
is
explained as the continuous effort to keep the mind’s activities
^Religion and Culture, p. 189 f.
-Panikkar, The Foundations of New India p, 43

3rS.,II.29.
475., I. 12.
under control.^ Vairagya means the deliberate renunciation of all

objects of enjoyment, either seen or heard."
We are told, we have to start with the training of the mind to
concentrate, but Patanjali warns us that the practice of concentra-
tion must be accompanied by detachment, Vairagya. If we try to
concentrate while remaining attached to things of the world, we
shall either fail miserably orour newly acquired powers will bring
us into great danger, because we shall be tempted to use them for
selfish unspiritual ends.
What is the simplest way to acquire detachment? We must begin

by cultivating attachment to the highest object we can conceive of,
to God Himself. The more we love and thirst for the union with
Him, the more we detest the fleeting pleasures. It means we have
‘to convert the natural yearnings for things of the flesh into a con-
suming passion for things of the spirit.’® Like the Gita, Patanjali
recommends to us devotion to God {iswarpranidhan).* When higher
ideals and values are rooted in the mind then lesser bodily plea-
sures lose their attraction. What is important is that we must exer-
cise self-discipline. We must control our physical appetites and
passions. Towards this end Yamas and Niyamas are prescribed.®
The aspirant has to practice the eight disciplines and along with
it he must sow the seed of vairagya in his heart. In fact abhyasa
and vairagya must go together. Vairagya reaches its climax when

the seeker has attained self-knowledge or self-realisation.® In con-
trast with this stage, the whole world naturally pales into insigni-
ficance.
From our study of the development of the concept of Vairagya
from the Vedic times to the time of Patanjali, it can be seen
early
that not only had guided the destiny of the Brahmanic ascetic
it
institution but it also had an important place in the Buddhist and

Jaina schools of thought besides the Gita and the Yogasutras. It was
an essential condition for renouncing the world {samnyasa) and a
175., I. 13.
-75., I. 15; An absolutely literal translation of the word ‘Vairagya' is ‘un-

colouredness.’ It well expresses the idea that one must not let one’s emotions
be coloured by the various things and ideas which come up: Wood, Yoga,
p. 76.
^Desai, op. cit., p. 239, Commentary on VI. 35.
475., II. 1.
fi75., II. 30, 32.
«75., 1. 16.
worthy objective towards the attainment of self-perfection or pre-

paration for a spiritual life even when leading a worldly life. In its
aspect of extinction of trsna or desire as an essential state or pro-
cess leading to salvation, it has been accepted by all schools of
thought including Brahmanism, Buddhism and Jainism. About its
influence on Indian life and culture. MaxMuller says;

‘It is interesting to see how deeply this idea of Vairagya must
have entered into the daily life of Hindus. It is constantly men-
tioned as the highest excellence not for ascetics only but for every-
body. It signifies the highest unworldliness and a complete surrender
of all selfish desires.’’^
Samnyasa
The word saiiinydsa, however, is derived from sam-r-nyasa:
samyaga prakarena (completely) nyasa (pulling away, deposit, laying
aside, resignation or abandonment).- The word samnyasa also means
‘to make or deliver over,’ ‘entrust,’ ‘commit to the care of,’^ ‘to
resign the world, discard all worldly ties and attachments,’^ hence a
samnyasi is one who abandons or gives up,’® complete renunciation
of the world and its attachments.® Thus samnyasa connotes aban-
donment of worldly possessions and the concentration of thought
and devotion on the Supreme.
Monier Williams defines the samnyasi thus; ‘One w'ho abandons
or resigns worldly affairs, an ascetic devotee, who has renoimced all
and devotes himself to meditation and the study

earthly concerns
of the Aranyakas or Upanisads, a Brahmana in the fourth dsrama
or stage of life, a religious mendicant.’ The definition brings out
different aspects of the ascetic’s life according to Brahmanism. He
has become indifferent to the worldly affairs. He has retired from
the world and having done so, subsists on begging. He is in the
isix Systems of Indian Philosophy,

p. 339.
^BC., VIII. 2: kamyanam kannaijain nyasamsanyasam kavayo vidufi; Also
Manu.,1. 114. Ram. 2. 115. 14. etad rajyam mama bhratra dattam sanmyasa-
muttamam,
in. 30: may! sarvapi karmapi sariinyasyadhyatmacetasa.
^Manu,, VII. 94: vedantarii vividhacirtva sariinyasedanmo
dvijafi.
5B6., VI. 4: sarvasamkalpa samnyasi yogafdhastadacyate., EG.,
V. HI jneyafi
sa nityasamnyasi yo na dvejti na kapjti.
®®®-> ttk 4: na ca samnyasanadeva siddhim samadhigacchati.
7£5n.,p. 1148.
—
last asrama and devotes himself to the study of the Aranyakas or

Upanisads.
In the Vedic times the Samnyasa mode of life is suggested in the
Brhadaranyaka Upanisad which points to a class of men who are
world-forsakers and almsmen; ‘Men, knowing Brahman, give up
the desire for sons, wealth and prosperity and become almsmen
{Bhiksacaryam caranti)'^ The Mundaka Upanishad mentions
sarimyas and refers to such men ‘those who live in the forest purifi-
ed by austerities, those who know brahma and were learned be-
come almsmen.’^ The stage of those transcending the triple mode
of life atyasramin and brahma-samstha) seem to stand for the life
of sariinyasa}
In the Pali texts, this mode of life is described as ‘passing from
the household to the homeless state’: Agarasma anagariyam
pabajjaii^ The same idea is conveyed in Jaim'sm by the phrase:
Agardo anagariam pavvayai.^ It should be remembered, however,
that in Buddhism, the object and purpose of world-forsaking and
becoming almsmen is said to be nothing more than Brahmacarya
(the higher life). The Buddha
exhorts his followers: ‘Go along in
accordance with what has been enjoined, having realized .... the
Supreme goal of Brahmacarya, for the sake of which family men
go forth from home into homelessness.’® The ideas of self-mortifi-
cation (tapas) and iiydsa (renunciation) are not associated with
Brahmacarya. According to the Buddha, the attachment to house-
hold life must be discarded not because, there is any special virtue
in the mere rejection of it, but because worldly attachments are
hindrances to a life of Brahmacarya.
The Mahabharata describes the four stages of life. The modes
of life of the hermit {vatiaprastha) and of the saihiiyasi (parivrajaka)
are depicted in detail.'^ It is stated that when a householder
(grhastha) finds his body wrinkled and hair grey and children bom
to his children, he should retire into the forest. He may live with
his wife and practise severe austerities.® His daily life consists of
iBrhad. Up., IV. 4. 22; III. 5. 1.

^Mund. Up., I. 2. 11, III. 2. 6 (SamnyasayogadyatayaJj).
^Sveta., Up., VI. 21. Chand. Up,, II. 23 : 1 cf. Vide Chapter V.
mgha. Nik., I. 60, 1. 240, III. 55.
Mcar., n. 2. 1.
^Mahmagga, I. 11. 1.
’’Mbh, xii. 191 f. xii. 243 flF, xii. 278.

mbh., xii. 191 f.
postures {virasam), yogic postures {manduka-yogd) ritual and vows.

(purnamasya and chaturmasyd)} Passing into the last stage of life
o^samnyasa, he should leave off Vedic study and the sacred thread.
He should regard neither lifenor death with joy. He should purify
his heartand mind of all shortcomings, purge himself of all sins.
He from injury, regards all creatures with impartiality
abstains
and is devoted to truth. Having controlled all his senses, he has
become free from all attachments. He has nothing which he calls
his own. Leading a lonely life, he seeks only the knowledge of the
self.2
Tht Mahabharat a mentions Agastya and the seven Rsis Madhu- —

cchandas, Aghamarsana, Sankriti, Sudivatandi, Ahoviryya, Kavya,
Tandya and adds the names of Medhatithi, Karmanirvaka and
ûnyapala to the list of those who were the authors of SamnySsas-
rama. The epic states that these rsis have all gone to heaven prac-
tising the course of duties pertaining to Samnyasa.^ Many who
observed the vows of Samnyasa are referred to as living in a sacred
asylum in the Himavat.'*
—
Both the trends of thought one favouring the path of renuncia-
tion emphasising samnyasa and the other favouring the path of
action emphasising garhasthya, are discussed in the Mahabharata.
It looks upon the scheme of the four stages [asramas) of life as
providing a proper balancing of the four aims of life viz. artha,

kama, dharma and moksa. Adopting the first three aims as the in-
centives for all the worldly activities,
it emphasises that these motives
should lead one to the ultimate realisation of the inner spirituality

which is the aim of human life.® But it is the heroic aspect of human
life that the epic eulogises. Its message is to cultivate samatva, equa-
bility, harmony and balance. It asks man to face the battle of life
like a warrior, however hopeless it might be, to fight it out and not
run away like an ascetic.*
It is this very heroic theme which is elaborated in the Gita
which is an integral part of the Mahabharata The Gita does not
favour a life of renunciation {samnyasa). It defines samnyasa as ‘the
W6A., xiii. 141, 110-15.

^Mbh., xii. 243 ff.
^Mbh.,xn. 244. 16-18.

*Mbh., xiii. 10. 10.
167 f.
xii. 12. 12; cf.. Chapter viii.

— —
renunciation of actions springing from selfish desires’ and the aban-

donment of the fruit of all actions, tyaga.^ It explains that this
giving up of the desire for fruit must be sdttvika. Even austerity,
sacrifice and charity which are a means of purification have to be
pursued without desire for fruit and without attachment.^ It exhorts
one and all: ‘Do not be attached to actionlessness’ 7na te safigo
astu akarmani.^ It gives us the call of Niskamakari7ia or action
without personal desire or attachment. It tells us: ‘Thy business is
with the action only, never with its fruits.’ Karmanyeva adhikaraste
niaphalesu kadacana^ The GTtd adds lustre to the grhasthasrama by
favouring the pravrttimdrga and its philosophy of niskamakarma-
yoga —
and lokasamgralia. The ideal of renunciation (samnyasa) is
made a part of the active life, grhasihasrania.
The Ratnayana does not explicitly mention Samnyasa or depict
it as a mode of life-stage. All the while we meet the /•j/j, munis
and hermits who are vdnaprasthas, living the Vedic mode of life
and thought. However, we come across the words bhiksu and pari-
vrdjaka.^ We cannot definitely say whether a parivrdjaka or a. bhiksu
was the same as, a samnydsin. It is also not certain whether the final
stage of life of samnyasa followed that of vdnaprastha or could be
resorted to even earlier. The epic does not shed any light on this
point. But it is the grhasthdsrama which is upheld as the highest

ideal wherein the righteous grhastha can fulfil all worldly and other-
worldly obligations. The Rdmdyana itself is an epic par excellence

of this stage of Indian life.
The Arthasdstra describes the rules of the four dsramas —that of

a grhastha, brahmacdrl, vdnaprastha and the ascetic {parivrdjaka).
The ascetic is described as having ‘complete control of the organs
of sense, abstaining from all kinds of work, disowning money, keep-
ing away from society, begging in many places, dwelling in forests
and purity both internal and external.’® The Arthasdstra reflects
the social mind which is fully aware of the anti-social and disinte-
grating influence of the ascetic institution especially on the realisa-
iKamyanam karmanam nyasaih sariinyasarii kavayo yidulj Sarvakarmpha-
alatyagam prahustyagarii vichakjaijab; BG., xviii. 2.
“Yagno danaih tapaschaiva pavanani manijinani Etanyapi tu karmani
sangaifa tyaktva phalapi cha; BG., xviii. 5-6.
3BG.. ii. 47.
*BG., ii. 47.
^Rarn.. iii. 46, 3; IV. 3. 2. 23.
61. 3. 9-12.
tion and protection of the artha ideal of the society. It, therefore,
lays down various restrictions and conditions for both the sexes
before they embraced asceticism.^ It values asceticism primarily for
its usefulness in espionage and intelligence activities.^
The law-books elaborately deal w'ith the four stages of life and
prescribe duties for each of them." However, the law-givers differ
in their sequence. Apastamba describes the four asramas as garha-
sihya, acaryakulam, muni and vanaprasilia* Gautama enumerates
them as Brahmacarya, Garhasthya, Bhiksit and Vaikhanasa.^ Vasistha
and Baudhayana name the first two stages after Gautama but the
last two as Vanaprastha and Parivrajaka.^ Manu follows the order
naming the last as that of Yati and samnsasin/ All the law-givers
pmstOrhasthasrama zs the most excellent and the highest nsrama?
They also frown upon people taking to asceticism v/ithout passing
through the first three stages in their proper order. Many of them
look upon samnyasa not only as an anti-Vedic custom but also
regard it scheme of Aryan life.®
outside the normal
Samnyasa thus an institution arose in the Vedic times and v/as
as
known before the advent of the Buddha and Mahavira. With the
emergence of the four asramas, samnyasa became a worthy aspect
of an Aryan’s life v/hich was to be realised through the progressive
stages, after one had discharged one’s obligations to the family
and society.^® It came to be known in the later times as nivylti-
marga, a pathway of life and world-negation as opposed to
pravrui-marga, that of life and v/orld aflarmation. Some of the
later Upanisads assigned to the Sarhnyasasrama the highest position.
in, 1. 29; n. 1.32.

11. 12, 1. 10. 7-8,
IV. 5. V. I. 19, XL
1. 40-41, XIII. 2.
ÂP. DS., n. 21. 23, 2-17; Gout. DS..
IIL 26-35, HI. 11-25; Baudh. DS., H.
II. 14-15 and HI. 18 ff.; n.
11, 16-26; 17. 1-18, 27; VAS., PS., VL 19-20 and DC;
Atim,VI.87,96.
MP. DS.,n.9,21. 1.
^Gaut. DS., m. 2.
*F<m. DS., vn. 1-2; Baudh. DS., II. 6. 17.
’’Manu. TV. 1, V. 169, VL 33, 87, 96.
in. I &
35 , Baudh., IL 6. 29 f; Manu, HI. 77-80, VI. 87, 89, 90.
*Saudh. DS., n. 6. 29-31.
W. 3; Kathasruti. Up. 31; Narada

^P^131-I32; Maha. Up. 1. 91, XIL XTH. 141 f;
61 ff, 191 ff, 242 ff, 269, 278;
XIV. 46. Vtm, 96. 1; Batulh. DS., IL 10. 17. 6.
As a reaction to the Brahmanical Sariinyasa and monastic movement

started by the Buddha and Mahavira, the Gita's gospel of activistic
teachings of Niskamakarma and Lokasamgraha prevented the social
order of those times from disruption. Side by side, the Mahabhd-
rata, the Rdmdyana and the Dharmasutras praised Grhasthasrama
as the best of all asmmas and even a necessary training ground
for the final spiritual journey. In the Arthasastra and the law-books
we hear many voices of dissent against samnyasa. The theory of the
four was never practised fully in the ancient times. Though
theoretically laid down for the whole society, it was followed by
the few particularly the dvijdti.
Yoga
From the very early times in India, yogic practices were known
in the esoteric circles of ascetics and mystics. There are ample
literary evidences that describe them as concentrating their minds
on particular objects and thereby stopping the movement of their
minds and senses and achieving wonderful miraculous powers.
Patanjali collected and classified the ascetic practises and contem-
plative formulas that were extant in his times and were known to
the yogis from time immemorial. He was thus not the founder or
originator but the editor of the yoga. But it is to his credit that
in the process the yoga techniques have preserved and purified
some of the oldest psychical introspections known to ancient India.
He gave a philosophical basis to the whole system and demons-
trated for the first time how yoga may be utilised for the emanci-
pation of man from the bondage of his mind, senses and ignorance.
He prescribed yoga practices for the spiritual enlightenment, the
ultimate and asolute freedom of man.
Hopkins, who has investigated the problem of yoga-technique
in the Mahabharata states: ‘Asceticism, devout meditation, specu-
lation, magical power, hallucination as means of salvation are
factors of yoga. Their combination into a formal system represents
a late stage of Hindu thought.’^ It becomes clear from this observa-
tion that yoga has close and definite association with asceticism. As
Garbe says; ‘The concept of the yoga is developed out of tapas.'"
The representation of a three-faced nude male deity with the soles
of his feet touching each other, his hands resting on his knees and
^JOAS., Vol. xxn, 1901, p. 333.
ÊRE., xn, p. 833.
seated like the yogiand the bust of the priest-king with his eyes
half-closed and looking at the tip of the nose indicate that the
practice of meditation was also known in the Indus Valley. It also
suggests existence of ascetic practices in India as early as 2500 bc.^
Yoga thus seems to have had antique roots.
The ^gvedic Muni is described as in a state of ecstasy or mad-
dened with silence (mmadita mauneyd), and mounted on the winds
and whose bodies the mortals cannot see. He flies through the air
and is a friend of the gods. He roams at will in different regions
and paths and divines secret desires or thoughts of men.® Here we
find the root of the later idea of miraculous powers arising out of
iapas, which in the course of time came to be associated with the
yogic tradition.
In the Artharvaveda, Ekavratya as Isana is described as having
seven Pranas, seven Apdnas and seven Vyanas.^ Pram, Apdna and
Vydna are three kinds of breaths which along with seven others
form the ten vital energies.They are located in particular arteries
which together form the subtle body in the fully developed yoga
system. Of these, Prapa and Apana are considered to be the most
important. This leads us to believe that some kind of breath-con-
trol was known and practised at the time. In lapas, the inner ‘heat’
was caused by retention of breath. There is no doubt that rhythmi-

cally regulated breathing was the result of certain experiments
directed towards increasing inner heat leading to ecstasy.
The {Brahmacarya) is an important element
practice of continence
in yoga.The Brahmacarya-sukta of the Atharvaveda praises the
power of continence. It asserts that with the aid of brahmacarya
î tapas the gods were able to conquer death.* Here is demonstra-
ted the efficacy of discipline, austerities and sex-control. In the later
developed theory and practice of Yoga, great stress is laid upon the
cultivation of the status of urdhvaretas —
one who succeeds in trans-
forming his lower sensual energy into higher spiritual power. The
eulogy of the Atharvaveda in praise of the power of Brahmacarya
indicates that the germs of the later ideas of yogic mysticism were
prevalent at that time.
In the Upanishads when the jhana-marga is given a preference,
Wide Chapter IV.

136,1-7.
XV. 15. 1-2.
MK..XI. 5-19.
meditation requiring control of sense and thought is emphasised.

The Brhadaranyakopanisad lays down the means of knowing
Brahman: Veda-study {yedanitvacaii), sacrifice (yajna), gifts (dam),
austerity (tapas) and fasting (andsakena).'^ According to Kem
Upanisad, penance (tapah), self-control (damah) and works (karma)
are the support of the secret relating to Brahman.^ In the Katha
Upanisad we find references to adhyatma-yoga and yoga as ‘a firm
grip on the senses’ (sthira indriyadhdrana) which shows an earlier
concept of Yoga-discipline.^ Mundaka Upanisad mentions
the yoga
of renunciation (sarhnyasa-yogd). ‘Having well ascertained
It says:
the object of the knowledge of Vedanta and having purified their

minds by samnydsa-yoga, these ascetics (yatdyak) enjoy the highest
immortality, become free in the worlds of Brahma at the time of
death.’^ In the Maitri Upanisad, pranayam as a part of six-fold
yoga is mentioned.® Here yama and Niyama of the Yoga system
are only omitted. The theistic :§vetdsvatra Upanisad states that a
man becomes one with Hwara, the Lord of the Universe by medita-
tion.® Elsewhere it emphasises the results of Yoga: ‘When the five-
fold quality of Yoga is produced, arising from earth, water, fire, air
and ether— then there no longer any sickness, no old age or

is
death for him who has obtained a body produced by the fire of
yoga (Yogdgnimayam Sariram).''’
It seems that the later yogin relies on dsana, the older Muni on
updsand. This and the doctrine of sleep-union with Brahman,® the
breath and the concommittant vein-theory® belongs to that back-
ground of yoga afterwards worked out into a system. Besides
knowledge of Atman and of Karman, the ‘secret doctrines’ (guhya
ddesah) of the Muni contained much that was included into the
-^Brhad. Up., IV. 4. 22.

^Kena., IV. 8: tasya tapo damalj karmeti pratiffha vedalj sarvangam satya-
mayatanam.
âtha Up., VI. 11,18.
^Mund. Up., iii. 2. 6; cf. Tait. Ar., X. 10.
^Maitri Up., VI. 18; cf. Amritbindu 6: tatha tatprayogakalpah pranayamah
pratyaharo dhyanaih dharapa farkajj samadhih saânga ity ucyate yogah.
^Sveta Up., 1 . 11: tasyabhidhyana tritiyain dehbhede visvaijvarayam keval
aptakamah.
’Ibid, n. 12: prithvyaptejonilakhe samuthite pancatmake yogagune pravrtte
na tasya rogo na jara na mrtyulj yogagnimayam Sariram.
man. Up., 7 & 12.
mbh., xii. 51, 6, 185. 14-16; Hopkins, The Great Epic of India, pp. 36 fif, 172.
51
subsequent system of the later Upanisads and Yogasutras, For

example, the yoga teaching in regard to the limited sphere of the
breath, one pradesa from the mouth.’ The rigorous discipline which
we associate with the yoga system was probably known but the
technical nomenclature was still undeveloped.
The Buddhist texts speak of four magical powers of translation
(gaman), the first being the ability to fly like a bird.* In the early
Buddhist literature Sariputta, Mogalana and Nanda are described
as adepts in dhyana. Anuruddha, Revata and Subhuti are also
experts in dhyana.^ The fact that the exercise of Yoga imparts
magical powers is recognised in early Buddhist books but the
attainment of such powers was lightly set aside by the Buddha him-
self as not conducive to perfection.^ In later Buddhist literature we
find fully developed Yoga-technique.®
In the Mahabharata Vasistha appears as the expositor of Yoga-
krtya: ‘The wisdom-knowing men declare that meditation is two-
fold (dhydnam-dvmdham); meditation being the highest power of
yogins.’* It is then stated; ‘Concentration of mind and restraint
of breath (are the two): restraint of breath is (meditation) with
characeristics, mental (restraint) is without characeristics.’^' After
declaring that the yoga system is identical with the Sankhya, Yajna-
valkya teaches the special Yoga-practices depending on the breaths

{rudrapradhana).^ It seems that the termYoga applied to the asana
or posture of the regular Yoga
practice, had also absorbed the
meaning of tapas so that any austerity, whether in prapayama
exercise or not, was called Yoga. Austerity is thus caused by
Yoga.® Both are the sign of nivrUi or renunciation for the sake of
the soul of him who is yukto yogam praii sada prati samkhyanam
eva ca,^^ whether he be an ascetic, now at the foot of a tree, now
Âltareya Ar., i. 2. 4. 21: pradejamatra etavata vai prapatj sammitah-
^ViiuddhimBgga, p. 396.
^Theri, CCLVI. 3. 1, Thera, 263, p. 382.
*DOB., I. p, 278, Digha Nik., I. 16-20.
^Viiuddhimdgga (iii. 105) contains a standard list of forty subjects of
meditation. Also Thomas, History of Buddhist Thought, pp, 44 ff; Conze
’
Buddhist Meditation, pp. 11-41.
mbh., xii. 307.
’ibid, xii, 307.8: ekagrata ca manasalj pranayamas tathai’va ca prapayamas

tu sagupo nirguno manasas tatha.
sibid, xii, 317.5 f.
mbh., xii. 153.36,

imbh.,xm. 141.83.
lying on the ground, now wandering about or engaged in the

Virasayya Those recognised as Yogins thus include ascetics
etc.
of every sort, though they have formal divisions viz. muktah and
yiiktah, kuticaka and bahudaka, hansa and paramahahsa} The
discipline of Yoga is explained as fixing the spirit on different parts
of the body and then in dieting, in chastity and in renouncing
sensual pleasures of all kinds.^ The yoga-powers are alluded to
as astagunain aisvaryam^ and are called, in general, bhutis, vibhutis,
aisvarya or Yogeharatva, powers or masteries and are grouped
as animalaghimdpraptih} They are attributes of God. Austerities
alone are also said to give mastery {aisvaryam).^ The powers of
Yoga are also described viz. becoming the size of an atom and
entering a lotus stalk,® entering the body of another,^ exercising
hypnotic power® and knowing another’s thoughts.® The yoga-prac-
tice of Vidura is that of an ascetic. With unkempt hair, naked
(digvdsdli) he wanders through the woods, eating air and holding a
stone in his mouth^® by which means of asceticism (tapobald) as well
as by mental discipline (yogadharmay^ he won success {siddhi).^^
What a yogin can do is done by an ascetic and upto a certain point
the two are one. But posture (asana) seems to be a chief concern
of the Yogin and not the Muni. In many a tale, the Muni is des-
cribed as either standing or hanging himself upside down to acquire
not only power but highest bliss.^® It can be seen from the above
that there are three epic groups, old tapas tales and teaching, void
of yoga, tales and teaching in which tapas and yoga are synonymous
and both are directed towards the achievement of physical and
WWi., xiii. 141.89.

^Mbh., xii. 301. pp. 30-37, 39 ff. xii. 195.10, xiii. 141.8.
^Mbh., xii. 340.55.

mbh., xii. 303.16.
^Mbh., xii. 161. 5 : aisvaryam rjayafi praptas tapasai’va.
^Mblt., xii.343.42 :aiivaryayogad apumatro bhutva-
’’Mbh., xv.26.26-29, xii.285. 175, 290.12 : xiii.40 £f, xiii.55.19, 53.68, 54.15;
cf. YS., iii.38 : cittasya parasariravesafi.
Mbh., xiii.40.46. 47, 50-51, 58; 41.13, 18.
^Mbh., xii. 343.48.
^^Mbh., XV. 26.17; 37.12: Vitamukhafi vitam mukhe samadhaya.
^^Mbh., XV. 26.30; 28.16 : dharaijan manasa dhyanad yam dharmam kavayo
vidulj.
^^Mbh., XV. 35.3.
i.l3, 40.25, 41.4; 43.8; 73.25. iii.187.4 fif, V.63.9 ff.
mental powers; and didactic passages in which is found an

tales
elaborated systematic yoga philosophy.

Fixing the mind by looking only at the nose and gradually with-
drawing the breath is alluded to in the GM.^ The state where
thought is suppressed is also indicated.* Yoga is called rajavidya
rajaguhyam.^ Lord Krsna is called mahayogesvara* and yogacdrya.^
The art of meditation is described in a simple manner® but no diffi-
cult postures and ascetic discipline are prescribed.* But yoga is not
merely thought-control as in the technical yoga-sastra but the whole
of spiritual life which aims at union with the Supreme. The yoga in
Glia is equanimity {samatvd)^ the discipline of restraining the mind
at all levels and all circumstances.
In the Ramayana the r§is, munis and hermits have been describ-
ed as acquiring through tapas many miraculous powers akin to
yogic siddhis. They could know the intent of others® and were
credited with intuitive vision by which they could divine unseen
things.*® The sage Gautama detected the crime of adultery com-
mitted by Indra and his wife Ahalya.** Through yogic powers it
was possible to be gifted with divine vision {jndna dysti, jnana

cak?u). Aided by his dharma-virya, Valmiki is said to have visua-
lised the past, present and future incidents in Rama’s life.** During
the period of austerities, the ascetics were required to keep their
senses under control, remain absorbed in meditation and observe
purity of conduct.** Virasana was a generally adopted posture
during their meditation.**
iBG., V.27, VI.13, viii. 10.

*BG., VI. 20-23 : yatroparamate cittam nirudham yogasevayg. tam vidygd
duljkhasamyogaviyogam yogasamjnitam,
3BG„ k.2.
^SG., IL9.
SBG., XVI.4.26.
6SG., VI.I0-I3.
’BG., Vl-ie-l?nalyasnataslu yogo’sti na caikantamansnaialj na catisvap-
:
nasilasya jagpo naivacaijuna

yuktaharaviharasya yuktaccejjasya karmasu
yuktasvapnavabudhasya yogo bhavati dubkhaha.
®ibid, n.48 : siddhayasiddayob samo bhutva samatvam yoga
ucyate.
^Ram., Vn.O.lO.
^^Ram., Vn. 49.6 : tapasQ labhdhacak§mnan.
^Ram., 1.84.
I.3.4.6.7.
isjtcOT., Vn.9.39; 10.3; m.IO.5-6.
^^Ram,, Vll.10.4,
The describes yoga as consisting of eight limbs (angas):

the various forms of abstention from evil doing (yamd), the various
observances (jiiyamd), posture (asaiia), control of the breath
(pranayam), withdrawal of the mind from sense-objects {pratydhara),
concentration (dhanna), meditation {dhyand) and absorption in the
Purusha {samadhi)} The last three dhdrana, dhydna and samadhi
when practised with regard to one object is called samyaina.-
The first two Yama and Niyama indicate the preliminary ethical
preparation necessary for a spiritual aspirant. They emphasise good
conduct and purity without which there can be no meditation.
Niyamas comprise (i) Shoucha (bodily and mental purity), (ii)
Santosha (contentment), (iii) Tapas (ascetic practices to tame the
bodily and mental habits), (iv) Svadhyaya (study of the sacred books)
and (y) Iswar Pranidhdna(^Qta\ dedication to God.® Yamas are five;
(i) Ahimsd (non-violence), (ii) Satya (veracity), (iii) Asteya (non-
covetousness), (iv) Brahamacarya (continence) and (v) Aparigraha

(frugal living).^ The Yamas are basic rules of conduct for the
Hindu samnydsis, Buddhist Bliikkhus and Jaina Yaiis in their ascetic
life or monastic conduct. In Jainism these five great vows were
called panca mahavayyas or mahdnubralas} The Buddhists also had

eight precepts (althangasild) of which the first five {pancsila) agree
with the five mahdvayyas of the Jains.® The ideal of aparigraha was
common to Brahmanism, Buddhism and Jainism. The Nigantha
was not only free from all worldly ties and bonds but he was the
one who had discarded even clothing as its visible symbol. The
Digambaras even today practise nudity as a vindication of their
vow of non-possession {aparigraha).’’
Thus we find that certain Yogic practices were current and allied
with ascetic practices from very early times and that the ascetics or
monks of various orders derived the theoretical and practical
knowledge from their preceptors. The concept of Yoga seems to
iy5., n.28-29.
"YS., m.4.
3ys., n.32.
^YS., n.30.
sDeo, JMJ, p. 10.
®Rhys Davids, Buddhism, p. 139.
'According to Jainism, celibacy and nudity are closely related from the
point of view of controlling the senses and non-attachment to bodily pleasures
and external needs.
55
have developed out of that of tapas as a tapasvi had often some

kind of knowledge in the method of meditation and was familiax
with certain respiratory discipline. With the increasing emphasis in
the times of the Upanisads on the attainment of Supreme wisdom
( jmnd) for liberation, the value of
Yoga for spiritual enlight-
enment and a means of emancipation cam.e to be recognised. In its
early periods of development. Yoga was resorted to for exhilara-
tion and enhancement of physical and mental powers. In the later
phase, it became a technique of intellectual illumination and a
system of philosophy.
Asceticism as a Cultural Phenomenon

When we talk of a ‘cultural phenomenon,’ what we mean by
of the way of living
‘culture’ is ‘the sum-total built up by groups of
human beings and transmitted from one generation to another.’^
But we must be clear in our minds about its difference from ‘civi-
lisation.’ Civilisation is ‘the sum-total of social heritage projected
on the social plane’ while culture ‘is the same heritage focussed on
the individual plane.’® ‘Civilisation is v/hat we have and culture is
what we are.’
Sorokin's is perhaps the most complete attempt to assemble
and analyse the various complex cultures of the world into a few
thematic patterns.® He begins with examining cultural phenomena
in two aspects; internal and external. The first belongs to the realm
of the mind and its inner experience, the latter to those external
manifestations of its internal aspect. Sorokin places asceticism as
a cultural phenomenon as in its internal aspect of value, meam'ng,
inner experience pertaining to the realm of the mind.^
Sorokin then divides the world cultures in two broad categories
—ideational and sensate. Between these two extremes the varied
cultures of the world, according to him, could lie— the different
degrees constituting not only a quantitative but a qualitative
problem.
In ideational culture, reality is perceived as non-sensate and non-
material, everlasting being, its needs and ends being mainly spiritual.
The sensate culture views reality as only that which is presented
iRajagopalachari, Our Culture, p. 9.
®Ghurye, Culture and Society, p. 3.
^Sorokin, Social& Cultural Dynamics, Vol. I, pp. 55-83
îbid,p.55.
to the sense organs and

needs and aims are mainly physical.
its
Whereas and ends by

ideational mentality fulfils the spiritual needs
self-imposed minimization or elimination of the physical needs, the
sensate culture seeks to realize its aims mainly physical by exploi-
tation of the external world. In brief, the sensate culture is the
opposite of the ideational culture.^
Sorokin then assigns ascetic mentality to ideational culture as
demonstrated in the asceticism of Hindus, Buddhists, Taoists, Early
Christians, Jains and Sufis and the numberless ascetics affiliated
with smaller sects.®
As a sharp contrast to this ideational culture wherein the ascetic
mentality is dominant, Sorokin views sensate culture thus and
observes: This type of mentality is quite familiar to us. It pervades
our contemporary culture, and emphasises that, ‘the character of
most of the Oriental, especially the Hindu and conspicuously Sensate
culture ofmost of the contemporary Western societies is indubitable
and remains probably the fundamental difference between them.’®
This view is out of date now. But it is this difference which is meant
when we often contrast Indian spirituality which belongs to Idea-
tional culture, in opposition to the materialism of the West, which
is by Sorokin. In Sensate culture the
called the Sensate culture
primacy laid
is on sensuous enjoyment of life as the sole reality of
existence. This would correspond to Artha and Kama, two of the
four ends of human life recognised in Indian thought. The Carvaka
Philosophy of materialism also properly belongs to the Sensate
culture.
All the other culture mentalities in Sorokin’s view represent a
mixture of the Ideational and Sensate forms in various combina-
tions and proportions. This he calls Mixed culture mentality.
While discussing the Hindu and Buddhist systems which accord-
ing to Sorokin contain the highest ascetic mentality, he cites these
four elements as the essence of this highest mentality:
(1) Ultimate reality is spiritual, towards which one must strive
by throwing off the illusion of personality and by being
absorbed in the Ultimate
(2) Needs are purely spiritual
(3) The extent of their satisfaction is maximum
^Sorokin, Social & Cultural Dynamics, Vol. I, pp. 73 ff.
®ibid, pp. 83 ff.
3ibid, p. 74. f.
57
(4) The method of satisfaction consists in a complete mastery

of all sensate needs, even to the point of annihilation of
their very source, that is, a complete modification (dissolu-
tion) of self, social, psychological and biological.^
Sorokin very rightly observes that for the masses this highest
form of mentality and conduct is impossible. Only those types
which are closer to the Sensate can be achieved by them.^ This
explains why Indian asceticism which demands a strenuous path of
self-discipline, a life of contemplation and tyaga (renunciation) was
not for all. The path, which is for the few, is likened to a razor’s
edge and bard to cross ; ksurasya dhara m'sitd duraiyaya? How-
ever, it may be noted that in the light of the scheme of four
asramas, samnyasa was meant for all, excepting the Sudras after
they have fulfilled their responsibility of life.'*
It will be pertinent to state that though Indian thought recognises

the four ends of human life (purusartJta) and the last aim of n7oksa
is exhorted for an individual for attainment by all the systems of
Indian philosophy, every individual cannot aspire and much less

struggle to achieve it in practice. Sankaracarya points out that even
the desire for moksa is to be rarely found in all persons: durlabham
inanusyatvam niumuksulvam.^ And mere desire is not enough. As the
eye naturally demands light and colour as the body desires food
and drink, so the soul cherishes a natural desire to know God’s
truth and free itself from falsehood. This is the passion for mokm
which requires to be backed up through a ceaseless effort through
many paths suited to different temparaments. These paths were
and still recognised as the pathways of Jmna, Karma and Bhakti.
Each one of these demands certain basic requirements, intellectual,
idealistic or emotional equipment leading towards the goal. These
paths are only the means towards an end, which is moksa or
’Sorokin, Social & Cultural Dynamics, Vol. I, pp. 119-120.

-ibid, p. 121.
^Kal/ia Up., m.I4.
^VaikhSnasdharmaprasna, 1.10,13, IX.8.
sâfikara says : Only through God’s Grace we obtain the
three rarest
advantages ; human birth, the longing for liberation (mumukfotya)
and disci-
pleship of an illumined teacher. Vivekacudamani, 3.
cf. manusyaoam sabasreju kascidyatati siddhaye yatatamapi siddhanam
kascinmam velti taltvatab BG., VII.3.
cf. Kiccho manussapatilabho kicchaih
maccana jlvitam kiccham saddham-
masavapam kiccho buddhanamuppado DP., 182.
release, described variously by Brahmanism, Buddhism and Jainism

in their systems, as also in the Darsanas. Even asceticism was also
a means towards the very end, though it was erroneously consider-
ed as the end itself by some in the times when the Buddha appear-
ed on the scene. It was he who condemned asceticism which had
assumed fanatical proportions and was practised for its own sake
and recommended a Middle Path.
Reverting to Sorokin’s view that asceticism was not for the
masses, be interesting to afi&rm how the ancient thinkers rea-
it will
lised this too well. Bringing out their typical and realistic
fact
attitude towards the institution, Vaidya observes: ‘The wise ^sis
of the Upanisadic period had prudently ordained that it was not
every man who could be an ascetic. Frail humanity required to
be chastened and softened before a man could aspire to be an
ascetic. The renunciation of the world required as much a pre-
paration and a regular course of training for it as the proper and
successful enjoyment of life required previous education.’^ If one
has to learn how to enjoy all that this world has to offer, it be-
comes equally important, if not more, to learn how to discard all
that the world has already offered by way of pleasures and joys
family and property for a higher life of tydga or renunciation. Thus
itbecomes vital that a person acquires necessary training and be-
comes fit through the earlier three stages.
Not only premature life of samnyasa was frowned upon but it
was also considered anti-social in practice is the view which could
be supported by much evidence. A legend describes how on the
Buddha’s first preaching mission in Magadha, there was an outcry
against him and a propaganda that he intended to ‘make families
sonless and women widows and to cut off the line of succession.
It was against this anti-social tendency of ascetic institution which
threatened to disrupt the social order that the Gita raised a voice
of disapproval and condemned it, preaching the gospel of niskdma-
kanna. Even the Brahmanical law-codes give it a tardy and un-
willing recognition, for it is the condition of the pious householder
that is exalted in their socio-religious scheme of life.® One hears
Êpic India, p. 362.

^Mahaparinirvana Sutta, 1.24.5.
menu m.77-80, VI.89-90, Gautama Ch. II. Vasif{ha VIlI.14-17 Vifhnu 59.29
Vydsa 1V.2.
the voices of dissent against samnyasa in the Maliabliavata} In the
Arthasastra it is looked upon with disfavour.® And Manu clearly
laid down that one should enter samnyasa when one’s hair turned
grey and that too having passed through tiie three stages or asramas
in their respective order.^

'
Sorokin has examined the elements which according to him con-
stitute the highest mentality in Hindu and Buddhist systems.^ Its
fulfilment through a complete mastery of all sensate needs, even to

the point of annihilation of personality, can be achieved through
asceticism which presents several aspects viz.
(a) fasting or at least reducing the intake of food,
(b) abstention from meat and drink and pleasures of sense,
(c) total absence of sexual gratification and suppression of the
sexual emotion,
(d) Vow of silence, and
(e) on bare ground, nakedness or making use of mini-
sleeping
mum clothing, contempt for the world and its riches.®
Asceticism in the several forms indicated above became after-
wards more or less a feature common to all religions. The Hindu
scriptures, however, do not enjoin self-infliction of pain or flagella-
tion that was indulged in by monks in the early centuries of
Christianity.
To the common inheritance of ascetic philosophy of mankind
which as an ideal has guided the life and thought of ascetics all the
world over, the Buddha’s and the Gita's contributions stand out in
bold relief. Both commend moderation and avoidance of extremes
of self-indulgence and self-restraint.®
From our examination of the several aspects of asceticism, the
idea behind thismode of existence becomes very clear. It is the
cultivation of complete indifference to the needs of the body,
disgust or aversion to worldly joys and things with a view to dis-
cipline the mind for higher life of the spirit. This is the doctrine
of Vairdgya. It answers to what Sorokin calls the Ideational
culture or mentality which fulfils the spiritual needs by self-imposed
iVide Chapter Vin.

®Vide Chapter IX.
manu., VI.33.
ôp. cit., pp. 119-120,
SKane, HDS., Vol. II, Pt, I, p. 975.
mahaparinibbana Sutta 1.4; BG., VI.16-17.
minimisation or elimination of the physical needs. It is carried to

such an extent that the body emaciates through fasts and austeri-
ties and even ends by religious suicide as in Jainism.^ The ideal of
aparigraha is common to Brahmanism, Buddhism and Jainism and
is recommended by Patahjali to the aspirant of his Yoga system,-
Celibacy which is considered at the top of all vows by Jainism,® is
equally considered necessary for spiritual endeavour by them.

According to Jainism celibacy and nudity are closely related from
the point of view of controlling the senses and non-attachment to
bodily pleasures and external needs. All this is a part of the doct-
rine of Vairagya.
In Indian Philosophy the ideal of detachment or Vairagya accord-
ing to Jayachamaraja Wadiyar characterises ‘one who delights in
decreasing his wants.’ In its successful application to modern living,
this idealcan save the modern man from falling a victim to what
Sorokin has called the Sensate Culture. That is the only way by
which the modern world, he says, can be made to see the ‘beauty
of holiness’ and abandon its poverty and vacuity of spirit which
is leading it to the brink of destruction.^
We may conclude Sorokin’s classification and our examination of
it with regard to Indian asceticism. All the systems Brahmanism,
Buddhism and Jainism which belong to ascetic cultural mentality,
set forth Ascetic Ideationalisni as their sublime and supreme form.
But realising that it is attainable only by the few, they admit for
the mass of their adherents either the Active Ideationalist or the
Idealistic or a Mixed mentality of a less Sensate sort.® These may
broadly correspond to the main pathways to reach God viz. Jnana,
Karma and Bhakti as accepted by the Indian philosophical thought
as suitable to different temperaments.
Summing Up
The concept of Indian asceticism had four dimensions: Tapas,
Vairagya, Samnyasa and Yoga.
Tapas or austerity had two aspects. In its negative aspect it was
'ÊRE., Vol.12, p. 34; Also vide Chapter VII.

2Rhys Davids, Buddhism, p. 139; YS., 11.30; Baudh DS., n.10.18.
^Suyagada 1, 6, 23.
*Jaya Chamaraja Wadiyar, Art: Is Indian Philosophy applicable to modern
—
living? Sunday Standard (June 25, 1961).
sSorokin, op. cit., p. 112.
self-mortification or self-torture. In its positive aspect was self-

it
control throu^ self-training or self-discipline. Yairagya was an

essential condition to cultivate non-attachment to worldly pleasures
and interests leading to renunciation, iyaga, or samnyasa. It was
a worthy path towards the attainment of self-perfection or prepa-
ration for a spiritual life even when leading a worldly life. All
schools of thought including Brahmanism, Buddhism and Jainism
viewed extinction of desire {tfsna) as an essential state or discipline
leading to the path of emancipation. Samnyasa was an unsocial,
resourceless and detached existence when all earthly ties were
broken and worldly desires given up for the final quest of the
all
Atman. Yoga was an art of meditation which was closely con-

nected with tapas for achievement of physical and mental powers.
When Yoga was accepted as a system of philosophy, certain basic
rules of ascetic practices and behaviour viz. observance of AhimsS,
Satya, Asteya, Brahmacarya and Aparigraha came to be included
in it. They formed a standard of holiness to be observed by Hindu
Samnydsis. Buddhist Bhikkhus and Jaina Samaijtas. Yoga became
a technique of intellectual illumination and a means of spiritual
enli^tenment.
The exhaustive evidences quoted prove the necessity of Tapas,
Vairagya, Samnyasa and Yoga as specific forms of processes and
disciplines of Indian asceticism. It is very interesting to note, as
reflected in different sources like the Gita, the Arthaiastra for
example, that the concept of these four disciplines and therefore
of asceticism itself, have changed from time to time. Such changes
clearly reflect the changing social needs of the times as discussed.
Asceticism as a socio-religious institution was a barometer of social
changes and needs of ancient India.
Chapter 3
The Origin of Asceticism
The genesis of asceticism is shrouded in the mists of a remote anti-

quity. The task of its discovery poses not only a difficult but also a
complex problem. The reasons are two-fold.
Firstly, asceticism had so greatly influenced life in ancient India
and contributed so largely to the religious and philosophical thought
of the times that the subject assumes a peculiar character. It has a
long history of evolution and development which involves varied
interpretations of the various elements, traits and concepts which
go to form its main content. Secondly, we have not only to deal
with the mass of people of a time immemorially remote but also
with their inner world of ideas and sentiments, yearnings and
aspirations, desires and motives, whose echoes are recorded and
preserved in the sacred and secular literature handed down to us
through the past four millennia or more.
Before we start our enquiry to search out the roots of asceticism,
it will be both convenient and necessary to clearly state and con-
fine ourselves to the particular aspect we have to investigate by

asceticism. As discussed in the previous chapter, it is a composite
concept. We would include under the term asceticism, not merely
the monastic system but also all efforts to withdraw from the
world in order to cultivate a high degree of sanctity.^ Asceticism
originated in India as an individual phenomenon and concerned
primarily w'ith individual conduct.^ It gradually developed into a
movement. We have understand the problem from two angles:
to
as a life of austerity or tapas and as a complete withdrawal from
the world, a life of renunciation, samnyasa. In other words, we
have to trace the basic ideas or motives behind the ascetic practices
or tapas and the abandonment of worldly life and its interests,
samnyasa.
Asceticism has been a persistent feature of ancient Indian civili-
iLeckey, History of European Morals, Vol. I, p. 130.

^Ghurye, Indian Sadhus, p. I.
63
thoughts
zation. Ever since the Indian religious and philosophical
has not failed to excite
drew European scholars to their study, it
interest. Its origin and growth have

its due share of curiosity and
enough,
been subjects of speculations and enquiry. Surprisingly
a great deal with regard
the opinions of these scholars have varied
to the origin. Some scholars like Hardy’ and Kcm= traced the
origin of the ascetic to the Yedic Brahmachari, Max Milller^ and

Jacobi’ ascribed it to Brahmana Parivrajaka, while others like
Keith,® Griswold® and Griffith’ thought that the §ramam (ascetic)
was the descendent of the Vcdic Muni or the prc-Vedic Yogi as

suggested by Marshall.® All these views have been examined by
Hurga BhagN’at and proved to be incomplete.®
Let us assess the attempts of all these scholars. An inherent
approach of the Western scholars has been their con-
defects of the
sideration of asceticism as primarily a life of a wandering religious
mendicant with disregard to the basic ideas underlying that parti-
cular institution viz. the manifestation of the otherworldly spirit,
non-acquisition or detachment which led to the concept of Vairagya
and turning away from the world. The reasons and responsibilities
of motives underlying the ascetic institution were not examined.
They also did not consider other forces at work which gave rise to
and developed ascetic tendencies. All of them attempt to explain
‘when’ rather than ‘how’ various factors or forces of the times cons-
pired to generate that state of mind of withdrawal from the society.
They pinpoint the human agents rather than the ideas responsible
for driving them to the ascetic life. Durga Bhagvat provides
a
corrective by examining certain traits which gradually developed
Indian monachism. She traces the origin of asceticism \to the
Brahmanas,’® but does not adequately deal with the moti^
or
ideas of this period
which led an individual to prefer a life of
Êastern Monachism, p. 74.

^Mannual of Buddism, p. 73.
^Hibbert Lectures, p. 351.
iJain Sutras, I, pp. xxiv-xxxii.
^Vedic Index, H, p. 164.
<^^gvedic India, pp. 338-39.
’’Samveda, p. 50.
^Mohenjodaro and Ancient Indus Civilization,
J, p. 49.
Vol. Vm, P£., 2. September
lofihagvat, loc. cit,
p. 29.
asceticism. The philosophy of the Upanisads does not

‘ascetic’
receive due treatment and the epics are not included at all in the
discussion. Moreover, she follows Sayana and accepts the Rgvedic
Muni of the Muni-sukta as a seer (n’sÔ- Contrary to this view, we
have evidence to prove in the sequel that he is like a Shaman of a
primitive, tribal society and thus the ascetic institution should be
reasonably traced to him.
Some of our Indian scholars like Barua, Das, Sharma and Ghurye
have elso examined the problem of asceticism. Barua does not seek
to go to the roots of it and though he refers to the wanderers as the
sophist movement he merely remains content saying; ‘The early
history of the wanderers has yet to be written.’^ Das traces the
origin to the Vedic Muni- and thus follows the line of Keith and
others. Sharma opines that ‘Samnyasa was originally the doctrine
of the dissenters from the orthodox ritualism of the ancient Aryans.’
According to him, ‘the institution of Samnyasa arose out of the
recognition of the transitoriness of all worldly objects.’® He does
not, however, explain the reasons why the orthodox ritualism of
the ancients found disfavour with some Aryans. Nor does he try to
depict the various forces at work or the conditions behind the em-
ergence of that ‘state of mind’ which realised that all worldly objects
were transitory. Ghurye traces the ascetic origins to the Rgvedic
Munis who are ‘some kind of ascetics.’* Though he traces the deve-
lopment of traits like celibacy, austerity, concentration and ecstasy®
which form the main content of asceticism, he does not explain
how these constitute ‘a whole complex’of it. In other words no
reasons and motives or conditions influencing the formation of the
ascetic ‘complex’ are indicated and examined. Instead of an analy-
tic and objective approach which the problem demands, what we
find is a traditional explanation. As a result he touches only the

fringes of the problem.
A common name community of a
to designate the wandering
religious mendicant whether Brahmanic, Buddhist or Jaina was
Sramana or Parivrajaka. Hence sramanism is the word used for
iBarua, A History of Pre-Buddlustic Indian Philosophy, p. 130.

®Das, Rigvedic India, p. 11.
^Sharma, Contributions to the History of Brahmanical Asceticism (Samnyas),
p. Ilf.
^Ghurye, Indian Sadhus, p. 12.
sibid, pp. 17ff.
The Origin of Asceticism 65
by some scholars. Attempts are also made by schokrs like Dutt,’^

Upadhye^ and Deo^ to trace the origin of the ^ramapas. The
gist of their theories is that ‘Sramanism seems to have developed
out of the non-Aryan east Indian indigenous element which did not
see eye to eye with the Western Aryans who were not very favour-
able to monastic life.’* Dutt traces the origin of the Sramanas to ‘a
class of men answering to the Brahmanas in Aryan society.’® Tak-
ing a compromising view of all the views Deo sums up: ‘Sramanism
—
was the outcome of the blending of all these elements indigenous
and borrowed.'® Dutt despite his efforts to solve the problem says;
‘The (Vedic) legends point to almsmanship as something customary
among the people. It seems probable that the philosophy of the
Upanisads idealized a condition of life that already existed and was
in practice, filling it with a spiritual content and idealistic purpose.’^
How the almsmanship arose still remained a mystery. He, however,

admits that it ‘is a bafSing question to which there can be only a
theocratic, a speculative approach.’®
We thus find that various scholars, European and Indian, have
from time to time made
attempts to trace the origin of religious
mendicancy, which but a phase in the development of asceticism.
is
As emphasised earlier, we look at this problem from a different

angle. We endeavour to trace the ideas, reasons or motives and
conditions which were responsible for this institution to arise. We
have, therefore, to have an insight into the working of the heart
and mind of the ancient Indians, the reasons and motives behind
their adoption of the ascetic life which gradually crystallized into
belief and practice until it received the sanction and sanctity of the
Vedic religion and emerged as an ideal to inspire and influence to
certain and Buddhist monastic life. As thought
extent the Jaina
takes imprint and character from the age in which it is bom, it
its
will be necessary to examine the conditions and circumstances of
those times when the cult of renunciation arose and spread. The
’Dutt, Early Buddhist Monachism.

Ûpadhye, Pravacansara, Preface.
”Deo, History of Jaina Monachism, p. 56.
*cf. Deo, ibid,
p. 54.
®Dutt, op. cit., pp. 54-55.
«Deo, op. cit., p. 56.
‘Buddhist Monks a~d Monasteries In India, p. 45.
®ibid, p, 4Z
traditional approach to interpret ascetic thought in terms of theo-

logy or the philosophy of religion alone, as has been done by most
of the scholars, will not serve the purpose. The psychological basis,
therefore, holds the key to the proper understanding and investiga-
tion of the problem. Viewed thus,
demands a psychological enquiry
it
of the custom and practice, the spirit and aspiration for taking to a
life away from the world as influenced by the geographical, political,
social, religious and economic conditions prevalent in ancient India.
Non-Aryan Influence
Though most of the scholars in the West and the East hold the
view that the Aryans have come in India from outside, whatever
their original home may be. Some Indian scholars have recently
maintained that the Aryans were indigenous to India.^ The view does
not appear likely to become generally accepted. It was inevitable
for the earliest Aryan settlers to come in contact with the native
people as they spread over to different parts of India. Though
numerically inferior, the Aryans had certain advantages over these
indigenous people of the land. They had better methods of trans-
port like the horse and the horse-drawn chariots and also fighting
weapons which gave them certain superiority. They were quick in
adopting the material culture of the land and gradually imposed
some of their own beliefs and practices on the people in the process.
This process was not a violent one and they did not attempt to
exterminate the local culture. The result was the blending of the
Aryan culture with the multitude of indigenous elements. It was
thus natural that the Aryans were influenced by and borrowed many
beliefs and practices of the indigenous people who have been as
hitherto believed to be not so civilised.
Evidence is not wanting >to show that the contact between these
people known as the Dravidians led the Aryan conquerers to
borrow elements of their culture. Radhakrishnan says: ‘Hinduism
accepted the multiplicity of aborginal gods and others which origi-
nated, most of them outside the Aryan tradition and fulfilled them
aU. The Aryans also accepted image worship which was a striking
feature of the Dravidian faith.’^ Suniti Kmnar Chatterjee goes
further and holds the view that no less than three-fourths of Indian
iMajumdar ed., The Vedic Age, pp. 215-217.

"Hindu View of Life, pp. 37-38, 41.
67
culture as grew up through ages and as v/e find it today is non-

it
Aryan.i It seems thus clear that the Dravidians lent their beliefs to
the conquering Aryans and in turn imbibed their culture.
There is at present a gap between the Indus Valley culture and
the earliest beginnings of the Aryan civilisation in the l^gveda. But
the above views not only indicate the assimilative character of the
Aryan religion, so characteristic of Hinduism, but also the non-
Aryan influence on the earliest Vedic thought. This becomes obvious
if we try to explain the existence of the ascetic beliefs and prac-
tices in the Ilgveda. We
have here the picture of a society that
takes keen pleasure in material prosperity, living a full life of zest
and vigour. There is no evidence of an ascetic weltanshaumig so
that the inference naturally follows that such an outlook was
derived from the Dravidians.^ This makes Oldenberg to believe that
‘the practice of tapas which lies in the midst of the Vedic ritual
is a relic of bygone days.^ J. Van Troy who calls tapas ‘a non-
B-gvedic practice’ holds a similar view. He says; ‘the word tapas
came to be used for a practice already existing with all its basic
characteristics was assumed in Bgvedic Society.’^ This
before it
practice, as we will see, was a trait associated with the medicine

man called the Shaman, by the primitive peoples. According to
Schweitzer, the Rgvedic Muni was the Shaman and medicine man
later called the Yogin.® There is no difficulty, therefore, to associate
the origin of ascetic (Sraman) or the Yogi to the primitive Shaman
or the medicine man.
Primitive Culture
Dawson believes that the ascetic element is
prominent in primi-
tive culture and both in primitive as well as advanced religions.
But there is one difference in primitive culture; the lav/ of life is
the law of sacrifice and discipline.® This means that the necessity
of maintaining the common life is so great that a continuous effort
^q.b. Bhaftacharya, Art: The Background of Buddhist Philosophy,

Indo-
Aslan Culture, July 1952, p. 66.
-cf. Geden, ERE., II, p. 88. Also Bouquet, Hinduism,
p, 33. Brandon ’ Man
and His Destiny In the Great Religions, p. 301 ,
Âncient India, Language and Religions, p. 83.

its
•‘Art, The Origin of Asceticism and of the Airama Dharma, Bharati
'
VIII, Pi, I, pp, 6-10.
Îndian Thought and its Development, p. 22.
^Religion and Culture, pp. 56-62.
-
of individual and social discipline becomes vital. He explains, for

instance, if the hunter is to capture his prey, if the warrior is to
overcome his enemies, if the cultivator is to receive the fruits of
the earth, he must give as well as take. This giving, according to
Dawson, is viewed by the tribal people in religious terms as sacrifice
and penance and ritual powers above. The
acts are paid to the
individuals thus for the tribal welfare make it possible to ward off
the forces of evil and death and gain life and good fortune and
prosperity. Here we have an indication as to how the primitive man
thought of practising various kinds of austerities.
Similarly some kind of physical austerities combined with magic
or witchcraft were practised to keep the evil spirits away or to ward
off danger from forces of nature. This gave rise to customs in
which ascetic practices were to an extent a part.^ A famine was
viewed by primitive man as a direct infliction of the demons. To
keep this danger away, self-inflicted periods of hunger i.e. fasting
were the natural remedy. The demons were, it was, believed con-
ciliated. In course of time this became a religious custom. There
was no ascetic motive until this custom was viewed as a means of
self-discipline, and a way to propitiate the gods. Such customs often
accompanied by austerities marked the social and religious life of
the primitive people.
In the collective life of a tribe these austerities were adopted as
a necessity. They were often enjoined by tribal custom to serve as
ordeals and methods of discipline for purposes of forming a stem
and hardy race, capable of facing the most heroic tasks for the
welfare of the tribe.^ For example, if a boy was to become a good
warrior and serve his people well, he had to undergo at some stage
of his youth a painful initiation into the corporate life of the tribe.
As the tribe and the god of tribe were closely identified this volun-
taiy suffering took a religious meaning. Thus natural sacrifice and
self-inflicted pain, when sanctioned by the tribal custom, gained in
importance and significance.
In pre-historic and even early historic times problems both of the
body and of the soul were ministered by the same persons; priests.
Shamans, medicine men.® According to Lowie, who has studied the
role of Shamans in primitive religion, they were known as capable
iHall, ERE., pp. 63-65.

^Rufus Jones, New Studies in Mystical Religion, p. 59.
®Mowrer, Mental Health and Hindu Psychology, Introduction, p. IX.
of establishing direct communion with the spirit worid.^ In the

primitive society, they occupied an important status as magicians.
The technique the Shaman employed as a magician’s art is described
by Chattopadhyaya:
‘He worked himself up to a point of delirious frenzy and ecstasy.
He had to feel a super-normal power within himself with the aid of
which atone he could hope to bring the force of nature under his
control. Such a super-normal power could not be a material reality;
it had to be a psychological one. The primitive magician had to feel
that he possessed it. He tried various techniques to acquire a sense

of the most stupendous power which included fasting, various physi-
cal exercises, the control of breath, abstinence, withdrawal into soli-
tude, self-torture, narcotics. By these means he excited within himself
ecstatic conditions, induced morbid nervous and cerebral exaltation
and sometimes even a cataleptic rigidity and insensibility.’-
It would seem natural that strange powers were attributed to the
Shaman. The society attached the greatest importance to the super-

normal psychic experiences of dream and vision, trance and ecstasy.
The Shaman who possessed such experiences was the religious
leader of the community.
The role of the Shaman in the primitive societies is exhaustively
dealt with by Dawson and Eliade. The Shaman is both a diviner
and a seer. He is also an ascetic and a holy man who has acquir-
ed by training the mastery of spiritual techniques. His figure is
frequently associated with psychic abnormality. He is a highly
neurotic type. He attains his professional status after a profound
psychic crisis. He loses his interest in ordinary affairs and ceases
to share in the work or talk of his fellows. He goes out into the
wilderness where he lies in trance and hears the voices of the spirit.
The highly individualistic character of his vision and his spiritual
power involves possibilities of social conflict. In fact no figure is
more feared by primitive society than the evil Shaman or magician
who uses his relations with the spiritual world for his private
advantage against the interests of the society. But it is also believed
that as he has transcended society and acquired superhuman powers,
he is best able to help his fellow men in their spiritual necessities.®
iLowie, Primitive Religion, p. 350.

^Lokayata, pp. 444-445; cf. Oldenberg, op. cit., p. 108.
SDawson, op. cit., pp. 69-70, 177-179; Eliade, Yoga, Immortality
and
Freedom, pp. 320-341; Also Thomas, Incredible India, pp, 18-20,
Against this background the question arises: Has this Shaman of

the primitive cultures a counterpart in the hoary pre-Aryan tribal
society? Let us turn our attention to the Aryans in the earliest
epoch of their existence and attempt to find out how their minds
turned to ascetic beliefs and practices.
Sacrifice was a persistent feature of Vedic religion. Its importance
could be seen right from the Itgveda onwards. In the Brahmapas
sacrifices became all important and they multiplied in number and
variety without end. The Brahmin priests who had the exclusive
privilege of the knowledge of sacrifices became more powerful than
the gods. Even the gods were described as owing their divine posi-
tion or the very existence and attaining immortality to sacrifice.
As a result, the priestly class as the depository of sacrificial ritua-
lism came to be exalted. It was believed that if the sacrifices were
correctly performed they were bound to produce desired results.
We thus find that magical value came to be attached to the sacri-
fices which were raised to the level of extreme glorification.^ The
religion, as Edgerton says, was a pure magical ritualism.- Even

the whole world was supposed to be permeated by a mysterious
principle which could be known and subdued by the science of the
sacrificing priests.^ This primeval principle described as neither sat
nor asat was believed to have sprung from tapas; similarly the rta
and satya in the beginning of creation.^
In the earlier period of the Rgveda, it was believed that human
desires were granted by the gods when they were propitiated by
the ritual of sacrifice and praise. The hymns were used as having
peculiar magic property, in relation to the particular operations of
the sacrifices by virtue of which the sacrificer could attain his ends
when in need of any special favour from the gods to whom the
hymns were dedicated.®
The Atharvaveda partly reflects earlier practices and beliefs of
the more primitive pre-Aryan people. Several Atharva hymns deal
with magic charms and incantations intended to accompany a mass
of simple rites and ceremonies. It was believed that every conceiv-
able human need and aspiration could be fulfilled through magic
^cf. Chapter 5.
^Beginnings of Indian Philosophy, p. 17.
^cf. Charles Eliot, Hinduism and Buddhism, I, p. 71.
X.190.1; X.129.3.
®cf. Dasgupta, Indian Idealism, p. 1.
71
Their religious basis seems to have been simple animism

spells.
and their method of operation Nvas simple magic. Ali creatures,
things, powers and even abstract principles were animated by
spirits which were sought to be controlled bj' incantatious and
magic rites.^ It is clear that many classes of the society resorted to
magic practices which probably had their beginnings in pre-Vedic
magical beliefs and practices of the Vedic people.
This process is indicated by the change in the meaning of the
world ‘Brahman.’ The world in the ^.gN'edic period meant ‘a simple
prayer/- Owing to the contact and fusion of two opposite racial
cultures of the invading Aiy’ans and the original pre-Aryan inhabi-
tants, the word ‘Brahman’ in the Atharvaveda period signified
‘magical formula/^ In the Atharvaveda, as a whole, the word
stands for the magical act or the mysterious power which arises
out of that act in the priest and which perv ades the man and
universe.^ That pre-Vedic reh'gion was surcharged with magic is
also proved by the Atharv'avedic hymns which throw light on the
lore of the Vratyas regarding exorcism, magic, serpent-worship and
tree-worship.® Oldenberg rightly says: ‘The religion and cult of the
Veda point on the one hand to the past of the savage religion; on
the other hand, they point forward.’®
The above evidences indicate the association of the Aryan sacri-
fices with the pre-Aryan magical rites. Pai obsen'es: ‘The practice
of magic, sorcery' and witchcraft, the belief in the efficacy of charms,

spells and incantations and the belief that men could obtain power
over nature and even gods paved the way for asceticism to set in.’’
The ancient Indian literature is replete with instances of ascetics
engaged in se\’ere austerities such as sitting in the midst of fire,
standing on one leg, holding up arms, staring at the sun, hanging
upside down from a tree etc.
It is in this light that the Rgs'edic Muni’s experience which is
Jcf. Edgerton, op. cit., p. 18.

-cf. Belvalkar and Ranads HOW., Vol. H, pp. 10-14.
^Belvattcar, q.b. Shende, -The Brahman in the AV, Principal Karmarkar
Commemoration Volume.
*Shende, ibid, p. 216.
MR.. XV.
*01denberg, op. cit., p. 83.
’Pai, Monogrcah on the Religious Sects in India Among the Hindus, p. 2.
—
comparable to ‘shamanic ecstasy’ is to be understood.^ The Rgvedic

Muni, abandoning his body, divining the thoughts of others, flying
in air, roaming at will in different regions and inhabiting the two
seas, seems to reflect the impact of pre-Aryan primitive magician.
The ^Lgvedic Muni’s magical powers {siddhis) were very probably
the direct descendants of the primitive magic practices of the Shaman
or the medicine man.
Besides the association of the primitive magic with asceticism,
some scholars have even suggested the importance of other aspects
of asceticism and put forward certain theories to explain the origin
of ascetic practices.
Theories
Oman® and Rufus Jones,® for example, suggest the importance of
the Dualistic theory. The gist of the theory is that ‘ascetic practices
by conquering the evil tendencies of matter —that is, the flesh
purify the imprisoned spirit and render it fit for re-union with God.’
This theory views matter, by its essential nature, as evil. Hence
the body with all its propensities is evil and defiling. The very act
of propagating life is assumed to be sinful for it dooms another
spirit to enter the prison-house of gross flesh and compels it to
be subjected to constant contact with it. Celibacy is, therefore,
enjoined. Through the self-inflicted tortures the power of the soul
over matter grows more effective.
This Dualistic theory, ine ssence, is akin to Sdhkhya-Yoga phi-
losophy. According to this philosophy the universe is a duality of
purusa, spirit and prakfti matter. The spirit is immersed in and
identified with the phenomenal world and, therefore, unable to
realize itself. It suffers because it is obscured by all that is matter.
Peace can only be attained when it comes to a true knowledge of
itself and escapes from the prison house of the empirical life. This
release comes about when man discriminates between purusa and

prakrti and destroys the wall of ignorance, avidya, due to which he
identifies purusa, the self with prakfti, the non-self. As Patanjali
^cf. ‘The essential and defining element of Shamanism is

Eliade, says:
ecstasy — the Shaman
a specialist in the sacred, able to abandon his body
is
and undertake cosmic journeys in the spirit in trance.’ Yoga, Immortality and
Freedom, p. 320.
®Oman, op. cit., pp. 19-20.
®Rufus Jones, op. cit., pp. 63-64.
73
says: —
‘The obstacles to enlightenment the cause of man’s suffer-
ings are ignorance, egoism, attachment, aversion and the desire to
cling to life. To regard the non-eternal as pleasant and the non-
self as the Purusa, that is ignorance.’^ The Yogin, through the
technique of meditation, destroys this avidya and attains to the
vision of the Puru§a, in Samadhi. This state of liberation is called
Kaivalya, derived from ‘êra/,’ ‘only’ thus implying the sepa-
ration or detachment of the Purusa from Praki'ti,^

The theory explains the true goal of Yoga rather than the pur-
pose behind the ascetic practices. The state of liberation {Kaivalya)
which is the true goal of Yoga is something far beyond the stage
marked by the attainment of supernormal powers (siddhis). The
ascetic practices were known and practised much before the art of
meditation evolved. The theory, at best, only emphasises the need
of ascetic practices to make the body subservient to one’s will and
does not trace their origin.
Another theory responsible for the acetic practices according to
Rufus Jones is that of the Majestic Sovereign. The gist of the theory
is that God grants mercy and favours only to those who conform
to the stem conditions of the Majestic Sovereign of the universe,

only to those who satisfy His sense of ‘justice,’ in fact, those who
accumulate sufficient ‘merit’ to deserve attention.'^
The theory views God as imperial, severe, cold, hard and autho-
ritative. He listens who have attained humility set-
only to those
ting aside all pride, self-assertion and human claims. To the Indian
mind, this is a ‘perverted’ image of God who is considered all-
merciful, compassionate and always ready to help His devotee who
has only to offerHim in the words of the Gita, ‘a leaf, a flower, a
fruitor a drop of water with devotion.’^ Such a devotee is very dear
to Lord Krishna who only demands self-surrender. For he dec-
lares: ‘Abandon all duties and come to Me the only refuge I will
release the from all sins; grieve not’l® The Vedic conception of God
H, 3.5: Samadhibhavanarthati klejatanukaraijarthasya

anityasucidub-
kbatmasu nityaSucisukhatmakhyatirvidya.
^Sankhya-Karika, p. 56.
ôp. pp, 68-69.
cit.,
^BG., IX, 26; patram pujpam pbalam toyam yo me bhaktya prayaccfaati

tadaham bhaktyupahrtamajnami prayatatmanab.
5BG., XVm. 66: sarvadharman parityajya mamekam
sarapam vraja aham
tva sarvapapebhyo mok§ayisyami ma sucab.
is not that of Father and Mother combined but also that of all
affectionate relationships.’ Nowhere in the entire range of Indian
thought there is any reference to the severe cold and hard Majestic
Sovereign. Such a concept of God is quite alien to it.
The Concept of Ojas

Ojas is, according to Gonda, one of the key-words of Indian
culture.® The word is usually rendered by ‘bodily strength,’ ‘vigour,’
‘energy,’ ‘ability,’ ‘power’ and ‘might.’ It

is according to him synony-
ms with the Latin word

from ‘augus.’ He has made an
‘augustus’
enquiry as to what sort of energy or power was really meant by the
ancient Indians when they used the word ‘ojas.’ He has deduced
from the Vedas, the Epics, the Kdvyas and medical literature® and
shows that the general idea expressed by the word is ‘that of power
or power-substance of a vital and magnetic energy present in beings
in phenomena or things.'^ There we come across oJas very often
associated with tejas, jyotis, balam, viryam, sahas, varcas, nrmnam.
used with the word Ugra. ‘Words are said to be ugra when
It is often
they possess magical, mysterious, occult or incomprehensible power
and in motion.’®
Gonda opines that Ojas originally implied ‘an experience that is
primarily of the perceptual order, a frame of which this mind in

special type or manifestation of power is principally sensed.’® Tapas
which is the physical and religious ardour of the ascetic is also a
very potent creative power. By accumulating it by fervent ascetic
practices, the ascetic performs supernormal activities such as seeing,
creating what is beyond human powers and which being discharged
is automatically and irrevocably effective.” Hence according to
Gonda, the word ugra is the right word to express this very potent
creative power of tapas. According to the Mahabharata it is the
most effective means of achieving all purposes; the creator himself
resorted to it in order to create the universe, plants grow by it, etc.®
igV.. X. 7-3. VI. 47-11, AV., VII. 86.1, YV., 20.50., Sy.. 333.
®Gonda, Ancient Indian Ojas, Latin Angos and the Indo-European nouns in
es-os, p. I.
®ibid, pp. 4-37 and 44-46.

îbid.
sibid, p. 26.
6ibid.
’ibid, p, 25.
mth., 12.9. I6I.
In ancient Javanese literature, ugrah used to qualify ‘asceticism,’

the heat of the sun, the powers of a warrior, the
intellectual abili-
ties of a scholar, an inauspicious constellation, fierce words,’ There

is another shade of meaning: holy, a holy man, a man who devotes
himself to religion and asceticism.'
That the word ojas stands for vital energy is proved by Gonda
through our medical literature, especially the Atharvaveda and
Caraksarohita. In the Vedic literature brahamacarya finds an im-
portant place along with satya, tapas and right knowledge for the
attainment of the self.^ The illustration of Bharadvaja who would
spend even his fourth life in the practice of brahamacarya suggests
the great virtue ascribed to the sublimation of sex-energy as the
fittest preparation for the Bro/inja-knowlcdge,® We thus find that
brahamacarya occupied a significant role in the life of tapas direct-
ed towards self-realisation. It enabled the tapasvin ‘to possess the
special power or vital energy called ojas.'^ It is also stated that ojas
is generated by tapasP
It is interesting to note that brahmacarya was an important
life of a Samnyasin or the monastic conduct of
clement in the ascetic
a Buddhist Bhikkhu or a Jaina Yati or Santana. It was one of
their vows of personal behaviour.® Patanjali strongly advises the
aspirants to the Yoga-sadhana to make it their creed if they wish to
achieve the maximum and moral growth. He includes
of spiritual
it in the Niyamas or regulations for the Yoga Students.’ Thus it
seems quite reasonable to believe that behind the tapas of many an
ascetic in which brahmacarya was an important factor, the idea
to achieve ojas was dominant which was a necessary condition for
the attainment of the highest spirituality or self-realisation.
Precedents of Asceticism (Renunciation)

It is a truism that man is a social animal. He is bom and bred
in society; he moves and lives and has his being in it. It is in his
nature to crave for worldly possessions like home, v/jfe, children,
^Gonda, op. cit., p. 36.
^Mund. Up., 3.1.5.

am. Hi, 10.11,3.
^Gonda, op, cit., p, 36.
’‘Talt.S., 5.7,4.3, Tail. A., 3.II.9,
«Vidc Chapter II and XI.
’XS.. n. 32.
kith and kin, wealth, status, honour and comfort. He is bound by

these things and this attachment to these things of the world in-
duces in him material ambitions for his own welfare and prosperity.
The path of asceticism requires that he should turn his face away
from these worldly possessions and material ambitions. Normally
he remains attached with his heart and mind to the world and
its concerns. ‘Unless he begins to feel the interest in life waning
for him, he does not see the necessity for harbouring the ascetic
virtues,’ says Ranade.^ This means that due to some reasons he
has begun to lose interest in life and worldly things. Where there
was attachment, there is now a sense of pessimism or weariness or
indifference. As Laxman Shastri observes: ‘Time is eternal and so
is this universe. Against these, the thoughtful are likely to feel
that this life is momentary and hence of no consequence. More-
over, it is doubtful whether the self exists or not after death. Such
thoughts may make them pessimistic.’^ Or there is a vague reali-
sation that worldly possessions do not give true and lasting happi-
ness. On the contrary misery and unhappiness are more to be met
with than happiness. The Gita affirms: anityarh asukham lokam
(IX. 33). In a struggle to solve this problem but not knowing
how, a mood is born to escape from the world of misery and un-
happiness. But the mind that has tasted the pleasures of the world
and known the pursuit of earthly pleasures does not easily forsake
them. The world continues to lure and the flesh also keeps on
tempting. Turning away from the world involves the renunciation
of worldly pleasures and things. Only by love of God we become
detached from worldly temptations: anuragdt virdgaf}. We meet with
such a frame of mind in the quest of the Brahman. For we read
in the Brihadarapyaka Upanisad: ‘The wise of old did not desire
for progeny. For they thought: What shall we do with children?
To us the entire workl is our own Self. So they gave up the desire
for sons, for riches and for worlds, and wandered about begging.’®
^CSUP., p. 295.
^Charvak, Itihas ani tatvajiian. Preface, p, 14.
3fTt n mfi, m ^
^ I ^ smitT ^ (4d'ÎK ^
tspjmj'-r jit sfkrftw
^Bfhad. Up., IV.4.22: etad sma vai tatpurve vidvamsah prajam na kamayante
^ i
kim prajaya karijyamo yejam no’ yam atma yam loka iti te ha sma Putraij-
payasca vittaijapayasca lokai§apayasca vyutthayatha bhikjacaryam caranti.
The Origin of Ascelicism 77
Sucli a state ofmind tom away from the alluring world and
temptations of the flesh in pursuit of a spiritual ideal, implies a
radical change in habit, thought and life. To bring about these
changes many influences are at work within a man and without.
Let us analyse these influences or conditions working upon man
and inducing him to adopt the ascetic mode of living. These spring
from man’s environment, its effect upon him and his power to react
to it. Broadly speaking, these may be enumerated as physical con-
ditions which influence him from without and internal states like
sonow, frustration pessimism, pleasure, intellectual craving, spiritual
urge etc., which work within him and his attempt to satisfy them,
pacify them or overcome them. These factors have to be assessed in
the context of the social, religious and economic conditions pre-
valent in ancient India.
Climatic Conditions
It is an interesting question whether the physical climate of India
has aAfected the course of asceticism. Brunton writes; ‘A fiercely hot
and depressingly humid country whose climate causes everyone to
shun physical effort, led man naturally to search for part of his
satisfaction in contemplative thought and inward life.’^ Oman also
observes that the hot and extreme type of climate prompts and
favours this thoughtful, sobre and philosophical bent of mind.^ The
views of Brunton and Oman suggest that the effect of climate was
two-fold. On the one hand it made the physical labour unattrac-
tive and on the other it prompted a philosophical bent of mind. It
has also been argued that the great heat and humidity which pre-
vails in much of India has produced in its inhabitants a general
lassitude of spirit which predisposes to pessimism and the adoption
of a world-denying attitude.^ Climatic environment has been thus
singled out as the devisive factor for pessimism and asceticism. This
is not wholly true.
It has to be pointed out that like most other countries in the

world the history of India has been profoundly influenced by its
geographical features. These have affected the lives and habits of
the people. At the same time, India is a region indeed full of con-
trast in physical features and in climate. Every variety of climate
Îndian Philosophy and Modern Culture, p, II.

-Oman, op. cit., p. 13.
®cf. Brandon, op. cit., p. 301.
from extreme cold to extreme heat is to be found in the country.

There are regions like Rajputana where there is minimum rainfall
and places like Cherapunji in Assam where the monsoon is- the
heaviest. However, the enervating effect of the climate in those parts
where it is hot and humid cannot be disproved but should not be
exaggerated.
A has been suggested by Basham: ‘The climate of
different view
India produced in people a kind of alternating rhythm of reac-
its
tion between a sensuous appreciation of the delights of the world

and an austere rejection of even the simplest comforts.’’ This seems
to be a proper view of the impact of climate on the people. Albig,
however, indicates different proportion of the effect of environment
on climate: ‘In the simpler cultures geographic influences although
place some limits upon the quantity and quality of man’s thought,
the possible range of the products of thought outside of these limits
is almost infinite.’* Even modern philosophers like Vivekananda
hold the same view. To the question: ‘Is there any connection bet-
w'een the idea of super consciousness and the heat of India?’ Viveka-
nanda replies; ‘No, becausephilosophy might have been
all this
thought out fifteen thousand feet above the sea-level among the
Himalayas in an almost Arctic temperature.’® And he adds that it is
practicable to attain success in Yoga in a cold climate.^
There is no doubt that man is
a product of heredity and environ-
ment. The effect of climatic environment, therefore, cannot be ruled
out. There is some truth in the view that climate, as one of the
factors, tended to produce in the Aryans both a philosophical bent
of mind and a general lassitude of spirit. It seems to have influenced
their religious expression as has been rightly pointed out by Urqu-
hart who says; ‘The character of the gods a people worship is to
some extent determined by climatic conditions.’® Buckle, who shares
the same view, is more emphatic: ‘The majestic natural scenery of
India overwhelmed the Hindu mind and courage and inclined it to
superstition and worship; the simpler scenery of Europe left man
uncowed and permitted the growth of a disposition to control nature
’Basham, A.L., The Wonder that was India, pp. 3-4, 9.

*Albig, Modern Public Opinion, p. 61.
^Vivekananda, Vedanta Philosophy, p. 27.
îbid, p. 28.
sUrquhart, Pantheism and the Value of life, p. 161. .
79
instead of worshipping it.” The impressive phases of nature were

taken as the objects of religious worship by the IRgvedic people who
were nomads in the land of the Punjab then called Saptasindhu.
Theirs was a cheerful worship, a religion of light and glandness and
was determined by the kind of life they had been living. When they
migrated to the East towards the land of Gangetic Valley where
some of them became engaged in philosophical speculations of the
Brahman-Atman, the tropical climate of the region was partly res-
ponsible for their contemplative bent of mind.

Climate thus cannot be considered as the only factor leading to
pessimism and asceticism. But it will not be an exaggeration to
suggest that it was one of the important factors shaping the religi-
ous thought of the people in ancient India
Intellectual Craving
An intense something higher than the mat-
intellectual craving for
erial existence and to risk all the earthly joys for such a pursuit
has been a singular and perhaps the most prominent trait of Indian
asceticism.^ In their spiritualurge to attain salvation, the Upanis-
adic thinkers came to realize that all worldly possessions and desires
are not only transitory but also distracting. The Brliadaranyakopan-
isad declares; ‘Hhn the Brahmins desire to know through sacrifice,
through gifts, through austerity of fasting. Having known Him one
becomes an ascetic (minif), sage, wise one. Desiring Him only as
their world, mendicants {pravrSjino) leave their homes. It is because
they knew this that the sages of old did not wish for offspring, they
said —we who have attained this Seif, this world? And they, having
risen above the desire for sons, the desire for wealth, the desire for
worlds, wander about as mendicants {bhiksacaryam caranti). For the
desire for sons is the desire for wealth, and the desire for wealth is
the desire for worlds. Both these are indeed desires only.® Thus a
iBuckle, Introduction to the History of Civilisation, Vol. I, p. 593.
^Durga Bhagwat, loc. cit., p. 107.
^Brhad. IV. 4.22 cf. III. 5.1: Tam etam vedanuvacanena brahraapa
danena, tapasanasakena; etameva viditva munirbhavati,
vividijanti, yajnena,
etameva pravrSjino lokam iccbantab pravrajanti, etaddha sma vai tat purve
vidvamsab prajam na ksinayante: kim prajaya karisyamalj; yejam no’yara
atmayam loka iti. te ha sma putraijapayas ca vittai§apayas ca lokaijapayas
^vyutthgya, atha bhik§a-caryam caranti; ya hyeva putraijapa sa
vittaijapa
(Ya vittaijapa) sa lokai5apa; ubhe hyete esanc eva bhavatalj sa. cf.
Jivanmu-
ktviveka 12: prahu jmnsya jijnasonyasam,
Sankar, comments on III. 5.1: atrna-
susciffutySsciTTj QfnrâtVQsoxIhanatTi,
will to give up home, possessions and all the normal joys of life, a
life of complete withdrawal from worldly attractions and concerns
was considered essential for self-realization. Samnyasa was a natural

outcome as a means to the knowledge of the Atman and the attain-
ment of moksa.
Pessimism
Western scholars single out this pessimistic note in Indian mona-
chism when they say: ‘By the Indians, life has ever been regarded as
essentially evil and relief from burden and sorrow from existence as
the chief and final aim.’^ The pessimism of India, in the words of
Brandon, is to be sought in ‘its evolution of life in this present
world of space and time as something essentially deceptive and
therefore, evil and from which final release must be increasingly
sought.’- This seems to be a fair assessment of the Indian attitude
towards pessimism in ancient India.
What are the forces responsible for pessimism? Bloomfield ob-
serves: ‘India herself, through her climate, her nature and her
economic conditions, furnishes reasonable ground for pessimism.’®
The effect of climate as discussed earlier was not the only condition
and a conclusive proof for the mood of pessimism to set in. The
same thing can be said about the economic conditions. The valleys
of the big rivers like the Indus, the Ganges and their tributaries
offered easy means of cheap livelihood and communication and
were the sources of India’s wealth and happiness. As a result we
find that on the one hand people became fond of ease and luxury
devoted to the ideals and pursuits of peace and on the other less
hardy and preserving than their opponents facing the hardship of
nature and a keen struggle for existence. We are thus led to examine
India’s nature as revealed in her religious and philosophical thought
to trace the causes of pessimism.
has often been argued that early monastic Buddhism preached
It
‘a gospel of unalloyed pessimism.’ The theme is: ‘All earthly exis-
tence is full of sorrow and the only deliverance from sorrow
is in renunciation of the world and eternal rest.’^ Some writers like
Urquhart have pointed out that this pessimism is the old Indian
ÊRE., Vol. vin, p. 803.

^Brandon, op. cit., p. 301.
^Bloomfield, Religion of the Vedas, p. 264.
Ôldenberg, Buddha, p. 1.
81
tendency manifest in the ^gveda.

According to him though
these are ‘somewhat superficial.
religion is one of light and gladness,
It is rather the happi-
‘The joy’ is not the assured result of struggle.
avoidance of the truly
ness of innocence, possible only through an
,
spiritual quest.’ He further argues that ‘the logical outcome of certain

the helplessness
tendencies of Vedic thought was a growing sense of
his life in
of the individual and of the poverty and wretchedness of
the presence of universal forces.’^
The Rgvedic Aryans were ‘essentially an active, energetic, warrior
people, engaged in struggles with the aborignes and even among

themselves but in the main prosperous and contented with their
life.’- As discussed elsewhere, their life was simple, and full
fresh
of vigour and was inspired by a healthy appreciation of the good

things of the world and an endeavour to seek its pleasures. The pre-
valent atmosphere was one of optimism.® Urquhart concedes that
their religion was one of light and gladness but the joy was ‘some-
what superficial’ because of an avoidance of the truly spiritual quest.

But the evidence from the ?.gveda itself goes against this view; If
philosophy springs from wonder, if the impulse to it is in scepticism,
we find the beginnings of doubt in the hymns to Indra: ‘Of whom
they ask, where is he? There is no Indra, who has ever seen him?
To whom are we to direct the song of praise?’^ Even the philoso-
phical idea about the nature of different gods who are but a mani-
festation of a higher spirit is to be found in the Rgvedic statement:
ekam sad vipra bahudhd vadaiiti.^ The tenth mandala of the Rgveda
contains many hymns of a philosophic nature and the scholars have
not failed to notice this fact. However, the latest research in this
direction goes even further. Scholars like Sampurnanandahave sug-
gested that even if the whole of the tenth mandala were to be exclu-
ded, there are passages all over the rest of the ^tgveda and many
parts of the Atharvaveda rvhich ‘refer to deeper, more
esoteric
things, including spiritual experience, the experience
of the Yogi.’®
These philosophical layers of thought do not justify Urquhart’s
con-
tention that there was an avoidance of the spiritual quest. His viev/
Ûrquhart, op. cU., pp. 79-83.

-cf.Keith,JtPF,I,p. 243.
®cf. Chapter V,
VIII, 100.3 ff.
X.1I4.5 : ekath santam bahudha kalpayanti. Also

1 79-10
®Sampurnanda, Evolution of the ffirefa Pantheon,
pp. 8-38.
that ‘life did not lend to much searching of soul or to any serious
attempt to penetrate beneath the surface’^ is not tenable.
Urquhart then refers to ‘a growing sense of the helplessness of
the individual and of the poverty and wretchedness of his life in
the presence of universal forces.’ This, according to him, was ‘a
natural development of thought aided perhaps by the persistence
of magical ideas drawn from lower and more primitive religions.’-
If it was outlook of the Rgvedic Aryans on life

so, the optimistic
does not in any way suggest that theirs was a hopeless and helpless
existence. Urquhart states further; ‘As thought proceeds from poly-
theism in the direction of pantheism, the insignificance of the indi-
vidual life becomes more apparent.’^ It would be correct to describe
this thought process as one of monotheism, more properly, as that
of monism found in the Upanisadic philosophy. But it is not right
to conclude that the individual life became insignificant. It would
be wrong to suggest that because of this, the entire Aryan society
was engulfed by pessimism. As discussed elsewhere, the common
man still believed that minor gods did exist and one could go to
heaven by the performance of sacrifices.* The highest philosophy of
the Upanisads by its very nature was meant for the few. Hence
Urquhart’s view that pessimism was the old Indian tendency mani-
fest in the Rgveda seems to be too sweeping a generalisation unsup-
ported by any evidence.
As we proceed from the Vedas to the Upanisads we find that there
is a gradual but definite change in the religious thought of the people.
Slowly sacrifices rose so much in importance and became so com-

plex and varied that in the age of the Brahmanas, sacrificial religion
of a mechanical and soulless kind began to prevail. The belief in

the great magical value of the meticulous performance of the sacri-
fices resulted into the priestly class becoming all-powerful and sup-
reme. The masses found the bloody sacrifices of innocent animals

gruesome and shocking. To the illiterate, this ritualistic religion
was inuntelligible and uninspiring and to the literate extravagant
and meaningless. The result was a general unrest and discontent
with the Brahmanic cult.® Thus began a reactionary movement of
lUrquhart, op. cit., p. 79.
2ibid, p. 83.
3ibid.
^cf. Chapter V.
sibid.
83
the mtelligentia emphasising the acquisition of divine knowledge

(jdnna) over the performance of rites and ceremonies, which came
to be known as thtjnam-maTga. The sacrifices came to be considered
as ‘leaky boats’ (plava adrdha yajnanqya) incapable of taking men
beyond the sea of existence.^
The movement saw the spiritual awakening and the philosophical
activity on the part of the Upanisadic seers and thinkers engaged
in the quest of the ultimate reality, the Brahman. The gods receded
into the background, the priests were subordinated, contemplation
took the place of worship and Jhana that of Yajha. The seers of
the Upanisad said; ‘What shall we do with offspring we who have —
this Self and this world of BrahmanT They realised that the ever-
lasting happiness of man consisted not in the possession of this
world but in the possession of the soul. They taught that sacrifices
led only to a temporary heaven after death whereas true knowledge
led to immortal bliss even on this earth.^ The absolute Brahman
was identified with Atman.
With the emergence of the doctrine of Brahman- Atman which is
the main theme of the Upanisadic philosophy, the knowledge of the
Self came to be given more prominence. All else became of no
value. Sorrows and sufferings and miseries of life, it v/as emphas-
ised, could be removed by knovdng the Atman', tarati iokarh
Atmavit.^ Whatever was beside Him was full of sorrow: ato anyad
artatfi.^The cause of suffering is indicated here. The eternal was
bliss and the transient painful. Deliverance from sorrow lay in the
knowledge of the Atman. In the Katha Upanisad there are repeated
we are to flee from was one of misery.®
suggestions that the state
In the contemplation of this world of finite experience, there is
nothing but paiiu And the reason of this pessimistic attitude is
hinted at over and over again. It was the fleeting and unsatisfying
character of human experience: ‘There is no joy in anything finite.’®
All pleasures come to an end; this knovdedge poisons their enjoy-
ment and after they are gone their remembrance makes life doubly
mund. Vp., 1 :1 . 1 .
"Brhad. Up., \T.2,1; IV .4.7: atha marlyomrto bhavatyatra brahma samas-
nuta iti.
BCfomd. Up., Vn. 2-3.
iBrhad. Up., ni.4.2.
sKaiha. Up., II.4, n.6.7.
eChcmd. Up., VH. 25-1.
bitter. Death an unavoidable misery. No human is free from

is
disease, old age, separation from loved ones and other ills. The
fleeting pleasures of life by no means compensate for all these evils.
In short, life is fundamentally bad {duhkha, misery). But it is said:
‘He who sees this (the Self) does not see death nor illness nor
pain.’^ The Atman was all real, everything beside it of no conse-
quence, If the Atman was real, it followed that existence otherwise
must be bad {duhkha) illusory and evil. In the language of the Ved-
antic philosophy, it was emptiness, vanity (avam) it was mirage
{?ndya). To think otherwise was the supreme error and the source
of all further error and sin. On the other hand, to realise this truth
was wisdom and salvation As contrasted with the changeless bliss
of the Atman, the world was evil, worthless and deceptive. Samsdra
was full of misery and ruled by Karma resulted into an eternal
cycle of birth and death. The minds of men were filled with the fear
of present ills and future rebirths. Deliverance from sorrow was
their main concern. In the words of Radhakrishnan, ‘In the Upani-
sads, we do not have appeals to the Vedic gods, who were the
sources of material prosperity for increase of happiness but only
prayers for deliverance from sorrow.’® Here we meet with a serious
and gloomy aspect of Upanisadic philosophy.
Another factor which turned the earlier outlook into a pessi-
mistic one was the total inadequacy of tapas for self-realisation as
described in the Maitri Upanisad. We are told that king Brhad-
ratha had obtained freedom from all desires {vairagya) consider-
ing his body as transient {asasvatam). He had performed the highest
penance, standing with uplifted arms and looking up to the sun.
At the end of a thousand days, he realized that tapas was futile as
it could not lead him to the knowledge of the self.® Even Yajna-
valkya proclaims disbelief in tapas and its futility for Brahma-

realisation. He tells Gargi that a thousand years of tapas without
the knowledge of Brahma is of no avail.^
The king was so much overcome by the pessimistic mood at the
failure of tapas that he says: ‘In this evil-smelling, pithless body,
^Chand. Up., VII. 26. 2: na pasyo inrtyuin paiyati rta rogatn nota diikhatatn
sarvam ha paSyah paiyati sarvamapnoti sarvaia iti.
Also, Vn.26.2: SatyangakSman tenant sarvesu lokesu kamacSro bhavati.
^Radhakrishnan, S., IP., I, p. 146.
^Maitri. Vp„ 1.2.
^Bfhad. C^., III.8.10; Yo va etadaksaram Gargyaviditvasmin loke juhoti,
yajate, tapastapyate, bahuni varâsahasrapy antavadevasya tadbhavati.
85
what the use of the enjoyment of pleasures?

is
How
can one enjoy
pleasures in this body which is assailed by lust, hatred, greed, delu-
sion, fear, anguish, jealousy, separation from what is loved, union
with what is not loved, hunger, thirst, old age, death, illness, grief
and other evils?’^ Here we find a sense of disgust for v/orldly plea-
sures and towards the human body which is viewed as an abode of
evil.
The king continues; ‘We see that all this is perishable, as these
gnats and other insects, as herbs and trees, growing and decay-
flies,
ing. And w'hat of these? There are the great ones, mighty w'ielders
of bows, rulers of empires, and kings and others, who before the
eyes of their whole family surrendered the greatest happiness and
passed on from this v/orld to that. There are other great ones. We
have seen the destruction of supernatural beings, demons and
demigods, ghosts and goblins snakes and vampires. There is the
drying up of the great oceans, the falling of the mountains, the
moving of the pole-star, the cutting of the wind-ropes (that hold
the stars), the emergence of the earth and the departure of the gods
from their place.’ He ends by bowing before the sage Sakayana
and entreating him; Tn this world, I am like a frog in a dry well.
Please, therefore, take me out.’^ A feeling of the futility, imperma-
nence and misery of all finite things is expressed here. Not only the
human body decays and the pleasures are rejected but also the
rejection of the whole world is thought desirable. Here w'e find a
radical questioning and negation of the whole social-cultural scale
of values. It is a statement of the fundamental psychological attitude
that inspired the movement of world renunciation and world tran-
scendence.
The attitude of king Brhadratha, according to
Ranade, was the
logical outcome only carried to an excess of the anti-hedonistic
tendency suggested in the Kathopanisad and which nov/ has dege-
nerated into utter pessimism.® Nachiketas v/as the symbol of this
anti-hedonistic tendency. We are reminded of the exaltation of a
lifeof spirit {sreyas) to attain the spiritual wisdom and Nachiketas
asking in a pessimistic vein; ‘What decaying mortal here below
would delight in a life of the contemplation of the pleasures, of
beauty and love, when once he (a seeker of truth) has come to
^Maitri. Up., 1-3.

^Maitri. Up., 1-4.
SRanade, CSUP., p. 294.
taste of the kind of life enjoyed by the unageing immortals?’^ The

anti-hedonistic tendency now asserts itself behind the destruction of
desire which brings in its wake an attitude of contempt towards the
human body. This is only a prelude to the state of vairagya which

came to be accepted as an essential condition of renunciation.^
The growth of the doctrines of transmigration {sathsara) and
Karma gave momentum to the forces of pessimism. In the context
of the doctrine of samsdra, death was always terrible and the pro-
spect of having to die innumerable times was painful. Life, even in
the absence of major sorrows, was found to be inadequate and drab
while the eternal cycle of birth and rebirth seemed monotonous
and boring. Rebirth in heaven was not enough.® A way had to be
found not only to escape the evil of an unhappy and miserable
world but also the unending bondage of birth and rebirth, as
samsdra was ruled by Karma. According to the Karma theory, the
journey of the soul from life to life was determined by man’s con-
duct here for his status thereafter. Everything depended on Karma.
But it was believed that Karma was bound up with desire which
was solely responsible for the continuation of the cycle of birth
and rebirth.^ Desire was the root of empirical existence (samsdra-
muld). Not only this but the freedom from desire was considered
essential for self-realization.® The problem was, therefore, the des-
•
truction of all desire for worldly things which chained a , man to the
and rebirth and hence suffering.
eternal cycle of birth
The best minds of the times were thus engaged in finding out a
solution to this problem. Some thought of a life of complete medi-
tation in pursuit of self-knowledge. This was possible only if they
could at all be free from all the worldly desires and earthly ties in a
distracting world. Others thought of stopping the operation of
^Katlia. Up., I. 1.28.

^Vide Chapter 2.
^Mtmd. Up., 1.2.10; islapurtaih manyamaDa varistham nanyacchreyo
vedayanle pramudhalj nakasya prjthe le sukrte’nubhutvemam lokaih hina-
taraifa va vijanti. Brhad. Up., VI.2.16: Chan. Up., III.IO; Kan. Up., I: Give
different versions of the two ways after death Deva-yana and Pitr-yana but
they all agree that there is repeated return to birth determined by Karma.
^Brhad. Up., IV. 4.6.
^Katha. Up., VI.14-15; Brhad. Up., IV.4.7.
Yada serve pramucyante kama ye’sya hrdi sfitalj atha martyo’mfto bhavati,
atra brahma samasnute Yada sarve prabhidyante hj-dayasyeha granthayalj
atha martyo’mrto bhavati, etavad anuâsanam.
87
Karma theory. If in some way, they thought, the accumulation of

Karma is stopped, the chain ofKanm would be broken as there
v.'ouldbe no Karma either to be carried over or to be credited to one’s
account. This meant all cessation of activity, a life of complete
retirement, nivrtti, of no Karma. As a result some thought man
would discontinue creating new Karma and thus might stop creating
new chains of Karma for himself. But nivrtti, by itself did not mean
cessation of desires or their destruction. For out of desires came
the actions and their fruits and out of actions and the enjoyment
or suffering of their fruits of pleasures or sorrows came further
desiresand so on. The bondage of Karma seemed perpetual. It
was necessary, therefore, to gain freedom from all the desires and
ties of the mundane life towards this end. Thus arose the ideal of
giving up or renouncing home, possessions, family and all that

stimulated desire. This meant rejection of ordinary human aims,
freedom from all the ties of the earth, the casting off from oneself
{samnyasd) of all that bound man to the duties and responsibilities
of the worldly life, its attractions and its concerns. It implied dying
to the world and passing beyond the pale of society, community
and nation.
Psychological Insecurity
Behind the growth of pessimism and asceticism lay, according to
Basham, a deep psychological uneasiness and a deep feeling of in-
security. He observes; Tt was a time of great social change, when
old tribal units were breaking up. The feeling of group solidarity,
which the tribe gave, was removed and men stood face to face with
the world, with no refuge in their kinsmen. Chieftains were over-
thrown, their courts dispersed, their lands and tribesmen absorbed
in greater kingdom. A
new order was coming into being (as described
by the king Brhadrath). Despite the great growth of material civili-
zation at this time, the hearts ofmany were failing them for fear of
what should come to pass upon earth.^
This is to be found in the Maitri Upanisad, probably the latest of
all the classical Upanisads. This Upanisad was
probably written at
about the same time that Buddhism and Jainism came into
exis-
tence.2 Between the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad, one of
the earliest
iBasham. op. cit., pp. 41, 246-247,
^cf.Zaehner, Hinduism, pp. 82-83; Max Muller
ascribes this Upanisad an
anti-Paninean period. SBE., Vol. XV, p. 6.
principal Upanisads and Maitri Upanisad, the evolution of ascetic

thought is notable. Transitoriness of the world and its objects lead-
ing to mendicacy is suggested in the two passages of the Brhadar-
anyaka Upanisad. In one it is said that the mendicants (pravajino)
leave their homes (Jblnksacaryam caranti) as a natural consequence
of the knowledge of the Atman, in the other it is made the most
efficacious means by which it was hoped to attain that knowledge.'
Secondly Vairagya was taken for granted which by the time of the
Maitri Upanisad had reached its logical conclusion in the anti-
hedonistic attitude. Impermanence of the world and its pleasures,
the fear of present ills and futu>-e births have brought about a pes-
simistic outlook of life, a loathsome attitude towards the human
body. The endless prolongation of life, samsdra was now deemed to
be the evil from which salvation {moksa) was sought.® To borrow a
similie from the Maitri Upani§ad, man, the frog helplessly struggled
in a well of Samsdra which was without water and sought freedom
from desire and the dreary cycle of birth and rebirth by attempting
to escape the realities and miseries of life. The outlook which was
joyous in the Vedas has been replaced by a pessimistic one in the
age of the Upanisads and the ideal of world renunciation has deve-
loped.
Pessimism Buddhism and Jainism

in
The pessimism of this age was not typical of Brahmanism. It is
suggested that it Buddhism and Jainism which adopted

also affected
the attitude of loathing towards the human body and detestation
towards the transient Samsdric world. The Jain Sutras and Pali
Pitakas are full of these pessimistic notes.®
In Pali texts we come across anumber of Bhikkhus and Bhikkhunis
who left the world to escape pain and sorrow.'* The number of such
suffering souls aswe hear from the Therigatha was bigger in the
Sahgha of women than that of men. Sorrow was due more to illness,
death and pain than poverty. Many of the psalms recapitulate the
^Brhad. Up., IV.4.22; III. 5-1.
®In the famous legend of the Buddha (before he left the princely life), he
sees a monk (sramaija) and ask him the reason for his adopting a homeless
life, the sramapa replies: Janmamrtyiibhitaljt sramaitah pravajitosmi mokâhetoh
—Buddhacaritam, V-17.
^Therigatha, p. 4, 15, 17, U, 74, 15; DP., 147, 148, 150, 197-199, 277-278;
Jacobi, JS., I. p. 21; II. p. 18, 348; I. pp. 3 ff, 8, 21, 28.
miera, p. 6, 10, 34, 75, 190.
89
shallowness and the unsatisfactoriness of tlie life led in the past by

the reputed authors.^ Dissatisfaction and the uneasiness arising from
unfulfilled desires drove many to join the sangha? Of all the unen-
durable elements in life, the greatest impetus to join the other came
from grief.
The chief guiding impulse which supported several of them in

their decision to join the order was the hope of freedom from
worldly troubles, cares, responsibilities, temptations, griefs from
boredom and from the cloying senses or in the wider sense release
from the round of existencies.^ The largest number of women joined
the safigha due to grief and frustration arising from loss of kith and
kin.^
However, it will be wrong to suggest that the Buddha’s philosophy
was pessimistic.® He attempted to make the common man to accept
life as it was though full of misery and has suggested; ‘Get your-
selves rid of this vast suffering by becoming possessed of perfect

knowledge, by acts of faith, good conduct, exertion, meditation,
investigation into the truth and enlightened consciousness.’® The
Buddha thus preached a positive way to be free from the misery of
life. He showed a sure way to lead a happy life; ‘Let us be free
from hate, ailments and lust, live happily among those who hate,
who are ailing and filled with lust, let us dwell free from hatred,
ailments and lust.” The certainty that there is a way to end suffering
can lead neither to despair nor to pessimism.
The Mahabharata
Coming to the Epics, in the Santiparva of the Mahabharata, we
come across an interesting dialogue between Yudhisthira and
Bhimasena which throws a flood of light on the ascetic institution
especially with regard to human motives which force a man to
embrace a of renunciation. After the great war is won, Yudhi-
life
sthira’s heart is full of pity and sorrow as a result of the cruelties.
^Theri. xi, xxi, xxxix, xlii, xlix.li, liv, Ixiv, Ixxi, Ixxii.
-ibid, Ixxii.
^Horner, l.B„ Women Under Primitive Buddhism, pp. 165 ff.
meri,v. 51, 13, 50, 63, 17, 69, 47.
sSee article by Keny, The Buddha and Pessimism (Buddha ani niraiavad-
Sadhana), May 24, 1956, pp. 29-32,
ofiP., pp. 197-199.
’ibid.
slaughter and consequent misery the war had brought in its wake.
Overcome with deep frustration, he wants to renounce the world and
become a samnyasi. With an agitated heart and burning with grief,
he wants to ‘abandon the whole of his kingdom and all the worldly
objects and go to the forest, escaping from the worldly fetters, freed
from grief and without affection for anything.’^ The life of renun-
ciation, he thought, would dissipate all sorrow, behind which lay
aversion and disgust for the world. He is dissuaded by his borthers
and wife from renouncing the world. The arguments ofBhimain
this connection are of special interest;
‘It has been laid down that (a life of) renunciation should be
adopted only in times of difficulty (by kings), attacked with decre-

pitude or defeated by enemies.’
‘Wise men, therefore, do not praise renunciation as the duty of a
Ksatriya. On the other hand the clear-sighted think that the
adoption of such a life is a transgression of the law.’
‘The persons who arc shorn of prosperity and wealth and who are
unbelievers Qiastikailii), have laid down this precept of the Vedas
as the truth. In reality, however, it is a falsehood looking like truth.
‘He who can support life by prowess, he who can support himself
by his own exertions, does not live, but really deviates from his
duty by following the life of renunciation.’
‘That man only is capable of leading a solitary life of happiness
in the forest who cannot support sons and grandsons and the
deities and and guests and Pitrs.’
IRsis
‘As the deer and boars and birds cannot attain to heaven even
so these Ksatriyas who are shorn of prowess cannot attain to
heaven by leading only a forest life. They should acquire religious
merit by other means.’^
These passages reflect the total disparagement of renunciation
{samnyasd). They go to suggest that there was a section of society
which regarded samnyasa as an asrama simply to avoid responsi-
bilitywhich a person owed to the society and the family. The third
passage has been interpreted by Altekar to mean: ‘renunciation
appeals only to those who are unsuccessful in life.’® Frustration is
mbh., XII.7.41.
^Mbh., XU. 10.17-18, 20-23.
Âltekar, The Position of Women in Hindu Civilisation, p. 425: ^riya vihi-
nairadhanairnastikaiti saihpravartitam Vedavadasya vijnanam satyabhasami-
vanrinam, XII.10.20.
made here the motive behind renunciation. The next two verses,
make meaning quite clear. That man is looked upon as successful
in life who can support sons and grandsons, the deities and ^§is,
the guests and Piirs. These truely give a man religious merit. But
a man who cannot support himself by his own labour, as Bhiraa
asks, can he ever think of acquiring religious merit? Thus the
argument indeed supports an active life, not a life denying atti- —
tude arising from retirement or inaction. In other words, those
who cannot discharge their day-to-day life, attend to the needs of
the family and the society and the three debts {rnas) only think of
renunciation.
What is of special interest is the fact that samnyasa is referred
to as iidsdkya and it is said that men of learning do not acknow-
ledge it. Further, it is said that (according to scriptures) a man
should enter samnyasa, at the time of (the fall of some) calamity
or when he is old or is harassed by his enemies.^ Bhima clearly
suggests that it is the man who is dejected and frustrated takes to
a life of samnyasa.
Summing Up
In the ^Lgvedic Muni, we seem to have the familiar figure of the
shaman of the primitive society. The descriptions of his abandoning
the body, divining the thoughts of others, flying in the air, roaming
at will in different regions suggest that he was an ascetic who has
acquired magical powers {siddhis) very similar to the primitive

medicine man. The prescriptions of the Atharvaveda which have a
whole collection of magic, indicate that some classes of Aryan
society believed in magic practices. The Vedic hymns were used as
having a peculiar magic properly; it was thought that if correctly
used in sacrifices they brought about desired results. Sacrifice was
invested with magic. The jta and satya were believed to have
sprung in the beginning of creation from tapas‘, similarly the
primeval principle described as neither sat nor asat. Just as this
mysterious principle controlling the whole universe could be known
through sacrifice, so it came to be believed that the ascetic was
able to control nature and gods by the force of his tap as and also
obtain supernatural powers. Thus originated asceticism or tapas
from the acquisition of magical powers or siddhis. At the same time
W6//., xii.io.l7.
the idea to achieve ojas seems to have been dominant with many
ascetics as an essential condition for the attainment of celibacy and
the highest spirituality.
Climate as a factor leading to pessimism and asceticism is exa-
mined. It is found to be an important factors haping the religious
temperament of the people of ancient India. It is to the intellectual

craving for a higher life, the spiritual urge for self-realisation that
the ideal of renunciation is to be traced. However, the idea where
appears in the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad is made both the

it first
cause and effect of self-realisation. But soon after, with the Vedic
outlook turning into a pessimistic one, the idea develops. As the
Aryan mind reflected on the finite and limited character of human
existence, was overcome by fear. When the fear became conscious
it
of itself due to suffering and Karma theory, it turned into anguish.

To be free from it demanded destruction of desire as also extinc-
tion of the bondage of Karma whieh seemed perpetual. This led
to all worldly objects being considered transitory and the human
body an abode of evil. Pleasures were short-lived and hence to be
rejected. But this was not enough. Tapas was insufficient to lead
to the knowledge of the self. Karma theory operated to create more
Karma and add to the sense of pessimism. A deep psychological
uneasiness and a deep feeling of insecurity as also frustration and
suffering, brought in their wake increasing pessimism. It was an
unhappy and unsatisfying world to be escaped from at all costs.
As the material life believed to be evil and deceptive was a hind-
rance to a life of the spirit and the release from the eternal cycle of
birth and death lay in the total destruction of desire, turning away
from the world was the next logical step. It was thus thought neces-
sary to break away from all the ties of this earth which bound man
to the world, its desires and temptations. We thus find in the age
of the Upanisads the ideal of renunciation taking a firm shape.
This ideal of renunciation came to be practised as the result of
many forces like: intellectual craving for a higher life and thirst for
spiritual wisdom; the fear of present ills and the unending cycle of
births and rebirths, the inadequacy of tapas for self-realisation, the
emergence of anti-hedomistic tendency, the impermanence of the
world and a mood of psychological uneasiness and insecurity all —
resulting into a pessimistic view of life.
Chapter 4
Asceticism in the Indus Civilisation
In the earliest dawn of man was primitive. His story

prehistory
is traceable in the tools and implements he had used and in the
remains of his habitation, burial or cremation. The nature of tools
viz. stone and metals like copper, bronze and iron marks out different
epochs of his cultural evolution through various stages viz. Palaeo-

lithic, Neolithic and Chalcolithic. Thus the study of all that w'hich
him till the time writing appears belongs to prehistory.

concerns
obsious that writing and literature appeared much later in
It is
human history as products of man’s necessaiy' progress in culture

and education. In India too the oral traditions were not reduced to
writing for a long time. The Vedas were heard as Sruti and were
transmitted by the teacher to the taught by word of mouth from
generation to generation.From the beginning of the Indus Valley
Civilisation to the Mauryan period, India had its protohistoric
period. Writing was known but w-as not useful to know history.
Every region, in which civiUsation has developed and in v«'hich
and science have flourished, has a cultural background

art, literature
extending for thousands of years and dating from Palaeolithic or

Neolithic times, India is no exception. This is suggested and proved
by the discoveries of some rock paintings and engravings, celts, stone
implements and weapons of that age.
The earliest record of rock paintings was that of Archibald Carl-
leyle who discovered them in the year 1880 in shelters somewhere
in the northern cliffs of the Kairaur Range when he was working in

Rewah and Mirzapur. The drawings depict animals especially a stag
and men engaged in hunting rhinoceros.^ Of these paintings Carl-
leyle writes; ‘These illustrated in a very' stiff and archaic manner
scenes in the life of the ancient stone clippers; others represent
animals or hunts of animals by men with bow's and arrows, spears
and hatchets.’* It is doubtful whether the cave drawings are as old
as Cockfaum believes them to be.
'Cockbum, ‘Cave Dravnngs in the Kaimur Range’ JRAS (1889), pp. 89*97.
'Gordon, The Prehistoric Background of Indian Culture, p. 100.
The Kaimur paintings were followed by another set of such

engravings discovered by C. W. Anderson in some caverns at
Singhanpur in Raigarh State.^ The subjects of these paintings were
hunting scenes, groups of human figures, picture writing or hiero-
glyphics and animals, reptiles etc. The hunting scenes depict life-
like portraits of the chase of bison, elephants or mammoths by the
hunters with spears or clubs. The human figures appear to be danc-
ing or engaged in some religious ceremony.
These paintings do not have any indication of any form of writ-
ing like hieroglyphics. Anderson seems to ignore the fact that writ-
ing an element of proto-historic period and the caves are referred
is
to prehistoric. We can accept the caves as prehistoric

by him as
without the hieroglyphics which do not exist in the caves.
Still more cave paintings were found by Cockburn® in the Kaimur
Ranges in the various caves of Ghormangar, Chundri, Lorri and

Likhunia rocks. These were similar to those discovered and descri-
bed by Carlleyle. The drawings were executed on vertical rocks in
rock shelters. There were scenes of a rhinoceros hunt, a man spear-
ing a stag which had an arrow stuck in the throat and was also
shown as attacked by dogs; a man with a torch encountering a
panther. Some of the animals drawn were spotted deer and rhino-
ceros.
It may be pointed out that the dog is a domesticated animal and
the palaeolithic age was ignorant of the domestication of animals
which development took place only during the neolithic age.
Cockburn® also refers to similar but cruder drawings from the
Banda District. Silberrad* has found similar rock drawings at
Sarhat, Malwa, Kuria-Kund and Karpatia in the same region.
These consist of several archers on horseback pursuing sambhar
stags, horses caparisoned and led by men apparently armed with
some sort ofwooden weapon. There are several crude representa-
tions of men, an elephant and a bird.
Now horses were not existing in India before the migration of
Ânderson, ‘Rock Paintings of Singhanpur,’ JBORS. 1918, pp. 298-306;

Adam Leonard, Primitive Art, pp. 121-
Mitra, Prehistoric India, pp. 254-255;
122 .
^Cockburn, loc. cit., & JASB (1883), pp. 56-64.
^JASB (1907), pp. 467 ff.
*Rock Drawings in the Banda District, JASB., Vol. Ill, 1907, pp. 567-
568.
AsceticiEm in the Indus Civilisation 95
the Aryans. They were introduced in India by the Aryans. There-

fore, either the paintings do not belong to the palaeolithic times or
the animals represented are not horses.
From the Kapgallu in the Bellary District have been found more
than 20 groups of figures of birds and beasts of various degrees of
artistic execution.^ There is a hunting scene depicting two men with
upraised right arms as if for hurling javelins, having something like

shield on arms proceeding towards a bull. All the figures
their left
are interesting and occur in a neolithic site.
Fawcett^ discovered a series of such carvings from Edakad cave,
Wynaad, situated about 56 miles from Calicut. The carvings repre-
sent human beings and objects for human use and symbols, but
they so run into each other and are placed so closely together that
it make anything of them. The symbols might

needs close study to
have had some meaning to those who drew them but they convey
nothing to us at all.
By far the greater number of the paintings and carvings can be

summed up as those depicting events— encounters with wild beasts
and wild ritualistic dances. Stone implements, celts, spears, arrows
and stone knives found in the various caves have been examined by
the museums to which they were sent. Their verdict was that in
material, in shape and in manufacture, the polished and chipped
celts of the two classes closely resemble those found in various
first
parts of Europe, America and Australia.^ This is a definite proof

that the paintings belong to the neolithic times. They represent
religious beliefs and practices of the prehistoric people. Hunting
scenes represent their every day life of hunters, seeking food in the
form of the flesh of the animals hunted. The paintings suggest their
belief in
animism.
The materials and objects of these prehistoric art do not throw
any light on any ascetic practices and beliefs prevailing in stone age.
Protohistoric
Times
The archaeological excavations at Mohenjodaro, Harappa and
Chanhu-daro conducted between 1921 and 1935 pushed back the
^Bruce Foot, New Antiquary, pp, 88-89.

ôck Carvings in the Edakad Cave,* lA., 1901, pp. 413-421.
sCarnac, ‘On Stone Implements
from the NWP of India,’ JASB., 1883,
history of India by nearly 2,000 years with onestroke. The recent

discoveries in different centres in India indicate that the civilisation
flourished over a vast area from Saurashtra, Cutch and Gujarat to
Rupar on the upper Sutlej and upto the Gangetic basin. Particularly
Lothal in Saragvala village fifty miles southwest of Ahmedabad,
has been identified as a Harappan settlement. Kalibangan between
Hanumangarh and Suratgarh in Rajasthan has turned out to be
another big Indus Valley city.
The discovery of Mohenjodaro and Harappa was the beginning

of a new period in the history of man. It brought to light the relics
of a highly advanced pre-Aryan civilisation which flourished in the
era which witnessed the glories of the Egyptian, Assyrian and Baby-
lonian civilisations.^
Religion
Religion has always played a dominant part in all ancient cultures
and more so where religion has moulded the lives of count-
in India
less generations of people from the earliest times to the present day.
It is unthinkable that it could have been otherwise in the case of
the Indus people. Our main source of information for the religion
of the Indus people is the fine collection of seals and amulets, clay
sealings and copper tablets, a variety of figurines of terra-cotta,
faience and metal, and a few stone images. We have to rely purely
on the archaeological evidence. The mysterious Indus script in
which the various inscriptions on the seals are found, still remains
undeciphered in spite of the attempts of the various scholars so far.-
The decipherment is expected to unlock the secret of the rise and
fall of the Harappan civilisation and at the same time may throw
new light on the religious beliefs and practices of the Indus people.
Despite the ignorance of the Indus script, Eliade® Wheeler* and
Piggott® hold the view that a dominant religious element was the
source of authority of the Indus Valley civilisation. According to
them the rulers of Harappa administered their city in a fashion not
remote from that of the priest-kings or governors of Sumer and
Hrozny, Ancient History of Western Asia, India and Crete, p. 158.

Jcf.
^Heras, For summary of these attempts, see Studies in the Proto-Indo Medi-
terranean Culture, pp. 29-129.
Êliade, Yoga: Immortality and Freedom, p. 353.
^Wheeler, The Indus Civilisati .n, pp. 29-30.
sPiggott, Prehistoric India, pp. 151-153.
Asceticism in the Indus Civilisation 97
Akkad. In Sumer, the wealth and discipline of the city state were
vested in the priesthood or a priest-king. From the archaeological
evidence of theHarappa civilisation, the reasonable deduction seems
to ‘it was a state ruled over by priest-kings, weilding auto-
be that
craticand absolute power from two main seats of Government.’^ In
such a state it is easy to imagine the role of the temple as a centre
of religious or administrative life. Piggott observ'es; ‘The civic focus
was the exalted temple, centre of an elaborate and carefully ordered
secular administration tmder divine sanction.’-
Tite Mother Goddess

It is number of female figurines of terracotta
believed that a large
are those of the Earth or Mother Goddess.® An oblong sealing
from Harappa depicts a nude female figure upside down with legs
apart and with a plant issuing from her w'omb.^ This suggests the
idea of an earth-goddess concerned with vegetation. The numerous
clay figurines of women suggest that there was some form of wor-
ship of a Mother Goddess in which these figures played their part
in household shrines.
The Male God

Side by side with the Mother Goddess, there appears on a square
seal, a three-faced deity in a typical Dhyana-Yoga posture. Marshall
describes the deity thus:
‘The God, who is three faced, is seated on a low Indian throne
in a typical attitude of Yoga, with legs bent double beneath him,
heel to heel and toes turned downards. His arms are outstretched,
hishands with thumb to front, resting on his knees. From wrist to
shoulder, the arms are covered with bangles, eight smaller and three
larger;over his breast is a triangular or perhaps a series of neck-
lacesor torques, like those on the later class of Goddess figurines
from Baluchistan and round his waist a double band. The lower
limbs are bare and the phallus {ttrdhva inedhra) seemingly exposed.
Crowning head is a pair of horns meeting in a tall head-dress-
his
To of the god are four animals, an elephant and tiger on
either side
his proper right, a rhinoceros and buffalo on his left. Beneath the
JPiggott.ibid, p. 153.
®ibid.
®John Marshall, Mohenjodaro and the Indus Civilisation, Vol. I, p. 49.
îbid,PI.xn, Opp.p.52.
throne are two deer standing with heads regardant and horns tur-
ned to the centre.’^
Marshall recognises this three-faced male god as ‘a prototype of
the historic §iva' He also calls him Pasupati and Mahdyogi.^
Following Marshall, scholars like Wheeler, Piggott, Gordon and
Mackay have accepted the nude figure of the male God as the pro-
totype of the later historical Siva called Pasupati. We should have
no hesitation in accepting this identity.®
Besides the worship of the Mother Goddess and three-faced male
God, certain trees such as the pipal were also held sacred. The
worship of the phallic emblems, the Unga and the yoni was also
prevalent.
Among severalpieces of stone sculpture from Mohenjodaro, there
isa stone-head of a bearded man wearing an embroidered garment.
With eye-lids more than half-closed, he appears to be in meditation,
with eyes fixed on the tip of the nose.^ This is believed to be a
representation of an ascetic or a Yogi by scholars like Mookeiji®
and Chanda.® Marshall believes it to be the statue of a priest, may
be of a king-priest.’ The thick lips, broad-based nose, low forehead,
short stunted neck and the fact that the figure is draped in an
embroidered garment, probably a shawl, belie any identification
with that of an ascetic. But Yogic practices, however, even by those
placed in high position, cannot be ruled out. The statue may be
that of a priest-king, associated with religion, having the knowledge
of the art of meditation.
Summing Up
All the deities reflect the then existing conditions. The represen-
tation of the statuette of the Father God with the soles of his feet
touching each other, his hands resting on his knees and squatting
on the seat like the Yogi, and the bust of the so-called priest-king,
.
iMarshall, op. cit., p. 52, See illustration ‘A’ opposite.
“ibid, p. 53.
®Heras identifies him as An, the Supreme Lord of the Indus Valley. Art.
‘The Plastic Representation of God amongst the Proto-Indians,’ Sardesai
Comm. Vol. (1938), p. 223.
*See illustration ‘B’ opposite.
Âncient India, p. 42.
^Chanda, ‘Sind Five Thousand Years Ago,’ Modern Review (August, 1932),
p. 158.
’Marshall, op. cit., p. 54.
Asceticism in the Indus Civilisation 99
with the half-closed eyes looking at the tip of the nose, certainly
indicate the practiceof meditation of those times; and the three-
faced nude male deity also suggests a definite proof of the existence
of ascetic practices in India as early as 2500 Bc.
Chapter 5
Asceticism in the Early Vedic

Literature
The Vedas are the earliest available literary record of the Aryans,
particularly their philosophical thought and religious practices
during the thousand years or more of their settlement in India.
first
By the Vedic literature we mean not any particular book, but the
whole mass of literature produced by them. We generally include
in it the four Samhitas, the Rgveda, Samveda, Yajurveda and
Athanaveda, the Brahmanas on the one hand and the Aranyakas
and the Upanisads on the other which came into existence in
different periods of time.' Even in each of the Samhitas, we find
evidences of collections of hymns of different periods, grouped
together under one common name. Thus Vedic civilisation means
various lines of primitive thought and practice of the Aryans which
grew and developed over a vast span of time.
The earliest of the Samhitas is the Rgveda wherein we come
across the idea of definite gods, as a normal evolution from the
striking phenomena of nature. The same Sariihita shows that the
development of the Aryan religion and philosophy proceeded along
two well-marked directions. On the one hand, we find the idea of
propitiating the different gods by means of worship, which led to
the religious sacraments known as Yajna or sacrifice. On the other
hand, there developed a more philosophic concept about the
nature of these gods which culminated in the idea that all these
gods were but the manifestations of a higher spirit: ekam sad viprd
bahudha vadanti.^ The later Vedic literature saw a further develop-
ment in these directions. The Brahmanas developed the ritualistic
'Apastamba Vedas as the collec-
in the Yajnaparibhaâsutra has defined the
tion of mantras and brahmartas: Mantrabrahmanyorveda namadheyam. Similar
definitions have been given by other scholars. Most of the Upanijads are
included in the Brahmapa portions of the Vedas, though there are a few which
are included in the mantra portions also.
^RV., I. 164. 46. cf. gV., X. 114. 5: Ekam santam bahudha kalpayanti. Also
RV., I. 79. 10: Aditirdyorditirantarikjamaditirmata sa pita sa putrah Visve
deva aditilj pancajana aditirjatamaditirjanitvam.
lOI
Asceticism in ihz Early Vedtc LiterElore
side of the sacrifice, vriiae the philosophical ideas v.ere

developed
in ihe Upanisads-
The ideasthat prompted the Rss'edic Arv'ans to perform sacrifice
can be gathered from varions hymns. The poet, himself in a remi-
niscent mood notices the variety of ideas,^ viz. ihe propitiation of
the divinity with a vievr to secure favour.- protection against the
enemy,® protection from attainment of fame,* wealth and
sin,^
strength,® material progress,' and expiation- behind the performance

of sacrifice. Thus the Îgr edic people performed sacrifices accom-
panied with prayers to the various gods, viz. Indra, Asm, Vanina,
hirtra, Avvins and Usas etc. The}' were conscious of the might of
gods who s^'mbolised power, strength, wealth and vigour and whom
they evoked for the attainment of worldly comforts with a riew to
enjoy the blessings of the world. Their worship was sincere but
utnitarian. Their ideal of happiness was quite simple and materia-
listic on the whole. It comprised mainly a desire to Irve a natural
duration of human life which was hundred years,® full term of life
of hundred autumns,’® hundred springs,^ hundred winters^ and a
keener desire for progeny-® and cattle.^* The desire for sons was so
dominant that they longed to see sons of their sons.^* The prayers
of the Rg\'edic people thus mainly centered round the desire for
prosperit}', progeny and safely from misfortunes. Life was thought
of as a bluing which the}' loved in ail its fullness and the joys and
pleasures of this world deeply interested them.
About the Rgêdic life, Radhakrishnan observes: ‘We find in the
h}'mns of the Rgv. eda, a keen delight in the beauties of nature, its
greatness, its splendour and its pathos. The motive of the sacrifices
IIL 55. 3.
-fiK, n. 23. 1; 1. 114. 3, 103.4, 114.4, 101, 1-7, JB. 32-13.
I- 103. S.
L 135.5; D- 25.4, X. 63.6.
5.RF., 1. 9. 8, \Tn. 65. 9, 23. 21.
nr. 19. 1.
'RV; VT. \1L 61.
®^F.,
1.
\H. 66.
6. 1;
155. 8, 114. 4; m 51. 5.
16, 101. 6; cf. AV., 1. 31. 3; MU. 2. S.
X. 18, 2-3-4.6: 85. 3^ I61. 2-3-4.
161. 4; cf. AV., ULl I. 4.
X.
i®.?F.,X.16I.4;IX.74. 8.
I. 66, S3. €, 54. 11; H. 4. S; IH. 3. 7. JV. 2. II.
I. ISO. 8; Vn. 8. 65; m. 54. 18; V. 4I 17
i®SF.,n.lI.9.
is love of the good things of the world. We have yet the deep joy
in life and the world untainted by any melancholy gloom.’^ The
estimate of life which finds expression here was inspired by a healthy
appreciation of the good things of the world and to seek its plea-
sures. The life depicted was simple, fresh and full of zest. There
was a vigorous pursuit of material life and the desire for prosperity.
Though the prevailing spirit of the hymns is optimistic, there is
sometimes a note of sadness in them as in those addressed to the
goddess of Dawn, the Ushas, which pointedly refer to the way of
men.^
There a voice of doubt as to the power, even to the existence
is
of the gods. In one of the hymns, it is said of Indra: ‘Of whom

they ask, where is he? Of him, indeed, they also say, he is not?’® In
another hymn, the priests are invited to offer a song of praise to
Indra, ‘a true one,if in truth he is! for many say: ‘There is no
Indra, who has ever seen him? To whom are we to direct the song
of praise?’^ •
We also find in some verses references to death. The ?.gvedic

people did not try to forget or ignore death. The sober realism of
their outlook comes out in the recognition that death was the ‘com-
rade’ (Jbandhu), the unseen companion of the race of man.® The
term ‘comrade’ suggests a manly, undisturbed attitude towards
death, untainted by fantasy or fear. What they prayed for in the
beginning, was relief from premature death. ‘Let not my thread of
life be snapped while I am weaving my song, nor the measure of
my work broken up before its time,’ prays a Yedic poet to Varuna.®

When the melody of life was completed, he was perfectly willing to
leave the concert hall of life. But the incomplete song seemed sad.
He prayed for life for a hundred autumns, life with its full powers,
with sight and hearing, the strength of the arms and the keenness
of the mind, unimpaired.’ When his own sons had become fathers
in their turn, he was ready to depart.® Not only the ^l^gvedic
iRadhakrishnan, /P, I., p. 111.

I. 124. 2: abhinati daivyani vratSoi praminati manujya yugani iyuji-
namupama sa^vatinamayatinam prathameja vyadauta.

II. 12. 5-12.
Vm. 100. 3 ff.
VIII. 18. 22: Ye ciddhi mrtyubandhav aditya manavah smasi.

6RK, II. 28. 5.
XIX. 60; ^y., X. 158. 4; X. 186. 1.
I. 89. 9.
103
Asceticism in the Early Vedic Literature
Aryans prayed for long of prolonged youth and vigour but

life
their outlook on life was also robust and cheerful. The

Rsis even
called them ‘the sons of immortality’ iamrtasya putra) and
‘the
possessors of celestial natures.’^

Despite this robust optimism, sometimes the notes of
we find
pathos in the Varuna hymns when Vasistha prays to Vanina: ‘What

was the gravest sin, O Varuna, committed by me that you want to
forsake me, a friend and praiser of yours?’" But though references
to death and notes of pathos are to be found here and there and
disturb their cheerfulness for a while, the Rgvedic Aryans were, on
the whole, in the rosy dawn of life.
Against this picture of the Vedic society of a happy pastoral
people, taking a keen pleasure in worldly things, desiring material
prosperity and living a full life of zest and vigour, we come across a
small section of society which does not seem to seek the delights of
this world and appreciate its comforts. The reference is to the Munis
figuring in the tenth mandala of ^Lgveda. Basham calls them ‘a class
of holy men, different from the Brahmapas,’^ According to Kane,
life of poverty, contemplation and mortification-’* They
they lived ‘a
look somewhat out of tune with the whole image of the B.gvedic
society engaged in the performance of sacrifices and the worship of
deities. Some scholars argue; ‘In the Rgveda no evidence of an
ascetic weltanshauUng is found so that the inference seems natural to
follow that such an outlook derived from the Dravidians or from

aboriginal inhabitants of the land.’® This view, which seems to be
«3rrect, is partly explained by stating that the hymns to the Muni
which are found significantly in the tenth book of the IRgveda
‘Represents a definitely later stratum of composition.’® The reason
seems to be that it is a natural development of thought aided by the
persistence of magical ideas drawn from lower and more primitive
religions.’ There is no doubt that some of the strange practices
and
beliefs of the Muni throw light on the ascetic institution
which in
X. 13. 1; cf. Sye/a. Up., H. 5. Spivantu visve ampasya putra a yc

dbamSni divyani tasthup.
86, 2-4.
SBasham, The Wonder that was India, p. 244.
^Kane, HDS., n, Pt. I, pp. 419-42.
sGedeo, ERE., H, p. 88; Bouquet, Hinduism, 33.
p.
«Macdoncll, EOSL., p. 45.
’cf. Chapter 4.
course of time came to occupy an engaging attention in the life and

thought of the people ancient India.
Firstly we turn to the austerities, ascetic practices (tapas) and
then to the Mwii.
Tapas
We find in the following passages the original meaning of tapas
as ‘heat’ or ‘burning’:
The sun burns untroubled sending forth heat: Suryastapati tapya-
The sun heats the earth: tapanti satritm svarmbhuma- Fire
tiivrtha'-
heats milk: nasiram duhne na tapanti gharmam^ They burn their foes
as the sun burns the earth: tapanti satnin mahdsenaso amebhiresam^
Chase with thy tapas for ally, our foeman: tapasa yuja vi jahi satrun^
Burn him: tapd tapistha tapasd tapasvdn.^ With heat, O bull, on
every side consume them: tapd vrsan visvatah socisd tdn.’’ Agni, burn
up the unfriendly who are near us: tapd cansam ararusah parasya.^
Smite ye him down with your most flaming weapon: tapisthena
tapasd hanmand? The idea of tormenting or distressing is also im-
plied here. Consume with flame most fiercely glowing: tapisthena
socisd ya suradhUi}^ With hottest blaze pierce the man who love
deception: tapasthena hesasd droghamitran.^^ Agni is prayed: con-
sume our enemies with thy hottest flames, preserve us from dis-
tress: tapasthair ajaro daha}^ Make the fiery pit friendly for Atri’s
sake: tapam gharmam omydvantam Atraye.^^ The frogs who had been
burnt and scorched by hot weather: taptd gharmd asunavate visar-
gam}^ Thus the word tapas is used to mean: ‘the heating,’ ‘the burn-
ing of sun and fire,’ in the psychological sense, ‘to give pain,’ ‘to
make to suffer’; and ‘to consume by fire and heat, evil or enemies.’
II. 24. 9.
^PV., VII. 34. 19.

^PV., III. 53. 14.
^PV., VII. 34. 19.

^PV., X. 83. 3; cf. AV., 4. 32. 3.
^PV., VI. 5. 4.
"^PV., VI. 22. 5; cf. AV., 20. 36. 8.
^PV., III. 18. 2.
VII. 59. 8; cf. AV., VII. 77. 2.

10^ K, IV. 5. 4.
^^PV., X. 89. 12.
VII. 15. 3.
1. 112. 7.
VII. 103. 9.
Asceticism in the Early Vedic Literature 105
Tapas as heat or fervour is extended to mean heat of mind or

zeal in doing things. It is said that gods befriend none except those
who have been tried; Na rte srdntasya sakhydy devdh?- Tapas is the
unflagging, unsparing effort in the achievement of higher things; the
infinite pains one has to take to do something really worthwhile.^
Tapas is also conceived as a mighty power lying at the beginning of
all great things. Truth (patya) and order {rta), for example, were
bom at the beginning out of abliiddha tapas.^ Gods and sages too
performed noble things through austerities, tapas. Indra, for example,
conquered heaven by tapas.^ Agni was produced by Angirases by
tapas.^ Manyu, the personification of Wrath became a mighty warrior
through tapas. He was praised to chase his enemies with tapas.^
The practice of austerities (tapas), was said to deliver from sins,
lead to heaven and to the gods^ and make one invincible.® The
fathers (pitrs), it is said, practised tapas when they were on the
earth.® This suggests that the practice of tapas Jed to the reward of
heaven. Some are also said to have become invincible (anddhrsya)
through iapas.^° According to Sayana there is here a reference to
tapas of various forms such as austerities like Krchacdtidrdyapa
whereby the ascetic is rendered invincible (anddhrsya), sacrifices
whereby he attains heaven, and penances of the highest order
(mahat), that is Rdjasuya, Asvamedha, forms of Updsana (Yoga) like
Hiranyagarbha.^ Sayana seems to have misunderstood the develop-
ment of post-?.gvedic civilisation with the Rgvedic one. The ideas
of the austerities like Krchacdndrdyam are to be met with in the
Dharmasastras. Even the sacrifices like the Rajasuya and Asvamedha
are definitely post-Rgvedic developments. Even the Rgvedic Hira-
nyagarbha is not associated with any form of Yoga (Updsana) but
it is a term used to indicate the Purusa or Prajapati
or the one ‘as a
Golden Germ.’ Sayana has thus implied certain ideas which came
iRR, VI. 33. II; cf. p.V., Vni, 2. 18.
"Bose, A.C., The Call of the Vedas, p. 56.
^py., X. 190. 1.
X. 167. 1.
^RV., X. 169. 2.
X. 83. 3.
'’W; X. 154. 2.
X. 167. 1.
W.. X. 154. 4.
mV., X. 154. 2; cLAV., 18. 2. 16.
“Sayana on X.154.2; cf. Radha Kumud Mookerji,
Ancient Indian Education
•
p. 24.
to be associated later with tapas. No doubt, what exactly was the

nature of tapas which brought about these great and mysterious
results is nowhere described. Tapas was also at the root of the power
and inspiration of the Rsis. The great Seven Îsis of the pristime
age are described as absorbed in tapas}
The power of tapas is further stressed when we are told in the
creation hymn {Nasadlya Siikta) that Kama (desire) was born out
of tapas} The sukta also depicts the Primal Being as practising
tapas before the creation of the world.® Griffith renders tapas here
as fervour or penance.*Muir translates it as inward fervour.® Wilson
means the contemplation of things that were to be created: Jagat-
sarjan visayam paryaloknam} Tapas, it seems, is used here both in
the senses of the fervour of austerity and reflection. However,
Agrawala gives a different interpretation. Tapas elsewhere is known
as the primeval heat (Agraja tapas), Devaushnya, the divine heat or
an incalculable explosion of energy called Abhiddha tapas? Agra-
wala observes: ‘The source, nature and effect of this tapas which
could have existed and functioned as an infinite ocean of the waves
of Prana {Samanchana—prasdraija) or Light and Heat (Jyoti and
Ghramsa) cannot be determined. What actually happens as a result
of this activity is the creation of individual centres as whirl-pools of
energy which the ?.si here speaks of as Ekam.’® This suggests that
the Aryans regarded fervour, warmth behind the tapas, as the prin-
ciple explaining movement, life and thought.
An interesting cosmic use of the verb tap is found where the axle
of the world is said to get hot: tasya naksastapyate? The use of

tapas in its technical meaning of self-inflicted heat and pain, asceti-
cal practice, giving superhuman power is suggested in: tanvanasta-
109. 4: deva etasyamavadanta purve saptarjayalj tapase ye ni§edul?.
py., X. 154. 5: rjin tapasvato yama tapojam api gachchatat.

^PV., X. 129. 4.
^p.V; X. 129. 3.
^Griffith, Hymns of the ftgveda, II, p. 575.
sMuir, OST., V.
6cf. Griffith, op. cit., II, p. 575; cf. Ssyana on AV., XIX. 53. 8; cf. Panini:
Tapah Slocane.
’’fLV., X. 190. 1; cf. Agrawala.
®AgrawaIa, 'Nasadiya Sukta', Bharat! ‘62-63, No. 6, pt. II, p. 10. He adds:
•This one also was an unknown factor called Avyaya Purttsa or AJa and Kima-
pisavid, something which is beyond comprehension 1. 1. 64. 6),’
I. 164. 13.
107
pcisabhyopcisyani?' In the tenth ntondolo this seems to he the charac-

teristic meaning of tapas.
Tapas is and its
also used in the B-gveda to indicate devotion
results; ‘I saw thee meditating in thy what sprang from tapas
spirit,
and thence developed; *Apaiyam tv a manasd cekitanam tapaso

vibhutam? And in a prayer for truthful life to libation (Indu);
‘Flow towards Indra, pressed with words of rta with satya with
sraddha and tapas-. j-tavakena satyena sraddhayd tapaso. suta Indra-
yendo pari stva.^
It seems that tapas is indirectly connected with a world-produc-
ing sacrifice in the sense of the Purusa sukta sacrifice.'* Sayana too
has linked tapas more directly with sacrifices, particularly with the
diksa, preparatory to the sacrifice.® But wherever the sacrifice
{Yajna) is thus connected with diksa or tapas, it is no longer the
early simple sacrifice, to win the favour of the gods; its conception
comes very close and is very similar to that of the later Brahmapic
cosmic and magic idea of Yajna.
We find in the ?,gveda the gradual development of the idea of
tapas. From its original meaning of heat, it becomes physical heat
and practise of religious austerities or penance and devotional
fervour. The idea that Agni can bum enemies to ashes is close to
the idea of the magical power of tapas in its technical sense. The
psychological meaning of tap, ‘to give pain’ prepares the later
meaning of ‘voluntarily inflicted heat and pain’ hence austerities or
ascetical practices. Life, denied of comforts and pleasures, becomes
austere, often painfuland tapas eventually led to austerity or asce-
The tapas of the five fires {pancagni) is obviously con-
tie practices.
nected with the physical heat given by Agni. Tapas is also connec-
ted with cosmic creation.
The Muni
The word Muni occurs five times in the Îgveda. In one of the
hymns to the Maruts the course of the leader is compared with that
^gV., VIH. 59. 6: Indravarupa yadj-jibbyo manigam vaco matim ipanjadat-
tamagne Yani sthananya srjanta dhira yajfiam tanvanastapasabhyapaiyarii.
2^F.,X. 183. 1.
^gV., IX. 113. 2.
<cf. gV., VIII. 59. 6; W-. X. 90.
sSayana on g.V., X. 183. 1: Tapaso jatam tapaso vibhutam
tapasaî dik?!-
rupadvratat jatam punflpannam tapasab anujtbiyamaoadyajfio
dvetoh vibhu-
tam. Also on DC. II3. 2.
of the Muni (Muniriva: like one inspired).^ Here an unusual power

of the Muni is celebrated. The mighty god Indra is called the friend
of the Munis: Muimam sakha.- In both the cases, Griffith takes
,
the Munis as ‘sages’, ‘saintly men’ or ‘ascetics’whereas Sayana

takes ‘^?is’ for the ‘Munis.’ Munnwm sakha, according to him is
the ^Lsis’ friend.® Extending the same meaning to the wind-girdled
Munis, Vdtasrana munyo in the Mum-sukta (RV., X.136.1-7), Sayana
gives us a picture of the Munis as ‘the sons of Vatarsana,’ ‘seers’
and thinkers’ {manandt mwiih), who can see things beyond sense-
perception (atJndriydrthadarsim).
The chief characteristics of the Muni or the Kesin as described
in the Muni-sukta are:^
(1) He is long-haired (kesin), clad in soiled yellow (pisangd
vasate maid), gridled with wind (ydtarsandli) and into whom
the gods enter (devesito). He supports Agni and moisture,
heaven and earth; he resembles the sky and the light.
(2) He proclaims: ‘In the intoxication of ecstasyare moun- we

on the winds. You mortals can see only our body.’
ted
(3) He flies through the air and is a friend of the gods.
(4) He is steed of the wind (vdta), the friend of vdyu, impelled
by the gods (devesito) he inhabits the two seas, that of the
rising and that of the setting sun.
(5) He travels by the path of the Apsarases, the Gandharvas and

wild beasts and he knows thoughts or secret desires.
(6) He drinks with Rudra from the cup of poison.
In the verses 1, 6 and 7 the word Kesin is used and the Muni is
used in the verses 2, 3 (inauneya), 4 and 5. From the description,
the first impression we gather is that the Muni is not an ordinary
mortal. The qualities of treading the aerial path and filling the two
worlds with golden lustre, helping the rain-god Indra can easily be-
long to the siin-god. Thus is the verses 1, 4 and 5 where the word
Kesin is used, Sayana thinks that the deity glorified is either the
Sun or Wind or Fire or all the three together.

Mauna is abstinence from speech. It is regarded as helpful
for meditation. Mauna itself is a kind of austerity. The Muni
IRK, VII. 56. 8: subhro valj su$inab krudhml manamsi dhunir muniriva
sardhasya dhursnob cf. Vnadi-sutra, IV. 122 fr. man impulse, eagerness. Any one
who is moved by inward impulse, an inspired or ecstatic person, enthusiast.
2RK, VIII. 17. 14.
®cf. Griffith, op, cit., p. 142, also f,n.
109
is described as maddened with silence (unmadita mauneya). There

is a suggestion here that silence (mauneya) and solitude are condu-
cive to ecstasy and concentration (ekagrata). The fact that the Muni
is solitary is indicated by Sayana when he
explains the Muni’s ecs-
tasy as laukikasarvavyahar visarjanen unmaditah} The Muni is in

^
an abnormal of suspended consciousness or ecstatic trance
state
In that state he behaves like a madman.^ This agrees with the fact
that Aitasa Muni of the Aitareya Brahmana is regarded by Ws son
as derangedand his speech as Aitasapralap} It is significant that
even Sayana links the Kesin walking on the paths of Apsaras and
Gandharvas with Rsi Etasa.®
The ecstasy of the Muni seems to have heightened owing
silent
to his drinking with Rudra, a potent draught from a magic cup

which is poison to ordinary mortals. Probably the use of some
poison or narcotic drink to produce exhilaration or hypnosis is sug-
gested here. To the hypnotic effect of drinking Soma by the gods
and men, there are many references in the Rgveda. One hymn des-
cribes those inabriated with the drink thus: ‘We have drunk Soma,
we have become immortal, we have entered into light, we have
known the gods.’® Thus possessed they regarded themselves as be-
ing into whom the gods had entered. In an ecstatic trance, the
Muni is said to be in the state of divine possession or impelled by
the gods (devesito). So inspired, he is believed to possess extraor-
dinary powers of being uplifted, above the world and attaining to
communion with the gods. Roth observes: The hymns show the
conception that by a life of sanctity (mauneya) the Muni can attain
to the fellowship of the deities of the air, the Yayus, the Rudras,
the Apsarasas and the Gandharvas; and furnished like them with
wonderful powers, can travel along with them on their course.’’
Thus we see in the Muni a case of the effort to obtain religious
iSayana’s comment on gV., X. 136. 3.

Êcstasy connotestpramat/o/i, unmadah, madah, praliaffah, moha, sarfimoha,
ananda, harfonmattata, romaharâh, atyantabldah-DSE. (MW), p. 217.
^Sayana’s comment: Unmadi(a=vnm^tiSi unmattavadacarantalj yad Va
utkRtarii madam harjam praptalj.
*Ait. Brah., VI. 33. 3.
®Sayaija on X. 136. 5: Yadva jnatavyasyasyajeretasasya sakba svada-
yifa rasayita.
Vra. 48.
’Q. b. Muir, OST., IV, p. 319.
exaltation through ecstatic practices which seem to endow him with

certain magical powers.
The Muni is described as having long hair (Kesitt), wearing the
yellow (pisafiga), dirty {mala), garments {vasate). Sayapa suggests
vestments of bark (vasate: valkalrupani). The dirt (mala) of both
person and garments of the Muni suggests his being engaged in
some What exactly was the nature of
sort of austerities {tapas).
tapas not described. It was probably some method which pro-
is
duced bodily heat and made the body refulgent. The poetic descrip-
tion that the Muni resembled the sky and the light and filled the
two worlds with golden lustre may be interpreted that he was enga-
ged in tapas. Sayapa’s view that the Munis, by the might of their
penance (tapas) become gods is significant.^ This also suggests that
they devoted themselves to austerities (tapas).
Roth also holds the view that the Muni is engaged in tapas. He
explains why he is called the Kesin and why he should resemble
Surya, Agni or Vayu. He is long-haired (Kesin) because, accord-
ing to him, he does not shave his hair during the time of his austeri-
ties and upholds fire, moisture, heaven and earth and thus resem-
bles the world of light.^ We come across many such ideas in later
literature.
The Muni is regarded as traversing the path of the Apsarasas, the
Gandharvas and the beasts of the wild forests. He is regarded as
dwelling in the eastern and western oceans. This power of the Muni
to roam at will in different regions and paths may be the root of
the later notion prevalent that the Yogin developes supernormal
powers which generate the faculty of untrammelled movement at
will. But as already discussed, even Shamans or medicine men in
primitive cultures possessed such magical powers.® The Muni’s

powers seem to reflect the impact of the pre-Aryan magical prac-
tices of the Shaman or the medicine man.
About the Rgvedic Munis, Schweitzer observes;
Tn these hymns (muni-suktd) we encounter men who know they
are uplifted above this world. They are the Shamanas and medicine
— —
men later called, Yogins who get themselves into a state of
ecstasy through drinking the intoxicating Soma, through mortifica-
iSayapa on ptV., X. 136. 2: Yada devasap devah tapaso mahimna dipya-

manah santa^ avikjata devtasvarupaih praviân.
*Muir, OST., IV. p. 319.
®cf. Chapter 3.
Ill
Asceticism in the Early Vedic Civilisation
and by self-hypnosis. Thus possessed, thej' regard

tion of the flesh
themselves as beings into whom the gods have entered, and believe
themselves in possession of super-natural powers They regard
this state of being uplifted above the world as something that
only
came under consideration for themselves because they possessed the
capacity of attaining tocommunity with the gods.’'

Some scholars like Belvalkar and Ranade also consider the Muni
to be the prototype of the Yogi." Sampurnanand is of the view that
the Mimi-sukta refers to ‘Yogis in general and not to any one
specific group of individuals (the vatarsanas)' He writes: ‘If
Sayana’s interpretation that Kesin refers to Surya, Agni and Vayu
is accepted, then the Yogis are called Ke§ins because of their identi-
fication with Vayu through their practice of Pranayama. ... It is,

therefore, quite conceivable that in these mantras the Yogis are refer-
red to as Kesins namely Jatadharis.’^ Eliade sees in the Muni ‘an
ecstatic who only vaguely resembles the Yogin, the chief similarity
being his ability tofly through the air —
but this siddhi is a magical
power that is found everywhere.’* He points out that only the rudi-
ments of classic Yoga are to be found in the Vedas. The ascetic
disciplines and ecstatic ideologies which these ancient texts refer to,
are not always related to Yoga, properly speaking, though th«^
have found a place in the Yogic tradition.® Pranayama is an impor-
tant purificatory process in the Yoga system but it is difficult to
determine how early in the Vedic culture Yogic technique was
known and practised.
We are thus led to conclude that the Muni was an ascetic, thou^
the word He had acquired magi-
tapas does not occur in the siikta.
cal powers {siddhis) very similar to the primitive medicine man, the
shaman. His figure seems to have inspired many vonaprasthas and
samnyasis of later times who practised severe austerities and lived
a life of self-mortification and self-abnegation. Even his long hair
and soiled yellov/ garments became typical of ascetics in the full-
fledged system of the four asramas. The dirt of his person in later
times seems to have developed in a practice of besmearing the body
with the ashes. Many an ascetic, like the Kelin, grew matted hair
'Schweitzer, Indian Thought And Its Development, p. 22.

^Belvalkar &
Ranade, HIP,, p. 405.
®In his letter of March 24, 1963 to the writer.
^âde. Yaga: Immortality and Freedom, pp. 102-103.
®ibid.
and came to be known as Jatadharis. Even Siva as a Mahayogi is a

jatadhari and Rudra, a Kapardine or Dhurjati. Their upasaks kept
long hair (Jata) and many sadhus still keep the jata. The yellow
robe through the centuries became the commonest symbol of the
austere life in India.
The Yajurveda
The Yajurveda represents the sacrificial literature proper as we
find in it the exceeding growth of ritualism and an immense develop-
ment in the various branches of the sacrifice. The main object
namely the appeasement of the gods by prayers and minor rites
was gradually lost sight of and a more mechanical form of religion
based on complicated and elaborate ritualism developed. The sacri-
fice was no longer an offering to the gods as free personal beings
but something that had power in itself. It regulated mechanically

the relation of man with them which was controlled and guided by
the art of the Brahmin priests, and their wonderful insight into the
meaning of all the technical acts. As a result, the priestly class
whose monopoly was to perform rites and rituals rose steadily in
power and prestige. We find stray references to tapas where it
means heat, energy, exhaustion and pain.^
The Samaveda
In this Veda, the hymns taken from the Rgveda were set to music
for use at the sacrifices. Here too the ritualistic forms assumed
importance. Hence the very purpose of its subject-matter like the
Yajurveda almost precluded any scope to ascetic practices (tapas).
The Atharvaveda
The Atharvaveda is a collection of charms and incantations. It
was originally called not the Veda but Atharva-Angiras and was
not included in the canon of sacred books till about 300 bc. The
Rg., Yajur and Samaveda were an expression of the buoyant spirit
of the Aryans whereas in the Atharvaveda we find a dread of evil
spirits and their magical powers. The spells and incantations were
designed to accompany magic rites to gain freedom from various dis-
eases and relief from pain and for the attainment of almost every
irs., 1 , 18, V. 6, xn. IS; XIV. 23, XV. 57; VS., XV. 57. XXX. 6. 12; KS.,
XXXV, 4.
113
Literature
Asceticism in the Early Vedic
and prayer were

conceivable and of human life. Ritual, sacrifice
the gods and spirits. They
regarded as themselves powers alongside
worshipper was
had ceased to be the means whereby the
the gods with the result that the
gods tended to fall
into touch with
thus refiects
more and more into the background. The Atharvaveda
the practises of the lower side of religious life
and is closer to the
people than the priestly atmosphere of the
^gveda. It is
common
the religion of the masses that one meets with throughout.
Tapas
We come across tapas used in the original sense of heat or
fervour.There is a reference to the heat of the sun; udgadayatadityo
yisven iapasdsaha} Sacrifice is said to have been wrought by power
of Brahma {Brahmam) and the gods are prayed to assist with
fervour {tapsd)r The people who have originated from thy (the
sun’s) tapas are described as following the calf, the Gayatri.®
Those who practised great atisterity [tapo ye cakrire mahaslanst)
and having become invincible through religious fen’our {tapasa ye
anadhfsydh) are said to reach heaven through penances (Japasa ye
svaryayuh devapi gacchatat).^ ^tsis austere, practising austerities
iBsintapasvato) are said to be bom through penance {tapojam),^
Religious austerities are meant here. In the earlier usage. Kill him
with Your hottest bolt (tapisthena hanmanaf is substituted aus-
terity, penance; tapisihena tapasa/ The change indicates an increas-
ing ma^cal power of tapas.
Tapas is also used in cosmogonic hymns where it may suggest
the creative heat or fervour that symbolised by brooding over
is
eggs.® But in religious language, tapas means religious or devotional
fervour, the inspiration of the rsi
and thus related to brahman, the
holy word: tadbrahma ca tapasca saptafsaya upjtvanii.^ Tapas
may
have had a partly physical connotation.
The sacrificial ritual itself,
ÂV., XVII. 1. 24.
brahmaoo viryena tena ya deva tapasavateha.
visaslapasab
sambabhuvub vatsam Gayatrimanu
taihagub.
MF., XVin. 2. 16; cf. TA., VI. 3. 2.
tapso-adhijala.
’^^59 ^8
W,VIl’.77.2;cf.r5„IV.3. 13.3.
®^F.,X.7.1;XI. 8. 2 and 6.
ÂV., Vni. 10. 25.
—
performed over the sacred fire was ‘heating’ to the officiants. For
these reasons, tapas occurs as a cosmic force. Occasionally it is a
First Principle itself but more often the creator exercises tapas in
making the world. In prayers to time {kald) personified as a
primordial power, tapas is associated: kale tapah kale jyestham,^
and brahma tapo diSah.^
The Atharvaveda speaks of the earth as upheld by Dharman
‘eternal Law.’® Tapas is described, together with satya, rta, dik0,
brahma and yajha, as upholding the earth (prthivwi dharayanti)}
Tapas is also described as the leavings of the sacrifice (uchhista)
together with dharma and karma.^ Those
satya, rostra, srama,
versed in Brahma {Brahmavido), it is said, go with tapas and diksa.^
The word tapas in the Atharvaveda is mentioned in connection
with the Brahmacari. Earlier, he was described as a member of
the god’s own body (devandih avaiyekamangam), through whom
Brhaspati obtained his consort {tena jdyamanvavidam Brhaspatih)?
Basically, he is one who possesses Brahma, the cosmic power, the
one from whom Brahma originates (tasmad jdtdm brdhmanam
brahma jyestham).^ The Brahmacari moves about stirring both
hemispheres: in him the gods become of equal mind, he supports
heaven and earth and fills his teacher with tapas? Thus the essen-
tially cosmic— magical function of the Brahmacari seems evident:
the heat or fervour of his tapas is creative of the cosmic power,

Brahma, by which the gods and world are produced, upheld and
protected. The, Brahmacari practices are so necessary that even an
Acarya caimot do without them if he wants to find a true Brahma-
cafi disciple.^”
On the other hand, a teacher is indispensable to the Brahmacari
^
who at the time of initiation ceremony {upanayari) is made to enter
ÂV., XIX. 53. 8.

2/lK, XIX. 54. 1.
ÂV., Xn. 1. 17; cf. Mbh., VUI. 69. 59: prthivim dharayeti dharmalj.
MK. XII. 1. 1.
MF., XI. 7. 17 Srama is rendered as asceticism by Bloomfield, Hymns of

the Atharvaveda.
«AV.. XIX. 43. 1.
’j^F., X. 109. 5: Brahmacari carati; cf. AK, XI. 5 (7) 1.

MF., XI. 5. 5; Shende, The Foundation of the Atharvanic Religion, p. 110.
9^F., XI. 5 (7) I.

loibid.
115
as it were the of the teacher.^ The Brahmacari stays with the

womb
teacher apparently for a long time (he grows a beard); he dresses
in the skin of a black antelope; a girdle (jnekhala) described as the
daughter of faith (sraddhaya dtdtitd) and born of spiritual fervour
{tapaso adhijata),- firewood and toil (parisrmna) are the sj'mbols
of the means, by which he fills the world with tapas. Mekhala
could well stand for a symbol of ritual continence as also the
Brahmacari is reminded here of Agastya who
without wife.^ We are
practised iapas while living a pious life of a householder: ubhaii
varnau puposad^ It is by means of connected with upanayam
—
ceremony that the Brahmacari wants to master Brahma, the cos-
mic power. For it is due to Brahmacaryam, the ascetical-magical
power over Brahma, that the world-order is established, that the
king protects his kingdom, that a girl obtains a husband, a horse
gets fodder, the gods get immortality and Indra becomes the king
of the gods.® Brahmacarya is thus assimilated by iapas. Brahmacar-
yam as a stage of an airama, though not yet legally or tradit-
life,
ionally imposed, seems to have been already accepted by society.

The words tapasvin and tapasvi denoting the ascetic are to be
found® though according to Keith, iapasa (ascetic) is not found in
the Vedic literature till the Bfhadardnyaka Upanisad.’’ All the three
words are identical in meaning and denotes one who practised
austerities {tapas).
Braltmnas
The Brahmanas are an inexhaustible mine for the history of
sacrifice, religious practices and the institutions of priesthood.® The
idea that the sacrifice nourished the gods® assumed great import-
ance now and almost grotesque proportion. The creative activity of
MK, XI-5 (7) 3.

2.4F., VI. 133. 4.
3cf. X-109. 5.
I. 179. 6.
MK., XI. 5. 7. 17-19. On AV., XI. 5, Zaehner comments: ‘In the Brahma-
carin hymn the identification of the microcosm and macrocosm is complete...
the identification of microcosmic man not only with the universe but with the
creator of the universe had already reached —
its extreme limit .’ Hinduism p. 63.
UK, XIII. 2. 25.
’’Vedic Index, 1, p, 307.
®BIoomfield, Religion of the Vedas, p. 45.
^RV., I.181, 1; 111.20,1, 35.9; IV,24,6; Vni.18.19.
Prajapatiwas represented as exhausting him so much that his power

required to be continually renewed partly by his own exertion,
austerity (Japas) and partly by the food of the sacrifice.^ Stories are
how
related as to the gods and the asuras competed for world-
power and how the gods only won through
the correct knowledge
of the sacrifice. 2 went wrong not only the sacrifice was
If anything
useless but it was also believed that misfortune would attend the
offerer. Hence the Brahmin specialist who could do it was in great
demand. On his part, he strove to make the rites more and more
intricate and indispensable. The over-emphasis on sacrifice reduced
religion to an artificial, mechanical and stereotyped form. The
sacrifice became greater than the gods and the priests who mani-
pulated the sacrifice greater than all. The Brahmins rose to such
an exalted position that they came to be known as veritable ‘gods
on earth (bhumideva). The Aitareya Brahmana explains the position
of the priest in unmistakable terms.® As a result, the Brahmanic
religion became unintelligible and uninspiring to the illiterate
masses and quite extravagant and meaningless to the literate.
The masses found the bloody sacrifices of innocent animals quite
shocking. The result was a general unrest and discontent with the
Brahmanic cult.
Tapas
There was not much scope for reference to austerities, tapas in
Brahmana literature which is concerned almost entirely with the
order and interpretation of the sacrifice, with cosmology and
mythology. The practice of tapas, however, was recognised and
enjoined. Its significance is illustrated firstly by its reference to the
divinities. It is said that the gods became divine through the prac-
tice of tapas} By means of tapas the Ribhus obtained the right
to a share in the soma drink.® It is said that the gods conquered

the heavenly world through sacrifice {Yajnend), austerities, penan-
ces, (sramena) (tapasd) and sacrificial oblations (ahutibhihih)} The
^Tandya Br., IV.10.1.
^KS., XXII.9; TS., V.33; Tandya Br., XVIII. 1.2.
ÂB., vni.24.25; also SB., 11.2.2.6, II.4.3.14.
^TB., III.12.13.1.
MS., in.30. arbhavam samsatybbavo vai deveju tapasg somapithamabhya-
jayamstebhyah praptah.
«ibid., 11.13: Deva vai yajfiena sramena tapasahutibhihih svargam lokama-
jayam.
117
divine rsis are said to from lapas} Prior to each act of

be bom
creation, Prajapati was believed to have practised tapas. On one
occasion, it is said that he practised such ugram tapas that the
lights, stars came forth from all the pores of his bod}'.' He produc-
ed the world through tapas? Elsewhere, Prajapati, we are told,
created the world by ‘heating’ himself to an extreme degree throng
tapas^ —that is he created it by a sort of magical sv/eating. For Brah-
manic speculation, Prajapati was himself the product of tapas', in
the beginning {agre) non-being (asat) became mind {inana^ and
heated itself {atapyata), giving birth to smoke, li^t, fire and finally
to Prajapati? Tapas thus came to be regarded of great value and
power; the gods and even Brahma performed it. It is enjoined that
‘we must do what the gods did in the beginning.’®
The Taittiriya Brahmana illustrates the great virtue of Brahma-
cari'a in the sense Veda with due
of studying the The self-control.
decayed and old Bharadvaja, when asked by Indra, how he would
use another life if granted, said he would use it in practising
hrahmacarya: The Gopatha-Brahmana extols a Brahmacarin who

goes to a hermitage, where Munis like Yasistha, Vamadeva and
lamadagni practised rigid austerities [tapas), like standing in water
for a thousand years and observing strict celibacy {brahmacarya)?
Here the w'ord ‘ah’ama' occurs in the sense of a hermitage and
hence the rsis seem to be hermits or vanaprasthas. Brahniacarya has
acquired a significant place in a life of tapas.
In the Aitareya Brahmana we come across a passage in which
sage Naiada tells the childless KingHarischandra: ‘What is the use
of smearing this body w'ith ashes {mala)1 Why don the deer skin
(Ajina)! Why ôw matted hair {satnsru)! Why practise penances
(tapas)l O, Brahmanas, pray for sons.’® Sayana takes mala for
ÂB.,J1.27-. nyo daivjasaslanupavanastanvastapoja upa mamrjyo dai\'yaso
vhayatam.
"SB., X.4.4.2.
Sibid., XL5.8.1.
ÂB., V.32.I: Prajapatiiaksmayat prajayeya bhuyan tasyamiti ^ tapo’ tap-
yaia sa tapastaptavemam lokanasnata.
II.2.9, I-IO; SB., XLI.6.I; SB,, VI.7.4.9: Devanam vai ridham anu
manufyah.
^SB., \qi.2.1.4, 111.2.1; cf. TB,, I.5.9.4i tad Btad b^tyate yad deva okurvan
'<TB., m.io.iu.
^GB.. 1.2.7.
ÂB., XXXnr.II: fdmu mdlath kiiH<ginam kimu smasrum
kirn tapah putraih
brahmans icchadraih.
grihasthasrama ajina for brahmacarya and smasru and tapas for

the last asramasy This does not seem satisfactory. What was the
use of denouncing mala and wishing for a son? The incongruity
would be removed if all the four epithets are applied to the last
asrama of Samnyasa. Mala then will be dirt accumulated on the
body of an ascetic like the Rgvedic Muni^ ajina the hide of a deer
for the ascetic to squat on, his hair and beard grown {smasru), and
practising penance {tapas). The age of the Samhitas and Brahma-
nas held that the sacrifices should be continually performed till
death. To give them up in favour of austerities {tapas) and renun-
ciation {samnyasa) would not have appealed to the society. Yajna
was the best karma and the ideal was heaven. It was still believed
that the gates of heaven were barred against the one who had no
son.®
Aranyakas
As the name Aranyaka {arayne avyetavyam aranyakam) suggests
the Aranyakas were the works to be read in the forest in opposition
to the Brahmanas which were to be read in the villages. According
to Sayapa, they were intended for persons who had retired from
the busy scenes of every day life and adopted the condition of
vanaprastha: ‘From the circumstances of their being read in the
forest these works are called Aranyakas. It is obtained that they
should be read in the forests and none should hear them who is
not duly qualified.’^ As against the external show and formal
sacrifices and the elaborate rituals of the Brahmanas, the Aranya-
kas deal with the efficacy of the inner or mental sacrifice and help-
ed the bridge between the Brahmanas and the Upanisads. The
Arapyakas thus form a natural transition to the speculation of the
Upanisads. As a matter of fact some of the oldest Upanisads are

included in the Arapy aka-texts.® The Samhitas and the Brahmapas
are called the Karma-kanda whereas the Arapyakas and the Upani-
sads are called the Jndna-Kanda.^ Some people include the Arapya-
iKane holds the same view. HDS., II. pt. I, p. 420.
^cf. RV., X.136.2: mimyo vataraianah piianga vasate mala.
MB., IV. 3, 4, 3.
^Sayana’s commentary on the Taittiriyaranyaka: aranyadhyayanadetadaraij-
yakamitiryate aranye taddhiyitetavyam vakyam pracakjyate etadarapyakam
sarvam navrati srotumarhati.
®cf Radhakrishnan, S. IP., I. p. 47.
®Sharma. A Critical Survey of Indian Philosophy, pp. 13-14.
Asceticism in the Early Vedic Literature 1 19
kas in the Karma-kahda but really speaking, they represent a tran-

sition from Karma-kanda to the JMna-kanda}
In the Taittiriya Aranyaka, Prajapati is declared to have practis-
ed penance (tapas) and performed a kind of self-sacrifice. The
sacrifice consisted in shaking his body after the practice of tapas.
The consequence is described to have been as follows; ‘FromPraja-
pati’s flesh arose three kinds of ?Lsis.They are Arunas, Ketus, and
Vatarasanas, From his nails arose Yaikhanasas; and from his hair
Valakhilyas.’^ Sayana describes the Vatarasaraas as Sramams and
Urdhvamanthis.^
The fact that in the Taittiriya Aranyaka, Vutaraâna ]^§is are
said to have existed in former times whom Sayana calls Sramanas
is significant. The term sramam means 'one who was toiling.’ If
should be noted that even in the Brhadaranyaka, Upanisad which

cannot be much later than the Taittiriya Aranyaka, the terms
'sramand' and ‘tapasa’ occur in one passage. The passage describes
the nature of the high stage of perfection. It is a stage in which a
thief becomes a non-thief (stem’stem bhavati), a capdala a non-
capdal, a Sramana a non-sramapa, a tapasa a non-tapasa and so on.*
Sayana explains the term ‘sramand’ in the above passage to mean
parivrajaka, ascetic, samnyasi, that is one who is in the last asrama.
He takes the term tapasa, that is one who practises austerities
(tapas) to stand for vanaprastita, the third of the four asramas.
When came to be developed,
the full theory of the four asramas
tapas came to be prescribed for a person in the third asrama,
though he was called a vanaprastita. A
distinction was made between
forcible constraint of passions (tapas) and spiritual renunciation
(nydsa). Tapas was for the vdnaprastha who was in the lower stage
and nyasa for the samnyasin.^ In later Upani?ads where the asrama
^Sharma, A Critical Survey of Indian Philosophy, pp. 13-14
^TA., 1.23.2.
^TA., 11.7.1. Accepting the interpretation of Sayapa in gK, X.I36.2,
Ghurye argues that ‘in the Bsvedic times there were not only ascetics who
were known as ‘munis’ but also others who went about naked, exhibiting their
great Yogic achievements of keeping the penis in tumescent condition
without
feeling^ and showing any excitement,’ Indian Sadhus,
pp. n
ff. The expression
v5tarasana isrendered by some scholars to mean naked, ‘one having only
the
wind or air for his waist-girdle,’ Dutt, EBM, p. 9 f.n., Ghurye, op. cit.,
p. 12.
But if the Bgvedic Muni was naked, he cannot be called pisanga
vasate mala
*Brhad. Up., IV.3.22,
sRadhakrishnan, S., Philosophy of the Upanigads, p, 9i. Atyajo
means men-
tallyinvoking God, and holy texts to come to occupy certain
parts of the body
theory is sramana is conspicuous by its absence.

given, the term
After the Buddha, came
to be monopolised by the Buddhists so
it
that the compound expression Sramana-Brdhmana came to denote

the two opposing religious systems of the Buddhists and the
Brahmins.^
The passage in Taittirlya Aranyaka, however, makes it clear that
the vaikhamsas were rsis. In the vaikhamsa sdman they are said
tobe dear to Indra.® A
Rahasyu Devamalimluc killed
certain
them {mum-mar
at a place called ‘Muni’s death’ Thereafter,
Tndra revived them by a sdman, when the gods had asked him
about the whereabouts of the Vaikhdnasas. Indra called Rahasyu
and asked him as to who had killed the Vaikhdnasas? When
Rahasyu replied that he did, Indra replied that by doing so he had
killed Brahmins.^ Thus it seems that vaikhdnasas were tdpasi rsis
of the established Brahmanic society who practised austerities with
a view to subdue physical senses and joining tapas to the offering of
sacrifices. Probably they used to live somewhat away from the centres
of Brahmanic community in the forests, where a group of them was

killed. Their tradition was, however, revived by the Brahmapic
society. Later references to the reputed author of a Vaikhanasa-
sutra,® dealing with the rules of forest-dwellers suggest that rela-
tively early, the Brahmanic society had come to accept the ideal of
a way of life of penance and offering of sacrifices in the forest.
The vaikhdnasas may be called the predecessors of the vdnaprastha?
The Arunaketuka-vrata is prescribed for the first time. The Rsis,
to render it a pure and fit receptacle for worship and contemplation. Kane,
HDS., II, Pt. I, p. 319.
^cf. AUtadhyayi, II.4.12.2: sramanbrahmanalj yejam virodhah sasvatikah.

^TandyaBr.,-X.lNA.6-l.
^Pancavmsa. Br., XrV.4.7.
^Jaimini. Br., III. 190.
Manu, VI.21 mentions it.
Scf.
^Baudh. DS. (II.6.I8) identifies them: Vaikhanas'opi vanaprastha eva: Also II.
11.14. Kalidas in the Sakuntala speaks of the life led by the charming Sakuntala
in Kapva’s hermitage as vaikhdnasa-vrata (1.21) Byhat-Parasara (Chapter XI. p.
290) speaks of four divisions of vanaprasthas: vaikhanasa, udumbara, vdlakhilya
and vanevdsi. The Vaikhdnasasmdrtasutra (VIII.7) says that the vanaprasthas
are either sapatnika or apatnika and the first are of four kinds: udumbara, A
Vairinca, Vdlakldl) a and Phenapa. The apatnika hermits are of innumerable
kinds; they have no names but are referred to in accordance with their ascetic
practices those who live like pigeons, those who eat only what has been dried
by the sun, etc. (VIII.8).
121
it is down, should live on water or every day eat whatever is

laid
obtained by begging—should worship Agni; they should not have
any possession; they should live in forest; wear the "Ksaumd’ gar-
ment, either yellow or white and carry on the pursuit of knowledge.^
Similarly, a tapasvi, says the text, should learn knowledge of the
Brahman (svadhyaya) he be talking, standing,
in forest, whether
walking or sleeping.^ These men seem to be vSnaprasthas.
According to the Sahkhyayana Aranyaka, a man should perform
the Brahman sacrifice in his body, which is purified by renunciation
and should constantly brood on the Atman, by means of tapas,
brahmacarya and fasting.* The practice of tapas, it is said, will
enable him to be indifferent to desire and the Brahman sacrifice
death away.^ The Aranyaka also explains the allegorical
will drive
speculations of the ritual and the efficacy of the inner or mental
Breathing exercises are more and more emphasised. It is
sacrifice.®
he who chants the Gayatra-strotra should not breathe.®

said that
The idea of upasana or internal worship to gain Brahmavidya has
developed. Tapas is now connected with meditative worship.
Thus we see in the Arapyakas the order of hermits or anchorites
later called the vdnaparsthas who devoted themselves to sacred
practices which had three aspects: sacrifice, tapas and meditation.
Sacrifice was no longer an external show but an inward exercise in
which the meanings of the mantras were meditated upon. The idea
of tapas as both physical and mental training to attain Brahma-
vidya had come to be recognised. Some of the thinkers took to
secluded forest-life, reflecting over the ultimate problems of life.
Upanisads
The word ‘Upanisad’ is derived from upa (near)-fn/ (down)-r
sad (to sit) i.e. sitting down near.^ Groups of people used to sit
near the teacher to leam from him the philosophical doctrine. In
the sylvan solitude of hermitages the Upanisad thinkers pondered
on the problems of the deepest concern and imparted their
^TA.. 1.32.
*ibid,n.l2.
35^.,XV.I.
*ib!d, XIII f.
sibid, V.5-8, X.I-8.
ejaimm. Br., III.3.1; Kau. Br., XXin.S.
’Radhakrishnau, S.,PU, Introduction p. 19,
i22 Ancient Indian Asceticism
f'
knowledge to fit disciples near them. By its very nature, this

knowledge was a secret, rahasyam, to be communicated only to
the tested few. In the words of the Upanisads it was giihya adesal/
and paramam guhyath.^ Thus ‘Upanisad’ meant the secret doctrine

taught by the teacher to his worthy pupils.
Sankaracarya derived the word Upanisad from the root sad (to
loosen, to destroy) with upa and ni as prefixes.® He interpreted it
to mean ‘that which destroyed all ignorance and led one to
Brahman.’ The word. ‘Upanisad’ has since come to be accepted as
brahma-knowledge by which ignorance, which is the root-cause of
worldly existence, is loosened or destroyed. It was the qualified
acarya^ who imparted to his disciple, sitting devotedly near him or
at such private sessions, the secret instruction which dispelled all
ignorance of the pupil and helped him in self-realisation. Towards

this end, the Vedanta prescribed a long traim'ng which was three-
fold: sravana, manana and mdidhydsand.^
The Upani§ads are the utterances of spiritually minded people
who obtained glimpses of the highest truths by earnest meditation.
They belong not to a single thinker but to the seers of a whole age.
This is one reason why some scholars think they do not present a
coherent or consistent system of philosophy. According to them it
is difficult to say definitely what the teachings of the Upanisads as
a whole are.® However, Radhakrishnan points out that different

aspects of the Upanisadic doctrines are not exclusive of each other
and they can give us a single coherent view.^
There cannot be disagreement on one point that the Upanisads
are in the main, concerned with the knowledge of the spirit, the
inner being, the spiritual life that leads to eternal peace and
immortality. In other words, spiritual knowledge is the subject-
matter of the Upanisads. By spiritual knowledge, they mean the
attainment of salvation through the doctrine of the Brahman-
'^Chand. Up., III.52.

cf. Sveta. (7p., VI.22: Vedante paramam gnhyam.
^Katha. Up., 1.3.17.
Întroduction to the Katha. Up. In his commentary on TU., he says: upani-
sannam va asydrn param ireya iti.
^He was to be Brahmaniftha according to Mund. Up., I. ii.l2.
^Byihad. Up., II.4.5: atma va are drajtavyah srotavyo mantavyo nididhya-
sitvyalj.
«Majumdar, R.C., The Cultural Heritage of India, IV, p. 33; Hiriyana, OIP.,
p. 19; Dasgupta, Hindu Mysticism, p. 29; Zaehner, Hinduism, p. 97. ,
’Radhakrishnan, S., op. cit., pp. 137ff.

123
Asceticism in tbe Early Vedic Literature
Atman. The pathway leading to this knowledge has come to be

accepted as the Jnana-MafS^-
Emphasis on Jhana
The word Jnana is used our religious literature in two different
in
senses— a lower sense and a higher sense. In the lower sense it

means only intellectual knowledge of religion and philosophy learnt
from books or teachers. In the higher sense, it means the direct
realisation of God through one’s own personal experience. The

Upanisads in many places point out the difference between a man
of intellectual knowledge and a man of spiritual realisation. Though
they regard the knowledge of scriptures necessary, they emphati-
cally declare that the knowledge of scriptures is not the knowledge
of God.
The Chandogya Upanisad narrates the story of Narada to illus-
trate this supreme truth. Narada approaches Sanatkumara and
tells him that he knows all the scriptures and all the sciences and
arts of his time, but has no knowledge of the self. The pointed
statement put into his mouth is: I know only the imntras but not
the Sfîl—mantraxideva asmi na aimavity It is not the knowledge of
scriptures but the realisation of the Self that brings liberation to

the spirit of man. This is the true perspective which the Upanisads
expect, rather demand from a seeker in his quest for knowledge.
The higher knowledge by which Brahman is realised is called para-
vidya and the knowledge other than that is called lower, apara
vidydy The Upanisads are mainly concerned with para-vidyd and
proclaim salvation by knowledge or realisation rather than by faith
or works.® Brahman becomes the goal and jndna the means of
reaching it. These two concepts come to occupy the foreground of
religious life. All other things like yajna, tapas, updsand, yoga and
karma become subsidiary.
Attitude to Sacrifice {Yajna)

Like all ceremonies and rituals, the Vedic sacrifices had become
mechanical. It was the desire for the fulfilment of some wish
that
iChand. Up., VH. 1.3.

^Mund. Up., I. 1.4-5.
^Chand. Up., II. 23.1: Brahma-sartisthomrtatvam eft Sveta. Up., 111. 10: tato
yaduuarataram tadrapamanainayanj etadviduramrtaste bhavami athctare
dubkhamevapiyanti.
prompted their sacrificial performances. But some found that this

only led to the progressive increase of their desires and not to the
diminution thereof and consequently it neither put an end to worldly
sorrow and suffering nor did it bring peace of mind. There was
thus by this time deep dissatisfaction about the whole of the ritua-
listicway of life which had failed to satisfy the demands of the
intellectand the heart of an entightened section of the community.
It was from this small section of society, the Brahmins as well as the
Ksatriyas, that investigations on the deep problems of spirit arose.
This dissatisfaction is when the Mundaka-Upanisad com-
clearly felt
pares sacrifice with unsteady boats (plavd adrdha yajfiarupd) incapa-
ble of taking one beyond the sea of existence.^ It is also said that
those who regard sacrifices as the highest good of human life go
again and again from old age to death. Full of desire they fall down
from their places in the heavens as soon as their merit is exhausted.
Thus it is said that the faithful performance of sacrifice takes a man
but to the world of fathers (pitfloka) whence he will return to earth
in due course.* Yajna could only take him to heaven from where
he had to come down to earth after a brief stay.
This has given rise to many contrary views on the part of many
scholars, European as well as Indian regarding the Vedic sacrifices
and Brahman, the Absolute in the Upanisads.® The gist of their
views is the main doctrine of the Vedas (excluding the Upanisads)
is that the Vedic sacrifices should be performed to reach heaven
whereas the main doctrines of the Upanisads are that Vedic sacri-
fices are useless and should not be performed, that minor deities do
not exist, there being only the Supreme Deity called Brahman and
that one should try to attain salvation by acquiring the knowledge
of Brahman.
We shall now quote
passages from the Upanisads in which it is
explicitly stated thatby performing sacrifices one could go to heaven,
that minor gods did exist and that sacrifices should not be given up.
We find in the Iôpanisad a prayer to the god of fire (Agni) to
lead the soul by a nice path after death.* The Sveta^vatara Upanisad
Wunrf. Up., I. 2.7.
^Brhad., I. V. 10.3; Prasna., I. 9; Mund., 1. 2.10.
5.16, VI. 2.16; Chand.,
^Muller, Max RPU.,
p. 21; Macdonell, HOSL., p. 215; Wintermitz. HIL., p.
237; Hume, TPU., p. 53; Radhakrishnan, S., IP., I, pp. 71-72; Dasgupta, HIP., I,
p. 28; Hiriyana, OIP., p. 48; Ranade, CSUP., p. 6; Majumdar ed. the Vedic
Age, p. 493.
*Isa., 18.
Ascetidsm in the Early Vedic Literature 125
alludes approvingly to Agni and Soma, the chief sacrificial deities
and commends a return to the old ritualistic worship.^ In the

Kenopaiusad it is stated that the gods Agni, Vayu and Indra surpass
the other gods as they touched Brahman from the nearest place.®
In theKathopanisad we find Naciketas addressing Yama thus: ‘Oh
God of death, you know how god of fire (Agni) is to be worship-
ped so that one may attain heaven. Please teach it to me. I have
full faith in you.’® When Naciketas asks about Brahmajnana, Yama
says: ‘In the past the gods also wanted to know it.’* Again Yama
says: ‘All the minor gods rest in Him (Brahman).’® The same Upa-
nisad says: ‘Out of fear of Brahman, Agni gives heat, the Surya
also gives heat, Indra, Vayu and the fifth god Yama perform their
respective functions.’® The Prainopanisad says: ‘Those who per-
form sacrifices and excavate tanks go to the heaven which is the
moon.’’
The Mundakopanisad begins by saying that of all the minor gods
Brahma first came into existence.® It also asserts the truth of the
Vedic sacrifices: ‘All this is true, the rituals which are revealed to
the sages and which were inherent in the mantras.'^ It also enjoins
on the performance of Vedic sacrifice: ‘You should constantly try
to perform these sacrifices with the desire for attaining the ultimate
truth.”® It is also stated: ‘They (who perform sacrifices) enjoy the
fruits thereof in heaven and are bom again in this world or even in
lower worlds.’” To give the minor gods their due importance, it is
said: ‘The minor gods were created out of the Supreme God (Brah-
man).” The Taittiriya Upanisad prescribes the performance of sacri-
fice: ‘You should not neglect to perform the rites in honour of gods
and ancestors.’*® The rites for the gods, it is stated, are the sacri-
^Sveta., n. 6-7.
^Kena, IV. 2.
SEiitha,J. 1.13.
4ibid, 2.1.9.
sibid.
«ibid. 2.3.3.
"^Prasna, 1.9.
Wund. 1 .1 .
9ibid, 1.2.1.
lojbid.
Wbid, 1.2.10.
i®ibid, 2.1.7,
“ret 1.11.2.
—
lices; the rites for the ancestors are sraddha and tarpana. The
Upanisad affirms: ‘Pursue the path of religion. Sankaracarya com-
ments: ‘So long as one does not realise one’s identity with Brah-
man, one should carefully perform the rites laid down in the Vedas
and Smrtis.’^
The Chandogya Upanisad says: ‘The path of religion can be divi-
ded into three parts: Sacrifices, study and gifts constitute the first
part.’® According to the Brhadaranyaka Upanisad: ‘The Brahmins
desire to know the Brahman by the study of the Veda (vedaima-
cana), by sarifice (yajna), by gifts (dana), by penance (iapas) and
by fasting (aiiasaken).^ Commenting on this passage Sankaracarya
observes: ‘Those persons whose minds are purified by the perfor-
mance of Karma can know without hindrance Brahman as revealed
by the Upanisads.’®
It should be of special interest that in the Chandogya and Brha-
daranyaka Upanisads those who are engaged in performing sacri-

fices also discuss philosophical questions.® It is pointed out that the
rituals which the sages contemplated in the hymns were developed
in various ways in the three Vedas and these should be performed
always with a sincere desire.’’
From the above discussion it appears that some Upanisads con-
tinue the philosophy of the Brahmanas. Some of them even sug-
gest the importance of a number of minor deities whose worship
led to the heaven. Majority of the Upanisads, however, discard
these beliefs and suggest a new path Jmna-marga as the only
means of salvation. It is a better path for the liberation of man. All
the different views expressed in the Upanisads, therefore, need not
create confusion. It is quite possible that the Upanigads referring
to theminor gods and sacrifices continue the Brahmanic phase and
hence are nearer the Brahmanas and belonging to the earlier phase
of Upanisads. However, Sampurnananda lends a proper perspective.
He aptly observes: ‘It has become a fashion to study the Upani§ads
by themselves. This method of study often leads to the conclusion
^Dharmam cara: TU., 1.11.2.
^prag brahmatmapratibodhanniyamenatujtheyati srotasmartakaraiani.
^Chand., 2.23.1.
^Brhad., IV. 4.22.
sKarmabbifi samslcfta hi visu^dhatmanab saknuvanti atmanam upanijad
prakaîtaril apratihandhen hi veditum.
^Chand.. I. 11. flf.
"^Mund. Up., I. 2.1.

that they represent some kind of an intellectual revolt against the
ritual and priestcraft of the Vedic hymns. No importance is attach-
ed to the fact that Vyasa and his commentator Samkaracarya, the

greatest exponents of the Jnma Marga support the study of the
Vedas and the performance of the rites enjoined by them and speak
of them as absolutely necessary.’^
has also to be remembered that the cross-section of the sodal
It
picture that appears in the Upanisads does not represent the whole
society of those days. It certainly comprises such sections of society
aswere busy with spiritual and philosophical problems. The remain-
ing strata of society continued to believe in the efficacy of the sacri-
ficesand the existence of the minor deities. It was the god Agni
and the other gods who acted as witnesses at the marriages perfor-
med according to the Vedic rites. They were still presiding deities
of the mantras.
Mysticism
The philosophy of the Upanisads centre round the concept of
Supreme Truth or Ultimate Reality called Brahman. From the ob-
jective point of view, this Reality is called Brahman (the Self) but
from the subjective point of viev/, the same is called Atman (the
Self), for God is present both in the universe and in the heart of
man. The two words are generally used synonymously in the Upa-
nisads. And the central theme of the Upanisads is that Brahman is
Atman and Atman is Brahman.
The Upanisads abound in expounding the nature of Brahman,
the Supreme Reality. They employ all kinds of similies and meta-
phors to describe what it is not. They never tire of telling us again
and again that it cannot be comprehended by the study of the scri-
ptures or by the power of intellect or by much learning.® Logic,
discussion, scholarship and the scriptures do not help. It is also
said that not only can it not be perceived by the eye (caksusa) or
described in speech (ydea), it cannot be also gained by the other
senses (nanyair devaiij), by ascetic practices (tapasa) or by sacrifi-
cial performances \Jcarmand va).® Thus the realisation of this Rea-
lity is beyond speech, beyond thought and beyond all sense-percep-
iSampunjananda, The Evolution of the Hindu Pantheon, p, 7,

-Katha. Up., 2, 23; nayamatma pravacena labhyo na medhya na bahuna-
srulena Mund. Up., in. 2.3.
'
mund. Up., m.i.s.

tion.Often a seeker of truth indulges in apparent contradictory

terms: ‘I do not think that I know it well. Nor do I think that I
—
do not know it. Among us he who knows it knows it. And he too
does not know that he does not know.’^
The Mandukya Upanisad, however, states that there is the turiya
state in which one is deep dreamless sleep when
in the state of a
neither the knower nor the known can be distinctly felt. In that
superconscious state one has the experience of the liberated spirit.®
This is a state which is not within the experience of ordinary men.
Here we find an allusion to the great experience which springs from
a deep insight transcending all reasoning and which can only be
apprehended intuitively. As the same Upanisad says: ‘The relation
of truth is possible only through the most perfect moral purity
which results in a natural illumination of intuitive perception when
one seeks to attain this Reality through meditation.’® Ranade calls
this state: 'immediate, intuitive first-hand experience’ which is to be
attained ‘more by way of mysticism than by the way of thought.’^
According to Dasgupta it is ‘ineffable, intuitive experience regarded
by the Upanisadic sages as absolute and ultimate truth.’®.Only the
mystics can attain and testify to this intuitive experience for Das-
gupta points out that they possess ‘the higher intuitive knowledge
(pragnana) as distinguished from yfiona or cognition.’® It is, there-
fore,no surprise that the Upanisads do not lay down any definite
method for arriving at the perception of this truth.
'^Kena, Up., II. 2: naharii manye suvedeti no na vedeti veda ca yo nastad

veda fad veda no na vedeti veda ca cf. ibid, 1.3: anyadeva ladvititadatho
aviditadadhi.
^Mand. Up., amatras caturtho vyavaharyaj} prapancopasamah sivodvaifa
12:
evam aumkara atmanatmanam ya evam veda. According
atraaiva, samviâty
to Gaudapada (III. 35) liyate hi susupte fan nigrhitam na liyate tad eva
nirbhayarii brahma jnanalokam samantafati.
Up., III. I.SrJnana-prasadena visuddha-sattvas tatastu tam pasyate
nijkalam dhyayamanalj. cf. Dasgupta, Hindu Mysticism, p. 56.
<Ranade, CSUP., pp. 286, 324; cf. Dasgupta. Indian Idealism, p. 18.
SDasgupta, op. cit., p. 42. The AV., passage (X. 8.44) which contains the
earliest occurrence of the word Atman in its philosophical sense takes pains
to make clear the reason for knowing that Atman: akamo dhiro amftah
svayambhu rasen tfpto na kutascanonab-’ tameva vidvan na bibhaya mrtyo
atmanam dhiramajaram yuvanam. A knower of the Brahman-Atman is
possessed of all these qualities. See Bphad., I. 5.20, IV. 3.37, Chond., VI. 25.2,
VIlI. 12.6.
sibid, pp. 55-56, 41.
Ranade, however, opines that the Upanisads afford us certain

basic conditions for attainment of the self. These are; ‘complete
elevation of moral life, including the absolute control of all passions
and abandonment of worldly ambitions and hopes and
desires, the
the attainment of an unruffled peace of mind.’^ But the Katha

—
Upanisad warns us that it is a very difficult path like the edge of
a sharp razor; ksurasya dhara nisita duralyaya durgam pathah?-
No effort, howe\’er tremendous is of any avail. The reason is; this
Self can only be realised by those to whom it reveals itself.® Thus
without divine grace, man is without any hope. All his efforts are
rendered futile and he continues to float aimlessly in the ocean of
samsara. The verj' nature of the Reality and the pathway to attain
it are such that only the rare intellectually and morally elevated
beings who possess prajnana like the Upanisadic rsis or seers could
realize For the ordinary people there was no hope.
it.
About the Upam'sadic mysticism Ranade says; ‘The Upanisadic

mysticism w'as the mysticism of men who lived in cloisters far away
from the bustle of humanity, and who, if they permitted any com-
pany at all, permitted only the company of their disciples. The
Upanisadic mystic did not come forward v/ith the deliberate purpose
of mixing with them in order to ameliorate their spiritual condi-
tion.’^
Tnspite of the profundity and brilliance of the Upanisadic ideas

itcan be said that they cannot be regarded as sufficient for the
moral or religious needs of the masses. The Upanisadic thinkers,
who were mystics, lived in their splendid ivory tow'er, more con-
cerned with their own and approachable by only a few of
salvation
the intelligentia to whom the subtle philosophy of the Brahman-
Atman could make its appeal. Moreover, they followed an intui-
tive process and conclusions were not based on an intelligible chain
of reasoning and argument but held out merely as the experience
or realization of great minds. They w'ere, therefore, to be accepted
on faith.
^Mund. Up., I. 2.13, Bphad Up.. IV. 4,23, Ranade, op, cit., p. 329; cf.
Dasgnpta.op. cit.,p. 61.
^Kctha, 3, 14,
^Katha Up., II. 23: Yamevalfa vpjute, tena labhyastasyaija atma vivnjute
tanuA svam. Also Mmd. C/p.. HI. 2.3; Sv«a.Up., 3.7a, 1.6; Chand. Up.,YL 14.2.
^Kzna6e, Pathway to God in Marathi Literature, p. 1.
Tapas
The Upanisads, as discussed earlier, emphasise the path of
knowledge towards self-realization. Knowledge should lead to ex-
perience and finally to direct perception of God: atma vd are
dfstavyah? That is why Nididhydsand is insisted on in the last
stage of the spiritual journey. Also prescribed are certain exercises
in meditation as preliminary steps which are called Updsands viz.
meditations on the five elements. Prana and Aum.® As these
Updsands trained the aspirant and prepared him for the higher
stages of meditation, they were of considerable value to the deve-
lopment of the concept of tapas. It was no longer confined to mere
self-mortification. It took on a distinctly ethical colouring. It
became a training directed towards exercises of an inward kind.
The Kena Upanisad, for example, says: ‘Austerities {tapas), self-
control {dama) and work {karma) form the support of the secret
teaching relating to Brahman. Vedas are all its organs {sarvdhgdni)
and truth {satya) is its abode.’® This indicates that those who
sought spiritual illumination should cultivate qualities of tapas and

damafi to acquire sense-control so necessary for meditation. Tapas
is also recognised together with truth {satya), right knowledge
{samyag-Jndna) and practice of chastity {brahmacaryam), as one of
the means of attaining the self.* According to Sankara, tapas here
refers to the focussing of the mind and the senses on the eternal
self.®
In Brhaddranyaka and Taittirlya Upanisads, there occurs a phrase

in the creation of legends: sa tapo'tapyata.^ It literally means: ‘He
exerted himself, he performed tapas.' It is translated by Winter-
mitz: He tortured himself and mortified himself.’ This meaning
does not fit Tapas here means austere thinking or reflec-
in here.
tion. Itis to be taken in the sense of knowledge {jhdna), thought
or reflection {dlocana) as it is very clear from the words whose
^Bfhad, n. 4.5.
Âitareya Br., V. 32; TU., I. 5.4, I. 6-8 Aum is the pranava, which by the
time of the Upanijads, is charged with the significance of the entire universe.
Radhakrishnan, PU., p. 615.
3Kc«fl,IV. 8. ...
mund. ni. 1.5.

5cf. Radhakrishnan. op. cit., p. 688: manasascendriyanam ca aikagryam
paramam tapafi.
^Brhad. I. 2.6; TU., II. 6.1.
’Winternitz, HIL., p. 220.
.
tapas is in essence jnana: yasya jnananiayam tapohy Sankara in his

commentary observes; tapas here means Jnana, there being no pos-
sibility of other kind of tapas, for his desires are already satisfied
{aptakama) and so he cannot perform any austerity. Hence the

phrase means that he reflected upon the creation of the world He
is about to make.®
In the Aitareya Upanisad there is the metaphor of God ‘brood-
ing’ over the world egg.® Radhakrishnan comments: Tapas, the
enerzing of conscious force, austere thinking, the inward travail of

the spirit, is the ‘brooding’ which is responsible for the creative
work. It is the force by which some mighty possibility is actualised.*
It is thus described in the Taittinya Upanisad that Brahman per-
formed tapas and thereby created all that we see around us and
having created them entered them (anuprSvisat)} In a number of
passages that follow, tapas is identified with Brahman: tapo Brahma,
underwent tapas (tapo tapyatd).^ Samkara
It is asserted that Brahman
means by tapas knowledge.’ Brahman willed, he thought and he
created. In the same manner elsewhere Prajapati is described to
have practised austerity (tapotaptya).^
In the Prasna Upanisad tapas is used as sense restraint (indriya-
samyamd). Tapas, brahmacarya and sraddha are considered indis-
pensable conditions of knowledge.® Study of the Vedas (svadhydya)
and teaching (pravacana) have been described as tapas.^° It is said
that Brahman can be known by tapas: tapo brahmeti.^^ It is also
said that Brahman can be realised by knowledge (vidyayd), austerity
(tapasa) and medition (cintayd).^- Tapas is a requisite for perception
of the Atman which is said to have its roots in self-knowledge and
penance (atmavidya tapomulam tad brahma)}’’^ It is said that the
^Mund. Up., I. 1
^Samkara on Prasna. Up., 1.4; cf. Sayana on TA., VII. 2.
ÂU., 1. 4, III. 2; cf. Parm&rthasura 10: avyaktadaneja mabhudaijdad
brahma latalj prajasargalj.
and West
‘Êast in Religion, p. 76.
STU., 2.6. 1.
oibid, 3.2. f.
'^/apa itijiianath iicyate. tapah paryalocanarfi.

BBr/iad. Up., I. 2.7; I. 5.2.
BPra.(na. Up., I. 2; V. 3.
lorcr., 1.9.
iiibid, in. 2.1; 111. 3.1; 111, 4.1; III. 5.1.
'^^Maitri. Up., IV. 4.
^B^vela. Up. 1.15.16; stayenai tapasZ yo'nupa&yatl.
Supreme is attainable through proper Tapas is also considered

necessary for instruction in sacred knowledge.^ By contemplative
power (tapasa) Brahma is expanded {ciyate Brahma)?
said to have
Tapas here is the energy by which the world is produced/ It is aus-
terity or meditation: tapa samtapa iti, tapa alocana iti?
From the above passages it can be seen that tapas means energy,
self-effort, thought, self-control, study, austerity and meditation.
Tapas is preliminary to creation and instruction in sacred know-
ledge. Brahma is built up by tapas. Through tapas is all creation
effected. The Supreme is attainable through tapas. Tapas is also a
a requisite for perception of the Atman. It is notable that the con-
cept of tapas in the Upanisads is of a pure nature. It is regarded
not as a means to the attainment of mundane or extramundane
benefits but as a means to enlightenment or self-knowledge. The
ascetic life {tapas) has become ancillary to the search for knowledge.
Towards Renunciation
As meditation and knowledge came to be regarded as superior to
sacrifice, so tapas also was viewed as capable of producing wonder-
ful results. But there came a stage in the Upani§adic times when
tapas came to be depreciated in comparison with knowledge as an
inferior, secondary way to the highest bliss, to Brahman. A gradual
development of this tendency can be clearly seen.
Tapas is more powerful than sacrifice.® But it was believed to
lead only to the lower bliss of the world of the forefathers (pitr-
lokath).’’ Tapas in itself seems to be powerless without a reshaping
of the mind: it came to be associated with faith {sraddha) and

brahmacaryam? Brahmacaryarit and tapas are spoken of together®
and later on brahmacaryam is itself regarded as tapas.^° Brahmacar-
yam here is used in the sense of a studious life, lived in continence
mund. Up., 1.2.11, 3.2.4.

2m, 3.1; Maltri. Up., 1.2.
^Mmd. Up., I. 1.8.
ibahusyam samkalpa rupena jfianena brahma srjtyunmukham bhavati

iti
Rangaramanuja, cf. Radhakrishnan, PU., p. 673.

sRadhakrishnan, ibid.
6Chand. H. 23.1.
’iBrhad. VI. 2.16.
^Chand. Up., V. 10: Ye ca ime aranye Sraddha tapa eti upas ate. .
^PraSna Up., I. 9.10.

lOibid, 1-15.
133
and implying a mental discipline. Sraddha is the attitude of mind

which accepts a reality beyond the reach of the Senses and is deter-
mined to give up worldly things to obtain it. The Chmdogya Upa-
iiisad distinguishes only two ways of life: the Gfhastha and the
Brahmacan, the latter category apparently including Vedic students
and Upanisadic hermits in the woods. Here not noly the need for
brahmacarya advocated but also the equivalence of certain sacri-
fices to brahmacarya is stressed on.* The waning influence of tapas
could be seen in the words of Yajnavalkya to Gargi that a thou-
sand years of tapas without the knowledge of Brahman is of no
avail.^ The utter futility of tapas is demonstrated in the case of king
Brihadratha, who having performed the highest penance— that too
acquiring vairdgya, has failed to attain self-knowledge.® Tapas thus
occupies a secondary, subordinate precondition to bring about a
change of mind, leading up to the Brahma-state, difined as jhana.
Once it is fully realised that the Brahma-experience stands out of all
proportion to sacrifice and tapas, tapas is dropped and brahmacarya
and jhdna are pointed out as leading up to Brahma realisation.
In complete harmony with the spirit of these texts, the Upani-
sads, now speak of the one who stands firm in Brahman {brahma-
samstha) and who attains life eternal.* In comparison with this
state of brahma-samstha sacrifices, study and charity; and austerity
{tapas), naisthika brahmacari in pursuit of sacred wisdom, staying
with the teacher all his life are said to attain only to the worlds of
the virtuous {punya-laka).^ Samkara suggests that brahma-samstha
refers to the parivrdt or the monk who alone obtains eternal life,
while others who practise active virtues obtain the worlds of the vir-
tuous. According to him, the true brahma-samstha is the samnydsin
who gives up ail actions.® The three branches of Dharma mentioned
^ChTSnd. Up., Vni. 5.1-3.

^Brhad. Up., m, Yo va etadak§araih gargyavidilva asmin lokc juhoti
8.10;
yajate tapastapyate bahuni varja sahasrapi antadevasya ladbhavati.
^Maifri. Up., 1.2,
‘^Chand. Up., n. 23.1: brahmaswhsthomiiotvameti.
sibid, Trayo dharmaskandbah; yajfio dhyanam danamiti; praihamah tapa
eva, dvitiyo brahmacaryacarakujavasi, tjiiyo’tyantam atmanam acaryakule
vasadayam; sarva ete pupya. loka bhavanti. Sankara on Vedantasutra (III.
4.20) speaks of the third Sirama as vaikhanasa as indicated by the word tapas
here.
^Karma-nivftti-laksanampaThrajyam brahma-samsthatvarh; cf. Radhakrishnan
PU., p. 375.
by the Chandogya Upanisad seem to be alternative paths for religious

and spiritual development leading to punyaloka. Immortality is pos-
sible only for the one who knows the Brahman (Brahma-samstha).
He stands apart from the three paths of garhasthya, tapas and nais-
thika-brahmacarya. Thus the Brahma-samstha seems to be identical
with the Atydsramin who knows the Atman and is beyond asrama}
Here no chronological idea is suggested that the one who knows
Atman a period
is in of life. A transcendency is expressed as in the
Brahma-samstha. Both the states point to renunciation of the world.
We have already seen that the vdnaprastha stage has been accep-
ted by the Brahmanic society in the Aranyakas. Tapas is distinctly
associated in the Upanisads with the life of the anchorite in the
forest, the vdnaprastha for whom the practice of tapas is especially
obligatory but he must add faith (sraddhd) to it.^ Those
it is said,
who practise tapas and sraddhd in the forest are said to be free from
passion (yirajah), tranquil and wise {sdhta vidvdmso) and leading the
life of a mendicant (bhaiksdcaryam carantali).^ Who are they? They
are the ascetics (yatayak) with their imperfections done away and
who behold this self within the body, of the nature of light and
pure.^Thus those who live in the forest purified by austerities {tapas)
and those who know and are learned become almsmen, religious
mendicants {bhiksus). A new mode of life of a wandering beggar, a
mendicant {parivrdta, bhiksii) to attain the highest bliss,
religious
the Brahman has come to be recognised for the first time.®
The Brhaddranyaka Upanisad refers to such class of men who are
world-forsakers and almsmen when Yajnavalkya tells king Janaka:
‘Him Brahmins seek to know by the study of the Veda, by sacri-
fices, by by penance {tapasd), by fasting. On knowing Him,
gifts,
in truth,one becomes an ascetic {Muni). Desiring him only as their

worlds, mendicants {pravrdjino) wander forth {pravrajanti). Because
they know this, the ancient (sages) did not wish for offspring. What
shall we do with offspring (they said), we who have attained this
Self, this worlds. They, having risen above the desire for sons, the
itSveta. Up., VI. 2.1.

-Chand. Up., V. 10: Ye ca ime aranye sraddha tapa eti upasate.
mimd.Up.,l.2.n.
îbid, III. 1.5: antah-sarire jyotir-mayohi subhro yam pasyanti yatayah
kîpadojah*
sDutt holds the view that almsmanship was customary; Buddhist Monks and
Monasteries of India, p. 45.
desire for wealth, the desire for the worlds, led the life of a mendi-
cant (bhiksacaryam caranti).'’^ The Aima-Knowltdge is then the
final,culminating point, leading up to which, other paths of life
are but stages of development. Behind their spiritual urge to attain
this supreme wisdom, the Upanisadic thinkers have realised that
worldly goods did not give lasting happiness. The true and ever-
lasting happinesswas to be found in the bliss of Atman.
The same Upanisad sets forth this ideal of renunciation elsewhere
thus: ‘The Brahmins, having knovm that Self, having overcome the
desire for progeny, the desire for wealth, the desire for worlds, live
the of mendicants {bhiksacaryam cararuf).’- Here the life of
life
mendicancy is suggested as the outcome of knowing the Atman

whereas in the first passage (TV. 4. 22) it is a means to the self-
knowledge {etam era pravrajino lokam iccbantah pravrajantf), as the
samnyasa in the last stage of life {asrama) came to be understood.
In the second passage (111.5.1) the mendicants, having realised the
self which is the only desire {atma-kdma) have realised all their
desires {dpta-kama), the state which the ascetic or sarhnydsi aspires

to reach. {IV.4.22). It is significant that in IIT.5.1, ‘a Brahmin,
after he has done with learning,' is advised ‘to desire to live as a
child.’ It is said that ‘when he has done (both) v/ith the state of
childhood and with learning, then he becomes silent mediator.’® The
Rgvedic Muni was silent; maunam, mauneya was his chief trait. The
Upanisadic Muni lakes to pdndityarh, manan, thought, meditation.
After manan, maunam is again recommended to him. The true kno-
wer of Brahman has to devote himself exclusively to the contempla-
tion of the self and shun all other thoughts as distractions. In the
silence of his own soul (dtman) he has to find {Brahman).
We thus find that the thirst for spiritual knowledge to attain self-
realisation inspired the ideal of religious mendicancy and renuncia-
tion of the w'orld. The greatest of the Brahmavadins of the
Upanisadic age Yajnavalkya renounces the worldly life and takes to
the life of aprovar^yfi after he has divided his property between
^Brhad. Up., rV. 4. 22.

-ibid, HI. 5.1: etam atmanaih viditvd, brahmapali putraisariayds ca
vat tarn
yittaisdnayas ca lokaisaridyds
ca vyutihdya, atha bhjk^dcaryam caranti.
^Tasmad brahmanafi pandityam nirvidya balyena tijfhaset; balyam ca pap-
dityam ca nirvidya, atha nmnilj; amaunam ca maunam ca nirvidya, atha
brahmauah.
his two wives, Maitreyl and Katyayanl. The conversation between

him and Maitreyi aims at showing that the giving up of all worldly
possessions and retiring to the world of the forest completely dedi-
cated to a life of tapas was indispensable for the knowledge of
Brahman and the attainment of salvation.^ With the emergence of
the doctrine of Brahman-Atman, the miseries and sufferings of
human life came to be attributed to the absence of self-knowledge.
The eternal Atman was bliss and everything else painful and transis-
tory: ato anyad artavi. The world was believed to be deceptive and
life evil. To this phase of pessimism were added other forces, as
described in the third chapter. According to the doctrine of trans-
migration and law of Karma, samsara was full of misery and ruled
by Karma resulted in a perpetual bondage of birth and death. The
fear of present miseries and future sufferings of rebirths made the
world a miserable place to escape at all costs. The Upanisadic
thinkers preached that the seeker after saving knowledge must get
rid of all desires for worldly things. This naturally meant detach-
ment from normal human life; not because it was painful, transitory
and negligible but because it was also distracting. It impeded the
attainment of the highest goal by involving man in mundane inte-
rests. Thus developed in the Upani§adic times the ideal norm of the
wandering mendicant {samnydsin, bhiksu, samana, muni), the home-
less ascetic, living on alms, cut off from family ties, possessions and
all worldly life. He stood outside of everything, even of caste. He
died to the world only to live in the world of Brahman-Atman.
Summing Up
In the Vedic literature we find that the Aryans still lived a full
life though in the Upanisads, there is an emphasis on the life of
the spirit and self-realisation, due to the development of the doctrine
of Brahman-Atman. The institution of tapas has developed from its
basic meaning of heat or warmth or fervour to ascetic practices and
devotional fervour. In the Upanisads it has come to be accepted as
a means of elightenment or self knowledge. Sacrifice through dis-

credited as leaking boats and incapable for attaining salvation had
still an important place in the life of the common man. Though the
Upanisadic thinkers held out that self-realisation was necessary to
obtain salvation and which could only be had through the intuitive
^Bthad. Up., IV. 5.2.

knowledge of Brahman, the path was confined to a few who could

understand the subtle-philosophy of Brahman- Atman and who could
completely elevate life on intellectual and moral planes. The few
regarded the Brahraan-experince not only as ineffable and intuitive
but also as absolute and ultimate truth. The masses, however, con-
tinued to rely upon sacrifices and minor gods to reach heaven.
Spiritual knowledge was not the monopoly of only Brahmins. Even
the Ksatriyas, some of whom were kings, were in possession of it
and instructed even the Brahmins in the secret doctrine. It was
believed that salvation was obtainable by living a righteous life of
Artha, Kama and Dharma according to Vedic prescriptions. Even
kings like Janaka were said to have obtained salvation while still
ruling and there was no need to give up worldly life and its interests.
However, a minority of thinkers and mystics endeavoured to attain
salvation and immortality through self-realisation and as a result of
realising Brahman, and wandered as mendicants. For the very pur-
pose, others took to a life of Samnyasa. Due to pessimism arising
from Brahman-Atman philosophy as also other factors like samara
and karma, the samnyasa ideal came to be developed in the Upani-
sadic times.
Chapter 6
Asceticism in Buddhist Literature
The times which saw the rise of the religious systems of Gautama,
the Buddha and Mahavira, the Jaina, were one of an intensive
speculative activity, spiritual unrest and intellectual ferment. The
country was seething with a multitude of more or less opposing
theories on all sorts of questions, ethical, philosophical and religious.
In the sixth century, thus we find, an upheaval of new ideas leading
to the rise of new philosophical tenets and religious sects, often of
a revolutionary character such as ancient India has never seen before
or since. Many of these philosophical dogmas or religious sects had
a merely temporary vogue and gradually faded away. A few how-
ever, came to stay and left a permanent impress on Indian religious
thought. Of these, four played an important part in subsequent
history. These are Jainism, Buddhism, Vaisnavism and Saivism.
The first two are more important because they broke themselves
away from the orthodox Vedic tradition and were offshoots of a
heterodox movement. We deal here with Buddhism.
On the importance of Buddhism as a religion, observes Havell:
Tt was much more a social than religious revolution.’' The question
arises: What were the main features of the broader human situation
that Buddha confronted? In general, it appears, that ‘the situation
was one of radical social readjustment and deepening religious need.^
In order to understand this historical situation which Buddha found
himself challenged to meet, we have to consider the environment of
his times which is naturally influenced by its background in, the
earlier religious thought of India. It is essential, therefore, to view

the and times of the Buddha and the social, religious and cultu-
life
ral background against which he is to be understood, with regard to

the role he played and the message he preached on the vast stage of
Indian thought.
iHavell, The Aryan Rule in India, p. 50,

^Burtt, The Teachingsof the Cotnpassionate Buddha, Introduction p. 19.
Asceticism in Buddhist Literature 139
The Conditions of the Time

The philosophy of the Upanisads was meant only for the initiated
few. The Upanisadic teachers were not concerned with common
people or earthly matters. The cult of the sacrifice which developed
out of the prayers in the Vedic Samhitas had still a powerful hold on
the people. Religion had become mechanical. To the mass of men
it consisted in regular ceremonials, purifications and prohibitions
applicable to almost all relations human life. The slaughtering

of
of animals for sacrifice became exceedingly common. Emphasis was
placed on the correct performance of rite and ceremony. Goodness
was judged on the one hand by the standard of ritualistic correct-
ness, and on the other by asceticism, torture and penance, in the
search for the ultimate truth.
The Brahmans had became powerful through their knowledge of
the sacrificial arts,which the hereditary priests especially made it to
a high degree esoteric and exclusive. The Vedas were frequently
taught by them as a collection of authoritative texts rather than as
living truths to be tested and re-interpreted, if need be, at that time.
The Diglta Nikaya, having referred to the names of the ten rishis or
hymn composers of the Vedic tradition,* points out that the Brahmins
of the Buddha’s times were merely repeaters of the hymns composed
by the ancient sages.- The goal of these sacrificing priests was
mainly the union of Brahma by merit through sacrifices or austere
practices.* The Brahmans sought to perpetuate their own social
ascendency by inculcating the doctrines of their own superiority as
custodians of a divine revelation and as expounders of sacred laws.
Besides, by virtue of their birth they enjoyed the high social esteem
of the masses irrespective of their character. This was, however,
challenged by the non-orthodox teachers like the Buddha. In
Sonadanda Sutta for example, the Buddha vigorously contests the
exclusive claims of the Brahmans to social superiority birth.*
According to him, character and deeds, virtue and wisdom were the
characteristics of the true Brahman.® He also points out that the
^Digha. Nik., I. 104. Also Maj. Nik., II. 200. The rishis named are: Atthaka,
Vatnaka, Vamdeva, Vessamitta, Yamataggi, Angirasa, Bharadvaja, Vasetfba,
’ ’
Kassapa and Bhagu.
*Tevijja Sutta Digha. Nik., I, 13.
maj. Nik., 11. 197 ff.
^DOS., I. pp. 144 ff.

^SBE, Sutta Nipata, p, 115, Sobadapija Sutta, p. 154.
real union with Brahma lay not in sacrifices and ascetic practices but
in the cultivation of virtues like love, pity, compassion
and poise
which truly freed the heart from wrath and malevolence, sensuality
and sluggishness.^
Religious thinkers, in attempt to satisfy their metaphysical curio-
sity, were championing varied cosmological systems, each heap-
ing argumentative scorn on the theories of his opponents. Moral
life suffered, since metaphysical subtleties and theological discus-
sions absorbed the energies of the elite. Dogma and pristhood,
sacrifice and sacrament reigned supreme. Religion was straying

through these and other vices away from the insistent, poignant and
practical needs of common men and women. It was not leading
them towards true fulfilment and more dependable happiness; it was
being entangled in obstructive tradition, repetitious rite and dead
dogma. ‘The age’ as Radhakrishnan observes, ‘was one of spiritual
dryness, where truth hardened into tradition and morality stiffened
into routine. Life became a series of observances. The mind of man
moved within the iron circle of prescribed formulas and duties. The
atmosphere was choked with ceremonialism.’* It was left to the
thinkers like Gautama, the Buddha and Mahavira, the Jaina to
break through or sweep away these obstructive tangles, to find an
enduring solution to the real problems of men and to bring to India
and the world a saving message of light and love.
Before the time of Buddha, there was not one vast Indian empire,
but only princes of particular tribes and clans who were trying to
form small states. According to Buddhist texts sixteen great states
{Solasamahdjanapada) flourished, shortly before the time of Gauta-
ma, the Buddha.® In northern India, wars were frequent between
the petty princes and rival clans. Society was moving more and
more in the direction of a rigid caste system.
Religious and Ascetic Sects

The Pali texts give us an exceedingly concrete picture of the move-
ments of the religious world of the times in which a number of reli-
Woy. Nik., II, 203-208.

*Radhakrishnan, POU., 142.
^They are Anga, Magadha, Kasi, Kosala, Vriji (Vajji) Malla, Chedi, Vatsa
(Vaihsa), Kuru, Pancala, Matsya, Surasena, A§vaka or Asmaka (Assaka)
Avanti, Gandhara and Kamboja; The Age of Imperial Unity, p. 1; Ang. Nik., I,
II; 37,
213; rv. 252, 256, 960; Mahavastu, I, 34, II, 3; Vinaya, II, 146 fn; Niddesa,
.
gious and philosophical sects, ascetic orders, groups of hermits and

wanderers played their part. A
picture of the variety of religious be-
liefs current at the time is obtained from some Buddhist texts, like
Aiiguttara Nikaya, Mahaniddesa and ChuHaniddesa.

According to the Aiiguttara Nikaya, the ten main religious sects
of the times w’ere:

(1) Ajivika (2) Nigantha
(3) Mupda-Savaka (4) Jatilaka
(5) Parivrajaka (6) Magandika

(7) Tridandika (8) Aviruddhaka
(9) Gautamaka and (10) Devadhammika
Ajivikas
The Ajivikas formed a third heretical sect beside those of Bud-
dhism and Jainism. founder was Makkhali Gosala. The religion
Its
of the Ajivikas, called Ajivikism, which ‘played a part of some im-

portance if not of glory’* and which is aptly termed as ‘a vanished
Indian religion’ by Basham- has its own history and doctrines. We
purposely indicate its early beginnings here, as when the Buddha
came on the scene, the term ‘Ajivikas’ did not connote a regularly
‘organized’ religious sect with distinct doctrines of its own. At this
time Gosala had not yet commenced his ministry.
The word ‘Makkhali’ before the proper name Gosala suggests
that it was a title. Makkhali or Maskarin was a fairly common ap-
pellation of a staff-bearing ascetic. The word is explained by Papini
as a mendicant who bears a nmskara or bamboo rod.^ The etymo-
logy of the word has been established by Hoemle. ‘It describes
Gosala,’ he writes, ‘as having originally belonged to the Makkhali
or Maskarin class of religious mendicants.’* Ajivika Upaka is also
That such staff-bearing ascetics existed
referred to as bearing a staff.®
is clear from various references to maskarins and ekadandins.^
Though Papini’s etymology seems only to imply that the v/ord mas-
karin means a mendicant bearing a staff, of whatever class or order,
staves probably became a regular mark of the Ajivika order,
*Barnetf, 'The Ajivikas,' Introduction p. xi.

Basham, ibid, p. 288.
Âffadhyayi,vi, I, 154: Maskara Maskaripi vepu parivrajakayoh cf.
Agrawala, Art. (Word Notes on the Divyavadana, B/wrot/.No.
6, Pt. 11 p. 68
iERE., /, p. 260.
-
®Latthi-Hattho, Theri. 291
«Tittlra Jat. iii. p. 542; ERE., i. pp. 266-7,
The Ajlvika ascetics in the Pali texts appear usually to have

lived in a state of nakedness.
Purana Kassapa is described as a Nir-
gantha clothed in the garment of righteousness {dhanna-satapratic-
chama), the phrase is obviously an euphemism for a state of total
nudity.’ Both Gosala and Purana are described as completely
naked. ^ The Ajivikas performed penance of the most rigorous
nature. A typical account is given in the Kassapasihanada Siittd^
Their asceticism often terminated like that of the Jainns in death by
starvation.^ The typical Ajlvika of the early period was usually com-
pletely naked, no doubt covered with dust and dirt, perhaps bent
and crippled and armed with a bamboo staff.®
A detailed account of the Ajivikas is given elsewhere.®
Niganthas
The leader of the Niganthas (Nirganthas) was NiganthaNataputa
or Mahavir Vardhaman, now acknowledged as the last Tirthankar
of the .Taina tradition. But in the early period the terms 'Niganthas'
and 'Ajivikas' seem to have been used synonymously. Nigantha
Saccaka or Aggivessana names the six heretics, as the leaders of his
order.’ These six teachers are usually portrayed in the Pali texts as
a group though occasionally brief references to an individual teacher
may be found. The Sandaka Sutta refers to all of them, including
the great leader of the Niganthas, Nigantha Nataputa, in the gene-
ral category.® It seems probable that in the days of the Buddha
both the terms Ajivika and Nirgantha originally had a wider con-
notation and were applicable to almost any non-Brahmanical naked
some later texts Ajivikas are clearly distinguished from
ascetic.® In
Niganthas.’®The Niganthas practised asceticism of a severe type
which often amounted to death by starvation.” The Jainas are
'^Divya, p. 165.
^Buddhaghosa, Sum. Vil., i. pp. 143-4.
^DJgha Nik., I, 161-177.
^Basham, op. cit., pp. 127-131.
SBasham, ibid, p. 109.
sVide Chapter 7, Jainism.
Way. Nik., 1. 238.
Sibid, I, pp. 513 ff.
^Basham, op. cit., p. 102.

losutta Nipata, 381 Ye ke c'ime tilhiya vada'sila, Ajivika va yadi va Nigantha.
’’Vide Chapter 7 Jainism.
known to be the successors of this school of the Niganthas.
Munda-savaka {MupdaSravakd)
According to Buddhagosa they were the same as Niganthas.^
Jaiilakas
The Jatilakas were those who wore their hair in braids. To do
so was the rule for the orthodox hermits (the Vamprasthas or
iapasas).'^ They were fire-worshippers as the Pali expression ‘aggika
Jatilaka' suggests.^ There is a reference to their wearing matted

hair which they are said to have shorn off on receiving Upasampada.^
They lived outside society, did penance (for which their leader Kas-
sapa Uruvela was specially renowned)," performed sacrifices and
kept up the sacred fire.® From this description it becomes certain

that they were in the Vanaprastha or Tapas stage of life.'
Paribbajakas (Parivrajakas)
The terra Paribbajaka was applied to the homeless community of
men who lived outside the organisation of the society. They were
called by various names Parivrajaka, Bhikkhu {Bhiksu), Sramapa
(Samand), Yati and Saihnyasi. The last name, however, was seldom
used in Buddhist and Jaina literature. However, the denomination
Parivrajaka is common to all. They have one more essential charac-
teristic in common viz. that they are all professed religieux, home-
less and nomadic. The common phrase in the Pali scriptures for
one who embraces this mode of life is, Agarasma anagariyarh pabaj-
jati (passes from the household to the household state). The
character of the community is so varied and miscellaneous that it
is extremely difiicult to generalize upon it. They lived by begging,
had no settled dwelling, moved about from place to place and were
either ascetics practising austerities or celibates.®
’cf. Rhys Davids, DOBI., p. 221.

-Gout. D.S.. ni. 34,
^Mahavagga, i. 38. 11, cf. Kern, Manual af Buddhism p. 78.
îbid, i. 20,19.
®ibid, 22.4.
«ibid, 15, 2; 19, 1; 20, 19.
’Rhys Davids and Oldenberg regard the Jatilakas as Brahmanical Vana-
prasthas Vinaya, SBE., pt. I, p. 118 fn. 1.
®Dutt feels that the Parivrajaka stage is not exactly the culmination of
Out of the Parivrdjakas were formed from time to time groups

who expressed their allegiance to a certain teacher or subscribed to
some common tenets, marks or styles of dress. Of these we may
refer to Magandikas,'^ Vekhanass^ Parasariyas,^ Jatilals,*^ Tedandi-
kas,^ Aviruddhakas,^ Devadhammikas’ and GautamakaA
According to Buddhaghosa all these groups were the followers of
non-Buddhist teachers {Titthiyas).
Tridanîka {Tedandikas)
As opposed to Ekadandins, they were the bearers of the triple
staff.The technical term is not to be found earlier than the latest
part of Manu.® Probably they were Brahman bhiksus who carried
three staves bound up as one, as a sign, of their self-restraint in
thought, word and deed. The idea of the three fold division of con-
duct recurs in the Dharmasutras and in Manu.’®
The Mahdniddesa and CuUaniddesa mention the AJivikas, Nigan-
thas, Jatilas, Parivrdjakas and Aviruddhakas along with the worship-
pers of the elephant, horse, cow, dog, crow, fire, serpent, goblin,
Vasudeva, Baladeva, Purpabhadra, Mapibhadra, Agni, the Nagas,
the Yaksas, the Asuras, the Gandharvas, the Maharajas, Chandra,
Surya, Indra, Brahman, Deva and Dik. In the account given of the
various superstitious beliefs current among the ancient people for
the attainment of purity, a few ascetic practices are mentioned e.g.
strict observance of silas (moral precepts), living the life of animals
the ‘stages’ but something apart, not exactly comprehended by the asrama
theory, but a condition of life represented by men who may not have gone at
different stages of life through the disciplines of graded duties and responsibili-
ties imposed by Vedic culture and its requirements: Buddhist Monks and
Monasteries of India, p. 39.
maj. Nik., I, 501-13.
®ibid, ii.21.
3ibid, ii.324 f.
îbid, II, pp. 40-44.

svinaya, II, p. 132, 196; Lalitavistara, p. 238.
^SiittaNipata, Verse, 365, 704, 854.
’^CuUanldessa, p. 173.
^DOB., p. 221.
^‘Saptangasyea rajyasya vistabdhasya tridandavat' (Manu xii. 10).
tvGaut. DS., in, 17; Baudh. DS., xi, 6, 11,23; V.165; IX, 29. According
to the Mbh. (XIV. 105.8-9), a Samnyasin should be revered irrespective of
his
having one or three staves, being shaved or otherwise and even when he has
only reddish-brown cloth.
e.g, cow and so forth, rubbing the body by earth

elephant, horse,
and cow-dung.^ The account furnishes us with two lists of religieux
{Samanabrahman) who seek emancipation through the performance
oiVatas, Fraf 05, (vowed observance) and Mutas. The Vata-suddhi-
kas are Hatthivatika, Assavatika, Govatika, Kukkuravatika, Kaka-
vatika, Vasudevatika, Baladevavatika, Punnabhaddavatika, Mani-
bhaddavatika. The Mutasuddhikas are those who in proper time
mb their body by earth, harita and gomaya.^
These two which are quite exhaustive, arc interesting and
lists
instructive. They demonstrate the existence, side by side with well-

known religious sects, of a bewildering variety of primitive faiths
and popular cults —a characteristic feature of Indian religious life
throughout the ages.
The lure of renunciation or other-worldliness was very much in
the air at the time. The ascetic was the most prominent figure in
religious life as opposed to the Brahman priest who filled the reli-
gious and literary stage of the earlier period. The system of

airamas or the four stages of life was evolved and the last two,
those of the vanaprastha and samnyasa gave opportunities for
speculation on the problems of ultimate reality and absolute happi-
ness. In Brahmin circles asceticism had become popular and
numerous Brahmins were found to be living in forest hermitages
(asramas) or wandering ascetics {parivrajakas) or yatis and sarim-
yasis. They emphasised the ideal of renunciation of the world but —
only from the point of view of the Asrama theory according to
which the Aryan had first to pass the stage of the student of the
Veda {Brahmacari) and of the householder (grhastba) who founded
a family, offered sacrifices and honoured the Brahmins, before he
is allowed to retire from this world as an hermit {vanaprastha) or
an ascetic {samnyasi). They debarred other castes from entering the

ascetic life. Excessive formalism had developed in this scheme.
The monopoly on the part of the Brahmins meant treating those
debarred from entering the ascetic life as in every way inferior.
This created in the latter a sense of denial to have opportunities to
rise to the full heights of their powers. This fact was naturally
most
keenly felt by the clever and critical Ksatriyas. It is from the ranks
of these that the Jaina as well as the Buddhist reformers sprang.
^cf. ‘Browsers’ These were solitaries

of Mesopotamia and were so called
because they lived on grass like cattle. ERE.,
VIII, p. 783.
^Mahaniddesa, I, p. 89.
Buddha and Mahavira preached against the sanctity of the Vedic

lore, rejecting the sacrificial prescriptions of the ritualists and
repudiating claims of spiritual superiority asserted by the Brahmins.
Asceticism was now the only door open for non-Brahmins who
sought spiritual, mental and intellectual fulfilment and realisation
and hence the life of the wandering mendicant was considered
superior to that of the Brahmin priests. It was equally the opportu-
nity for magicians, necromancers and sorcerers as for those who
used it as a technique for the acquisition of superhuman powers
and knowledge, whereby they would have a privileged place in
society, even if they, like Makhali Gosala, one of the Ajivika
teachers, belonged to an inferior caste.
The ascetics of different orders were described by the general
term Samana-Brahmana, leaders in religious life. This indicates
that there were two different representatives of religious life— the
Santanas (recluses) and Brahmanas. Samanas were non-Brahmana
ascetics including the Jainas and Buddhists. The Buddhist Samaras
were also called Pabbajjakas or Bhikkus (Bhiksus). The Brahmana
ascetic orders depended on birth and were recruited exclusively
from one caste, those of Samanas were thrown open to all high
born or low bom, who would adopt, ascetic life. The practice of
adopting a wandering religious life had become a characteristic
feature of the society.
There are frequent references^ in Buddhist literature to six senior
contemporaries of the Buddha who were the prominent leaders of
the non-Buddhist ascetic sects (titthas):
(1) Purana Kassapa (4) Pakudha Kaccayana

(2) Makkhali Gosala (5) Nigantha Nataputa
(3) Ajita Kesakambali (6) Sanjaya Belatthiputta
Each is described in the same stock terms. Each is referred to as
the leader of an order (ganacariyo), well-known, famous, the
founder of a sect (titthakaro), respected as a saint {sddhu-sammato),
revered by many people, a homeless wanderer of long standing
{cirapabbajito) and advanced in years.
Each of them had his pet theory of holy living, philosophical
doctrine^ and a band of followers. Throughout the Nikayas, the
Buddha’s polemic is focussed, outside wanderers and Brahmanism,
on these six leaders of heretic sects.
II 2.
^Digha Nik., 1, 47-59; Maj. Nik., 1, 198, 250; Siitia Nipata, III, 6; ibid,
^See Basham, op. cit., pp. 13-17.
147
Of these six leaders, Nigantha Nataputa is no other than Maha-

"vlra, and according to the Jaina tradition the last
prophet or the
Tirthafikara. He preached ethical doctrines which had been held
long back by an incomparably senior ascetic, Parsva. The latter is
now acknowledged to be Mahavira’s predecessor and the founder
of Jainism. In the Sammanaphala Sutta Nigantha Nataputta is
mentioned as having held the doctrine of four-fold restraint; rest-
raint from the use of cold water as it contains life and from sinful
activities such as killing and sexual intercourse.^ ‘Nigantha’ or
‘Nirgantha’ suggests that he was free from all bonds and. had puri-
fied himself.In the Uduambarika Sihanada Sutta the restraints as-

cribed to him are identical with the four vows ofParsva with minor
differences.-
The next important contemporary of the Buddha was Makkbali
Gosala. He belonged to the sect of the Acelakas or ‘Naked Ones’®
and as the first part of his name indicates carried a staff of bamboo
(niaskarin). It is said that he was for some time a disciple of
Mahavira but later broke away from him. Afterwards, he founded
an independent school known as the Ajivikas. Later writers men-
tion two predecessors, Nanda Vaccha and Kisa Sankicca* thus giv-
ing this school three teachers. This sect is now extinct, but seems
to have enjoyed popularityand even royal patronage,® The remain-
ing four teachers did not leave their mark on posterity as did
Mahavira and to a lesser degree, Gosala.
An analysis of the doctrinal or philosophical tenets of the
non-
Vedic sects shows that the number of such teachers or religious
leaders and their schools was very large. The Jain Sutras® mention
as many as 363, while according to the Buddhist suttas the number
is 62 or 63.'^ The Jainas group their 363 schools broadly into four,
^DOB., I. p, 74. Also cf Siyodagam va taha biyakayam aha yakammam
taha itthiyao eyaih janam paddisevamana agarino assamana bhavanti. Suya-
gada, 2, 6, 8.
^Digha Nik., Ill, 48.
3The word acelaka connoted any naked ascetic; DP., I, p, 309. When
Buddha asks the Nigantha Saccaka Aggivesana how the Ajivikas maintain
themselves, he replies referring to Nanda Vaccha, Kisa Sankicca and
Makk-
hali Gosala as the acelakas-. Maj. Nik., p. 238.
^MaJ. Nik., 1, 238, 524.
sAsoka’s P.E., VII; Also Dasaratha’s inscriptions of
the Hill Caves, cf
Basham, op. cit., p. I5I-152.
65/fcr., ii, 2.79.
’Brahmajala Sutta, DOB., I, p. 52-53.
namely the KriySvada, the Akriydvada, the Ajmnavdda and the

Vinayavdda,^ Mahavira being shown as the champion of the Kriya-
vada.^ Mahavira had declared complete renunciation as the right
and only norm of conduct. In Jainism the ascetic life as the only
path of salvation has remained a cardinal point.
The generic term for the wanderers, whom Havell calls ‘a frater-
nity of mendicant sophists’® was Paribbajakas or Parivrajakas of
both the sexes. Much information about them is to be found in
Samana Mandika and Culasakuludayi Sutta.* The Anguttara^ Nikaya
mentions two classes of Parivrajakas: Bralujmna and Aimatittliiya
i.e., other non-Buddhist ascetics. The Brahmana Parivrajakas are
characterised as Vddasila {disputations)^ Vitandds and Lokdyatas

(sophists, casuists and materialists)^ Tevijjas (versed in the three
Vedas);® Padakas (versed in metre); Veyydkaranas (versed in gram-
mar) and proficient in Jappa, recitation or Jalpa\ Niganthu (vocabu-
lary); Ketubha (etymology, Itihas etc.)® The Parivrajakas also
included a number of wandering teachers and scholars (carakas)
who also had their disciples. The carakas were celibates but not
necessarily ascetics who resembled, in scholasticism and discussion,
the Greek Sophists, who fulfilled the intellectual requirements of
the people.^® Some of them were described as ‘Eel-wrigglers’^^ or
‘Hair-splitters’ and the Eternalists (Sassatva-vdda)}^ These Parivrd-
jakas, except during the rainy season, spent the remaining seven or
eight months wandering in different regions expounding their doct-
^Stiyagada, 1, 12, 1-2.
îbid, 1, 12; 11-20-21. Also for Mahavir’s Kriyavad: Chapter 7 Jainism.

^Havell, op. cit., p. 50.
maj. Nik., n, 23-38.

Âng. Nik., IV, 35.
sSutta Nipata, 382.
’’CuUavagga, V.3.2.
sSutla Nipata, 594.
9ibid, 1020.
u>‘The religious atmosphere of the time is perhaps comparable to that
which prevailed in the Roman Empire, when many people had lost their imp-
licit faith in trr ditional verities, and were ready to support any new cult
which
offered a more olausible and attractive system of belief. In Rome the changing
spiritual requirements were met in large measure by mystery cults imported
from the East. In India, in the 6th and 5th centuries EC., the wandering asce-
tics filled the need.’ Basham, The Ajlvikas. p. 96.
nDOB.,l,p.52. ...
p. 4; Jat., in, pp.
3460.
12DOB,, I. p. 224; cf, Rhys Davids, Early Buddhism,
149
rines,meeting new teachers and learning from them and disputing

with them, thus winning the allegiance of rulers and peoples. Their
philosophical discussions often resulted in conversions and borrow-
ings as between their different sects and schools. The importance
of these wandering scholars both Brahmana and non-Brahmana to
the bistor\- of Indian thought is that they were responsible for a
wide-spread movement to encourage speculation for its ovm sake
and to repudiate sacerdotalism, authority and tradition, if they
were not compatible with their rationalism.
An interesting picture of the conditions which must have pre-
vailed at the time is gb’en in Neru Jaiaka where we find a certain
Buddhist bhikkhu preaching in an unnamed frontier village, and
w innin g considerable support from the villagers. On his departure
his place is taken by an etemalist (sassatavadt), then by an anni-
hilationist {ucchedavadC), and finally by a naked ascetic (acelakd),
who in turn gain the temporar>' loyalty of the villagers.
Ascetic Practices
At the time of the rise of Buddhism, the belief in the efficacs' of
self-raortification, self-torture and holiness of austerity {tapas)
would appear to have reached its was regarded
zenith. Asceticism
as identical with religiousness. Pietj' was synonymous with self-
torture. In both Brahraam'sm and Jainism which were flourishing,
great stress was laid on the ascetic way of life which had become
the sjTObol of sanctity. Even Gautama was taught by his two
teachers Alara Kalama and Rudrak Ramputra who were Brahmana
ascetics to follow the ascetic practices of the day. By the sacred
life was meant a matter of raiment, dressing in a rough garment or
going naked or shading the head or wearing malted hair or abstain-

ing from fish or flesh or fasting and starving to death or assuming
ascetic postures such as lying on the bare earth or besmearing the
body with dust or covering oneself vdth dirt or living under a tree
or in the open or never sitting down or merely tending the sacrifi-
cial fire and chanting the mantras}
The Niganthas and Ajivikas took a sort of pride in outdoing
their Brafamanic rivals as
regards rigorous conduct, mistaking
nastiness and filthiness for the highest pitch of ascetic
virtue. This
is illustrated by a story of a number of naked ascetics who were
maj. Nik,, 1, 282; Sutta Nipata, SBE., X, p. 40; DP., 105-7, 141.
assembled in the house of the daughter of Anatha Pindika. Calling

her daughter-in-law, Sumangadha, she told her to go and see those
‘highly respectable persons.’ Sumangadha ran overjoyed but was
horrified to see the ascetics with their hair like pigeon wings, cover-
ed by nothing but dirt, offensive and looking like demons.^ Even
the Jaina scriptures admit that pious householders were disgusted
by the ascetics who asked for a lodging in their houses— ‘naked,
unwashed men, foul to smell and loathsome to behold.’^ This was
the sort of life which the Buddha called anariyam, ignoble or bar-
baric. With such degradation of humanity, he would have nothing
to do. He forbade nakedness as well as garments of hair and an-
other uncomfortable dress.® Jainism teaches that twelve years of
asceticism of the severest type were necessary for salvation. The
ideal life for a Jaina monk is described in the Acaranga Sutra
which involved self-torture and self-mortification leading logically
to suicide.^ These austerities practised by the Jaina monks form
but a poor illustration of the extent to which asceticism had been
—
pushed in Buddha’s time in excess, fanaticism and morbidity.
They are to be read to be believed.
The Udumbarika Sihandda Sutta gives us a detailed picture of the
extent to which the austerity of self-mortification was carried out
by the ascetics;
“The ascetic {tapassi) goes naked, is of certain loose habits, licks
his hands, respects no approach nor stop; accepts nothing express-

ly brought, nor expressly prepared, nor any invitations. He accepts
nothing taken from the mouth of cooking pot nor placed within
the threshold, nor within a mortar, nor among sticks, nor within a
quern, nor anything from two eating together, nor from a pregnant
woman in intercourse with a man, nor food collected in drought,
nor from where a dog is, nor from where flies are swarming, nor
will he accept fish or meat, not drink or intoxicants or gruel. He is
either a one-houser, or one-mouthful man; or a two-houser, a two-
mouthful man; or a seven-houser, a seven-mouthful man. He
maintains himself on one alms, on two or on seven. He takes food
once a day, or once every two days, or once every seven days.
Thus he dwells addicted to the practice of taking food according to
-^SBE., X, p. 39.
®Acara, 11.2.2.
Winaya, 1.30.4.
*SBE., XXII, p. 84-87.
151
rule, at regular intervals,up to even half a month. He feels either

on potherbs, or on the powder of rice rusks, on rice-scum, on flour
of oil seeds, on grasses, on cowdung, on fruits and roots, from the
woods or on windfalls. He wears coarse hempen cloths, discarded
corpse cloths, discarded rags, or antelope-hide, or bark garments.
He is a hair and beard plucker, a stander-up or a croucher on
heels. He uses iron spikes or thorns on his couch. He uses a plank-
bed or sleeps on the ground. He sleeps only on one side. He is a
dust-and-dirt wearer, an open-air man, a where-you-will sitter and
a filth-eater.”^ The catalogue of these austerities is identical with
the list in the Kassapasihatiada Sutta where the various practices
are also explained.^
In the Nikayas, we repeatedly meet with enumeration of similar
kinds of ascetic practices which were popular in ancie it India. The
catalogue of the Buddha’s four-fold austerities in th<! Maha-Siha-
of mortification of the flesh
iiada Sutta, vividly presents the ideals
(tapas). The Buddha says that he has lived the four-fold higher
life: “He has been an ascetic of ascetics, foremost in loathliness,
foremost in scrupulosity and foremost in solitude.’® To such a pitch
of asceticism he has gone that he says: ‘Naked was I, flouting life’s
decencies, licking my hands after meals, never heeding when folk

called to me to come or to stop, never accepting food brought to
me before my rounds or cooked expressly for me, never accepting
an invitation. I have had but one meal a day, or one every two days
or every seven days or only once a fortnight, on a rigid scale of
have lived on wild roots and fruits or on windfalls only.
rationing. I
My raiment has been of hemp, of rags from the dust-heap, of bark
of the black antelop’s belt, of grass, of strips of bark or wood, of
hair of men or animals woven into a blanket. In fulfilment of his
vows, I have plucked out the hair of my head and the hair of my
beard, have never quitted the upright for sitting posture, have
squatted and never risen up, have couched on thorns, have gone
down to the water punctually thrice before night-fall to wash (away
the evil within). After this wise, in diverse fashions, have I lived to
torment and to torture his body.’*
In the Culadukkhakkhandha Sutta there are references to
the
Wigha Nik., Ill, pp. 37-56.

^Digha Nik., Ill, pp. 161-177. Also MaJ. Nik., I, 238ff, 342 H,
ff, I61f,
^Maj. Nik., 1.78-79.
*ibid.
Jain practices, to a number of Niganthas who always stood and

would never sit down and were undergoing paroxysms of acute pain
and agony. They subjected themselves to all these pains because
Nataputa, their teacher, had taught them to extirpate evil done in
the past by these severe austerities.^
In the Apamaka Siiiia there are references to recluses and
Brahmanas ‘who hold and affirm that there is no such thing as alms
or sacrifice or oblations; no such thing as the fruit and harvest of
actions good or bad; no such thing as this world or the next; no
such thing as either parents or spontaneous generation; no such
thing in this world as recluses and Brahmanas who have achieved
success and walk aright, who have, of and by themselves, appre-
hended and realized this world and the next and make it all known
to others.’®
As a contrast to this view, we meet with the freak practices of
some naked ascetics who lived like ‘dog-ascetics’ and ‘ox-ascetics,’
whose asceticism consisted in feeding and living exactly after the
manner of dogs and oxen. The Kukkwavatika Sutta refers to Punna
Koliyaputta who was a Bovine. To support his bovine character,
he wore horns and a tail and affected to browse on grass.® The
story is also told of a naked ascetic {acela) called Seniya, who was
a canine, and squatted like a dog. He had fully and completely
developed the dog’s habits, the dog’s principles of conduct, the
dog’s mind and the dog’s behaviour. He had punctually discharged
the vows of his canine vocation and thought that it was the highest
life.^
An identical picture is given by Asvaghosa in his Buddhacarita.

The Buddha is told by an ascetic in the forest how different ascetics
lived like birds, by picking up grains left in the fields; others ate
grass like animals; some lived with snakes; some sat still like ant-
with nests of birds in the tangles of their long hair and snakes
hills,
playing on their bodies; some lived in water, with tortoises eating

^Maj. Nik., 1.93.
"MaJ. Nik., 1.401-402.
Sibid, I.387f; Dhammsangani, p. 261.
îbid, 1.388-389. Gibbon refers to certain Christian anchorites who were
called ‘bovines’, who ‘derived their name from their humble practice of graz-
ing in the fields of Mesopotamia with the common herd.’ In the words of
Gibbon, they ‘aspired to reduce themselves to the rude and miserable state in
which the human brute is scarcely distinguished above his hindered animals.’
q.b. Chalmers, DOB., 1, Introduction, p. xvi.
153
parts of their bodies, thinking that misery itself is virtue and that
the highest happiness in Heaven can be achieved by undergoing
sufferings of all kinds.
We thus see that long before Gautama’s day the was
ascetic life
the accepted mode of religious culture. Asceticism was considered

the outward and visible sign of holiness. All canons of hygiene and
decencies were discarded and austerities were reduced to self-torture
—
of the most ugly types in excess and fanaticism. Mortification of
the flesh was considered the way to salvation. These practices were
the salient features ofall the schools — from the orthodox Jatila to
the Jaina —which sought to surpass one another in the extremes.

No new doctrine or speculation could hope to win acceptance or
indeed a respectful hearing without the credentials of asceticism.
The way from the human superhuman was to be found in
to the
asceticism alone: such was the abnormal current of thought at that
time.
Having presented an exhaustive picture of the environment of his
day, let us briefly reconstruct the Budha’s life-story in order that
we may understand his attitude towards ascetic thought better, as
also to know the correlation between his teachings, his actions and
experiences.
Buddha's Life
It is difficult to penetrate the mixture of legend and history that
partially discloses, and partially shrouds, the life of Gautama, the
Buddha, who was one of the giant intellects of human history.
In Buddhist tradition it is a moving version idealised by pious
imagination and devotion. Though the Pali texts do not narrate the
biography, in a connected form, they do give us details about the
principal events in the Master’s life which are well-known.
He was bom a prince of the Sakya Clan at Kapilavastu. His
family name was Gautama and his first name was Siddhartha. At
the age of sixteen, he was married to his cousin, Yasodhara and
they had a son named Rahula. His early days till he reached man-
hood were spent in splendour, ease and luxury. He lived a life
where the world’s miseries were unknown. For almost twenty five
years, he saw only the beautiful, knew only the pleasant. The
Buddha himself presents to us a vivid picture of the world in which
—
he moved and lived amid scenes of luxury in palaces and surroun-
ded by all the paraphernalia of sensuous enjoyment. Says he:
Ancient Indian Asceticism
“I was O
Monks, extermely delicate, excessively delicate.
delicate,
In my father’s dwelling lotus pools
had been made, in one blue
lotuses, in another red, and in another white ones bloomed, all
for
my sake. I used no sandalwood that was not of Banaras, my dress
was of Banaras cloth, my tunic, my under-robe and cloak. Night -
and day a white parasol was held over me so that I should not be
touched by cold or heat, by dust or weeds or dew. I was lapped in
the pleasures of the five senses and revelled in sights, sounds,
odours, tastes and touch— which are desirable, agreeable, pleasant
and attractive, bound up with pleasures of sense and
exciting. Three
palaces were mine, one for the rainy season, another for the winter
and another for the summer. In the palace of the rainy season, I
lived during the four months of the rains, entertained by female
musicians, never coming down from the palace. While in the dwel-
ling of others, food from the husks of rice was given to the slaves
and workmen together with some gruel, in my father’s dwelling rice
and meat was given instead to the slaves and workmen.”*
The Buddhist tradition tells us that on the four occasions when
he went out of his palace, he happended to see four persons in four
difierent stages. He saw an old man and felt that he was subject to
the frailties of old age, saw a sick man and felt that he was also
subject to sickness, saw a corpse and felt that he was also subject
to death and met a monk with a peaceful countenance who had,
leaving all desires, left the world and adoped the traditional way of
the seekers of religious truth.
Siddhartha thus became acquainted with the sad facts of old age,
of disease and of death; for the first time he new the major miseries
to which human nature is inevitably subject in a world of decay and
dissolution. This experience moved him to anxious and puzzled
reflection on the problems of life. He
thought he must learn the
meaning of life in such a strange world: he must discover the truth—
the essential and saving truth— about life and death, about sorrow
and hapiness. He resolved to gain freedom from old age, sickness
and death. He rembered the words of the mendicant who told him:
Nara—pmgava janma mrtyu bbitah
Sramanab pravrajito’smi moksd-hetoJ}
(I am a sramana, an ascetic, who in fear of birth and
death
have left home life to gain liberation.)^
iMo/. Nik., I. 505; Ang. Nik., I. 145.

Âsvaghoja, op. cit., V. 17.
The sight of the holy man, healthy in body, cheerful in mind and
serene in spirit without any comforts of life impressed him strongly
for he says:
Sadhti subhasitamidara mama rocte ca
Pravajya nama vidubfaihi satatam prasasta
Hitamatmanasca parasatvahitam ca yatra
Sukbajivitam sumadhuram amrtaih phalaih ca
(Yes I like this. The learned men always praise such a home-
less life. There is happy living and it bears sweet immortal

fruit.)^
He felt convinced that such awould help him to find the

life
origin of sufiering and sorrow and the means of extirprating them.

He decided to renounce the world and as was the fashion of his day,
left his home and family and retired to forests to seek after truth.
There are different versions of the reason for this momentous

step of renunciation by Gautama. The mere sight of an old man,
diseased stranger or even of a dead body, would be insuflacient by
itself to work so powerful an effect on the mind of one so as to in-
duce him to abandon the world. But v/e find in this ancient tradi-
tion, an expression of what in the main we must ourselves believe
to be the possible explanation of the cause of his renunciation. It is
also suggested that a feeling of revulsion came upon him when he
saw in the night in his palace, the dancing girls in their sleep in
ugly postures v/hich aroused in him a disgust for worldly pleasures.^
He could sense the reality behind the shadows, the sham substance
behind the splendour. He decided to be free from the life of lust
and luxury and fled into the forest. In the earlier texts like the Sutta
Nipata or the Artyapriyesam Sutta, their is no reference to the
above mentioned causes for Buddha’s renunciation. It is simply
stated; ‘A hole-and-corner life is all a home can give.’® And ‘full
of hindrance is household life, a path defiled by passion; free as the
air is the life of him who has renounced all wordly things. Hov/
difficult is it for the man who dwells at home to live the higher life
in all its fulness, in all its purity, in all its bright perfection.’^
^Laliia Vistara, 14.15.

^Samavek^ya tata^j ca tah sayanavikriasya yuvilradhlrce^tah Gunavat
apujo'pi balagubhaso nrpasunulj sa vigarhyah cakara Asvagosa, op. cit., v.
63.
Also Yuvatistab sayita vigarbamaijab: ibid., V. 67,
=Mo;. mk., I. 241, 1. 179.
îbid.
Gautara placed himself under the guidance of the wisest hermits

of his day —
Alara Kalama and Rudraka Ramputra. He studied all
their teachings and endeavoured to follow their example. Kalama
taught him Samkhya school of philosophy^ while Ramputra who
had reached the stage of highest meditation taught him Yoga. But
Gautama was dissatisfied. He left both of them and began to
practise rigorous ascetic practices, which were in vogue then, along
with five other Brahmana ascetics, who afterwards deserted him.
He tried to purify himself by ceremonies and sacrifices, by starvat-
ion and austerities, by nakedness and self-torture. He has himself
described how for six years in the jungle of Uruvela he patiently
tortured himself and suppressed all the wants of nature. He led the
most rigorous ascetic life. Says he: ‘I have been an ascetic of ascetics;
loathly have I been, foremost in loathliness; scrupulous have I been,
foremost in scrupulosity; solitary have I been, foremost in solitude.’-
His body became emaciated and shrunken, so much so that his
arms and legs looked like withered reeds, his buttocks resembled
the hump of a camel and his ribs projected like the rafters of a
house.®
Gautama pushed his fast even to such an extent that at last he
fell into a swoon from sheer starvation and exhaustion. When he
returned to conciousness again, he found no revelation had come
to him in his senselessness. He felt convinced that this was not the
right way — such radical punishment of the body brought no spiri-
tual illuminationand peace but exhaustion, torpor and impotence
of mind. He decided to give up ascetic practices and resume normal
intake of food and drink so that he recovered his strength.
He pondered over the fruits of his self-mortification and felt con-
vinced that this was not the path to the wisdom he sought. He
found that ‘with all these severe austerities, he failed to transcend
ordinary human and to rise to the heights of noblest under-
limits
standing and vision.’^ Just as he realised in his palace that the way
from human suffering did not lie in the indulgence of worldly pl^-
sures, so did he now realize that fasts and penances did not advance
him in his search for deliverance from misery. He tried it all and
found it wanting.
Âsvaghosa, op. cit., XII. 17-65.

2Mo/. Nik., I. 78.
3ibid, I. 80.
«ibid, I. 246.
—
Ascslicism in Buddhist Literature 157
After he gained bodily health and mental vigour he spent seven

weeks under the shade of the tree now called a Bodhi, sitting in a
state of deepest and most profound meditation. One night towards
the dawn he finally realized the Truth. He thus became Buddha (the
Enlightened One). He attained both insight and knowledge and knew
for certain that he had achieved full emancipation. He says: ‘The
Deathless amrta, entcmal life has been found by rae.’^ This was
the understanding and liberation he had sought. After the enlight-
enment, the Buddha refers to himself in the third person as the
—
Tathagata ‘he who is gone away like (the other Buddhas).’- Tatha-
gata also means; bringing the truth (fo/ho)’; he who has arrived at
the truth. The great ‘Samana’^ and the ‘Jaina’ are' also one of the
titles of the Buddha.
In the joy of his assured enlightenment Buddha arose and after
a brief stay wandered slowly tow'ards the sacred city of Varanasi.
His problem was; how could he make his Sambodhi sublime know- —
ledge full comprehension, complete enlightenment — intelligible and
persuasive to others, so that it might guide them also toward true
happiness and peace? Apparently there was a strong temptation

to keep his illumination to himself, but it became clear that he roust
make the attempt to share it with the world; bhaujana-sukhaya,
bahujam-hitaya? But it meant formulating the basic truth about
'^Maharagga, I. 6.14; SEE., XIII, p. 93.

^Badliaghosha gives eight reasons, which arc explained in detail, for calling
the Buddha, the Tathagaig:
(0 He has come in the same way; (ii) He has gone in the same way;(iii)
He is endowed with the sign of Tatha (truth); (iv) He is supremely enlightened
in Tathadhamma (truth); (v) He has seen Tatha. (truth); (vi) He preaches
Tatha (truth); (vii) He does Tatha (truthfully); and (viii) He overcomes all.
Sum. Vil., 1. pp. 59-68.
®cf. Chalmers, Suttam Nipaha, Introduction, p. xx.
^cf. Radhakrishnan, 2500 Years of Buddhism, Foreword, p. VI.
^Sutta Nipata, p, 95.
maharagza, I. 60.10, SBE., XIII, p. 91.
isolation from sodety was no object of the Bnddhist Sangha. It was
towards the Bahujana that its eyes were turned. It set out on its historic
career with this goal. The Buddha preached; 'Go forth, Bhikkhus, on O
your wanderints for the good of the many, in compassion for the world
{bahujanahitaya bai-.ujanastdihSya lokanukaihpayd)— for the happiness of gods
and men. Let not two of you go the same way. O Bhikkhus, proclaim
that
Dhamma which is gradous at the beginning, at the middle and at the end.’
Moharagga, 1,2.1.
life inthe halting, inadequate medium of human speech; and then

itmeant speaking the truth in love, so that others capable of res-
ponding to it would sense the answer to their living need too, and
would not rest until they had mastered its promise and its power.
At Saranath, he preached his first Sermon and won his first con-
verts. Then for forty years he continued to proclaim his message,
expanding it in its bearing on the problems that sincere inquiries
raised and adapting it to the special needs of all who found hope
and cheer in his presence. He travelled from place to place, touched
the lives of hundreds, high and low, princes and peasants. They
all came under the spell of his unique personality. At the age of
eighty he passed in the arms of Ananda, his beloved disciple,

with the words; ‘Decay is inherent in all compound things. Work
out your salvation with diligence.’'
Rationalism of Doctrine
The Buddha was a thinker of unexcelled philosophic power. He
started on his enquiries in order to solve the problems of life, not
God. His quest ended with a solution
to search for the existence of
of that problem. He broke away completely from that religious
tradition of India which believed in ‘innumerable gods, ghosts and
miracles.’^ He sought and found the consummation of his quest
without the intermediation of the concept of God. The principle on
which he based his speculative enquiries was itself philosophic. For
him the goal of human endeavours was to find a solution of the
problem of life without recourse to any divine agency. Thus he
exhibited a keenness of analytic understanding, a rational approach
to human problems, discarding all claims to special revelation. He
expounded the truth as he had discovered it. He found his standard
of truth and his way of discriminating it from error, in the common
reason and experience of men as they can be brought to bear on
the universal problem of life. In this sense he was the Buddha:
‘One who has attained Bodhi.’^ By Bodhi is meant ‘an ideal state of
intellectual perfection which can be attained by man by purely
human means.’^ It is on the basis of human means that he expounds
'Vayadhamma samkhara, appamadena sampadethati: DOB., Ill, Mahapa-

rinibban Sutta, p. 156.
^Mahanidessa, I, p. 89.
®Narasu, The Essence of Buddhism, p. I.
îbid.
the Four Noble Truths {catvari arya satyani) which are the results
of his personal experience. His goal is to lead man into Nirvana, an

ideal state produced by the destruction of craving (ianhd). The way
to the attainment of this goal is through the eight-fold moral path.
Nirvana the state, ‘marked on the positive side by a sense of
is
inward peace and strength, insight into truth, the joy of

liberation,
complete oneness with reality, and love towards all creatures in the
universe.’^
Not only the Buddha approached human problems with a peculi-
arly positive way of reasoning, he even discarded all appeals to
authority or tradition. He believed in man’s capacity to believe, his
and to understand. He repeatedly asked his
capacity' to see, to feel
disciplesnot to accept anything merely on the authority of others
or to give unqualified assent to propositions, the truth of which was
not clear and distinct. The Buddha exhorts in Kdlama Sutta:
‘Believe nothing on mere heresay; do not believe traditions
because they are supposed to have been received by some ancient
sage; do not believe anything, either because people talk much about
it, or because presumption is in its favour, or because the custom of
many years bids thee to regard it as true. Indeed, believe nothing on
mere authority of the teachers or priests; but whatever according to
thy own experience and after thorough investigations agrees with thy
reason and is conducive to thy own weal and that of all other living
beings, that accept as truth and live accordingly.’^
In Buddhism nothing is affected by authority or compulsion, not
even by pursuasion. The Buddha does not impose his ideas on
others. He tells his disciples to accept his words after examining
them and not merely out of regard for him.® He also tells them to
‘speak only of that on which you yourselves have meditated which
you yourselves have known, which you yourselves have under-
stood.’* He says; ‘I will not force you as a potter his raw clay.’® It
IS for this reason that he does not elaira anything exoteric
and
esoteric with regard to his doctrine. He tells Ananda; ‘I have preach-
ed the truth without making any distinction between exoteric and
*Burtt, op. cit.,p. 29.

Âng. Nik., iii. 653.
®Parik5ya bhikâvo grahyam mad vaco na tu gauravat.
^Maj. Nik., I. 259; cf. Radhakrishnan, Occasional Speeches and Writings, II,
®ibid, cxx, II cf. Radhakrishnan, ibid, II, p. 234.

esoteric doctrine; for in respect of Dharma, Ananda, the Tatha-

gatha has no such thing as the closed fist {baddhamusti) of a teacher
who holds something back.’^
Even while the Buddha he was so far from exercising
lived,
authority over his own when requested by weeping
disciples that
Ananda to leave instructions as touching the Order, he said just
before he passed away: ‘The Tathagata does not think that it is he
who must lead the brotherhood or that the Sangha is dependent
upon him. Why then should he leave instructions in any matter
concerning the Order?’^ His faith in the inherent capacity of every
man to work out here, in this life, his own salvation is aptly brought
out when in his last moments he exhorts Ananda: ‘Rely on your-
selves and do not rely on external help. Be ye lamps into your-
selves. Hold fast to the truth as a lamp. Seek salvation alone in
Look not for assistance to any one besides yourselves.’®
the truth.
The Budddha resisted every form of tyranny over the mind of man.
The Buddha’s main concern was to reduce human suffering by
explaining its causes; he wanted to expose the evil tendencies in
man and show how they could be cured. He was- confident that a
rational analysis of the basic lessons taught by experience can locate
the root of evil asit lies in the inner nature of each human being.
That was tanhd which leads man ever from birth to birth. Its
evil
destruction demanded an inward transformation of the human being
by a correct life and a correct thinking. The Buddha’s keen intel-
lect could probe through the virtue and the deceptions of the
thought of his day. He set out, therefore, to preach the knowledge
he gained, the truth of his discovery, attained through self-experi-
ence. And he started with a view to purify ascetic life first in which
he found himself.
Against Asceticism
The Buddha was well conversant with the contemporary ideals of
asceticism. Having himself gone further with austerity than the
most fanatical of ascetics, he had found penances and selfmortifica-
tion quite unsatisfactory. declared himself as an enemy of
He
asceticism and pronounced bodily austerities and self-torture to be
not only futile but positively harmful. The self-mortification was an
'^Mahaparinibbana-Sutta, SBE., XI, p. 36.

îbid.
®ibid, p. 3S.
actual hindrance. It turned men’s minds away from more essential

matters. The Buddha, therefore, condemned asceticism, morbid as-
cetic practices, fanatical excesses and its exaggerations into most
ugly types. In lieu of asceticism he preached the simple life of
studied and purposeful temperance in all bodily matters, with the
body as the mind’s obedient servant. He rejected both the extremes
of self-indulgence and self-mortification and preached the Middle
Path by which the wayfarer avoids the two extremes. The path
consists of the Four Noble Truths and the Eight-fold Steps, and
leads one to vision, knowledge, tranquillity and nirvana. Each step
in the process is an inevitable advance on the path leading to the
ideal.
The Buddha gave his message against the background of religious
practices which he sought to condemn. He preached a moral path
which avoided the two extremes of the pursuit of sensual pleasures
on the one hand and severe ascetic discipline culminating in the
annihilation of the body on the other. He announces the discovery
of this new path in the following words in his First Sermon, which
is the basis of all his subsequent teaching;
‘There are two extremes, Oh Bhikkhus, which he who has given
up the world ought to avoid. What are these two extremes? A life
given to pleasure, devoted to pleasures and lusts; this is degrading,
sensual, vulgar, ignoble and profitless. And a life given to mortifica-
tions; this is painful, ignoble and profitless. By avoiding these two
extremes. Oh Bhikkhus, the Tathagata has gained the knowledge of
the Middle Path which leads to insight, which leads to wisdom
which conduces to calm, to knowledge, to Sambodhi (enlightenmentj,
to Nirvana.’^
The Buddha then expounds the Middle Path comprising of the
Four Noble Truths and the Eightfold Path which helped him attain
the Bodhi or enlightenment. All that he taught later was either a
clarification, amplification or explanation of these fundamental
tenets. Thus he
set into motion as the legends assert, the wheel of
the Dhamma {Dhamma-cakka-ppavattand). It is to this Dhamma
that the Buddhist Bhikkhu dedicates himself along with the Buddha
—
and the Sahgha the ‘Three Jewels’ when he takes the three vows;
‘I take my refuge in the Buddha, I take my refuge in the Dhamma,
1 take my refuge in the Sangha.’
^Mahavagga, 1. 6-17.
The essence of the Path can be stated as follows:

i. Existence is unhappiness (dukha)
ii. Unhappiness is caused by selfish craving (tanha)
iii. Selfish craving can be destroyed
iv. By following the eight-fold path whose steps are:
1. Right views (Samyag drsti)
2. Right intention {Samyag samkalpa)
3. Right Speech {Samyag vdk)
4. Right Action {Samyag karma)
5. Right Livelihood {Samyag ajiva)
6. Right Effort {Samyag vydyama)
7. Right Mindfulness {Samyag smfti)
8. Right Concentration {Samyag samadhi)
The three steps of Right Speech, Right Action and Right Liveli-
hood lead to physical control {sila). Right Effort, Right mindfulness
and Right Concentration to mental control {chitta) and the first
two Right Views and Right Intention to intellectual development
{praj'na). Nothing short of complete destruction of {tanha) will bring
true and dependable well-being to oneself and to others.
In his sermon to the five Bhiksus in the Deer Park at VSranasi
the Tathagata explained the Middle Path, the true means of salva-
tion thus:
‘Let me teach you, Bhikkhus, the Middle Path, which keeps aloof
from both extremes. By suffering the emaciated devotee produces
confusion and sickly thoughts in his mind. Mortification is not
conducive even to worldly knowledge: how much less to a triumph
over the senses! “Mortifications are painful, vain, profitless. And
how can any one be free from self by leading a wretched life, if he
does not succeed in quenching the fires of lust? "All mortification
is vain so long as selfishness leads to lust after pleasures in this
world or in another world. But he, in whom egotism has become
from lust; he will desire neither worldly nor heavenly
extinct, is free
pleasures, and the satisfaction of his natural wants will not defile
him. He may eat and drink to satisfy the needs of life.’
‘On the other hand, sensuality of every kind is enervating. The
sensual man is a slave of his passions and pleasure-seeking is vulgar
and degrading.’ But to satisfy the necessities of life is not evil. To
shelter the body from the weather, to cover it decently and com-
fortably, to protect it against the numerous external causes of pain,
to save it as far as possible from fatigue, to eliminate sensations
that are disagreeable, in short to keep the body in good health, is a

duty, for otherwise we shall not be able to trim the lamp of wisdom
and keep our minds strong and clear.
‘This is the Middle Path, O Bhikhhus, that keeps aloof from both
extremes.’^
Thus Buddha rejecting both asceticism and sensuality preaches
self-control and self-culture by the destruction of ego and leading
the simple life of studied and purposeful temperance in all mere
physical matters. The body’s functions should be respected so far
as health required. The Buddha knew that bodily torture was in-
jurious to strength of mind, so necessary for the understanding of
philosophical truths. What was of the utmost importance to him
was the good life and all else was secondary.

Elaborating his earh'er theme on asceticism as to why it is painful,
ignoble and useless, the Buddha now discusses with the wanderer
Nigrodha in the Udumbarika Sihanada Sutta, the different ramifica-
tions of his attitude towards the self-mortifications. He asks Nigro-
dha; in what does the fulfilment or non-fulfilment of these self-
mortifiations consist? Except saying that they hold self-mortifying
austerities, Nigrodha has no other reply. The Buddha, then dwells
at length upon how
austerity by self-mortification involves blemish
(upakkileso) in several ways whereas one who does not practice
self-mortification keeps away from these blemishes, and to that
extent keeps himself pure.
Enumerating various blemishes in the austerities of self-mortifia-
tion theBuddha says:
‘When an ascetic undertakes a course of austerity, he becomes
self-complacement. He starts thinking that now his aim is satisfied,
who is equal to him in this practice? This thought makes him exal-
ted and he despises others. He becomes inebriated and infatuated
.
and careless. He procures gifts, attention and fame which make

him more complacent. He makes a distinction between foods, say-
This suits me, this doesn’t suit me, deliberately rejecting the
ing;
and waxing greeedy and infatuated over the former, cleaving
latter
to them and enjoying them without seeing the danger
in them or
discerning that they are unsafe; he does not think out of his
maharagga, I. 6-17. Buddhacwita, XV, 26-8.

longings, for gifts, attentions and fame. Rajas, his nobles, Brah-
manas, householders and founders of schools~all pay him atten-
tions. And then he grumbles at some recluse or Brahmana who,
though lives on all sorts of things like tubers, and is still being
revered and honoured by the citizens as a holy man. Thinking that
though he lives an austere life he is neglected, he is full of envy and
grudge at the citizens. He sits in the public^ and when on his round
for alms among the people says: ‘This is part of my austerity.’ He
works miracles and when asked if he approves of this or not, he
deliberately tells untruths. And then if the Tathagata or a disciple
of his, teaches the Norm, uses a method worthy of appreciation,
the ascetic does not appreciate it. He, on the contrary, loses his
temper and bears enmity. He is liable to be hypocritical and deceit-
ful, as well as envious and grudging; cunning and crafty, hard-
hearted and vain; entertains evil wishes and becomes captive to

them. He entertains false opinions, becomes possessed of metem-
•pirical dogma {attdnam adassayamano), misinterpretes his experi-
ence, is avaricious and adverse from renunciation. All these things
are blemished resulting from asceticism and self-mortification.
‘In the opposite case ofone who does not practise asceticism, he
is from the above blemishes. He takes the path of self-restraint:
free
not to inflict injury on living thing, not to help in any way in the
injury being inflicted nor approves them. He does not take what is
not given, does not utter lies, does not crave for the pleasures of
senses; neither causing these to be committed nor approving them.
As a result he advances upwards and turns not back to lower
things. He of meditation, does not hanker after the
spends a life
world and thus purifies his mind of coveteousness and enmity. He

becomes compassionate towards every living thing. Gradually his
heart becomes full with equanimity, abounding, sublime and free
from hatred and ill-will. Thus living a higher life he attains under-
standing and realizes insight.’®
This is the pattern of holy life that the Buddha suggests which
•according to him will prevent ‘corrupting, entailing birth renewal,
bringing suffering, resulting in ill, making for birth, decay and
iBuddhaghosa explains: He sits in some meeting (lit. seeing) place and

where they can see him, he executes the bat-rite of hanging head downwards
like a sleeping bat, the five-fold austerities or stands on one leg, or worships
the sun. Sum. Vil., cf. Jat, III. 235, IV. 299. 1, 493.
^Digha Nik. III., 37-56.
deatli in future.’^ He emphasises that it is for the putting away of

these that he teaches the Norm, the Dharma. Thus according to
him the ascetic is not one who punishes the body but he who roots
out egoism and purifies the soul. The Buddha demands self-sacrifice
rejecting asceticism; he inculcates purity discarding austerities. He

urges a healthy simplification in living, discerning that the higher
life must be rooted in hygiene and not in hysteria. He, therefore,
regards the mortification of all desire, the stultification of the wall,

as mere madness.
Having rejected asceticism which was regarded identical with
religiousness and holy living, the Buddha directs his attack against
the ascetic’s regimen. Says he in the Cula-Assapitra Siitta: Tt is not
the robe which makes the recluse, nor nakedness, nor dxist and dirt,
nor bathing thrice a day, nor living under a tree, nor living in the
open, nor never sitting down, nor punctilio in regimen, nor intoning
texts, nor a shock head of matted hair. If the mere wearing of the
robe could banish, greed, malice and wrong outlook, then as soon
as a child was born, his friends and kinsfolk would make him wear
the robe and the greedy will put from them their greed, the mali-
cious their malice, and those of wrong outlook will put from them
their wrong in their outlook.’* Similarly, he exhorts: Tt is not the
sha/ing of the head, nor the moving of the dun, nor the donning
of the yellow robe {samjna bhiksu) nor the taking of the vows
ipratijna bhiksu), nor the begging of food {bhiksana silo bhiksu),
nor even the observance of the rules of the Vinaya {jhapti-
strict
caturtha karmadyupasampasanno bhiksu) that constitutes bhiksuta,
but it is bhinna klesata, the v.’eeding of the heart from passion and
pride, from lust and greed.’* Not the external state or habit but the
inv/ard purity is that what matters most.
Very rightly, the Buddha maintains in the Kassapasihandda Sutta
that the insight, self-control and self-mastery of the path or of the
system of intellectual and moral self-training laid down for the
bhikkhu are really harder than the merely physical practices so
much more evident to the eye of the vulgar.^
Then to the questions: Who is a Sramanal Who is a true Bhiksul
he replies in his characteristic vein. The Sramana is not he who is
^Digka Nik., III. 57.

*Afo;.Njfc.,I.283.
®cf. Naraso, op. cit., p. 151,
*Digka Nik, 1, pp. 161-177.

shaven perforce, who speaks untruth, and covets possession, or he,

who is a slave of desire like the rest of men; but he who is able to
put an end to every wicked desire, to silence every personal pre-
ference, to quiet his mind and put an end to selfish thought,^ And
again, the bhiksu is not he who at stated times begs his food, not
he who, walking uprighteously desires to be taken as a disciple,
with a view to pass for a man of character: but he who has given
up every source of sin, who by vision is able to crush every evil
inclination, and who lives continently and purely.- Restraint in life,
habit and thought, seems to be his special virtue. Says the Dham-
mapada: ‘Restrained of hand, restrained of foot, restrained in
speech, the best of the self-controlled, reflective, calm, content,
—
alone it is he that is a true bhiksu'^
The Fruits of Recluse's Life

A question raised by many who became acquainted with the life
of the Buddhist monks was also raised in India in the early days of
Buddhism: What values, significant for this life and verifiable to
others, were attained by those who renounced the world and took
to monastic life? The Buddha’s answer to this question is charm-
ingly presented in the Sammanaphala Suita. King Ajatasattu of
Magadha, after pointing out the advantages derived from their
occupations by the ordinary people in the world, enquired of the
Buddha whether the members of his order derived any such benefits?
In reply the Buddha narrated the advantages of the recluse life:
1 The honour and respect shown to a member of a religious
.
order
2. The training in all those lower kinds of morality set out in
the Silas, the details of which can be summarised as follows:
(i) Mercy and kindness to all living beings
(ii) Honesty, chastity, truthfulness; peacefulness, courtesy
and good sense in speech
(iii) Abstinence from luxury of twelve different kinds and
freedom from trickery and violence
(iv) Not injuring plants
(v) Not laying up treasure of seven kinds
icf. Narsu, op. cit., p. 151.
21bid.
3DP., V. hathasamyato padasariiyato vacasamyato
362: samyuUamo
ajjbattarato samahito eko santusito tamahu bhikkhu.
,
(vi) Not frequenting shows, playing games, using luxurious
rugs and toilet luxuries and not taking vain things
(vii) Not using sophisticated and rude phrases when talking
of higher things
(viii) Not acting as go-between
(ix) Not practising trickery and mystery under the guise of
religion
Cx) Not gaining a living by low arts (as described)
3. The confidence of heart, absence of fear, resulting from the
consciousness of right action
4. The habit of keeping guarded the door of his senses,
5. The constant self-possession he thus gains and the power of
being content with little, with simplicity of life
6. The freedom of heart from the five hindrances to self-mastery
and perplexity resulting in the joy and peace which fill his
whole being
7. The practice of the four Ghanas
8. The insight arising from knowledge (jiana dassam)
9. The power of projecting mental images
10. The five modes of mystic insight (abhiiina); the practice of
Iddtii, hearing heavenly sounds, knowledge of others’ thou-
ghts, memory of his own previous births
11. realisation of the Four Truths, the destruction of the
The
Asavas and attainment of Arhatship.^
When the Buddha concluded his sermon the king confessed that
he would treat a person who has joined the Order as one worthy of
honour and respect.
Summing Up
Among the world’s religious teachers Gautama, the Buddha,
alone has rightly judged the intrinsic greatness of man’s capacity
to work out his own salvation without any extraneous aid. He pro-
fessed no more than to teach men the way by which they could
liberate themselves as he had done himself. He made reason the
foundation of his philosophical doctrine and strove for man’s
freedom in all forms, in order to set free his spirit.
Apart from his being a rationalist, he was the first founder of a
disciplinedand organised monastic order. He laid emphasis on
iDOB., I 47-85.
168
good conduct instead of rituals and formalities of religion. He

rejected asceticism as a means to salvation and demanded self-
sacrifice, discarded austerities as painful, ignoble

and profitless and
created saintliness devoid of morbidity. He found that though
renunciation was necessary for transcending suffering, severe morti-
fying practices which crippled the normal faculties

and functioning
of man, were detrimental to his pursuit of the highest spiritual
goal. He also condemned self-indulgence which was vain, unworthy

and fit for the worldly-minded. He, therefore, advocated a more
practical and rational Middle Path, which kept aloof from the
extremes and preached a life of self-control and self-culture.
Chapter 7
Asceticism in Jaina Literature
Jainism isa monastic religion, which like Buddhism, denies the

authority of the Vedas and is, therefore, regarded by Brahmanism
as heretical The Jain Church consists of the monastic order and
the lay community. It is divided into two rival sections, the §vet-
ambaras and the Digambaras. They monks

are so called because the
of the Svetarabaras wear white clothes and those of the Digaihbaras
originally went about stark naked.^ The dogmatic differences bet-
ween the two sections, which were of slow growth, are rather trivial
and are based more on conduct and practice rather than creed and
philosophy.
Modern historical research has established beyond doubt that
Vardhaman Mahavlra, well-known as the last Tirthahkar is not a
mythical figure like so many of his predecessors in the tradition of
the Tirthankaras ‘or ford-makers across the stream of existence.’^
Par^va, who too has been proved to be a historical person®, was
the immediate predecessor of Mahavlra and is believed to have lived
250 years before him. Mahavlra has been identified with Nigantha
Nataputta, one of the six heretical teachers who are represented in
lAt the time of Alexander the Great’s invasion of India (327-326 bc.^ the
Digambaras were still numerous enough to attract the attention of the Greeks,
who called them ‘Gymnosophists’ or 'naked philosophers.’ They continued
to flourish side by side with the Svetambaras until after 100 ad., when through
Moslem rule they were forced to put on clothes.
—
^Brihat—Svayambhu Stotra: Yena pranitaih pphu dharmatirtham jyejlham
janah prapya jayanti dukham.
3Jacobi makes out a strong case regarding his historicity. JS., H, SBE.,
XLV, p. XX-XXII; Kosambi has brought together a mass of material, parti-
cularly from the Pali Books, to show how Buddha himself came into contact
with the followers of ParSvanath even before as well as after his enlighfment
and how the tenets of that earlier system influenced him in the formulation of
his own teachings; Parhanath's Caturyama Dhartna, (Marathi). Pt. Sukhlaji
has further supported the thesis and has also tried to show what exactly was
the practice of the followers of ParSvanatha. Art. Bhagwan
Par^vanatha ki
Virasat (Dar£ana aur Cintana, pt. II).
the Buddhist canon as the Buddha’s contemporaries, and especially

Mahavira, who is depicted therein as the Buddha’s opponent and
rival.^ The Jaina tradition, however, ascribes the origin of Jainism
to !Rsabha, who is believed to have lived many centuries back.^
There is no other evidence than literary to prove the authenticity
of the Jaina traditions regarding Mahavira and Parsva. The Jaina
epigraphical evidence is so far remote from the age in which they
had flourished that nothing can be definitely built upon it. But as
early as the third century bc, we have a reference to the Niganthas
as a distinct class of Indian recluses, in the Seventh Pillar Edict of
Asoka. The Niganthas mentioned in this famous epigraph along
with Brahmana, Sramana and Ajivika, were no other than the fol-
lowers of Mahavira. This very class of recluses has been honoured
in the the Hathigumpa inscription of Kharavela as the Arhat
Sramanas who were believers in the faith of the Arhatas
iArhamtapasdddnam samananain)?
Buddhist Evidence
The Buddhist canon supplies us with very useful information about
the Niganthas, who were the followers of Nigantha Nattaputta, ,the
name by which Mahavira was and has been known to the Bud-
dhists, as well as to his own followers and contemporaries. The
term Niganthas (Nirganthas) means ‘the unfettered ones.’ The
name Nigantha Nataputta is composed of two separate epithets,
Nigantha and Nataputta. He was Nigantha (nirgantlm) in a literal
as well as in a figurative sense: ‘Outwardly unclothed and inwardly
unfettered,’* free from all wordly bonds and ties. He was called
Nataputta because he was a scion of the Ndya, Ndta or Jnat/'.clan
of Ksatriyas, just as the Buddha was called Sakyaputta, a scion of
the Sakya clan. His followers were accordingly called Nirganthaputta
(Nirganthaputras) or simply Niganthas. And his lay followers
According to Basham, ‘Rather than Mahavira, it is

i77;e Aj'ivikas, p. 55:
Makkhali Gosala, who emerges as the Buddha’s chief opponent and most
dangerous rival.
^Kalpa, SBE., XXII, pp. 281-285; Rijabha’s life story is narrated in the
Kalpa.
Êpi. Ind.,Xlll. As a matter of fact, all the cave-dwellings (lenas) on
•
the
Udayagiri and Khandagiri hills were made by Kharavela for the residence of
Jaina recluses.
^cf. Law, Mahavira, p. 5.
Asceticism in Jaina Literature 171
became known as Nigantha-Savaka} Later on the lay-followers

were simply called the Savakas, which term is still in usage.
We come across many references with regard to the Niganthas in
the Pali literature. Some of the Sultas introduce to us some of the
immediate disciples and contemporary lay followers of the Jaina
Tirthahkara.' The CuJadukkhankhandba Suita faithfully presents the
fundamental doctrine of the Nirganthas with a criticism from the
Buddhist point of view.^ The Samamaphala Suita attributes to
Nigantha Nataputta certain religious discipline which was in a way
the cult of the earlier Niganthas, the followers of Parsva.^ One Sutta
yields a faithful description of the uposatha as practised by the
Niganthas.® The Updli Sutta correctly hints at the fact that the lay
supporters of the Nigantha Nataputta were called Savakas or ^rdva-
kas instead of Upasakas.^ The Samagama Sutta'" clearly states the
name of the place, Pava, where Mahavira died, which is in agree-

ment with Jaina tradition.® The same sutta also describes how im-
mediately after his demise, his followers became divided into two
camps. There are several references in which Nigantha Nataputta is
who passed as notable person-
associated with five other teachers
alities and leaders of thought.® The Mahavagga tells us that the
Nigantha Nataputta taught Kriyavada while the Buddha taught
Akriyavad.^® Even some light is thrown on the Nigantha doctrine
of Kriydvad}''- The Kassapa-Slhanada Sutta^- furnishes a catalogue
of the punctilious ways of certain naked ascetics of the time which
mi^tbeshownto beprecisely the practices observ'edby the Jinakal-
pas among the Niganthas, and which remarkably coincide with those
depicted in the Jaina texts.^®
The same set of texts introduce to us the kings and clans and classes
^Culla-Nidessa, p. 173.
mnaya, SEE., XVn, pp. 108 ff.
Nik., I pp. 91 L
^Digha Nik., 1. pp. 47 ff. cf. Jacobi, SEE., XLV, p. xxi-xxii.
Âng. Nik., I, pp. 205 f.
^Maj. Nik., I, pp. 371 f.
’ibid,n, pp. 243 f.

^Kalpa, SEE., XXH, p. 269.
^Diglia Nik., I. pp. 47 £f.
lOVI. 31, SEE., XVn, p. 108 ff.
Ûng. Nik., in. 74.

^Digha Nik., I, pp. 161 f.
’3Jain, [ffQ, n, pp. 698 ff: ‘The Jain references in the Buddhist Literature’
cf. Law, op. cit., pp. 10.12.
of people who directly and indirectly supported the Nirgantha

movement in Northern India in Mahavira’s life time. The Jaina
canon also mentions as contemporaries of Mahavira the same kings
as reigned during the Buddha’s career and one of the latter’s rivals.
Mahavira is also represented in the Abhayarajakumar Sutta as per-
sonally interested in the welfare of Devadutta who fomented a
schism within the Buddhist order of the time.^ We also come across
accounts of the conversion by the Buddha of the lay disciples of
Mahavira.^ At the same time we are told that two recluses, Dirgha-
tapasvP and Satyaka of Agnivesyayana gotra^ and one wanderer
{parivrdjakd) who were much influenced by the teaching and per-
sonality of Mahavira. There is also a mention of a great many
(sariibahula) Nigantha recluses, who following the instructions and
example of the Tirthankar, practised a rigorous form of penance on
a ridge of Mount Bsigiri near Rajagrha.®
Such are the main outlines of the early activities of the Niganthas
and their leader Nataputta which may be drawn with the aid of
Buddhist literature. Together with the Jaina texts, these sources
enable us to breathe the very atmosphere of thought and life in
which Mahavira moved with his Nigantha followers.
The Conditions of Mahdvird’s Time

Being the contemporary of the Buddha, Mahavira lived, moved
and preached at a time when the social, political, economic and
religious conditions of the time were identical with those of the
time of the Buddha.®
Alongwith Mahavira, the other five religious contemporaries of
the Buddha and their doctrines are described in the Sammahaphala
Sutta.’’ The names of the six were:
1. Purana Kassapa
2. Makkhali Gosala
3. Ajita Kesakamblin
4. Pakudha Kaccayana
iMflJ. Nik., I, pp. 392-393.

^Mahavagga, VI. 31 ; Maj. Nik., I. 56.
^Maj. Nik., I, p. 371.
4ibid, I, p. 237.
sibid, I, p. 92
®vide Chapter 6.
’’Digha Nik., 1, pp. 47 ff.
5. Sanjaya Belatthiputta and

6. Nigantha Nataputta (Mahavira)
Each is described in the same stock terms, a formula applied to
the six heretics in the Pali canon.' The phrases have a certain
importance since they at least indicate the celebrity and influence
which the early Buddhist tradition attributed to the six teachers.
Each is referred to as the leader of an order (ganacariyo) well-
known, famous, the founder of a sect {tUthakard), respected as a
saint {sadhu—sammatd), revered by many people, a homeless
wanderer of long standing {cira-pabbajito) and advanced in years.^
All the six teachers, including Mahavira, died before the Buddha.^
The mental life of India was at this time in ferment, and was
permeated by a mass of mutually contradictory theories about the
universe and man’s place therein. Many theories independent of
•the Vedic tradition are referred to in the Suyagadafiga which
describes the four heretical creeds of the time: Kriyavada, Akriydvada,
Ajnana\’ada, and Vinayavada.*
It is clear that several teachers like the six named above, gathered
group of followers together and founded sanghas, perhaps in some
cases loosely linked one with another. From some of these
developed Ajivikism, a third heretical sect, beside those of Buddhism
and Jainism, which survived the death of its founder, Makkhali
Gosala ‘for nearly two thousand years and was at least, locally a
significant factor in ancient Indian religious life.'*' It is believed
that Ajivikism had some influence on Mahavira’s religious doctrine.
This is based on the fact that Makkhali Gosala stayed with
Mahavira as his disciple for six years but parted company due to
some diSerences. We shall deal with the Ajivikas later.
It was an age of the wandering philosophers many of them were
mendicants generally grouped as the Parivrajakas. They represented

the intellectual and spiritual life of the time along w'ith Sramanas
as opposed to the BrSlimanas. In the Pali works, the Parivrajakas
are described as wanderers whose chief object was to meet distin-
guished religious teachers and philosophers, listen to their discourses
and enter into discussions with them ‘on matters of ethics and
i/a/. I, 509;Digha Nik, H, 150.

^Digha Nik., I, p. 49.
^MaJ. Nik., II, 243,
^Suyagad, 1. 12.1,
®Basliam,op. cit.,p, 3.
philosophy, nature lore and mysticism,’^ We get a typical descrip-

tion of them in the Buddhist Nikayas^ and the Jatakas^ which
afford an interesting picture of the conditions prevalent at the time.
The Jaina text Bhagvati Sutra* also mentions the regions of Kosala,
Magadha, Kasi and Videha and Campa as the homes of peripatetic
philosophers of the Ajivika type. These seasoned wanderers
maintained a wide range of doctrines and varied rules of conduct.
They were known by various titles, which usually denoted loosely
knit classes of ascetics rather than regularly organized orders, as
the Buddhist bhikkus and the Jaina Sramanas later became.
Besides the terms and ‘srattiam’ we also find others
^bliikkhit'
such as ‘acelaka', ‘nigantha' and ‘ajivika', which are used quite

loosely and obviously do not imply membership of any organized
religious body. The world 'acelaka' was used at the time in a
general sense in the same way as the word 'sramam' because we
find the Nuganthas also mentioned as AceJakas} Similarly the term
Ajivika like Nirgantha was probably used to denote almost any
non-Brahmanic naked ascetic.® The Sandaka Sutta seems to
embrace all the six heretical teachers, including Nigantha Nataputta,
in the general category of Ajivikas.’ As if to clear the confusion of
all these terms, the Dhammapada commentary, describes the ascetic
with unsettled mind {anavatihita-cUto), who may start as an acelaka,
then becomes an ajivika, then a nigantha and finally a tapasa? The
same work refers to a group of ascetics as nagga-samana, acelaka
and ajivika.^ But by the time Nigantha Nataputta becomes the Jina
and Mahavira after his omniscience (kevalship), we find a gradual,
fixation of these terms: ‘acelakas’ are used to designate the followers
of Parsva, niganthas, those of Mahavira and Ajivikas as those of
Makkhali Gosala.^”
The Buddhist a typical description of the punctilious
texts offer
ways of alt Indian ascetics of the time, and we have already
iRhys Davids, Buddhist India, p. 141.

Ûdumbarika-Sihanad Sutta, Digha Nik., Ill, pp. 36 ff.
^Neru. Jat., pp. 264 ff.

Ill,
‘^Bhag., XV, Su., 550 f, 674.
sPatika Sutta Digha Nik., also Divya, p. 427.
BBasham, op. cit., p. 102.
'^Maj. Nik., I, pp. 513 ff.
SBuddhaghosh, I, p. 309.
t>ibid.
loBasham, op. cit., pp. 96-101.

attempted to offer a detailed picture of the ascetic beliefs and

practices then prevalent.^ The ascetics practised self-mortification
and self-suppression with unwavering faith as a means of gaining

superhuman powers and insight. The belief in the efficacy of
asceticism would appear to have reached its acme- It was regarded
as identical with religiousness and was popular with almost all
religious sects. In both Brahmanism and Jainism great stress was
laid on asceticism but as regards religious conduct the latter even
surpassed the former.
With a view to assess how asceticism in its most extreme form
came to be accepted in Mahavira’s philosophy and his religious
system, let us briefly touch upon certain aspects of his life to
consider what role asceticism played in his final attainment, of
omniscience as a Kevalin or a Tirthankar.
Life of Mahavira
He was born in a suburb of VaiSali, and belonged to the Naya
clan known as Nata, or fiata (P) and Matii (Sk). His parents were
Siddhartha, a wealthy nobleman and Trisala, sister of Chetaka, an
eminent Licchhavi prince of VaiSali.^ His original name was
Vardhaman. At the age of thirteen, he married YaJoda and had a
daughter called Anojja or Priyadarsana,® Anojja was married to
Jamali, a Ksatriya, who after becoming one of Mahavira’s followers
and fellow workers, subsequently disagreed with him.
Not to grieve his parents, Vardhaman renounced the world only
after their death and with the permission of his relatives. Thirteen
months later, he gave up his clothing and began to wander about
as anaked monk. This was probably the first important step in the
reformation of the teaching of Parsva which allowed clothing. The
Acdranga Sutra* gives us a vivid picture of the way in which he
performed his meditation and spent his days in austerities and also
ivide chapter 6.
^Tradition emphasises the importance of Mahavira’s noble birth and tells
of the transference of his embryo from the womb of the Brahmana lady Deva-
nanda, wife of ^.âbha, to that of Trisala; KaJpa, p. 255; Smv, p, 89a; Than.,
p. 523b; and Acar. II, 15, 4-5. According to Jacobi, the idea seems to have
been borrowed from the Puranic story of the transfer of the embryo of
Krishna
from the womb of Devaki to that of Rohini. JSL, Introduction p. xxxi.
Âccording to the Digambaras, he was unmarried. Age of Imperial Unity,
p. 411.
^SBE., XXII, pp. 84-87.
of the treatment he received from the unfriendly people of the

neighbouring regions.
For the next twelve years he underwent a course of rigorous
bodily mortification at the end of which he attained omniscience.
He was given the titles of Jina (spiritual conqueror), Mahavira
(great hero) and Tirthahkar (omniscient). Then for the next thirty
years he led the life of a wandering missionary, teaching his religious
system and organising his order of ascetics. At the age of 72, he
obtained Nirvana at a place called Pava.^
One important event in this period of Mahavira’s life was his
meeting with Gosala Mahkhaliputta, the founder of the Ajivika
sect,also known as Makkhali Gosala.^ He became a pupil of
Mahavira in the second year of his monkhood and remained with
him for six years. Then came a breach between the two due to
some differences and Gosala went his own way. It is quite probable
that the rules about diet current among the Niganthas may have
come from the code of the Ajivikas and some significance must be
attached to the coincidence of Mahavira giving up his clothing in
the year of his meeting with Gosala.
Mahavira, a Reformer
The Jaina tradition represents Mahavira as a reformer of an
existing religion, most probably that of ParSva rather than the
founder of a new faith. This is corroborated by the Pali canon
which views him merely as a leader of a religious sect of the
Niganthas already existing at that time.
Pariva, the predecessor of Mahavira seems to have collected a
good number of adherents to his faith. The Kalpasutra says that he
had 16,000 monks under Aryadatta, 38,000 nuns under Puspaculra,
1,64,000 laymen headed by Suvrata and 3,27,000 laywomen, the
chief among was Sunanda. Besides these he had a number of monks
as his disciples who were well-versed in the Purvas and endowed with
various supernatural powers, as also those who were destined to
liberation in that very birth.®

Apart from the Jaina references to the followers of Parsva, the
Buddhist texts also refer to them. It may be noted that with the aid
of these references Jacobi finally proved the pre-MahavIra antiquity
^SBE.; pp. 189-202; Kalpa, pp. 217-69.
Whagavti, XV, su., 541, fol. 660-3.
^SBE. XXII, p. 274; also Smv., pp. 316, 65a, 101 to I03a, 104b.
Ajccticism in Jaina Literature 177
of Jainism.^ These texts besides giving the details about his religion
called as ‘caujjama dhamina,' as we shall see later on, refer to his
disciples like Upali,- Abhaya,^ Siha,'* Asibandhakaputta,^ Sacea and
Patacara.®
The religion of Parsva was called ‘Caujjama Dhamma’" or the
fourfold religion consisting of abstinence from himsa {panaivayd),
untruth {musa\'dyd), stealing {adinnadana) and possession {bahid-
dhadand).
Other aspects of his religion are revealed by the practice of re-
penting for the transgressions done, as resorted to by the parents of
Mahavira. They also practised fasting upto death by lying upon a
bed of Kusa-grass.® The practice of giving up all clothing in order
to practise the life as a Jinakalpaka monk tov/ards the end of one’s
career is also referred to in the case of Municandra who was the
follower of Parsva.®
It seems certain that the Buddhists were also aware of a similar
fourfold religion (Catuyania-samvara) which they attributed to
Nigantha Nataputta;'"
‘A Nigantha is restrained with a fourfold self-restraint. He
lives restrained as regards all water, restrained as regards all
evil; all evil he has washed away: and he lives filled vdth the
sense of evil avoided.’
From this description, it can be gathered that Nigantha Nataputta
held the doctrine of fourfold restraint: restraint from the use of cold
water as it contains life^^ and sinful activities,^® as a result of which
^SBE., XLV, pp. XIV-XXI; M., DC, pp. 158-63; Also sec Charpentier, CHI.,
I,p. 153; Dasgupta, HIP., I., p. 173.
^Mcg. Nik., I, Uppali Sutta.
®ibid, I, Abhayarajkomar Sulla.
^Mahcr,-agger, VI, 31,
^Sam. Nik.. IV. 317 ff.
6/af. m. 1; Naya, 139. 218; Tha., p. 457b; Bhag., p. 455a, Uttara.,
23. 12;
Rayap., 147.
“The asceticism ofParsvanaiha has been called ‘Caujjama’ (Sk. <3aturyama)
and the name has been given even to the system of Mahavira in the Pali
Btwks. Caujjama is also called Samajiya Sanjama (SK. Samayika Samayama).
Jain, ‘The Practice of the Earlier Tirthankaras’, AIOC., II,
pp. 75-81.
Âcar, n, 15-16,
Âvasyaka-Comm., pp. 285, 291.
'^°Digha Nik.^ i, p. 74,
^Sum. P?/., p, 168; ‘So kira sitodake sattasanni hoti.’
i®cf, Suyagada, 2, 6, 8; As killing and sexual intercourse are implied.
—
he was free from all sins or bonds Nirgantha and had purified
himself. According to Jacobi these fourfold restraints are intended
to represent the four vows of Par^va.^ However, as we have seen
above, these vows were quite different.
But elsewhere in the XJdumharika-Slhanada Sutta^ the Buddha
in his conversation with the wanderer Nigrodha refers to the four-
fold restraints which seem to be ascribed to Nigantha Nataputta®
viz. (i) not to inflict injury on any living being, (ii) not to take
what is not given, (iii) not to utter lies and (iv) not to crave for
the pleasures of sense. Out of these, three are identical with the
three vows of Parsva. ParSva’s fourth rule of aparigraha, not to
have any worldly possessions (including a wife), was split up into
two by Mahavira to make up his code of five, viz. to lead a celibate
life and not to have worldly possessions. The main difference in
the practical or external aspects of Par^va’s and Mahavira’s code
of conduct thus seems to have been that the code of Parsva allowed
monks wear an under and upper garment, that of Mahavira
to
forbade clothes.^ These two schools, we are told, some 250 years
after the death of Pariva, became one when the disciples of ParSva
and Mahavira met at Sravasti and brought about the union of the
old branch of the Jaina Church and the new one.®
We have thus the evolution of the five great vows {panca mahav-
vyas) that were binding upon every Jaina monk. The five great vows
are:
(1) Ahithsd —not to cause or tend to cause pain or destruction

to any by thought, speech or conduct.
living being
(2) Satya —
truth in speech, thought and deed.
(3) Asteya— to take nothing, unless and except it is given.
(4) Brahmacarya —
chastity.
(5) Aparigraha not —

to have worldly possessions, renunciation
of all earthly concerns.
These form the basis of every field of Jaina monastic conduct.
mtar., SEE., XLV, pp. XX-XXI, lA., IX, p. 160.
^Digha Nik., Ill, 48, para 16.
®cf. Vaidya, 2500 Years of Buddhism, p. 16. Mahavira’s five Great Vows are
mentioned in Acar, II, 15, i, 4; 15, V, 5, SEE., XXII, pp. 202-210. Mahavira was
himself observing the all comprehensive and omnibus SsmSyika Samyama and
it was only after his enlightenment that he preached the Five Vows i.e.
Chedovatthaniyama—Jain, loc. cit., p. 78.
iUttar, XXIII., 13, p. 121.
sibid, Su., 23.
179
Even the sixth vow as given in the Dasaveyaliya and consisting of

the abstinence from taking food at ni^t is apparently the corollary
of the vow. The observance of these basic vows which com-
first
prised the whole fabric of Jaina monachism led to the development

of numerous rules and conventions which have survived to this day.
Against this background we may say that the religion advocated
by Mahavira was not a creation of his own- The only thing he did
was the organization of moral and disciplinary aspects of the then
existing Jaina Church. That he stood for a stricter code of disci-
pline of the body and of the mind is evident from his inclusion of
the fifth vow of celibacy (brahmacarya) to the aggregate of four
vows of Parsva.
Mahavira' s Kriydvad
The theory of Karma is the key stone of the Jaina system and
the ethical and ascetic practices of the Jains are to be regarded as
the logical consequences of this theory.^ The statement emphasises
the importance of the Karma doctrine in the teachings of Mahavira,
and its application to moral and disciplinary aspects of asceticism,
monasticism and the life of the laity.
Mahavira is represented as an exponent of Kriyavad as opposed

to theBuddha who taught Akriyavad.® Kriyd denotes the existence
of soul (/tva) and those who admit the existence of soul are called
Kriyavadins. It is stated that one who knows the torture of beings
below in hell, one who knows the influx of sin and its stoppage, one
who knows the misery and its annihilation is entitled to expound
the kriydvad. The principle tenets of the kriydvad school are that
misery is own acts and is not caused by anything
the result of one’s
else; that release from samsdra can be secured by knowledge of the
highest truth and fay good conduct. The doctrine admits the existence
of soul or self, this world and the next, believes in reward and action
and holds that there are causes of misery which can be controlled.^
The doctrine invests man with moral responsibility for all his deeds.
On its logical or dialectical side it came to be described as a doctrine
of nayas* and on its pragmatic or practical side as Kriydvdda.^ The
ÊRE., pp. 469-470.

mahavagga, VI. 31; SEE., XVH, p. 108 ff, Ang. Nik., IV, pp. 180-181.
^Suyagad, I. 12, 11-20-21.
Ûttar., XXVm, 24.
^Stkr.,l.n,2\.
180 Ancient Indian: Asceticism
three spheres of the self to which

it was required to be represented
by these three terms; jnam or sphere of knowledge and intuition,

darsana or sphere of faith and devotion and caritra or sphere of
conduct and behaviour.’^
We are introduced to the doctrine of kriyavad which forms the
basis of Mahavira’s teaching by Abhaya, a learned prince of the
Licchhavi of Vaisali in these words; ‘The Nigantha Nataputta
knows and sees all things, claims perfect knowledge and faith;
teaches the annihilation by austerities of the old Karma and pre-
vention by inactivity® of new Karma. When Karma ceases, misery
ceases.’ Karma
presupposes belief in saihsara and soul. An elabora-
tion of the same teaching is presented elsewhere by way of clarifi-
cation thus; ‘Whatsoever a person experiences, whether it is
pleasant or painful or neither pleasant nor painful, is due to his
Karma (totality of deeds in the past. Hence by extenuating through
penance {tapasa) the effect of all past deeds and by not accumulat-
ing the effect of fresh deeds, the future gliding in rebirth stopped,
the past is wiped out; with the past wiped out, ill is no more; with
• illno more, painful feelings are no more; with painful feelings no

more, all ill is outworn (exhausted) or negated.’® Here penance
(tapa) means the practice of austerities {dukkaracariya).
The Jaina counterpart to these tenets can be easily cited. It is
said of the Nirgantha that ‘By he cuts off Karman;’* by
austerities,
renouncing activity he obtains by ceasing to act he acq-
inactivity,
uires no new Karman and destroys the Karman he had acquired.’®
We are told that ‘Karman is the root of birth and death and birth
and death, they call misery.’® Thus the practice of asceticism is
necessary to put an end to misery. The goal of treading such a
path is made quite clear; ‘A man who is indifferent to the object
of the senses and to the feelings of the mind is free from sorrows;
though still in the samsara, he is not afiBicted by that long succes-
sion of pains, just as the leaf of the lotus is not moistened by
water.” The purpose of the austerities {tapas) is to prevent the
^Stkr., I, 6, 14.
Wttar, XXVIII, 24.
Âng. Nik., I, pp. 220-221; Maj. Nik., H, p. 214.
Wttar., XXIX, V. 27.
fiibid, XXIX, V. 37.
6ibid, XXX, V, 7.
’ibid, XXXII, verses 34, 47. 60, 73, 86, 99 condensed.
formation of new Karma as well as to putan end to the old Karma

with a view to be free from the cycle of birth and death. The goal
is Nirvana or final liberation.
We are thus led to the sphere of Jaina ethics which has for its end
the realization of nirvana or moksa. The necessary condition for
reaching this end is the possession of right faith {samyag darsana),
right knowledge {samyag jnana\ and right conduct {samyag carita)
metaphorically called the ‘three jewels’ {triraina)} Right faith

consists in believing the true ideal {apta), scriptures {agma), and
-
teacher {guru) Right knowledge consists of the nature of the soul
and non-soul, devoid, of doubt or error.® Right conduct means
living a life in accordance with the light gained by the first two
and right knowledge. It must be such as to
jewels, right conviction
keep the body down and elevate the soul. The barrier is the karmic
matter which obscures the true nature of the soul.
The consideration of the problem of hov/ the obstacle of Karma
{karmic matter) ‘which binds the soul in satnsard’^ be removed,
brings out the necessity of having a code of conduct, both for laymen
and ascetics, which must directly or indirectly be conducive to this
central aim. Naturally the rules for ascetics are stricter than those
for laymen and provide a shorter albeit harder, route to nirvana,
which is the goal for the layman also, but one v/hich he reaches by
a longer and a slower process. Of the first importance, are the five
vows {mahdvrata) referred to earlier, the first four of which are also
acknowledged by Brahmanism and Buddhism. These vows are to
be strictly observed by monks who take them on taking initiation
{diksa).^ Jainism thus lays down that for attainment or nirvana, the
highest goal is to get rid of Karma {nirjard)'^ and meanwhile to
acquire no new Karma. The path of asceticism {tapas) can help to
speedily annihilate the old Karma than would happen in the
common course of things. Therefore the whole apparatus of
monastic conduct in Jaim'sra seeks to prevent the formation of new
^Tattva., i, I: Samyag darsanjnanacaritraiji raoksamargalj.
—
^Ratnakaranda Sravakacurya, 4.
^ Drarya Sathgraha,
42,
^Panchastikaya-gatha, V. 27: Jivo tti Kararaasamjutto.
5Lay people, however, should observe them so far as their
conditions
admit, hence they are called the small vows (anuvrata).
The duties of a
Sraraka intent on following the path of salvation are laid
down in the Sagar-
Dharmamrta. Summarised by Jaini. Outlines of Jainism,
p. 68.
^Tattva., DC. 3: Tapasa nirjara ca.
Karma. By an austere life of purity and virtue one can

living
escape the ills which are due to the endless cycle of birth
of life
and death. Jainism, however, considers the life of renunciation as

the best life and hence the shortest way to Nirvana. Asceticism
thus acquires a conspicuous status in Mahavira’s doctrine.
Asceticism in Jaina System

The Nirgantha argument of the practice of penance or austerity
is clearly set forth in the Majjhima Nikaya: ‘Beatitude cannot be
reached through mundane happiness. It is attainable through the
mortification of the flesh. Had
been possible to reach beautitude
it
through mundane happiness. King Srenika Bimbisara of Magadha

would certainly have attained it.’^
Mahavira, by his own life, furnishes a pattern of an extraordi*
narily rigorous application of ascetic practices to be followed by
the monks in their religious life. This has been accepted as the
ideal life for a Jaina monk which is described vividly in the
Acaranga Siitra as follows:
‘Giving up his robe, the Venerable One was a naked, world
relinquishing, houseless sage. When
spoken to or saluted, he gave
no answer. For more than a couple of years he led a religious life,
without using cold water; he realized singleness, guarded his body,
had got intuition and was calm. For 13 years he meditated day
and night and was undisturbed in spirit. Practising the sinless
abstinence from killing, he did no injurious acts; he consumed
nothing that had been prepared for him; he consumed clean food.
Always on his guard, he bore the pains caused by grass, cold, fire,
flies, gnats, undisturbed. Whether wounded or un wounded, he
desired not medical treatment. Medicines, anointing of the body

and bathing cleansing of the teeth, did not behove him after he had
learned the path of deliverance. Sometimes the Venerable one did
not drink for half a month or a month. Sometimes he only ate the
sixth meal, or the eighth or the twelfth. Without ceasing in his
reflections he wandered about and killing no creatures, begged his

food. Whether he did or did not get such food —moist or dry or
cold, he was rich in self-control.’
^Maj. Nik., I. 93=Na sukhena sukham adhigantabbam dukhena kho

sukhaih adhigantabbam sukhena ca sukham adhigantabbam abhavissa. raja
Magadho Seniyo Bimbisaro sukham adhigacheyya.
The privations MahSvIra suffered at the hands of the hostile

populace are also described:
‘He wandered naked and homeless. People struck him and
—
mocked at him unconcerned, he continued in his meditations. In
Ladha the inhabitants persecuted him and set the dogs on him.
They beat him with sticks and with their fists and threw fruits,
clods of earth and potsherds at him. They disturbed him in his
meditations by all sorts of torments. But Mahavira withstood it
all.’^ In short, he bad cut off all earthly ties and was not stained by
any worldliness. Like a lotus-leaf he remained unsoiled.

It is no exaggeration to say that even while the Master v/as alive,
the Nirgantha recluses sought to imitate his life. In both Brahma-
nism and Jainism which were in a flourishing condition in the time
of the Buddha, the Niganthas took a sort of pride in outdoing their
Brahraanic rivals, as regards rigorous conduct. The Jaina religion
teaches that twelve years of asceticism of the severest type are
necessary to gain salvation. From the various penances recom-
mended for a monk, it seems that practices of bodily mortification
were held in high esteem. These, no doubt, reveal a high standard
of asceticism and self-control.
Tapas as an Institution
One of the most important institutions of Jainism is asceticism,
austerities or Tapasr The truth of this statement becomes evident
if we examine the practice of asceticism as (i) important for the
right conduct of those who strive to attain Wirvana and (ii) its
observance as a rigorousmode of monastic life.
Tapas is divided into (a) external and (b) internal tapas; the
former comprises the austerities practised by the Jainas, the latter
their spiritual exercises, concerning self-discipline, the cleansing and
purifying of the mind, especially by the Jaina monks.
Both the internal and externa) were further divided, each into six
sub-divisions, which were as follows:®
External Tapas
Among austerities, fasting is the most conspicuous. The Jainas
Mcar, SEE., XXn, pp. 84-87.
^Than., p. 354b; Stm., lib. Uttar., 28,

34; 30, 8; Bhag., 29a, 921a.
have developed it to a kind of art and reach a remarkable profi-

ciency in it. These six types are;
(1) Ariasana {Anasana) —
fasting.
(2) Vnoyariyd {Anavaptd)~t 2Amg less than what one desires.
(3) Bhikkhdyaria (5/tjfadcarya)— begging food (in a peculiar
way). It consisted of imposing certain restrictions upon one-
self regarding the mode of
begging or the nature of the
donor or the quality of food or the way in which food was
offered.
(4) Rasapariccaya Renunciation and suppres-

sion of taste and of dainty food.
(5) KdyakUesa (kdyd-klesa) —
mortification of the body. It con-
sisted of the practice of various bodily postures.^
(6) Samlimyd (sathlinatd) —
Living with perfect self-control in a
pure and lonely residence which is in all likelihood devoid of
any temptations.-
One of the form of fasting is starving oneself to death {indranan-
tiki samlekhand), also called religious suicide.
Internal Tapas
(1) Pdyacchitta —
{Prdyaschitta) Penance in expiation of any
fault,committed consciously or unconsciously.
(2) — —
Vinaya modesty It consisted of perfect self-control and
purifying the mind by means of right knowledge, faith and
conduct.
(3) Vedvacca (Vaiyapritya) —service to others. It consists of
sincere and actual attendance on old, infirm and sick sadhus.
(4) Sajjndya {svddhydya) —reading the scripture, study.

(5) Jhd?ta {Dhydna) —meditation.
(6) Viusagga (Vyutsarga) —non-attachment to the body. It con-
sisted either of giving up food, or the care of the body or
the four passions.
The application of the internal and external tapas in the life of
^Summarised by Deo, HJM., 188.

Âccording to Digambar texts, bhiksacarya and samlinata are replaced by
vrttiparisankhya and viviktasayanasana. Mul, 5, 148-49; Tattva, 9, 19.
A very useful summary on the subject is given by Deo, who groups some
representative transgressions covering the various fields of monastic life and
the punishments prescribed for these. Deo, Jaina Monastic Jurisprudence,
pp. 61-80.
the monk amounts to denying him every form of comfort and

merely keeping him embraces all
alive. Especially internal tapas
that belongs to spiritual discipline, including contemplation e.g.
confessing and repenting of sins.

We shall now take certain facets of monastic life with a view to
show its rigorous code which is but an extension of the belief and
practice of asceticism in its most extreme form.
Clothing and Nudity

The Digambaras maintain that as the Tirthahkaras in their
highest stage never wore clothes, in the same way the monk should
be naked too, in order to symbolise the ideas connected with
nirganthatva (boundlessness) and aparigrahatva (non-possession).
it was Mahavira who
Early texts like the Acarahga} state that
started the practice of nudity after a period of thirteen months
after his renunciation. The SthanShga- also refers to the fact that
Mahavira himself told his disciples that T have laid down the
practice of nudity Qnae acelate dhamme pannatte). The same view
is expressed by the Dasavaikalikd^ which disallows all efforts of
bodily decoration to the monk as he is nagitta (naked) and munda

(tonsured) The Uttaradhyayana*^ also lays down nakedness as the
sixth parisaha.^ The Thananga^ gives five advantages of nudity. It
may be noted that celibacy and nudity are closely related from the
point of view of controlling the senses and non-attachment to
bodily pleasures and external needs. Thus ‘freedom from bonds’
was the main idea behind the practice of nudity.’
Though nakedness was considered a necessity for salvation as
practised by Mahavira himself who was habitually naked, it seems
Mcor., I, 8. 1. 3.
^Than., p. 460b,
^Dasa., 6. 65; 4. 2. 1.
4SBE., XLV, p. 9.
Ûttar., Chapter 2, Smv. p. 40b. There are twenty-two troubles {partsahas)
towhich a monk was often subjected to. There were: hunger, thirst, cold, heat,
mosquitoes and flies, nakedness, dissatisfaction with the objects of control
women, wandering life, places of study, lodging, abuse, death, asking for some-
what is wanted, illness, pricking of grass, bodily dirt, kind and
thing, not to get
honourable treatment, knowledge and reason, ignorance and equanimity.
^Than., p. 342b, 343a. Comm, attributes it to the Tinakalpas,
Ôn this point of Jaina practice (of nakedness), Benarasi Dass makes some
remarks with an illustration of the well-known story of the expul-
interesting
sion of Adam and Eve from heaven: Lecture on Jainism,
p. 69.
he made and human frailty.

slight concessions to public opinion
He permitted wear a minimum of covering to avoid
his followers to
embarrassment and the accusation of indecency. Thus inspite of
such constant references to nakedness, the rules about clothing did
not seem to make it a compulsory item.’^ On the other hand the
Ajivikas in the times of Mahavira practised complete nudity.^ And
yet the vow of non-possession in its severest form emerged in the
vindication of nudity so peculiar to the Digambar Jainas.®
Celibacy
In all systems—Brahmanism, Buddhism and
the three principal
Jainism, celibacy or Brahmacarya forms the common basis of the
ethical foundation along with the principal vows of ahimsd, satya,
asteya and aparigraha.
A well-controlled mind led to the practice of ideal celibacy. All
that which tempted and disturbed the mind was prohibitive to the
monk. He was asked not to look at females or walk along with
them; was not allowed to be alone with a woman or to use beds
slept over by them, or tell stories regarding them or to remember
former enjoyments or to eat spicy food or eat too much or gaze at
wall-paintings of women. He was asked to remain aloof from a
woman even if she was disfigured and hundred years old for ‘they
are to monks what a cat is to a chicken.’^ The monk, thus, was not
allowed to take bath, or clean his teeth, or use flowers and scents
or fan his body.® All his life he was to carry the dirt on his body
and no attempts of external purity were encouraged.® Use of purga-
tives^ or of enema, applying collyrium, playing dice® and going to
all sorts of recreation like dramas etc.,® were the forbidden items of
monk life.
lAcar., I. 6, 2. 3; I, 7, 7, I; Stkr, 2. \, 56; Vttar., 23, 32-33, 2, 12-13.

^Hoernle, ERE., I, p. 262; Divya, p. 165; cf. Basham, op. cit., p. 109.
3In Brahmanism, the Faramahamsa and the Turiyatita remained naked:
Naradaparivrajaka, UP., MU., pp. 174-175, which classifies Samnyasis in six
kinds: Kuticaka, Bahudaka, Hamsa, Paramahamsa, Turiyatita and Avadhuta.
^Stkr., 1,4, 1, 5; Uttar, 16, 1-10; Than., 444a; Smv., 151; Dsv., 2, 4, 7-11, 8,
54-58.
s£»jv., 3, 2-3; 61-64; Sam., 35b; Than., 460b; Stkr., 1, 9, 13.
mtar., 2, 37; Acar., II, 13, 1-23.
’’Dasa., 3, 9.
8ibid, 3, 4; SBE„ XLV, p. 303.
Âcar., II, II, I, 18; SBE., XLV, p. 305.
187
Loya
It was a custom with many Saihnyasis and
Bhikkhus to cut or
shave off their hair but a peculiar and most painful custom of the
Jaina is that all monks, as a proof of their power of endurance,
must practice loya or uprooting of the hair on the head and beard.^
It is the extremest form of the idea of the non-decoration of the
body and of self-control. ‘Only those can do it who have no love
with their flesh and bones.’ It is looked upon as a sign that the
monk or nun will have no thought for the body.
Ahithsa
It is the Jainas far more than any other religion emphasize
who
Ahirhsa. In thought and practice they aim at an extraordinarily
rigorous application of the doctrine which finds the foremost place
in the mahavratas of the Jaina monk. The underlying idea is an
extreme reverence for life and of a dogmatic belief that not only
men, animals and plants but the smallest particles of earth, fire,
water and wind are endowed with living souls. Consequently a very
large part of the Jaina monk’s attention was directed to using the
extremest care not to injure any living being, or thing, by speech,
thought or conduct.
If we examine the whole set of rules regarding food of the monk,
we find that reduced to three categories. According to these, a
it is
monk was to accept such food as was free from the acts of killing
beings, free from the doubt of its purity and free from the faults of
preparation, acceptance and begging.^
The element of ahirhsa was foremost in these rules which made
a monk foregonot only raw, powdered and vegetable food but even
that which was given with a wet hand or with a ladle besmeared
with other impure articles. Not accepting cold unboiled water, not
traversing over mud or bridge or rain-water or ash etc. implied the
effort in the strict practice of ahirhsa. The rule of not taking food
at night was also as a result of such considerations. For the same
reason, the monk cleaned his requisites,® scanned the places of easing
iThe typical phrases used in this connection are ‘munde

bhavitta agarao
anagariyam pawaio’, Smv., 37a. Than., 46a, 176b. 307a, 400b or
‘pancamutthi-
yam loyam karei’ (in five handfuls)Naya., p. 218; Bhag., 430b, 620a,
^Bhag., 293a; Comm., p, 294a; Than., p. 452a
^Dsv., 8, 17,
nature,^ did not do any fire activity^ and covered his' face or the
place where his sneezing or yawning or vomitting was likely to
spread.® Not only that, he had to be careful in not hurting the feel-
ings of others by his speech or behaviour.* The reason behind that
was that ‘all living being desire to live and not to die. Therefore,
the Nigganthas give up killing of living beings.’® The very fact that
he had to avoid forty-six faults in the course of his begging round
prove the utmost sanctity attached to the doctrine of Ahimsa. In
fact, he was more particular about minor living beings than himself.’
That is why Charpentier remarks that Mahavira ‘seems in reality .
often to care much more for the security of animals and plants than
for that of human beings.’® If non-injury to life was so much res-
pected, why not the same attitude be applied to human life as well?,
Voluntary Death
The monk always yearned to escape from the cycle of births and
and the sooner he reached the end of worldly existence the
rebirths
more happy he was. So eager was he to part with the world that
in his uttermost anxiety he parted even with a scrap of clothing or
a blade of grass. The whole outlook of life being that of non-attach-
ment, he practised the most severe self-mortification sustaining his
body so far as it served his purpose of a religious life. Logically,
self-mortification should lead to suicide. And in Jainism, while alt
other kinds of killing are strictly forbidden, suicide or voluntary

death is The proper method for such a death is to
highly praised.
mendicancy and the approved austerities for
retire, after practising
twelve years necessary for salvation, to a secluded spot and having

cleared it of all living creatures, starve one’s self to death. ‘This
method,’ says the Acarahga Sutra, ‘has been adopted by many
who were free from delusion. It is good, wholesome, proper, beauti-
fying and meritorious.” This is called ‘maranantiki samlekhana’
fasting unto death. Actually a planned scheme of mortification.
iPsv., 8, 18; rhan., 380a; Uttar., 24, 17-18; Acar., II, 10, 1-22.
®ibid.Chapter 4.
Mcar., II, 2, 3, 28.
^Dasa., Chapter 7.
Bibid, 6, 11.
eCflI., I, p. 162.
VS., SBE, Xn, p. 307.
•Asceticism in Jaina Literature 189
Spread over a period of twelve years as a prelude to fast unto death

is prescribed.^
A monk took recourse to voluntary death with the permission of
his teachers when he found that he could no more sustain his body.
It was better to commit suicide than to fail to practice austerities.
Various forms of death are described in the Angas, with the sole
arm of gradually preparing oneself for the last journey. In all these
cases, the monk goes without any food and drink till death over-
. takes him. Some of the forms are; (1) Bhaktapratyakhyana^ (await-
ing death after total abstinencefrom food and drink), (2) Ingita-
maram^ (awaiting death lying on a bare piece of ground free from
living beings), (3) Paovagamana'^ (awaiting death standing motion-
a tree) and (4) Samlehana^ {pandila-marana). All these
less like
were known as *sakama' or wise man’s death as it was met with

one’s will for it. As a contrast as many as twelve kinds of death®
are condemned by Mahavira and hence unfit for ideal monks.
-
The method of voluntary death considered to be the best mode is
included as one of the internal austerities {lapas). It is known as
Utsarga which consists in showing and feeling absolute indifference
to the body and its needs. Its furthest development leading to death
is termed as Padopagamana Santharo, which is, as a rule, practised
by the monk.’ In this connection, Mrs. Stevenson rightly observes:
‘It is strange that a religious system which begins with the most
minute regulations against the taking of the lowest insect life should
end by encouraging human For a while, she forgets that
suicide.’®
• the Jaina tradition has put a stamp of religious sanctity on this
method, turning it into an institution down the ages.®
From our examination of the Internal and External tapas, toge-
ther with certain aspects of monastic life viz. Clothing and Nudity,
Wttar., 36, 249-54; Than,, Comm., pp. 95ab, 96a; Naya., pp. 46, 157, 200.
Âcar., I, 7, 8, 7-10.
®ibid,I,7,8, 11-18.
îbid, I, 7. 8, 19-23.
Wttara,, 5, 2-3: Than., 93b. I75a.
6rAo«., 93b, 94ab, Acar., n, 10, 13: For details see Deo, HIM., p, 202.
’Stevenson, The Heart of Jainism, p. 168.
Sibid.
®In the law-books also the hermits and SaihnySsis, who have
attained the
highest stage of asceticism, arc recommended starvation.
Apastamba says:
‘Next he shall live on water then on air,then on ether.’ See Ap. Ds. 22, 4; 23,
2,SEE., II, pp. 154 , 156, Manu., VI, 31; YaJ. Ill, 55 ; cf. Biihler, Indian Sect of
the Jainas, p. 16, fn. 5.
Celibacy, Loya, Ahiiiisa, Voluntary Death by Starvation, etc. the

emphasis on the extreme form of self-suppression and self-torture
can easily be seen.
Ajmkas
Out of the philosophic ferment of the sixth centuiy BC at least
three unorthodox sects developed in the same region, all seeking
more of the cosmic mystery than those of
satisfying explanation
sacrificial Brahmanism and the Upanisadic
gnosis. These sects,
named heretical by the Brahmanas, were built round the doctrines
of the Buddha, Mahavira and Gosala, and the creeds came to be
known as Buddhism, Jainism and Ajivikism. As the legend goes,
Gosala, the founder of the Ajivikism, as we have referred to him
was closely associated with Mahavira, the Jaina Tirtha-
earlier,^
mkara, but later on their partnership was broken.

While concluding the study of the Ajivikas, ‘their long but by
no means glorious existence,’ Basham gives an outline of their his-
tory thus;^
‘Closely allied to Gosala were Purapa Kassapa, the antinomian,
and probably Pakudha Kaccayana, the atomist, whose doctrines
were adopted by the later Ajivikas, Gosala’s fatalism inspired the
new sect, which developed around groups of naked wanderers,
devoted to asceticism, but accused by their opponents of secret
A vigorous lay community supported the Ajivika
licentiousness.®
sect,which held its own until the Mauryan period, when it appears
to have reached its zenith and to have received the patronage of
Asoka and of his successor Da§aratha. After this, however, the
Ajivika community in Northern India dwindled rapidly and soon
became insignificant.’
Âccording to Basham, the account of the circumstances of the meeting

seems by no means reliable and was probably introduced to stress the inferio-
rity of Ajivikism to Jainism and of Gosala to Mahavira. The Ajivikas, p. 40.
2ibid, pp. 278-288.
3The Buddhist accused the Ajivika ascetic of secret indulgence in rich foods
behind a cloak of false austerity, while by the Jaina he was often condemned
for his unchastity.
ff Stkr,,
Vide: Mahasaccaka Sutta, Maj. Nik., I, p. 238; Vinaya, IV, pp. 223
II, 6, 8 fol. 390.
Mrs. Stevenson, with the aid of certain Jaina sources, paints Gosala
m
living a life ‘of sin and shame.’ She calls him characteristically
^Mahavira —
s
‘Unruly disciple’; op, cit., pp. 58-60.

However, in South India where Ajivikism reached in the Mauryan

period,it survived there longer than in the North at least until the
fourteenth century.
Various views regarding the interpretation of the term ‘Ajivikas’
are examined by Basham,^ which also throw some light on their
belief and practice. We can do no better than summarise them;

(/) According to Hoemle, the term ÂjTvika' is derived from
‘Ajiva’ (livelihood) and means ‘the mode of life or profession
of any particular class of people, whether they live as house-
may also mean ‘one
holders or as religious mendicants.’ It
who observes the mode of living appropriate to his class.’-
(») The term ‘Ajivika’ like ‘Nirgantha’ originally had a wider
connotation than the organised followers of Makkhali Gosala
and might be applied to any non-Brahmanical naked ascetic.®
{Hi) The proposition a in the term ‘Ajivika’ has more often the
force of ‘until’ than ‘as loag as,’ but ‘it may denote the limit
‘to,’ ‘until,’ ‘as far as,’ ‘from,’ either including the object
named or excluding it.’^ This possibility becomes clear from
the Digha Nikaya, where a certain ‘accla’ ascetic Kandara-
Masuka is referred to as maintaining seven life-long vows.
The first of these was; ‘As long as I live, I will be naked and
will not put on a garment’®
His other vows viz. perpetual chastity and dcmiliting the
area in the four directions beyond which he undertakes not
to travel are vows of a Jaina type.
(iV) It denoted in its narrowest sense the disciples and followers
of Makkhali or Mankhaliputta Gosala.® This included free-
lance ascetics of a similar type or followers of other leaders
who later merged with the Ajivika order.
Ajivika practices, doctrines and their influences on Jainism

The Pali texts refer to all six, heretical teachers together in such
a manner as to suggest that their relations were by no means always
mutually antagonistic. Numerous points of similarity in Jaina and
ôp, cit., pp. 101-104.

ÊRE., I. p, 25a, cf. ibid, p. 102, Basham, however qualifies (i) by (ii),
SBasham, ibid, p. 102.
^SED., (MW), SV., a.
^Dlgha. Nik., Ill, p. 9 ; YSvaj-jivam acclako assam,
na vattham paridaheyam.
*Barua, ABORT., VIII, p, 183; q.b, Basham, op. cit.,
p. 97.
Ajivika doctrine and practice suggest the early interaction of the

two teachings.
The cardinal point of the doctrines of the Ajivika founder,
Gosala, was a belief in predestination, ‘in the
all-embracing rule
of the principle of order, Niyati, which ultimately controlled every
action and all phenomena, and left no room for human volition,
which was completely ineffectual.’^ He did not believe in human
effort,and held that all creatures were helpless against destiny.
His followers, the Ajivikas, were utter fatalists who claimed that
no amount of virtue and asceticism could hasten or shorten the
natural biological process of rebirth, that goodness did not help
toward the final release. An atomic theory, which was perhaps the
earliest in India, if not in the world, was later on developed on the
basis of strict determinism, which was the foundation of the Niyati
doctrine.® The
Ajivikas classified humanity according to its spiritual
colour Sk) which classification has much in common with
{abijciti
the Jaina lesyds. Whereas the former classification is based on

creed or occupation, the latter on man’s psychic development and
virtue.®
The Ajivikas practised asceticism of a severe type which often
terminated like that of the Jainas, in death by starvation. They
practised total nudity, which inspired Mahavira in introducing the
custom in the Jaina order. The motive was the same as Mahavira’s
the acquisition of complete indifference to all physical sensation.^
The typical Ajivika was usually complete naked, covered with dust
and dirt, bent and crippled and armed with a bamboo staff.®
The Jaina Aupapatika Sutra contains a significant list of the
types of the Ajivika mendicant.® These include :
(1) Dugharaniariya: who were in the habit of begging food at

every third house only.
(2) Tigharantariyd'.who begged at every fourth house.
(3) Sattagharantariya: who begged at every eighth house.
®ibid, pp. 3-4.

the
®ibid, pp.244-245. According to this classification, the Ajivika regarded
Jaina as second to himself in sanctity, the Buddhist bhikkhu was a poor third
and the Brahman, the lowest.

Ucar., I. 7, 7, 1.
Map, Su., 41, 101., 196; Also Ovavaiya Sii., 41, p. 196.
(4) Uppala-bentiya: who under a special vow employed lotus
stalk in begging and who perhaps used lotus leaves as begg-

ing receptacles
(5) Gharasannidaiiiya: those who begged at every house
(6) Vijjuantariya: who were ascetics and v/ho entered large
earthen ports in order to do penance.
The Sthanafiga a further list of Ajivika ascetic prac-
Siitra^ gives
tices, which are said to be severe penances, terrible penances, the
abstention from liquids {rasa)- and indifference to the pleasures of

the sense of taste.
The Ajtvikas’ reputation for asceticism apparently reached the
Far East. Chinese and Japanese Buddhist literature classes the
Ashibikas (i.e. AjTvikas) and the Nikendabtras or Nirgranthas as
practising severe penance. ‘They both hold that the penalty for a
sinful life must sooner or later be paid and since it is impossible to
escape from it, it is better that it be paid as soon as possible so that
the life to come may be free from enjoyment. Thus their practices
—
were ascetic fasting, silence, immovability and the burying of
themselves upto the neck were their expressions of penance.’®
The most detailed description of the begging customs of naked
mendicants is contained is the Mahasaccaka Sutta of the Majjhima
Nikaya. The passage therein seems to give a convincing picture of
the begging habits of Makkhalt Gosala and his two shadowT prede-
cessors, who are named in the text (Nanda Yaccha and Kisa
Sankicca).^ It might be inferred that it also applies to the commu-
nity which he established. But its reliability, as applying to the
Ajivika order is questionable. For in another passage of the
Majjhima the same words are put into the mouth of the Buddha
himself, when he describes bis own ascetic conduct before his
enlightenment.® This indicates that the description of ascetic begging
practice applies to the wide class of acelakas or naked ascetics,
which class seems to have included not only organized Ajivikas, but
freelance Ajtvikas and Nirganthas or Jainas, as well as independent
^Than. IV. 309, cf. Nangutiha', Jat. I, p. 144, 493.
-Comm. Abhayadeva interprets it as ghee elc.—ghrtddi rasa partityagah.
^Sugiura, Hindu Logic as Preserved in China and Japan,
p, 16 quoting
Hyaku-ron So i, 22. The passage has been noticed by Hoernle {ERE., I.
p. 269),
who adhering to his own theory, identifies the Ashibikas with the Digambara'
Jainas.
^Maj. Nik., I, p. 238.
5ibid, I, p. 77.
ascetics and members of the smaller mushroom communities of the

time.^ Some of the practices referred to may have been followed by
Makkhall Gosala’s Ajivikas, but there is no reason to believe that
they followed all of them. However, one interesting but minor rule
of their begging practice was that they did not beg for their female
relations, because Gosala himself was once disappointed at not
receiving alms, presumably from his own kin.^ In general, the beg-
ging and dietary habits of the Ajivikas were somewhat less lax than
those of the Buddhists and less strict than those of the Jainas.® The
Ajivikas w'ere like the Buddhists and Jainas believers in Ahirhsa
and usually vegetarian^ though a passage in the Bhagavatl Sutra
describes them eating animal food.®
Some of the Ajivikas used to practice Suddhapana'e^ penance, a sort
of ‘religious suicide,’ awaiting voluntary death like the Jainas but the
former differed in the sense that it involved death not from starva-
tion but from thirst. The ascetic finding his physical powers wan-
ing would enter on the six months course of austerities. At some
stage in his penance, he would refrain from all drinks but the four
panagdim, ‘kinds of liquid suitable to an ascetic.’’ At the final
stage he would only allow himself the four apamgam (the four
substitutes for drink).® This shows that the Ajivika ascetic of
greatest sanctity like the Jaina cheerfully died a lingering death for
the sake of his spiritual welfare, by pursuing the traditional
religious path of pain and fast.
The Samnyasi as the Model for the Jama Ascetic

It was Max observed that the Brahmin ascetic
Muller, who first
(the Samnyasin) was the model from whom the monastic orders of
the Jainas and Buddhists borrowed many important practices and
institutions of ascetic life.®
iBasham, op. cit., p. 119.
^Vihimaggapava oi Jinapaha Suri. q.b, Basham, ibid, p. 54.
®Basham, ibid, p. 50.

^Basham, ibid, p. 123.
5Bhag., Vm. su.
329 fo. 569. . - s
(panagaim) an a
of eight finalities (carimaim), the four drinks
®It consisted
679 Comm.
the four substitutes for drink (apanagaini), Bliag., XV, su. 544, fol.
fol. 684.
Âbhayadeva’s Comm. Bhag. Su,, 554 fol. 680.
SBarua believes that Gosala himself practised the penance. JDL.,
II, PP.
36-37.
^Hibbert Lectures, p. 351.
Likewise, BUhler^ and Kem- held a similar view. Working on

this premise, Jacobi compared the rules of the Brahmin ascetics
from the quotations® and Baudhayan’s law books with those of the
Jaina and Buddhist monks, and has conclusively proved that the
originalsof the monastic orders of the Jainas and Buddhists are to
be found in the Hindu ascetic.^ In his investigation, he considered:
the five great vows of the Jainas and the five cardinal sins and
virtues of the Buddhists versus the five vows of the Samnyasins,
chastity, rules regarding residence during the rainy season, begging,
restraining of the mind, speech and body; nudity, ahiihsa; the outfit
of the ascetic and his ways of eating, drinking etc. From the
historical point of view, even, many of the Jaina ethical principles
can be shown to have been inherited from older religious classes of
Indian society.
Why Extremist Asceticism in Jaina System?

In the discussion Jacobi does not fail to point out that regarding
the dress, the Jaina ascetics are forbidden to wash or dye their
clothes and that they must wear them in the same condition in
which they are given.® He observes that the Jainas have carried into
the extreme the original intention of the Brahmanic rule viz. that
the dress of ascetics should be as simple and mean as possible.
For the Jainas seem to take a sort of pride in outdoing their
Brahmanic rivals as regards rigorous conduct; the former never
bathe; are covered with uncleanliness; they smell badly, they are
disagreeable, they are loathsome.’® They, thus, considered nastiness
and filthiness for the highest pitch of ascetic virtue. As a contrast
the Buddhists observed principles of hygiene and conducted them-
selves in accordance with the dictates of humanity. Secondly, he
emphasises how the Brahmanic rule ‘to be indifferent towards (all)
Waudh. DS., SBE., IV, 191-192.

-History of Buddhism in India.
3The law giver Gautama who, teaches the complete system of Brahmanic
asceticism, was older than the rise of Buddhism— BQhler, SBE., II,
p. XnX,
introduction.
^Jacobi, JS., SBE., XXII,— introduction, pp. XXII-XXDC cf. Ghosba],
‘Rules for Ascetics in Jainism, Buddhism and Hinduism,’ JA No IV ' 1936’
pp. 67-31.
Mccr., II, 5, 2. 1; 1,
7, 7. 1.
6 ibid,n.
2,2,1.
creatures, whether they do him any injury or kindness’^ was

strictly carried out by Mahavira who ‘with equanimity bore,
underwent and suffered all pleasant or unpleasant occurences, aris-
ing from divine powers, men or animals.’^ He quotes that the
Jaina ascetic in the last stage of his spiritual career ‘does desire
neither life nor death.’ ^ As we have seen earlier he is on the path
of religious suicide, longing and lingering for death to overtake
him. This is considered as ‘wholesome, proper, beautifying and
meritorious.” The conclusion is obvious and inevitable that the
Jaina system recognises and preaches the extremest asceticism. The
practice of the loya and the rigid adherence to ahimsa, in thought,
word and deed, and the system of internal and external tapas for
the monk, all these strengthen the conclusion. The question arises:
Why did Mahavira make his moral code so extremely ascetic? As
Jacobi does not provide an answer, we have to seek it ourselves.
It is a fact that Mahavira adopted Parsva’s ethical code of four
rules and enlarged it into five great vows (Mahavratas). The fourth
rule of Parsva, that of aparigralta, not to have any worldly posses-
sions was split up
two by Mahavira viz. not to take a wife or
into
to lead a celibate and renunciation of all worldly concerns
life
(parigraha—tyaga). He symbolised these two in his own life by

practising ideal purity by thought, word and deed and complete
nudity. Thus he found the necessity of preaching these two to his
followers by his own example and their strict enforcement became
a part and parcel of his ethical code. Basham hints at the reason
behind the necessity when he points out that ‘Mahavira founded his
order upon a looser group of ascetics, wearing clothing and by no
means in their chastity.’^ The Jaina accusation of the Ajivika of
sexual laxity points to the state of impurity existing in the Ajivika
order. According to the Sutrakrtanga, Gosala is made to declare
that according his dhamma, the ascetic incurs no sin from women.®
The same source also speaks of indifferent ascetics, the slaves of
women, who maintain that there is no more sin in intercourse with
women than in squeezing a boil.® ‘A wise man,’ states the Siitra-
^SBE.. II, p. 192; Gati. DS., Ill, 24.
^Kalpa, p. 260.
sibid, p. 307.
îbid, p. 108.
^Stkr., n, 6, 8, fol. 390.
6ibid, I. 3, 4, 10, fol. 97.
Asceticism in Jaina LiteratuW 19 '?
do not live a life of

krtafiga, ‘should consider that these (heretics)
chastity.’^ The nature of the relations of Gosala with his patron
Halahala, the potter woman, are nowhere explicitly stated but it
seems to be implied that they were not honest.’*

There is a reference to the Ajivika sexual laxity in the Vinaya.®
We hear the distant echoes of their bad reputation even in later
literature.'* The conclusion becomes certain that there existed a lack
of purity amongst the ascetics of Mahavira’s times especially the

Ajivikas.
When the long Jaina tradition maintains that the Ajivikas were
not celibate, the Jainas themselves could not be regarded blameless
in this regard. Mahavira found that many ascetics belonging to
other sects including the pro to- Jainas (acitelas) who followed Parsva,
took no vows of chastity.® The legendary i-sis shared their austeri-
ties with their wives and must have had later counterparts. Their
own religious literature shows that the Jaina monks themselves

were not always strict in the maintenance of chasity.® Their occa-
sional lapses of misconduct are also referred to.’ Mahavira must
have been dissatisfied with the state of existing physical laxity
amongst the ascetics around him and with a view to enforce strict
observance of chastity from his followers, introduced a distinct vow
'
of chastity (brahmacarya).
Not only that Mahavira was dissatisfied with the lack
of chastity
amongst the own, but the accusation of
ascetic order including his
laxity in discipline in the religious order of the Buddhists and the
Ajivikas, it seems was a source of embarassment and even disturb-
ance to him. The Buddhist accused the Ajivika ascetic of worldli-
ness who wore a cloak of false austerity.® The Ajivika accused the
Buddhist of laxity in discipline. Even the Buddha is called a
‘shaven householder’ (muijda-gahapatika).^ Amongst their rivals
iStkn, 1,1,3, 13,fol.45.

^Gosala in his 24th year, starts his career as an ascetic, making his head-
quarters at Savatthi in the workshop of the potter-woman Halahala and
was
surrounded by many disciples: Bhae. Su., XV. su. 539, fol. 658.
^Vinaya, IV, pp. 223 ff., Samantapasadika, IV, p. 906.
^Rajtarangim Epi Car. II (cdn.) No. 234, p. 209.
5«7//ar., XXin, 11-12, SBE., XLV, p. 121 fn 2
G5/Ar., IV. 2.
Haina, Life in Ancient India According to the Jaina Canon on IQO-ioi
maj. Nik., I, p. 238, 438.
^Vinaya, IV, p. 91.
the Buddhists enjoyed the reputation of being ‘preachers of ease’

{sata-vadin) who favoured the ‘way of comfort’ (pustiniarga)} In
the Vinaya there are many references where the Buddhists monks
are accused of having the ways and pleasures of worldly men. All
these accusations and counter-accusations created a doubt in many
of the simpler lay folk of the time who were naturally inclined to
estimate the sanctity of a religious order by the severity of its dis-
cipline, and to bestow their alms accordingly. With each sect

attempting to win members from the others, the sanctity of a reli-
gious order was an important aspect not to be ignored. Logically it
more sacred a religious
follows that the stricter the discipline, the
order, and more chances of winning the followers. In the circums-
tances it would appear that Mahavira, to distinguish his order from
the others, found the necessity of making his ethical codes more
rigid, more ascetic and hence more respectable in the eyes of his
contemporaries especially his lay adherents. There is no reference
to his givingfreedom to a monk to leave his monastic order, as was

the practice with the Buddhist order to allow the monk to give up
monastic life, if his mind still hankered after worldly life or if he
found the monastic discipline too severe. The Jaina list excluding
the persons from joining their order as compared with that of the
Buddhist also reflects its rigid internal organisation and the anxiety
to preserve its purity.
With regard
to Mahavira’s religious doctrine in which asceticism
finds a prominent place, we have to consider the conditions of the
time which gave rise to it. The general atmosphere was of intellect-
ual confusion. When countless doctri.ies and theories, some philo-
sophical and other non-philosophical, were expounded by many
religious teachers and leaders of the time.® For instance, out of his
own group of six heretical teachers, Ajita Kesakambalin was the
utter materialist, Purana Kassapa, the amoral cynic, Pakudha
Kaccayana, the hedonist and Sanjaya, the sceptic who rejected all
possibility of the knowledge of self. Apart from the problem of
the universe and man’s place therein, most of the doctrines were
US., Narasu, The Essence of Buddhism, p. 142.

II, p. 269, 1, 3, 4, 6; cf.
^For example, Kriyavad alone comprised one hundred and eighty schools
Biahma
and Akriyavad, eighty four schools. {Siiya. Ti„ 1.12, p. 208a, 209). In
hypotheses and after each o
Jala Sutta, are set out 62 varieties of existing
them has been rejected, the doctrine of Arhatship is put forward as the
rig t
31-33.
solution. For details of 62 heresies, see Rhys Davids, Buddhism, pp.
Asceticism in Jaina Liter^tur6 599
concerned with the aims or values of human life which centered

round man’s happiness and sorrow. It would be thus clear that
bothMahavIra and the Buddha had to face thinkers who held
extreme views on the subject.
Gosala thought that the characteristics of all things were pre-
determined and that there was no cause or condition which pre-
determined them. The Carvaka belief was that the aims or values
of human were realised by the enjoyment of worldly pleasures.
life
Mahavira’s views was that happiness and sorrov/ v/ere due to one’s
own deeds or that they were due to some other cause; he answered
the problem in terms of his Anekantavda or Syadvada. The aims of
human life according to the ascetic school, which w is a powerful
force, lay in self-mortification. While Mahavira clung to the doct-
rine of self-mortification, as against Kaccayana, Ajita, Gosala and
Sanjaya, the Buddha preached the Majjihimapatipadd or the Middle
Path. He rejected the path of asceticism as of no value.
The various reasons or motives which prompted persons to join
the monastic orders of the Buddha and Mahavira, it becomes ap-
parent that the lure of renunciation was to be seen at its height and
people generally sought freedom from Karma and Samsara in the
ascetic life of renunciation. This was a barometer of the people’s
The extraordinary
dissatisfaction with the conditions in the society.
hold which the ideas of Karma and Samsara had on the Indian
mind, can be demonstrated by the fact that the Buddha discarded
much which belonged to the current religion but retained these
traditional ideas. While the Buddha has no place in his thought
for soul, Mahavira made it the basis of his Kriyavada, according to
which soul exists (in samsara) in combination with Karma (karmic
matter).* Nirjard consists in the wearing out of accumulated eflfects
of Karma on the soul by the practice of asceticism. Mok?a logi-
from nirjard which signifies the final deliverance of the
cally follows
soul from the bondage of Karma, the bondage of sin. Asceticism
has to bum out sin in its fire to attain freedom
from Karma.
The path to salvation as taught
by the Buddha appeared to
Mahavira too comfortable a mode of life, which meant; Moksa, a
pleasant thing was to be arrived at through a comfortable life,
an-
other pleasant thing."
iPanchastikaya-Gatha: jivo tti kamraasannjutto.

2JS’,, n, p. 269, f.n. 3-4; Stkr., V. 27, i, 3.4.6,
Mahavira declared that

Na
sukhena sukham adhigantabbam,
dukkheiia sukham adhigantabbam}
The disciples of the Jaina were called to seek sukha or infinite bliss
or Nirvana by dukkha or painful and difilcult path of rigorous
Samvara or practice of self-restraint with
practice of asceticism.
regard to the body, speech and mind was just the other aspect of
tapas. The practise of austerities or penances was to be resorted
to as a means of wearing out and ultimately destroying the effects
of sinful deed of former existence and that of the three-fold self-
restraint as a means of not giving effect to a new Karma.

According to this teaching, mental and bodily penances should
be practised. He who possesses virtuous conduct and life, who has
practised the best self-control, who keeps from sinful influences
and who has destroyed Karma (through asceticism) will, obtain
mukti.^ Thus asceticism in its extremest form came to be accepted
in Mahavira’s philosophy and his religious system.
Summing Up
The era of the two great reformers, the Buddha and Mahavira
was lit up by their personalities. Both were Ksatriyas; both organis-
ed religious orders, both ignored God and denied the Vedas; both
led a revolt against the superiority of the Brahmins over the Ksatri-
yas and derided the four stages of life [asramas) stressing only the
life of a bhiksu. They broke away from outworn grooves of
thought, intensified inward outlook of man, turned religion into a
pure spiritual discipline and encouraged and popularised monastic
life, which was open to all, irrespective of caste, creed or sex. For
both self-realisation was possible only through renunciation, hence
the best life was the life of renunciation. It was thus the shortest
way to salvation.
Both the monachisms emphasized that there was no God or
creator and man’s emancipation from suffering did not depend
upon the mercy of any such being. Man was the architect of his
own density. By living an austere life of purity and virtue he could
escape the ills of life.
Wo/. Nik., I Culadukkhakkhandha Sutta, pp. 93-94.

alone leads to
Âccording to Silanka, Kriyavadins hold that action (kriya)
and rig
liberation even though it be unaccompanied by right knowledge
t
faith: Siiya Tika., p. 218a.

However, the Buddha after having practised the most severe type
of asceticism for six years, found it defective for attainment of
knowledge. He, therefore, condemned extreme asceticism as ignoble
and useless and taught the middle way between self-mortification and
allurements of senses. The only asceticism he permits is bodily self-
control as aid to mental self-control. In contrast, greater austerity
and self-mortification cannot be found in any religion other than in
Jainism. Mahavira greatly emphasised the practice of penances
even to the point of death. In his doctrine asceticism finds a promi-
nent place as a pathway to nirvana.
There is no doubt that the time of the Buddha and the Jaina was
known for the traditional practice of asceticism. It is but natural,
therefore, that these Teachers started with the usual ascetic prac-
ties which were current as means of salvation in those days. The
Buddha, however, revolted against the traditional asceticism as he

realised by personal experience that it was not at all useful for the
salvation of man. Mortification was not the goal of man, whereas
people of these times saw salvation only in it. It was forgotten that
mortifications were, if anything, only the means. The Buddha
realised that the goal was forgotten in vain gloriousness of auste-
rit}'. But he also warned those who may swing to the other extreme
path of sensuality and pleasure which he considered as degrading

and vulgar. He advocated the middle path. Mahavira, on the other
hand, not only continued to respect the traditional belief and prac-
tices of asceticism but carried them to their most severe form.
Death by starvation was the best path of salvation to him. It is thus

clear that various teachers in the sixth century BC viewed asceticism
in different ways. In other words the institution of asceticism had
not yet developed in its rigidest form as it later became in the
hands of Mahavira.
Chapter 8
Asceticism in the Epics
(/) Mahabhdrata
The Mahdbharata and the Rdmdyana form two great Sanskrit epics
of ancient India. Both have been a national inheritance for 2,000
years or more and have exercised a continuous and pervasive
influence on the mass mind. Both embody the spirit and culture of
ancient India. Emphasizing their importance in the life of the
Indian people as a living force, forming the basis of their thoughts
and of their moral and ethical ideas: Havell observes with particular
regard to Mahdbhdrata how in the Gupta age, “The Sddhu and
Samnydsin carried it throughout the length and breadth of India, as
the bhikkhus of the Samgha had formerly spread the message of the
Buddha. Both in the original Sanskrit text and in vernacular
translations it played the same part in moulding Indian character
and forming the synthesis of thought called ‘Hinduism.’ The
homage is equally applicable to the Ramayana. For it is said: “If
the Mahdbhdrata teaches the lessons of life, the Rdmdyam preaches
the highest ideal of it.”- That ideal is the conjugal devotion and
fidelity as represented by the inherent purity of Rama and Sita.
Varna System in the Mahdbhdrata

In the Mahdbhdrata, the startification of the society of the times
was less complex than that of the modern one. “In the final recast
of the epic, the varna system is found to be almost rigid with a
regularly established social hierarchy formed on the basis of birth.’’^
The truth of this statement will become evident when we will
examine the institution of asceticism in the epic. The epic describes

—
the occupations of the four varnas the Varndsramadharma.^ No
doubt the epic reflects here and there the injustice involved in such
^Havell, Aryan Rule in India, p. 157.

^Vaidya, Riddle of the Ramayana, p. 53.
®Vora, Evolution of Morals in the Epics, p. 124.
^xiii, 141, 47, 54, 55, 57, 67.
Asceticism in the Epics 203
a system but it soon tries to justify it on other considerations.
Thus we come across a rigid rariia system in the Mahabimrata.

Of the many voices of injustice inherent in the system, the first
one sve hear is of the sage Parasara who puts forwards tapas to be
the basis of the twnff distinction. He of sages
narrates a long list
achieving higher status in society by their austerities. Thus he tells

king Janaka: ‘O King! those great souled ones who have made
themselves pure by austerities even though bom of low parentage
can not be considered low, only because of their low birth. O King!
in ancient times, the sages had produced sons in lowest wombs and
yet they had transformed themselves into sages due to the power of
their austerities.’^ Here Parasara indicates asceticism as bestowing
which could turn
certain qualities, possibly a high ethical standard
a person of low birth into one of higher birth. But this story of
Parasara seems to be the only example suggesting the mobility of
the caste system. Almost all other evidences suggest its rigidity.
The story of Matanga, for example, narrated in the Amsasana

parva- shows, how impossible it was for a non-brahmin to achieve
brahminhood in spite of a highly developed moral character.
Matanga was supposed to be the son of a Brahmin. In fact, he was
an illegitimate son, a candalahota out of a Brahmin w'oman and a
—
sudra father a fact which he did not know. By a curious turn of
circumstances, he comes to know of this fact and he performs
severe penances {tapas) in the forest to achieve Brahminhood.
Indra becomes pleased with him. Matanga requests him to grant
him his heart’s desire. Said Indra; ‘O Matanga, it is very difScult
Brahminhood. You will destroy yourself because of this
to attain
unreasonable desire of yours. Simple austerities can never achieve
—
for you a candala— that which is unobtainable even to gods, asuras
and men.’
These words suggest that the society did not approve of a low
born to aspire for a higher status in society through the efficacy of
asceticism. Matanga, not convinced by Indra’s reply, persisted in
more severe penances till he fainted. Indra returned to him trying
to explain the impossibility of the task he was bent upon achieving.
‘O Indra,’ he said, T can obtain your grace by austerities but
cannot obtain Brahminhood. I am a person who has concentrated
on becoming a Brahmin, who has obtained release from happiness
Jxii. 285. 12-16.
-Aiii. 27.
and misery, who has no family. I am always non-violent and cont-

rolled in respect of the senses. Even then, how is it that I am not
fit Brahminhood? What bad luck for me, O Purandara,
to attain
that even though I am a knower of Dharma, I have attained this
position due to the fault of my mother. I am sure that a man may
strive and strive but fate is all powerful!’ Neither tyaga of worldly
possessions nor austerities nor dharma but fate seems to be all
powerful. Thus birth imposed certain religious and social disabili-
ties on the low born. It is not left to him to develop and to grow,
independently of birth.
There is another story^ which describes how a sudra is rewarded
with the position of a Ksatriya King in the next life as a result of
his performing the pitf-karya with the help of a Brahmin ascetic
and by leading an ascetic life though
varnadharma was to serve
his
the three higher castes. The Brahmin ascetic who helped him got
degraded in the next birth and was born as the priest of the king
who was sudra in his former life. The moral is that a Brahmin
should never preach a person of low birth; he incurs no sin if he
preaches, only the three twice bom. Another noteworthy factor is
that the sudra’s leading the ascetic life worthy of a Brahmin does
not entitle him to a high social status in the present birth. What is
the use of a high status in the next life when an ascetic life does
not improve his lot in the present life?

If tdpas in general could obtain superhuman qualities for the
tapasvt, how could Matanga not obtain them? Is it because he was
a candalaP. Does it mean that tapas was associated with castes and
the quality of the tapas depended upon the caste of tapasvin? It
appears that Brahminhood was suggested to be a difficult goal for
a canddla despite to whatever limits he possessed the power of
asceticism. It seems that though asceticism could make a man as
powerful as gods, he could not reach the higher status in society.
Practice of Austerities
Besides the examples of a candala like Matanga and a ûdra
practicing austerities {tapas) the epic abourids in illustrations of
men and women engaged in tapas. Not only the r§is, the hermits
but even the kings and asuras practise austerities to propitiate the
gods, to gain power or some material end.
The famous episode of Visvamitra describes him as the king of
ixiii. 10 fiF.
Kanyakubja who tries to seize rsi Va§istha’s cow, Kamadhenu.

Having failed in the attempt he feels disgusted with Ksatriya prowess
as inferior to that of a Brahmin, turns an ascetic and attains
Brahrainhood by the power of austerities.^ Vi^vamitra and Vasistha
challenged each other in respect of the superiority of their penances.-
Due to their rivalry in asceticism, a great enmity arose between
them. Saradvat studied dhamtrveda in preference to the Veda
!^si
and by his austerities came to master all weapons.® ^si Kapila

practised severe penances for a hundred years and obtained hundred
sons.^ Muni Baladhi, in grief for death of a child practises austeri-
ties in order to have an immortal son and he gets one.® Yavakrita,
whose father was slighted by the Brahmins, performs austerities to
obtain the knowledge of the Vedas and to become learned.® King
Aswapati who was childless undertakes austerities and is blessed
with a daughter who came to be known as Savitri.’ The king of
Vidharbha is engaged in austerities for obtaining an offspring.®
King Kausika is said to have practised austere penances with a
desire of getting Indra for a son;° Arjuna, to obtain celestial
weapons from Mahadeva.^® Seeing that the sun had no power to
rise in the usual time if he was asleep, muni Jaratkaru, began to
practise austerities.” Asura Dhimdu undergoes fierce austerity with

the object of destroying the triple world.” The asura brothers
Sunda and Upasunda by means of severest penances obtained from
Brahma, a boon, by means of which they became incapable of
being killed by any one except one by the other.^® In the ancient
flood-story, the venerable Manu stands on one leg {ekapadasthitas)
and hangs upside down {urdhvabahtdi) for ten thousand years.^'*
T.175, 1.48.
nx. 42, 1-41.
®I. 63. 104-127.
^xHi. 18-1-83.
®III. 135. 45-55.
6in. 135-136.
’HI. 291.
8111. 96 f.
®xiii, 49-4.
loiii.
38 ff.
”1. 47. 1-43.
”iii. 85 ff.
”1. 209.211.
”iii. 187. 4 ff.
Devoted to severe austerities, Pandu stands on one foot all day

with the most extreme concentration (samadhi) with a view to pro-
pitiate Indra.^ He is credited with the possession of tapoyogabala."
Srutavati, the daughter of rsi Bhardvaja practised austerities
with a desire to obtain Indra for her husband,® Bhadra, for getting
Utathya** and Uma for obtaining îva,® as husbands. Amba prac-
tised penance to take vengeance on Bhisma.® Arundhati devotes
herself to ascetic penances during a draught of twelve-years when
her husband rsi Vasistha had gone away with other rsis in the forest
of Himavat.’
There are references to female ascetics who devoted themselves
to life long austerities and remained unmarried. They seem to have
taken to life-long celibacy {Naisthika Brahmacaryd). They include

king Yayati’s daughter Madhavi, the daughters of rsi Kunigarga
and Sandilya, Sulabha and PrabhavatT.
Sulabha® was a Ksatriya girl born in the family of a royal sage
and had become a mendicant because she could not find a suitable
husband. She was a woman who possessed deep philosophical
insight and understanding. She won a victory over King Janaka
when both entered into a discussion about the relative merits of
samnyasa and grhastha dharma. The daughter of Sandilya was so
much advanced in austerities that she acquired supernatural powers
to curse semi-divine creatures like Garuda, and a Brahmin like
Galava.® The daughter of sage Kunigarga preferred to remain
unmarried and performed severe austerities following the footsteps
of her father. She had attained proficiency in Yoga which enabled
her to assume any form she liked. Hanuman and other vanaras
in the command of Sugriva who set out in search of Sita“ came
across Prabhavati engaged in austerities. Madhavi, King Yayati’s
daughter, remained unmarried throughout her life and practised
î. 123.26 ariradhyayisur devam.

2i. 121. 37.
®ix. 48.
4xiii. 154. 10. 31.
19 ff.
®xiii.
GV. 173-187.
’IX. 48.
Sxii. 308. 7. 308 ff. 320. 60.
9V. 3. 1-16.
loiX. 52-54.
iiiii. 282.
.Asceticism in the Epics 207
austerities.^ It appears, therefore, that generally women were also
supposed to be proper upholders of asceticism like men.

We come across in the epic typically detailed descriptions of the
ascetics {tapasvins) engaged in austerity or tapas, immune to their
surroundings and indifferent to bodily needs.
The Brahmin Jajali is described as standing as a wooden post,
rapt in Yoga, so much engrossed in tapas that a pair of Kulinga
birds built their nest in the matted hair of his, mated and the
female one laid eggs and the young ones came out. Only when
they did not return even after a month, he left the spot." Angiras
performed a wonderful tapas in his hermitage, excelled even the
fire-god, the carrier of oblations in splendour and in that state he
illumined the whole universe.® R?! Cyavana assumed the posture
called virasana, quiet and still like an inanimate post and for a long
period remained at the same spot. Covered all over with creepers,
he was turned into an ant-hill. After the lapse of a long period,
crowds of ants enveloped him. Covered all over with ants, he looked
exactly like a heap of earth. He continued practising tapas enveloped
on all sides with that ant-hill.^ Arjuna is described as clad in rags,
made of grass and furnished with a black deer-skin and a stick. He
commenced to cat withered leaves fallen upon the ground. He ate
in the first months only fruits at the interval of three nights, then
at the interval of six nights, then fortnight and finally began to
subsist on air alone. With arms upraised and leaning upon nothing
and standing on the tips of his toes {padangushiagradliisthitah), he
continued his austerities. He wished not for heaven, not for pros-
perity, not for long life, but to obtain celestial weapons.® Different
tirthas where various ascetics performed their sacrifices and austeri-
ties are also described.®
In the epic descriptions of the hermit (yanaprastha) and of the
parivrajaka {Samnyasin) are found." It will be noticed that it confines
IV. J 15.23.
®xii. 262.
®iu.217, 1-21.
îii. 122 ff.
®iii. 38 ff,
siii. 88 ff.
’xii. 191 f; xii. 243 ff. These descriptions agree almost verbally with those
of Manu,
the rights and privileges of an ascetic life only to the twice-born.’

Here only a summary of the descriptions is given.
The Vanaprasiha Stage

“It is the mode of life followed by those who live in forests as
hermits and who living with their wives pain themselves by way of
austerities. At what stage of life a householder should become a
hermit is stated. When he sees his body wrinkled and hair white on
his head and children of his children, he should then retire into the
forest and pass the life of vanaprasiha.
‘Hermits {Vanaprasthas) in order to acquire virtue sojourn to
sacred waters, rivers and springs and practice penances in solitary
and secluded forests. They forsake all sorts of raiments, food and
enjoyments which people in society like. They live abstemiously
upon wild herbs, fruits, roots and leaves of various kinds. The
naked earth is their seat and bed. They are clad in grass, animal
skins and barks of trees. They never shave their heads and beards
or pare their nails. They perform ablutions at regular times. They
pour unfailingly libations on the ground and on the sacred fire at
the proper time. They bear without any concern cold, heat, rain
and wind and become emaciated in performing various kinds of
rites, vows and acts. Gifted with great patience and calmness, they
live always practising the quality of goodness.’

The rsis, munis and sages the epic speaks of are mostly forest-
dwelling hermits. The Umd-Maheshwara Samvada also throws

some light on their mode of life. To Lima’s question: ‘What is the
religion of the Vanaprastha?’ Siva replies: 'Virdsana, mdnduka-
yoga, purnamdsya, cdturnidsya.’ The reply sums up the daily
routline of the hermit life consisting of postures, Yogic penances,

rituals and vows. To another question: What is the religion of the
Munis in their doctrine of perfection?, the reply given is: ‘They
live unrestrained in the forest together with their wives. Their
characteristics are: the shaving of the head, yellow robes, passing
the night at home, ablutions three times a day, hotra, samddhi and
adherence to the path of the good.’®
The Samnydsa Stage

The description of the fourth mode of life —of the samnydsin as
’xii. 192. 6, xii. 244. 28.
2xiii, 141. 1-115.
given by the epic is summarised as under;

Practising austerities while living like a forest hermit {Vanapra-
slha) one should shave off his hair and bristles and pare off his nails
and having purified by acts pass into the last holy mode of life in
Samnyasa. He
should leave off Vcdic study and the sacred thread
which marks his birth and having given to righteousness and under
eomplete control, seek the knowledge of the self.
He should not regard death with joy. Nor should be regard life
with joy. He should only wait for his hour like a scr%'ant waiting
for his master’s command. He should purify his heart and mind of
all short-comings, purge himself of all sins. He should abstain
from injury, regard all creatures impartially and should devote
himself to truth. He is gifted with fortitude, has his senses under
restraint and extends protection to all beings. He is free from
attachments of every kind, has nothing which he can call his own,
leads a lonely life.
‘Such a man docs not cat more than five or six mouthfuls sanc-
tioned for the Vanaprastha. He performs sacrifice in his own self,
makes a libation of his senses and mind. He wanders on the earth

like one not attached to anything. He is shorn off anger and error;
regards equally a clod of earth and a Jump of gold; docs not care
for praise or blame and the agreeable and the disagreeable. He
possesses equanimity of soul.’*
The sage Harlta also describes the mode of life of the Samnyasin
which is above dcscription.-
identical with the
The epic mentions Agastya and the seven l?.sis; Madhuchhandas,
Aghamarshana, Saukriti, Sudivatandi, Ahoviryya, Kavya, Tandya
and adds the names of Mcdhatithi, Karmanirv'aka and Shunyapala
to the list of those who were the authors of the mode of the life of
Samnyasa. These jsis, the epic states, themselves practising the
course of duties pertaining to Samnyasa had all gone to heaven.^
Many who obser\'ed the vows of Samnyasa are referred to as living
in a sacred asylum on the Himavat.^
Power of Asceticism
The epic eulogises asceticism, its efficacy and its power. There is
^xii. 244 ff. 245 ff.
-xii. 278.
®xii. 244. 16-18.

’xiii. 10. 10.
nothing superior to asceticism and it is by its might that a person
achieves great results. It mentioned that an ascetic engaged in

is
severe tapas acquires supernatural powers; such a Yogin can assume

many forms, have many experiences and take them all back to him-
self.^ Austerities bring to the credit of the Tapasvin a store of reli-
gious merit won by asceticism, in addition to boons granted by

gods. The epic is replete with instances where such ascetics endued
with the power of tapas and yoga shakes the very throne of the
lord of celestials, Indra, who gets alarmed by the penances of these
great sages and he sends down the Apsarases equipped with all the
armoury of womanly charms to destroy their tapas. The classical
instance is the episode of fsi Visvamitra and Menaka.®
It is said that a muni lives in the forest after withdrawing him-
self from all worldly objects. But though he never seeks to possess
things, he may yet get them by his ascetic powers.® Many a great
r§i have attained exalted psychic powers through tapas and are able
to move freely through space between heaven and earth and to

appear and disappear at will.^ Outstanding names are; Narada,
Markandeya, VaSistha, Visvamitra, Agastya, Bhrgu, Brhaspati,
Sanatsujata and Vyasa. R§i Visvamitra attains Brahminhood by the
power of his asceticism.® Arjuna acquires the fierce weapon Bvah-
masira which arose from Amfta and which Rudra had obtained by
means of ascetic practices, together with the mantras for hurling
and withdrawing it and the rites of expiation and revival. He also
acquires vajras and dandas and other celestial weapons from Yama
and Kubera, Varuna and Indra by performing penances.® It is said
that due to Arjuna’s austerities, heated with asceticism, the earth is
smoking all round and all the great fsis are moved.’ Endowed with
miraculous powers by asceticistn, Agastya drinks the waters of the

ocean to expose the wicked Kalakeyas who were hiding in it and
stops the growing of the Vindhya mountains.® He is able by his
tapas to get all the wealth in the world.® A Brahmin Kasyapa, who
iVII. 202.203; XII. 285-286; XIII. 13-14-18.

®I. 69-74.
®I. 91. 5.
n. 126; II. 80; XIH. 26; XIV. 14.

®xiii. 4.
®xiii. 91 ff.
7iii, 38 f.
8iii. 100-105.
siii. 97. 21-22.
1
21
had become conversant with all the authorities on religion etc.-

crowned with ascetic success (siddliam) was able to move ever>'-
where at will (kramamanam) hnev/ the science of disappearing at
will, roving with invisible siddhas and celestial musicians.^ It is said
that Ailavila practising austerities at Kuber-tirtha obtained the
lordship of all treasures {dhanadhipaiyam) and all kinds of wealth
came to him of their own accord." Vipula protected his preceptor
IRsi Devasarman’s wife, Ruci, from the amorous advances of Indra
by supernatural powers acquired through austerities and entering

into her body.® Indra conferred a boon on Matahga so that he
could move at will in the sky by the posver of his austerities.^ Siva
bestowed the eightfold supernatural power upon rsi Jaigisavya who
was practising tapasy Sage Jamadagni’s wife Renuka once went
for a bath where she saw king Sahastrarjuna dallying in the water
with his numerous wives and a desire arose in her mind at this
sight and she stood there dreaming that she was in the position of
the queen. Jamadagni w’as omniscent and could know' her thoughts
and what she had seen though he was in his hermitage. He w'as so
enraged that as soon as Renuka came back he ordered his eldest
son to cut off her head. The episode emphasises the Yogic power
of the sage which enabled him to visualise even a slight mental,
lapse on his wife’s part.®
The female mendicant Sulabha who practised Yoga and wander-
ed over the earth, had beared from many tridandins about king
Janaka who had a control over his senses and was a student of
Moksa Dharma, the emancipatory knowledge. By her Yogic power,
she assumed a beautiful form and went to Mithila. On the pretence
of begging alms, she presented herself before the king, who was
surrounded by his ministers and learned scholars. It is depicted
that she entered the king’s consciousness by her own consciousness
{sativam sattvem). Then they conversed upon Moksa Dharma?
Amba with a view to take revenge on Bhisma performed a severe
tapas and having reborn as Sikhandl killed Bhisma in the great
/
^xiv. 16. J-46.
2IX.47. 1.33.
=xiii. 40. 14 fiF
^xiii. 27 ff.
Sxiii. 18. 1-83.
6in. 116.
^xii. 321. 1-190.
war.’^ The df.ughter of the sage Kunigarga had acquired such super-
natural power by performing life-long austerities that she could
assume any form she liked. When she learnt from sage Narada that
without marriage she will be unable to attain heaven, an ascetic
called Srhgavan married her on the condition that he would stay
with her only for one night. The old lady by her Yogic power
transformed herself into a young maiden of incomparable beauty,
properly adorned with ornaments, fine cloths and perfume. The
sage was rather happy to stay with her not only for one but more
than one night, but the ascetic woman left her body on the very
next day, as it was settled and attained heaven.® The daughter of
Sandilya was so much advanced in her austerities that she acquired
supernatural powers to cure semi-divine creatures like Garuda and
a Brahmin like Galava.®
Thus tapas seems to be an extraordinary power by which one
could perform superhuman feats.
Limitations of Asceticism
We have already referred to austerity or tapas being performed
with various motives but broadly speaking either to attain power
or some material end. Tapas also can be directed toward attain-
ment of moksa or emancipation.^ The epic, however, emphasises
that austerities must be accompanied by ethical behaviour. A Yogin
or a Samnydsin who was an aspirant of the knowledge of Brahman,
is advised to develop ethical qualities as detailed below. Lack of
ethical behaviour is considered a breach of dharma. Even some of
the rdksasas have to their credit a stole of religious merit won by
boons granted by gods, but their un-
their austerities in addition to
ethical behaviour which upsets the peace and tranquility of society
leads them to destruction. Tapas thus seems to be a moral force.
In one of the tales it is formally taught that the exercise of
mastery {aisvarya) which could be attained through tapas diminishes
the store of tapas. Thus Lopamudra wants luxuries and tells her
ascetic husband that he able by his tapas, {isah tapasd), to get
‘is
all the wealth in the world’ but Agastya replies: ‘That is as you
W. 173-187,
®IX. 52.
W. 3, 1. 16
4xiii. 141. 80-87.
say, but it would cause a diminution of the tapas.'^ The true tapas
rises above the riches of the world.

The true and the false tapas are distinguished from one another:
‘Fasting though for a fortnight, which ordinarily men count for
tapas, is merely a castigation of the body, and is not regarded as
tapas by the good; renunciation (tyagah) and humility arc the
noblest tapas; he who practises these virtues fasts unceasingly and
his virtue is neverfound w'anting.’* And again: ‘Study of the Veda
and avoiding injurj’ to any living being, men call bodily asceticism;
the true spiritual asceticism is control of speech and thought.’^
Here the emphasis on certain ethical qualities is quite evident. The
Gita also brings out the concept of tapas which is essentially ethi-
cal; it defines three tj'pes of tapas — physical, verbal and mental
{mana-vacd-kariiiana)
With the ethical basis of tapas in view, the epic advises a Sarnn-
yasin to concentrate upon the avoidance of the fundamental vices
like desire, anger, vanity, lust, pride, violence etc. which would
come in his way of self-conquest.® He is also advised to avoid the
various social crimes: murder, insult {niskrti), theft, censure, jeal-
ous)’, violence, cruelty, deceit {anrtam); for one who practises these
does not gather any tapas, while one who avoids these advances in
tapas ® Thehowever, goes further to extend the practical as-
epic,
pect of the teaching to be applicable to
all the stages of life. While
describing the dsramadharma of the individual, it emphasises the

following qualities in a grhastha: ‘Compassion towards all crea-
tures, sweet speech loving to the ears, abandonment of cruelty,
ignorance, pride, hypocrisy and non-violence, truth and peaceful
nature, these are the real tapas in all stages of life.’* This passage
enumerates the active as well as passive virtues and proclaims them
to be a sort of tapas for an individual in all the stages of life.
That asceticism without ethical virtues or dharma is not of much
value is stressed through the instances of Brahmins like Kausilca
and Jajali who are proud of their asceticism and who seek the
mi. 97. 21-22: eram etad yatha ‘ttha tram tapovyayakaram iu tat.
=xii. 217.
3xii. 221.
xvii. 14-17.
Sxii. 185. 3.
«xii. 185, 17-18.
‘xii. 184, 14-15 cf. xii. 154, 14-19.

advice of a Sudra like Dharmavyadha and a Vaisya like Tuladhara

to understand the true dharma. In the Tuladhara-Jajali Saihvada^
Tuladhara tells Jajali that dharma lies in having least malice or not
having it towards anybody. It does not matter what profession one
follows or in whatever station of life one is. If he is a friend of
everybody in mind, speech and action, then he has understood true
dharma. Without this knowledge, Tuladhara points out to Jajali,
the futility of his austerities and the pride that he took thereof. The
Sudra Dharmavyadha tells Kausika that he himself was the son of
a Brahmin in his previous birth, possessed a good character and
was learned in the Vedas, but he fell down from his position in the
next birth, because he accidentally hurt a Brahmin. He had in his
present birth of a Sudra, had developed an ethical personality befit-
Brahmin, but he expected to attain Brahminhood not by the

ting a
power of these virtues but by serving his parents and performing
his svadharma.^ By svadharma he means adherence to the duties
that belonged to him by birth, to speak the truth always, never
envy others, never to speak ill of anything small or great and to live
upon what remained after serving the gods, guests and those that
depended on him.*’ He suggests that Kausika’s austerities are futile
because he has still to control anger and malice. Dharmavyadha
rates virtuous conduct much higher than asceticism as he shows
Kausika, the perfect way of the virtuous which lies in freedom from
malice, forbearance, peace of mind, contentment, pleasant speech,
renunciation of desires and anger and actions regulated according
to the ordinances of holy writ.’’ Here beside the virtuous conduct,
the Vaniashramadharma is upheld. The candala Matanga’s failure
to obtain Brahminhood in spite of his severe asceticism,® is another
instance in the same direction. These are the well-known instances

from the' epic.
The Santiparva declares and anger are two great
that pride
enemies of human beings.® The conquest of anger is considered one
ixii. 216-62.
îii. 205, 21-29; III. 206, 4-5; III. 200, 38.
3ibid.
‘’ibid, III. 206. 21-22. vidhaca vihitam purvam karma svamanupalayan
yatha-
prayatnacca guru vrdhau sujrs’chaih dvijottam satyaihvade nabhyasuye.
devata’tithimrtyanamavasistena vartaye na kutsyaraya lam
sakti dadanii ca
kincchin garhe balavattram Mbit., III. 206, 21-22.
Sxiii. 27.
®xii. 248, 13-20; also cf. xii. 360; III, 29.

Asceticism in the Epics 2l5
of the requisite qualities of a hermit as well as Samnyasin. Visva-

mitra, who by a severe penance tried to attain Brahminhood,
lamented his short temper when due to anger he cursed the apsara
Raihbha sent by Indra to guile him and determines to conquer
henceforward all his senses to be a Brahmin.^ The epic presents the
ideal of Yasistha describing him thus, “That Vasistha, had con-
quered lust and anger by asceticism and had controlled his senses.”^
Many of the rsis that we meet in the epic are short-tempered, who
curse on finding the slightest breach in conduct or cause annoyance.
Thus anger and cursing were considered vices which reduced the
efiicacy of the ascetic’s religious merit or the power of his tapas.
It is surprising that the sages are often described as seducers and
desirous of charming girls and are still respected and worshipped
as powerful ascetics. Rsis like Visvamitra, Dadica and Saradvata
who are reputed to be ascetics of strict vows, happen to see the
apsarases sent down b> Indra to frustrate their tapas, immediately
lose control over their mind and stop to desire. The products of
theirtemporary union as a result of their momentary' madness are
too well known. The sages Yibhandaka, Yyasa, Yisvamitra, Bhar-
dvaja caused the birth of Rsyasranga, Suka, Sakuntala and Sruta-
vafl. In verj' rare cases w'e meet jsis firm in their tapas who have
cursed the Apsarases sent by Indra to disturb their tapas?
How much heir to human flesh these powerful ascetics are can
be judged by two more examples of Yyasa and Cyavana. Yyasa, the
illustrious rsj, sees the beautiful apsaras Ghrtachi and becomes
suddenly possessed by desire.^ Engaged in severe penances for a
long time and reduced to an ant-hill, having been covered all over
svith creepers, rsi Cyavana, emaciated in body, but still powerful in
vision, seeks Sukanya, the daughter of king Sarj'ati, who. was lovely
and in the prime of her youth, and that ‘ascetic of exceeding efiul-
gence’ is inspired with desire and addresses her, and ultimately
marries her.® The rsi w'ho had shown amazing indifference to his
body and its needs for a long time suddenly becomes alive to the
-charms of a lovely maiden! This shows that even in the innermost
sanctuary of the sage’s heart there lurks a woman who steps out in
^Ram., 64, 17; cf. V. 55. 3-6.

-1. 173 ff.
3ni. 216-217.
^xii. 324.
®iii. 122.
the form of desire which and under its powerful sway,

is irresistible
he pays homage to the eternal flame that is woman, the best handi-
work of God, the supreme artist. And for a few moments of bliss
even the ascetic returns to his true nature as a man of this earth,
with his longings. And so far he longs he is away from the path of
Samnyasa.
Kinds of Ascetics as described in the Mahabharata

We come across in the epic ascetics of various kinds, and obser-
vant of various restraints and vows. Their names suggest some
peculiar manners of their conduct and certain characteristics which
distinguish them from one another.
There are four classes of bhikstis: kuficaka, bahiidaka, haihsa and
paramhamsa, each in turn being superior to the preceding one.’
The Kuticaka and Bahiidaka are Tridandins, the former living
alone in a hut and the latter visiting tirthas; the Hamsa and
Paramahaihsa are Ekadandins, the former living in a hermitage, the
latter being ‘freed from the three gunas.’®
Other kinds of ascetics enumerated are:
Phenapas: who always gather the froth from the amyta that Brahma
drank at the great sacrifice®
Valakhilyas: who adopting the practice of the birds, live by picking
up grains, clad in deer skins or bark of trees. They are only as
big as the joint of the thumb {angusthaparvaniatralij: they have
burnt all by severe penances^
their sins
Vaikhanasa: Saikatas: They are forest hermits. Valakhilyas, Vaikha-
nas and Saikatas are described as reaching heaven following the
Vanaprastha mode of life Vaikkanasadharma^
Yayavaras: those who had the power to see immediately the fruits
of their ascetic merit®
^xiii. 141. 89.
“Nilkantha’s comm, on xiii. 141. 89. The Vaikhanasa-smartasutra {yin.l i)
also divides opatnika hermits into four classes; Kuticakas, Bahudakas, Hamsas
and Paramahamsas. A
paramhamsa is shorn of sorrow and happiness; auspi-
cious and freed from decrepitude and death and without any change. The
Ndradparivrajaka Up. classifies Saihnyasins into six kinds: Kujicaka, Bhaudaka,
Hamsa, Paramahaihsa, Turiyatita and Avadhuta. MU., pp. 174-175.
3xiii. 141. 97-99.
«xiii. 141. 100-103; IX. 38; cf. i. 31. 8.
Sxii. 244-19-21.
®ibid.
DantoJukhlikah: those who use only their teeth for cleaning grains^
Ashmakuttas: those who use only stones for cleaning grains^
Adhomukhas: those v/ho hang themselves from a tree®
Cakracaras: those v/ho are described as living in the moon devoted
to compassion'*
Prasahkhyanas: those who never used beds but lived only on the
earth®
Abbhakshah (Abhravakacah): those who lived upon water or air
albne®
Safiiprakshalas: those who lived upon the rays of Soma with
passions under complete restraint, they celebrated the well-knov/n
sacrifices and worshipped the departed manes under proper

forms’
Tridapdins: those v/ho carried three staves®
Vayubhaksah: those who subsisted on air®
Many of these ascetics are described as following the forest mode
of some amongst them using only their teeth for cleaning
life,
grains; and some only stones. Some amongst them drank only
during the light-fortnight {sukla-paksd) and ate only lightly boiled
gruel of wheat. Others drank similar gruel only during the dark-
fortnight {kfsna-paksd). Some ate v/hat only came of itself {vaya-
thagalam). Some practised rigid vows, living upon only roots or on
fruits, or upon flowers, following the method of the Vaikhanasa}°
The Roving Mendicants

There was another group of mendicants (munirmundah) v/ho did
not believe in a fixed abode, subsisted only on alms and v/ere cons-
tantly on move from one place to another.** The epic refers to a
large number of such munirmupdafj, v/ho may be called roving
ixiii. 141, 105; xii. 17. 11; IX. 38.

nbid.
3i. 30. 2.
^xiii. 141. 104-105.
SIX. 38.
Viii. 17.11.
"xiii. I41. 106-197.
®xn. 321, 8-19.

»ii. 4. 19,
244, 28,
”xii, 9. 12-13; Caran bhaikjyam muniimupâh kfapayijye kalevaram
mulaniketo va tyaktasarvapriyapriyalj. ^
vrilrsa.
2IS Ancient Indian Asceticism
ambassadors of asceticism as they used to visit kings and other

people in trouble and afford succour to them through consolation
or better still by proper advice.
In Vanaparva, many eminent sages came to Yudhisthira all the
way to console him, to give him cheer by pointing out that he and
his brothers are not the only ones who have suffered in the past
and a few of these sages suggested different ways of conduct.
Lomasa accompanied Pandavas in exile acting as their friend,
philosopher and guide. Saunaka, a sage equally versed in Sankliya
and Yoga, comforts the king and asks him to have mental peace.
Mention may be made of Markandeya, the great sage of antiquity
who spent a great deal of time with Yudhisthira. He brought home
to him that man reaps the fruit of his actions alone, his action
pursues him like a shadow and therefore acquisition of true
knowledge alone is the way to final good. Sanatkumara, the sage
of the Upani§adic fame, figures in Vanaparva. He is introduced to
extol the warrior caste.^ This view is shared by Markandeya who
says in clear terms that ‘He who worships a king, the protector
and a Brahmin, the ascetic {tapasvin) is relieved instantaneously of
his sins.’^ Brhaspati also explains king Vasumana how there would
be instability and chaos in the world if there is no king to protect.®
Ajagara, a wandering mendicant {caran Brahmanalx), instructs
king Prahlada in wisdom, learning and behaviour.^
Muni Kalakavrkslya who, while consoling a certain king over the
loss of his kingdom, points out the futility of earthly possessions
and their transitory nature.® Elsewhere king Senajit is told by a
Br^man that a loss of a son is not a matter of great grief. After

all relations in, this world are in the nature of accidental meet-
ings of woods in the stream, 'We meet by chance and separate by
chance. Pleasure and pain spring mutually from one another but
the true happiness springs from self alone.® 'At the court of Janaka
where many ascetics possessing diiferent disciplines and engaged in
discussion regarding rites after death, Panchasikha advocates the

highest release according to the Sankhya system and laid a stress on
hii. 185. 25-31.

2iii. 200. 193,
3xii. 68.
4xiii. 179. 25f.

tat.
£xii. 104. 13: Yatkincinmanyass’stiti sarvam nasllti viddhi
®xii. 174.
the disinterestedness not only in actions but in everything.^ Narada

quotes Sanatkumara's teaching that there is nothing higher than
knowledge, as miserable as attachment and as good as charity.
Truth is the highest god.-
Since these wandering mendicants {caran bliaiksyam mumnnut}-
dah) have an active interest in the safety and welfare of the world,
though they themselves have renounced it, they give advice to
kings in the sphere of politics also. In fact there is hardly a subject
which they touch and do not adorn. An instance of this is provided
by Kalakavrkslya muni who on his own went to the king of the
Kosala country and warned him against his evil advisers and
ministers. Not content with this he stayed with him for some time
and continued to guide the destitutes of his kingdom.^ Sages like
Narada,^ Utathya,^ Vamadeva,* Kamandaka, Rsabha and others’
tender advice on similar lines to various kings, in the matters of
kingship and politics. The wandering female ascetic Sulabha
discusses the relative merits of Samnyasa and Grhastlidslwrma, mlh
king Janaka, who admits that as soon as the futility of the world
is realised, one should renounce the world.®
Taking a general review of the teachings of the various mendi-

cants referred to above, it appears that these mendicants had no
special philosophy of their own. Whatever philosophy they advo-
cated was akin to the Sdnkhya and Yoga. But they were more
interested in Acdra and hence even abstract philosophical problems
they tackled from this angle. Another noteworthy feature of these
sages is monopoly
that they never arrogated to themselves the sole
of knowledge and greatness. Narada himself gives to Vasudava a
list of people whom he salutes. The list indicates those who do
their duties conscientiously and willingly, who are truly generous

and self-sacrificing and who deserve honour even at the hands of
the great sages.® Above all, these ascetics or mendicants, having
themselves accepted the life of renunciation, have never undermined
ixii. 219.
-xVu 329. 5
®xii. 82.
^xtii. 81.13-21.
®xii. 90, 91.
«xu. 92, 93, 94; cf. 90. 4,
^xii. 123, 128.
®xiii. 3081f.
®xiii. 31.
the theory of asramas. There were a variety of ascetics

some of whom
contributed a great deal to improve the lot of the people. The
miserable received soothing words from these wandering ascetics
in their times of distress and calamity. They gave a helping hand
to the needy. This indicates that the ascetics did care for the
improvement of worldly life of the people.
Siva, the Mahayogi

In one of the passages in the Mahabharata, the Great God Siva
is described in detail.^ The word ‘siva' means ‘mild’ or ‘auspicious.’
But a prominent side of his character is his fierce asceticism. He
loves to haunt the cremation-ground, clad in elephant-hide or tiger-
skin, his neck encircled with a necklace of skulls, with serpents in
in his hair. He wears the matted locks of an ascetic and the aus-
terities he performs are terrific. Once the god of love had the
impudence to disturb his yogic contemplation with the vulgar lures
of sex. With a glance of his third eye he reduced the godlet to
ashes and would only consent to take his consort Parvati to be his
wedded wife after she too had performed the fiercest tapas.
Among all the gods, Lord Siva excels in tapas, living in the icy
solitude of the Himalayas. Here is a graphic picture of the inherent
asceticism of India, incarnate in the Lord Siva, the Mahayogi who
sits absorbed in meditation, passionless and immovable.
“All the manifold satisfactions of the flesh become a burden.

Home and kindred and intercourse with the world become a bon-
dage. Food and sleep and the necessities of the physical life seem
indifferent or intolerable. And so it comes that the Great God of
the Hindu imagination a beggar, covered with the ashes of His
is
sacrificial fire, so that He

is white like snow. His hair growing
untended in large masses, oblivious of cold and heat, silent, remote

from men. He sits absorbed in eternal meditation.”^ Here we are
in the grip not only of a constructed theory of life but of actual
experience which has guided the spiritual quest of the Samnyasin
through the ages.
Lord Siva is the typical ascetic and self-mortifier, who has attained
the highest perfection in abstract meditation and austerity, of the
virtue which could be won thereby, hence called Mahatapah, Maha-
yogi. His exemplary life of a mendicant is described thus:
^xvii. 202. 203; also xii. 285. 6; xiii. 13-14-18.

Rufus Jones, New Studies in Mystical ReJigioUj p. 68.
^Sister Nivedita, q. b.
‘He, Himself is Great God Mahesha. The Himalayas,

called the
Nagesa is His father-in-law. Dhanesh, the treasurer of the gods,
who is Kuber, is his friend. He has a son like Ganesha. (Inspite
of these very rich and aristocratic contacts), what is He? Only
a mendicant! Great indeedis the wish of Hari’*
Such is the model Mahatapah,

Siva, the provides for his devotees.
And the Samnyasin is nothing if he docs not reach the perfect state
of total abandonment of all worldly desires. Here, once more is
the picture of the Saihnyasin Bhartrhari gives;
‘He who has the earth for his bed, his creeper-like arm for a
pillow, the sky for a canopy, the autumn moon for the lamp,
experiences pleasures with his mate called renunciation- and
fanned on all sides with chowries by the winds, rests like a king.’^
Even the king who is the ruler of the earth (bhupati) is no match
for him. By up everything and desires nothing he has
giving
everything: the earth, the sky and the winds serve him the Samn- —
ydstn. His enduring peace and a sense of perfect freedom are bom
of his deep realisation, ‘Why should I pursue the transient beauties
of the world, when my soul has a beauty which age cannot wither,
poverty cannot mar, sickness cannot dim, death itself cannot
destroy?’ He has found eternal bliss in the Atman which is Sat-
Chit-ananda.
Two Trends of Thought

The epic discusses two parallel trends of thought relevant to our
enquiry; one favouring the path of renunciation embodied in the
Sarimyasa and the other favouring the path of action embodied in
the Grhastha and clearly shows its preference for the latter.
There were some circles especially those of philosophers follow-
ing the Upani§adic line of thought, w’ho advocated renunciation,
showing the ascetic way of life as a necessity to achieve concentra-
tion on the highest reality. The §ahtipar\a has many such discus-
sions expounding such a view either by itself or in comparison with
^svayam mahesalj svasiiro nagesah sakha dbanesaslanayo Gaiiejalj tathapi

bhikjatanameva sambho baliyasi kevalamisvareccba.
-cf. S’raddha is called tbe ascetic’s wife: Voirdgya janakaih iraddhskatairarh
Mailri. Up., II. 3. 14.
®bhuh paryanko nijabhujalata kandukam kbam vitanam dipascandro vira-
tivanitalabdhasangapramodalj dikkantabbih pavanacamarairvi jyamanah
samanta bbikûh s'ete njpa iva bhuvi tyaktasarvaspj-ho’pi Vairagyasatak
Bbartfhari depicts an ideal life of a samnyasi in this verse.
the opposite view advocating action.^ Specially noteworthy in this

respect is the dialogue between a father and' a son where the father
advises the son to follow the asramas in their consecutive order.
The son, however, prefers the path of renunciation as against the
path of action that was to be followed by a grhastha.- In the Kapila
Gitd^ also the sage Kapila, admitting the importance of grliasilia-
srania, nonetheless emphasizes in very clear terms that from the
individual point of view, sarimyasa is the only way to achieve
erernal bliss. Thus a view prevailed that samnyasa was the stage of
life by following which the attainment of moksa was made easy.
As a reaction to the sentiments expressed in favour of Samnyasa,
the epic first comes out attaching an equal importance' to the
grhastha stage. It defends the four asramas of life which are likened
to a ladder or proper training ground for the further development
of an individual’s character. Then it goes further to declare that
the grhastha stage in itself was self-sufficient for the achievement
of moksa, and not only that but it was impossible for a person who
ignored it to achieve moksa.
The main argument put forward in favour of the grhastha stage
of life is that it is the root of all the other modes of life.^ The
householder who lives like a grhastha, celebrates sacrifices and prac-
tises penances. Whatever is done by anybody for acquiring happi-
ness has for its root the grhastha mode of life.® It is thus implied
that the persons in the grhasthasrama are the main supporters of
society. It is due to and industry that the
their unceasing activities
persons in the other three asramas were supported. Thus it is said:
“Indeed as all the rivers, big and small go in the end to the ocean
so men belonging to all the other orders have the householder for
their refuge.’’® While thus praising the grhasthasrama, the §ahti
parva goes to say that it surpasses the other asramas: “All persons
acquainted with Vedas have declared the life of a householder to be
superior to all the (other) modes of life.’’’ The four different modes
of life were at one time weighed in balance. The wise have said
^xii. 280 ff. 187

-xii. 277, 5 ff.
3xii. 260 ff.
^xii. 234.
Sxii. 269. 7.
«xii. 295. 39.
’xii. 12. 6.
that when the life of- a householder was placed on one scale, it
required the three others to balance Not only this but the
it.’
grhastha stage of life is considered sacred, for the same Parva says;
‘The duties of the orders as also of Brahmans and of those that
have retired from the world are included within those of that sacred
inode of life viz, that of grhastha'- Even the fruits of kingship are
equated with the object of grhastha stage of life. It is said that the
king who silently recites his mantras every day and who adores the
gods according to the ordinances, attains to the object of gdr/wi-
thya mode of life.® It is towards this mode of life that the king's
deeds are directed, even his attainments flow to fulfil the object of
garhasthya: ‘That king who is possessed of knowledge, who makes
gifts to worthy persons on proper occasions, who knows how to
favour and punish, who follows the injunctions of the scriptures in
alt his dealings,who has tranquillity of soul, attains the object of
garhasthya mode of life.’* The king’s domestic duties are akin to
his best penances.® Thus grhasthasram is superior to all the three
asramas.
A person who ignores such a superior grhastha stage of life,
misses an important link in the training ground for the further

development of his personality. Sage Syiimarasmi, while defending
the relative position of grhasthdsrama, puts forward the same argu-
ment He says, ‘To achieve a proper equilibrium of mind in misery
as well as happiness, is a necessary step towards achieving moksa.
It should also be noted that without taking resort to the grhastha
stage of one does not achieve this state of mind. Just as all the
life,
creatures are dependent on their mother for their life, so are all the
other asramas dependent upon the grhastha stage of life.’® For the
achievement of moksa, therefore, a person ought to have lived as a
grhastha. And having lived as a grhastha, he need not renounce
worldly life to cultivate detachment as the epic declares: ‘Even that
householder who satisfies the duties of his life by following (even)
the practice of picking up fallen grains of corn from the lines of
fields and who gives up sensual pleasure and attachment to
action,
’xii. 12. 12.
®xii. 64. 6.
sxii. 66. 23.
*xii. 66. 6.
îi. 66. 23.
«xn. 261, 51T.
does not find it difficult to acquire heaven.’^ Thus grhasthasrama
in itself was self-sufficient for the achievement of moksa.

Another reason for advocating the grhasthasrama was for pro-
geny. We come across many cases of the sages who are refused
merit because in spite of great austerities to their credit they have
not satisfied their ancestors.^ Especially the story of Jaratkaru and
Mandapala vividly bring out the futility of austerities, sacrifices and
asceticism — for they are all subordinate. “None of these things are
equal to progeny. A child is the greatest of religious merits.”® In
spite of the greatest of austerities, he who does not produce children
goes to hell —for there
no one to perform sraddha for him. Hence
is
the importance of the grhastha stage in the times of the Maha-

bhdrata. The Gita adds lustre to the grhasthah-ama by favouring the
pravftti marga and its philosophy of niskamakarmayoga. It does not
favour the nivrtti marga and the ascetic life. It makes the ideal of
renunciation a part of the active life grhasthasrama.
Besides the importance of pravrtti marga the GUd itself puts for-
ward the concept of lokasamgraha. A stagnant society always
dies. Only that society which understands the value of cooperation
and guides its activity along those lines survives in strife. It is not
necessary for a detached person who has already realized oneness
with the Supreme Brahman
perform any actions but this they
to
must do, to set an example to the society. Lord Krsna himself be-
ing the supreme reality does so for the welfare of the society.* Thus
the fact that social welfare is the ultimate aim of an individual as
grhastha is stressed in clear terms.
If considered in this light it becomes evident that the importance
of grhasthasrama, not only as the best but the only asrama support-
ing the other three, is not exaggerated and the epic spares no words
to flatter this position of grhasthasrama. It repeats off and on that
grhasthasrama is the best asrama. Not only that but a grhastha who
executes all his responsibility as shown above need not worry about
other dsramas but attains heaven by the virtue of the merit earned
in it.®
’xii. 191. 18.
2xii. I. 13, 18-20; I. 120. 28.29; I. 229; HI. 96. 14-15.

®xiii. 58. 34.
^BG., III.Karmanaiva hi samsiddhiraasthita janakadayah lokasam-
20-22;
lokeju
grahamevapi sampajyan kartumaharsi na me parthasti kartavyarii triju
kincan nanavaptamvaptavyam varta eva ca karraapi Gita, HI. 20-22.
®xii. 12. 12.
Let us now look at the other side of the picture. Detachment

from the world and practice of austerities have been regarded from
Vpanisadic times as means of salvation. As remarked earlier, the
epic also recommends these means for moksad However, at a
couple of places there is a discussion on the value or otherwise of
renunciation and it appears as if this' mode is derided. Tt is said:
‘The wearing of brown clothes, shaving off the head, bearing of
the triple stick and the kamandalu (the begging bowl) these are —
the outward signs of one’s mode of life. These have no value in
aiding one to the attainment of emancipation.” Not only that, but it
is maintained that people try to avoid the gfhastha stage of life be-
cause of their laziness to shoulder the great responsibility. Thus it
issaid, ‘Those lazy and ignorant who have no faith and wisdom
and who have no foresight and social reputation, renounce the
world only because they get tired of their worldly duties.’®
Bhima echoes the same opinion when he rebukes Yudhisthira,
who, after the great battle is won, is disgusted with the world as a
and consequent misery', the war
result of the cruelties, slaughter
brought in its become a Samnyasi. Bhima dis-
wake and wants to
suades him by pouring scorn on the Sarivrydsasrmm. He says,
‘Men of learning do not acknowledge renunciation. Those who
have acute vision consider it a transgression of law. O King, if man
could obtain perfection by renunciation then even the mountains
and the trees should very soon attain salvation. They are seen
always in renunciation, have no troubles, no possessions and are
perpetual celibates.’^ These words clearly show the futility of the
life of renunciation in the forest. Stressing the argument further he
declares, ‘It is true that a person staying in the forest can stay
peacefully because not supposed to maintain his family, fsis
he is
guests or the ancestors, but their life is like that of animals.’® Here
v.'e have for a while an impression that Bhima while
advancing the
arguments against Samnyasasrama w'as prejudiced and was actuat-
ed by an earnest desire to dissuade his elder brother from taking
to a life of Samnyasa.
But we have more evidence to show that this was not so. The
’xii. 329. 19. 29. 32; xii. 277, 5fj; xii. 161, 43-48; 176, 4 177, 178 and
ff; 179.
-xii. 321. 46. 52.
3xii. 161. 10.
«xii. 10, 18. 24. 25.

"xii. 10. 22.
who has merely withdrawn from posses-

epic clearly declares: ‘He
sions,cannot be regarded as to have renounced the world. He,
however, who remains in contact with the world, but sees its faults
may be said to have truly renounced the world. The world, im-
perfect as it is, throws a challenge to face the realities of life, not
to escape them. For it is said that renunciation appeals only to
those who are unsuccessful in Thus it might have been possi-
life.^
ble that many who wanted to avoid the responsibility of maintain-

ing a family and supporting the society might have taken recourse
to Samnyasa as an escape from the realities of life, disappointed as
they might have been also in their expectations in life.
The queen of Janaka-Videhi also gets angry when her husband

tries togo to forest, shirking all the responsibility of the kingdom
and his household, and angrily she declares: ‘O King, all creatures
in this world are bound by the fetters in form of the fruits of
actions committed in their previous life. So it is doubtful as to
when one may get liberated. You, who are desirous of living alone,
leaving behind your dutiful, religious minded queens, are absolu-
telya sinner and there would be no place for you in this life as well
as the other.’®Here grave doubts are cast upon Samnyasasrama to
grant one freedom from the chain of Karma. The queen shows her
husband the path of duty when he was bewildered and was think-
ing of accepting the life of renunciation.
It seems clear that there was a section of society which looked

down upon Samnyasa. According to it, it was simply avoiding the
responsibility which a person owed to the society in which he live-
ed, and towards the family in which he was born and bred. No
doubt Samnyasa preached high thinking and as an ideal was the
best but the most difficult to be cultivated even while living the
grhasthasrama. To seek these one need not run away from life. In
concentrating upon the individual in the Samnyasa ideal, which

afforded an easy escape from the realities of life, the society as such
was neglected. This was meant for those who could not face the
life’s battle and fight.
The epic thus does not advocate Samnyasa. It does not approve
of tapas. It brings out their utter futility in these words: ‘Asceti-
cism is not mere abstinence from the pleasures of the world. He
ijii. 2. 30.
2xii. 10. 20.
Sxii. 18. 13-15.
that always pure and decked with virtue, he that practises kind-
is
ness all his life, is a Muni even though he may lead a domestic life.
Such a man is purged of all his sins, however much they may
weaken and dry up the body that is made of flesh and blood. The
man whose heart without holiness, suffers torture only by under-
is
going penances in ignorance of their meaning. He is never freed

from sins of such acts. The fire he worships does not consume his
sins. It is in consequence of holiness and virtue alone that men
attain to regions of blessedness and fasts and vows of silence, living
upon air, the shaving off the head, abandonment of a fixed home,
the wearing of matted locks on the head, lying under the canopy
of heaven, daily fasts, fire, immersion in v/ater and
the worship of
lying on the bare ground —these
cannot produce such a result.’^
Adopting a sceptic attitude towards the ascetic practices of all
kinds and Samnydsasrama, the epic thus scoffs at them. Praising
those who live in grhasthasrama it declares: ‘They only that are
possessed of holiness succeed by knov/ledge and deeds, to conquer
disease, decreptitude and death, acquire a high What is of
status.’-
utmost importance is and
the virtuous conduct of maitri karimd of
a Grhasiha that can win him even infirmity, disease and death.®
The epic further seeks to resolve the conflict between the path of
action {pravrtti) and the path of renunciation (nivrtti) which has
always faced Hinduism by presenting the system of asramas for the
purpose of the highest spiritual and ethical development of the
individual. These four stages of life are said to be the four steps of
a ladder and by climbing them one by one, a person can reach the
summit viz. emancipation.
The scheme of the four asramas provides a proper balancing of
the four aims of life, viz. artlia, kama, dliarma and moksa. Adopt-
ing the three motives, viz. art ha, kama and dliarma, as the incentives
for all the worldly activities, the epic emphasizes that these motives
should be so guided that they may lead to the ultimate realisation
of the inner spirituality—the aim of human life.'* It is thus an
integrated view of human life that the epic unfolds. Any departure
from this is considered very grave. This is illustrated by a story
related by Arjuna in which Indra condemned, in the days of yore,
ilU. 199 f.
2ibid.
3X11. 261-264,
^xii. 12. 12.
some Brahmins who had taken to the stage of renunciation straight

from brahmacarydsrama. He made them return to the grhasthas-
rama} The story clearly indicates that all the four stages of life
ought to be preserved, particularly the stage of a grhastha, which

is said to be the prop of the three stages. This means that Sarim-
yasa was disfavoured if it ignored the other stages of life.® The

epic declares;
'He who disregards the grhasthasrama, the source of much happi-
ness and adopts the life of renunciation, is possessed by the quality
of darkness.’ (xii. 12.9).
A reference should be made here to the Ajagara-Prahlada Sam-
vada^ which gives us an insight in the integrated view of life. Ajagara,
a wandering mendicant, appeared to King Prahlada as one who
ishealthy of mind and body, disinterested, child-like but a genius
and not following any particular path of duty. The king therefore
asked him, ‘What is wisdom, learning and behaviour, O Sage?’
Ajagara then explains that the origination of beings, their growth
and destruction is without any casual eiforts, and therefore one
should neither rejoice nor grieve. One should sleep happily, wise
and contented, seeing that the entire world is under destruction and
death. One need not turn one’s back to the good things which life
has to offer nor hanker after them. Ajagara thus describes his way
of life, pure and firm, never swerving from Dharma, free of greed,
stupefaction and other afflictions.* This Ajagara philosophy is
advocated by poets and philosophers alike and Bhisma winds up
the whole discussion by saying <hat it will bring happiness to ail.
It should be noted that this philosophy explains the experience of
a wise man who whole and fully with an emphasis on

has seen life
tranquility of miijd, discipline and complete disinterestedness rather

than the negative aspect of Sariinydsa. But to see life wholly and ,
fully one has to pass through the four dsramas, balancing the four
aims of life. It implies the gradual ethical evolution of personality
through stages, higher and higher till one attains the ideal of moksa.
Thus the epic 'does not advocate a completely ascetic view of
morality. It gives due importance to happiness and wealth.
It
enjoins pursuit of them in due subordination to dharma.'^

Ixii. 11. 20. 21.
®xii. 12-9.
Sxii. 179 ff.
*xii. 179. 25.

sSinha, History of Indian Philosophy, I, p. 68.
The question arises: how should a man pursue happiness and

wealth, artha and kama and blend them in harmony to serv'e
dhartna?
The epic, in more places than one, important question,
raises this
to which Vyasa emphatically declares; ‘Happiness and wealth flow

from Dharma.'^ And what precisely is Dharma? The epic represents
Dhartna as eight-fold viz. sacrifice, learning the Yedas, gifts and
penance on the one hand and truth, restraint of passions, forgive-
n^s and freedom from greed on the other. The first four form the
Pitryana, leading to the moon; while, the latter, the Devayana, to
the union with the Supreme Reality." But in addition to this des-
criptive aspect,Dharma has a directive function. It has an import
of obligation, when it means duty.^ In other words we may render
Dharma to mean our whole duty to God and man. The epic equates
duty v/ith acara: dcara paramo dharmah.^ It is also called the
this
main supporter of Dharma.® Thus dcara stands for saddcdra
righteous living or virtuous conduct.
We find acdra eulogised in the epic. Its efficacy is so great that
it Brahmin, if he is endowed
elevates the sudra to the status of a
and righteousness.® If these virtues
\rith self-restraint, truthfulness
are to be found in a ^dra and if they are not found in Brahmin,
then such a sudra is not a sudra and such a Brahmin is not a
Brahmin. ‘A man becomes a Brahmin by his acdra.'' The obser-
vance of dcara, in all circumstances, is the duty which the epic
tries constantly to inculcate. It is considered superior to even life
and death. ‘Do not give up righteousness for greed or fear or for
desire or even for the sake of dear life. Virtue is eternal; pain and
pleasure are fleeting. Life also is fleeting but not the soul,’® The
soul like virtue is Under no temptation, under no
eternal (nitya).
calamity should a man, therefore, abandon the path of acdra,
righteousness. Moreover, the fsis have declared dcara as the root
JDhannadarthascakamasca sa dharraalj.
2IIL 75-76.
Scf. Samkaranarayana, Values in History, p. 37.
«I. lOS.
5xii. 251.3.
sni. 206.12.
’xii. 182-8.
®na jatu kanjanna bhayanna lobbat dharmam tyajejjlvitasyapi hetoh nityo

dharmah sukhdujjkhe tvanitye jivo nityo heturasya tvanityalj.
„
of all tapas. through acara that the

It is Dharma is to be realised.^
For a man treading the path of acara, it is not absolutely necessary
to retire to the forest, giving up all his connections with worldly
activities.He may stick to the world living a virtuous life. Such a
lifeaccompanied by the temperate enjoyment of the world’s gifts,
blended with artha and kama, serves Dharma and enables him to
attain moksa. The virtuous life thus becomes as effective as Samnydsa
to achieve the final aim of life.
However, the path of virtue is not easier as we are tempted to
think than the other paths leading to moksa; nay it is as difficult
and severe. Our frail minds are tempted from the path of virtue
even by the prospect of the smallest unjust gain which we can secure
without difficulty. What need then to speak of privations and
calamities? Hence men who have lived a virtuous and perfect life
are few and far between in every age. Even Maharsi Vyasa who
proclaims this supreme path of virtue cries out loudly: ‘With arms
uplifted I declare that pleasure and wealth artha and kama stem
from duty {dharma). So why not revere or serve the path of
Dharma? But no one listens to me.’^ Not only we sense a feeling
of despair behind these words but also an awareness that the path
of virtue is not easy to follow. The question arises: What are the
qualities essential to lead a life of acara or righteousness?
The foremost is the courage of one’s convictions. It is the most
difficult to acquire and to possess. The trials and storms in life
which often overtake a virtuous man sometimes shake his convic-
tions. For he sees often in this world that even a vicious man
prospers. Even if, therefore, virtue may seem to suffer, it must not
allow his conviction in its efficacy to slacken. The path of virtue
must be followed for its ov/n sake. One must continue to have
intrinsic faith that its reward is sure to come, though now invisible.
Yudhisthira observes to his queen in their exile to the forest: I
Follow Dharma not because I see any immediate profit from it but
® It
from the conviction that virtue is to be followed for its own sake.
requires the conviction of a Dharmaraja to stick to the path of virtue.
Secondly, what is necessary is the self-denial to resist the
^sarvasya tapaso mulamacaraih jagrhujj param.

kamasca
ûrdhvabahuvirobhyeja na ca kascitsrnotimam dharmadarihas ca
sa dharmab kiih na sevyate. u-
_ i
vanijya o m
^dharmam carami su^rojji na dharmaphalakarapat dharma
jaghanyo dharmavadinam.
temptation of worldly gain through improper means. This tempta-

tion is as great as the self-abnegation which is required for Samn-
yasa. A virtuous mind fortified by this self-denial is sure to raise the
soul higher and higher till the man attains moksa. This self-denial
presupposes ‘equableness, harmony, balance, samatva.'^ Here it be-
comes the basic philosophy to guide a virtuous man in his difficult
path. He should possess equanimity of mind, harmony or balance
of personality, bom out of living a life of acara, to face life as it
comes and accept what it has to offer, for better or for worse.
Sukthankar opines that 'samatva is the keynote of the philosophy
of the Mahabharata which is identical with that of the Gita.' He
further observes; ‘The man who is sama elearly does not try to fly
from the world. Worldly life brings a multitude of raar\'ellous
experiences, most precious, not to be missed at any cost but not to
be utterly absorbed in. One who has attained samatva, walks evenly
among the beauties and the perils of the world.’- The man who
has acquired samatva can through self-abnegation stick to the path
of virtue. It is only Gfbastlwsrama which trains a man to attain
samatva and prepares him to live a righteous life.
This can be supported by quoting sage Syumarasmi who says;
‘To achieve a proper equilibrium of mind in misery as well as
happiness is a necessary step towards achieving moksa. It should
,
also be noted that without taking resort to the Gfhastha stage of

life, one does not achieve this state of mind.’^
Accordingly, Vyasa declares that Grhasthasrama wherein a virtuous

life ispossible, is the brightest of all the asramas. It is sacred and
worthy of worship.^ He also considers Lokasariigraha, the welfare
of the world and lokadliarma, the obligation towards the world, as
great values to be cherished and perused. Ajagar ttwni is called
lokadliarma vidhanavit,^ one who knows, supports and propagates
the ideal of lokasariigraha. ‘One who is such a protagonist of
lokapaksa has to be necessarily an admirer of Gfliasthadharma.'^
For it is only in the Gflistliasrama that the ideal of Lokasariigraha
could be pursued and realised, transcending one’s own welfare;
^Sukthankar, On the Meaning of the Mahabharata p. 122

2ibid, pp. 122-123.
3xu. 261. 5 f.
<xii. 66. 37.
5xii. 179. 9.
SAgrawala, Kata Aur Samkriti, p, 77.

atinahitaya jagadhitdya ca. It is here that one can learn to live life
fully and as a whole, balancing the four aims of life. It is solely
here that glowing and rhythmic synthesis of life, a profound
‘this
and universal philosophy,’^ can be worked out and lived.

But this is not all. The epic, in no uncertain terms, characterises
‘an age of youth,’ depicts ‘Indian heroic society.’- It is not a
mere epic. It is a romance, telling the tale of heroic men and
women. ‘The whole epic
the assertion of the heroic activism of
is
the warrior against the world-denial of the ascetic.’^ We hear

many echoes of the conflict between the Brahmin and the Ksatriya
asceticsand warriors. The rivalry between Vasi^tha, the Brahmin
and Visvamitra, the king, who becomes an ascetic for the achieve-
ment of superior powers, and the legend of Nahusa who levied
taxes on the ascetics and compelled 'them to do manual labour are
such echoes. The Ksatriya disdained to die a natural death at home.
A.S the epic points out; ‘The death of a Ksatriya on his bed at
home is highly sinful. The man who meets with death in the forest
or in battle acquires great glory. Only after he had lived a life of
action in youth and maturity, when the business of life was over,
and life, having lost all attachments, was thought to be a burden,
that he thought of a life in the forest. He then took the final course
like the Pandavas, who crowning Pariksita, went out on a pilgri-
mage, visiting holy places and finally took the great journey-^
Mahaprasthana.
It was the desire to live a heroic life on the battlefield and to
court even death which distinguished the life of a Ksatriya. If

asceticism claimed that withdrawal from the world was the only
way to salvation, the warrior-class made the counter-claim that
death on battlefield also led to heaven. Karna claims: ‘I shall win
great renown in this world and I shall have access to the highest
heaven.’ Even Duryodhana is convinced that he shall go to heaven.
Says he: ‘There is no sorrow for me that my head was kicked by
Bhima with his foot. In a moment, crows and vultures are going
to place their feet on my head. I die the death which is dear to true
Ksatriyas who follow their own Dharma. Who can have a more
^Sukthankar, op. cit., p. 124.

-Siddhanta, The Heroic Age of India, pp. 114, 188 ff.
®Chaitanya, A New History of Sanskrit Literature, p. 215.
4IX. 5.30 flF.
—
233
glorious end than myself?'^ When the Pan&vas were in deep dis-
tress and mother
despair, their Kunti recalls the story' of queen
Vidula, who turned angrily on her son Sanjaya for tiy'ing to with-
draw from a hopeless battle. ‘Flare up like a torch of Tindulia
wood, though it be put for a moment, but smoulder not like a fire
of chafi" just to prolong life. That man w'hose deeds do not form
the subject of tales of wonder, sers'es but to increase the great
heap, he is neither man or woman. It behoves thee not to adopt
the idle, wretched, infamous and miserable profession of mendicacy
that is worthy only of a coward.’- The moral is obvious. It is this
heroic side of this illustration w'hich emerges eloquently out of the
great epic: to encourage and inspire man to face the battle of life
like a warrior, however, hopeless it may be, to fight it out and not
run away like an ascetic. It teaches him to go through it all ^the —
joys and sorrows, the beauties as well as the perils of the world
with a smile and behind v/hich to have a vision of the Transcendent
Reality.
//. Asceticism in the Bhagavad Gita

The Bhagoi'ad Gita, ‘Song of the Blessed One,’ forms part of the
Bhismapan'a of the great epic, the Mahabharata. Accepted as a
classic and a scripture which has moulded the lives of the milliDns
down the ages, it has acquired along with the Upanisads and the
Brahmasutras, the collective name of Prasthantraya, the principal
three-fold canon upon which the spiritual tradition of India is
based.
Difierent opim’ons have existed amongst the scholars, from time
to time, as to whether the Gita teaches the path of knowledge
{Jhand), devotion {bhakti) or action {karma), ânkaracarya has with
a good deal of analytical and logical skill attempted to prove that
the Gita predominantly preaches the way of knovdedge. ‘The
knowledge of its teachings,’ he said, ‘leads to the realisation of all
human aspirations.’® The great acdryas like
Ramanuja, Vallabha,
Madhava, Nimbarka and others have on the path of
laid stress
devotion.^ In recent times Lokamanya Tilak and others have inter-
preted the Gita’s view as pre-eminently that of action {karma).
iIX-16; cf. Rajagopalachari, Mahabharata,

p. 289.
2V. 133, 14-25.
^cf. Munshi, Bhagavad Gita and Modern Life, p. 17.
«cf. RadhakrisbnaD, Tiie Bhagavadgiid, pp. 17-19, introduction.
It would, therefore, seem that it all depends from which angle
one approaches the Gita. In it the materialist finds a code of daily

life and conduct, for the philosopher, there is a guide to the know-
ledge of the Self; to the man of affairs, the path of action is laid
bare; while to the devotionally inclined clear the path of adora-
is
tion he merges himself into the Supreme. The author of the

till
Gita not only recognises many of these ways, already traditional in

his own time, but shows familarity with disputes among those
who claim superiority for each of them. Instead of taking sides
with any of the leading schools of thought, however, he sagaciously
explains and evaluates the ways in which each is correct and how
each may play its own peculiar role in the total picture of how men
quest for the goal of life.
Thus in the Gita, as Kosami observes: ‘We have a brilliant

review —synthesis of many schools of thought which were in many
respects mutually incompatible. The incompatibility is never bro-
ught; all views are simply facets of the one divine mind.’^ The Gita
blends the ^gvedic Veda-marga, the Brahmanic Karma-marga, the
Upanisadic Jnana-mdrga and to this fusion adds the rich stream of
Bbakti, personal devotion, ‘which was the justification, the one
way of deriving all views from a single divine source.’^ Thus in
reflecting clearly ideas from every point of view and attempting to
harmonise them, it gains the universality of appeal. Though a
reflection of the age in which it was written, its message has a time-
less value for all, regardless of caste, colour and creed.®
The Conditions of the Times

Almost the same circumstances which gave birth to Buddhism,
surrounded the rise of Krsna, who preached the gospel of the Gita.
The Vedic law had fallen into much disuse and also into a lot of
misuse. Vedic ritualism and the other-worldly attitude of the '
Upanisads had become exceedingly dogmatic. The Vedic sacrifices

were a common feature in the religious life of the people and were
popular especially among the orthodox. The priestly and other
classes of people practised religious observances only for the sake
^Kosambi, Social and Economic Aspects of Bbagavad Gita, pp. 203-204.

îbid, p. 218.
®It is called sarvasSstramayi Gita (Mlib., vi. 44. 4). Having mastered the
Gila, one is in possession of the essential knowledge of all the scriptures.

Vyasa says: Gita sugila karlavya kirii anyaih sastravistaraih.
of obtaining happiness and heavenly enjoyment. Their minds re-

mained ignorant of religious knowledge. The ritualistic practice of
religion had thus become mechanical. This indicates the low level
to which people had fallen after the spirit lying behind the Vedic
sacrifices had disappeared and religion had become too formal.
On the one hand were the Vedic Karmakandins who believed in

yagna with its intricate and elaborate ceremonies and on the other
several Upanisads enjoined men to give up worldly pursuits and
resort to Samnyasa for getting salvation. Samnydsa, it was believed,
lay in miming away from the battle-field of life to a safer and
quieter valley of the Himalayas. It had become a matter of complete
suppression of desires or giving up all actions. It was held that the
emancipatory knowledge of the Atman placed man beyond the
reach of all desire; a man of perfect philosophical knowledge, a
Inani, need not do any actions as they do not affect him as the
effect of Karma is burnt by theof the knowledge. Asceticism
fire
consisted of mere physical austerity or tapas and was identified with

all kinds of self-torture and physical mortification.
The concept of Ahimsa or non-injury was rapidly coming into
favour. There was a growing sentiment that all souls including
those of animals were sacred and that it was a sin to kill the ani-
mals for obtaining a supposed entry into heaven. More stress was
now laid on the necessity of austerities of life and suppression of
animal instincts rather than on animal sacrifices. This opposition
was first laid by Mahavtra and then Gautama, the Buddha, who
were the great religious reformers of the time. The Buddha revolt-
ed against the priestcraft of the Vedic religion and against the
demoralisation of the people which had crept into society. By his
own example he showed a way of stem ethical code of life to subs-
formal religion. There were also new cults of religious philo-
titute
sophy which stressed the ethical aspect of religion and which had
no prominence, in the formal Vedic sacrifices. The common man
was puzzled as to what his duties were and which way lay his
emancipation. There was no proper place for a psychological
approach towards religion through devotion {Bhakti) to the cosmic
manifestations of the Absolute in any of the prevailing cults of reli-
gion. People were becoming either too worldly or were
drawn
away from the world. They had sunk into a sad condition of
des-
perate ignorance. Tn
Aijuna,’ says Chinmayananda, ‘we find a
typical representative of the confused and the
confounded members
of the then society, over-fed with unintelligent knowledge, vaguely

repeated, least understood and rarely appreciated.’^
There was thus a much felt need to divert men’s minds from the
barren and downward path of dogmatic formalities of religion to
life. They now needed a way of life
the progressive path of inner
in which knowledge, devotion and obligatory duties should have
their proper proportion to guide them in their daily lives. A new
lead had to be given to them and a fresh orientation had to be
made of the doctrines of life which the Aryans evolved through
centuries of thought and meditation. The Gita came to the rescue
to evolve such a philosophy which could satisfy the minds of ordi-
nary men, meet their individual needs and situations, without re-
moving the basic beliefs of the Vedic religion. By weaving the web
of religion into the texture of worldly life and its challenges, the
Gita showed the way that religion must rule even our worldly pur-
suits. Its message was addressed to the common man, not to the
adept only. Its lessons were originally meant for the soldier on the
battlefield, but by implication they apply to all who are engaged in
the battle of life. Gandhiji looked upon the Gita as a scripture
which could guide him through the dark paths of life. According to
him, the Gita’s teachings had an application to the problems of
daily life. About its religious importance he observes: ‘What can-
not be followed out in day-to-day practice cannot be called
religion.’^ It is for this reason that it is called layman’s Upanisad.
Implications of the term ‘Yoga’

To understand the Gita’s contribution to asceticism properly, it
is important to comprehend the implications of the term ‘Yoga’
which is the keynote of the whole work, which is also called ‘Yoga-
sastra.’ The term is used singly and in combination with other terms
viz. bhakti-yoga, karma-yoga, samkhya-yoga etc. Every chapter is
described at its end as containing a dissertation of a particular
kind of Yoga.
The Gita employs ‘Yoga’ in various senses. The Sanskrit word
iChinmayananda, Bhagavad Gita, I, p. 39.

^Mahadeva Desai, The Gita According to Gandhi, p. 132. Gandhiji says:
‘When doubt haunts me, when disappointments stare at me in the face and I
see not one ray of hope on the horizon, I turn to the Bhagavad Gita
and find
verse to comfort me and I immediately begin to smile in the midst
of over-
whelming sorrow.’
‘Yoga’ is derived from the verb ‘Yuj’ which means ‘to join,’ ‘to
attach,’ ‘to yoke.’ Primarily it means joining or union, and is akin

to the English word ‘Yoke.’ Secondarily, it has various shades of
meaning such as equilibrium, balance, synthesis or integration and
regulation and control of bodily and mental faculties. In the Gita
Samatvam''- It means balance or equilibrium, secur-
''Yoga is called
ed by mental discipline. Itis also used in the sense of art, device or
skill as in ‘Yoga is proficiency in doing karma,’- This skill be-
comes perfect as we achieve perfect equanimity or serenity of mind

under all conditions and circumstances. In some other places its
meaning is restricted to performance of actions as compared with
Samkhya i.e. Knowledge.^ The word ‘Yoga’ is also combined v/ith
Buddhi and Jnana, Karma as well as Bhakli.* At first sight, this
may appear where it is stated^ that the Yogi is superior to a Tapasvi
i.e. an ascetic, to a Jnani i.e. a man who has mere knov/ledge of
sacred books and also a Karmin i.e. a person who merely performs
ceremonial rites. But looking to the general tenor of the v/hole
work, it will be reasonable to ascribe the meaning of ‘Yoga’ as the
union of all the three—/«aha, Bhakti and Karma— a subjective
emphasis on one of them according to the mental development of
each individual. In this way each man may search for that parti-
cular kind of Yoga which is best suited to him. Thus for example
different types of Yoga for a man
of confused intellect and for a
man who is engaged in religious observances are described.® Every-
where, there is emphasis on the organic unity of mind and its facul-
ties which should not be disrupted but strengthened by the three-
sided progress of Jnana, Bhakti and Karma. Yoga is thus the art of
creating synthesis, integration or harmonious adjustment between
various springs of action, which constitute our mental life. They are
the various aspects of a single reality namely spiritual life, Krsna’s
exhortation to Arjuna; ‘Do then become a Yogi, Yogi bhava. Yogi
bhava’~ is the central teaching of the Gita. This means that one
^BG., II. 48: Samatvam yoga ucyate.

^BG., II. 50: Yogah karmasukauialam.
^BG., m. 3, V. 5.
45(7., XVin. 57, III. 3. 7. chapter etc. Xn
^BG., VI. 46: tapasvibhyo’dhiko yogi jnanibhyo’pi
mato’dhikah karmi-
bhyascadhiko yogi tasiiiadyogi bhavarjuna.
e5C7., n. 53; VI. 44.
’5(7., VI. 46.
—
should realize the ideal of a perfect man who has ‘yoked himself
to the way of Yoga {Yogayuktd) whose mind is purified, whose self
has triumphed and whose senses have been subdued, and whose self
has, indeed become the self of all beings.’^ He is verily the Yogin
whose understanding is secure from all attachment to objects of
senses, is free from fear and wrath and resentment, free alike from
likes and dislikes, pleasure and pain. Having stopped all brooding
on the objects of the senses, he broods on the Highest and rises
towards Him ultimately resting in Him Brahmisihithi.- The Gita
calls such a perfect Yogin, a Sthitaprajna.
ft should be borne in mind that the ‘Yoga* that is taught by the
Gita is not the technical Yoga of Patanjali. It does not consist of

a series of exercises in-thought-control,® which is only its restricted
meaning. Examining all the contexts in which ‘Yoga’ is used,
Tilak of the opinion that it has been used in the Gita

is the sense m
of ONLY the Path of Energism {pravftti-margd) i.e. the Karma-
Yoga. According to him, ‘Karma is the only sadhana to salva-
tion.’^ Inother words Karma-Yoga is the essence of the Gita,
Even Jmtta and Bhakti point to Karma as the ultimate goal of life.
The great activist that Tilak is, his interpretation is examined by
Ranade who points out that even Tilak regarded realisation as
being higher than service.® Ranade opines that ‘God-realisation
constitutes the apurvata, the novelty or the supreme contribution
of the Gita.' He observes: ‘The Gita is one of the greatest works
on mysticism that the world has even seen and when God-realisa-
tion has been duly stressed, everything else will follow in its wake.’®
This amply borne out by the eighteenth chapter of the Gita.
is
Explaining the distinction between tydga and samtiyasa and preach-

ing selfless action in this world, for the beneflt of this world. Lord
Krsna assures Arjuna: ‘Dedicate thy thought, thy worship, thy
sacrifice, thy homage solemnly promise that thou shalt
to Me and I
come to Me. Disturb not thyself by conflicting duties. Seek refuge

in Me. T will deliver thee from sin. Sorrow not.’’
iBG.,V.7.
^BG., II. 55-72.
3ys., I. 1.
^Glta-Rahasya, I, pp. 76-87.

111-123.
SRande, Bhagavad Gita as a Philosophy of God-realisation, pp.
.
«ibid, p. 123.
’>BG., XVIII, 63-66.
Kama Yoga
‘The GM,’ according Munshi, ‘is not a scripture of the next
to
world, nor of asceticism nor of inaction. It is an intensely human

document; a guide for every human situation,’^ This statement
focuses the central teaching of the GTid that it is predominantly a
gospel of action. not concerned with running away
Lord Krsna is
from life through asceticism or contemplation or ecstatic devotion.

He does not want us to flee from a worldly career or the haunts of
men to the solitude of the forest. He does not bid us hide in a cave
likea hermit or to seek peace on the loneliness of the mountain-
top like a tapasvi; nor does he urge us to accept cowardly renounce-
ment. When Aijuna wants to escape and says: ‘I shall not fight.’-
Rrsna chides him and asks; ‘Whence has come to thee this dejec-
tion of spirit in the hour of crisis? It is unknown to men of noble
mind (not cherished by the Aryans); it does not lead one to heaven;
(on earth) it causes disgrace.’^ In his attempt to release Aijuna
from his doubts, Krsna refers to the doctrine of the undestructi-
bility of the Self, appeals to his sense of honour and martial tradi-
tions, reveals to him God’s purpose and points out how action is
to be undertaken in the world. Says he: ‘Yield not to this unman-
liness {klaibyam) O Partha, for it does not become thee. Cast off
this petty faint-heartedness and arise.’^ These inspiring words
rouse Aijuna to action, to fight as a warrior.
This urge to action is the dominant note of the gospel, as it is
the inalienable feature of human
existence. ‘No one,’ says Krsna,
‘can remain a moment.’® He then elaborates
actionless even for
this point and gives in support the instance of a Jndni ‘who revels
in Atman, who is content in Atman and who is satisfied only with
Atman. There is nothing he needs to do. That which is done or
left undone, does not concern him. He has no ambition to serve.’®
Such a perfect man also must perform action without attachment,

to attain the Supreme. He must work ceaselessly for the welfare
of the world {lokasamgraha). It is pointed out that it was through
such work that Janak and others attained to perfection. ‘For
’Munshi, op. cit., p. 18.

"BG., n. 9.
3BG., II. 2-3.
*ibid.
^BG., III. 5.
®BG., m. 17-19.
whatever a great man does, the same is done by others as well.

Whatever standard he sets, the world follows.’^ Thus the great men
are the path makers who blaze the trail that other men follow. The
light generally comes through individuals who are in advance of
society.
The Lord then cites His own example. ‘For me, there is nothing
to do in the three worlds, nothing worth gaining that I have not
gained; yet I am ever in withdraw from action and
action. If I
cease to work, My example would be followed by men. This world
will fall to pieces. I would be the creator of chaos and creation
would then perish. Not only this. He adds, he Himself takes
incarnation from time to time for universal benefit, ‘to save the
righteous, to destroy the wicked and to re-establish Dhama’^
Thus even those who reach self-realisation, everyone, including even
God, must express themselves through action.
The performance of action which the Giia advocates is disinte-
rested work (niskain-kanm). It says; ‘To action alone hast thou
a right and never at all to its fruits; let not the fruits of action be
thy motive; neither let there be in thee any attachment to inaction.’^
It isKarma-phala-tyaga, the giving up of expectation of the fruit
of action, that detached frame of mind which is most important.
The Gita declares that before God, the work of man will be judged
by the spirit in which it is done, not by the nature of the work.
‘Whosoever acts in a spirit of dedication, fits himself for salvation.’®
The action of such a man does not bind him. ‘For he who has
renounced attachment to the fruit of action, who is ever content
and free from all dependence —he, though immersed in action, yet
20 - 21 .
^BG., III. ->3-24 Following of the Tagore says that

in the footstepts
‘God is a worker, and that, if we love Him, we must work with Him.’
‘Our master is a worker and we work with him Boisterous is his mirth and
we laugh with his laughter. He beats his drum and we march. He Sings and we
dance in its tune. {Poems: No. 43)
God is not only a worker, but also a dweller among the lowest of the low
who work. Tagore says: ‘He is there where the tiller is tilling his hard ground
and where the pathmaker is breaking stones. He is with them in sun and
in
mantle an
shower, and his garment is covered with dust. Put off thy holy
even like him come down on the dusty soil.’ (Gitdnjali, XI)
3BG., IV. 8.
^BG., II. 47.
SBC., III. 35.
241
acts not.’^ The Gita thus preaches niskaim kamayoga which leads
salvation. And such work becomes holy when dedicated
to
one to
the lord. .
The InstUuiion of Asceticism

The doctrine that release cannot be attained unless one goes out
of this painful and insipid worldly life, was first brought into the
Vedic religion by the writers of the Upanisads and Saihkhya
philosophers.® Several Upanisads enjoined men to give up worldly
pursuits and resort to Samnyasa to gain salvation.^ Both Jainism
and Buddhism were in favour of monachism and had given a great
stimulus to the popularity of this ideal. The monastic movement
was wide-spread. Some of the best men had given up the world
and had embraced the life of renunciation. The author of the Gita
was face to face with this serious situation. He realized that if this
other-worldly ideal spread any further there would be great harm.
There was a danger of men, who, instead of being at the helm of
the affairs in the family and the state, leaving for the jungle or the
cave and devoting themselves entirely to a life away from society
and its concerns. It would spell disaster, and result in the disinte-
gration of society. To check this anti-social movement gathering
momentum, some radical remedy was needed. Lord Krsna preached
the doctrine of Niskamakannayoga through the Gita. He taught
that men should perform the various duties belonging to their
different stations in life, but in a spirit of dedication and surrender
to the Divine, Through the gospel of selfless action He promised
salvation from the bondage of repeated births.
In elevating all disinterested work performed in a spirit of dedi-
cation to God, the Gita elevates such work to the state of holiness.
It declares that renunciation {samnyasa) and performance of action
{Karmayoga) both lead to salvation; but of the two, Karmayoga,

the latter is better than renunciation, the former Thus renunciation
is not cessation from work. It is to be practised not towards
work
but to the fruits of work. It refers not to the act itself but to the
frame of mind behind the act. It means the abandonment {tyaga)
^BG., IV. 20.

®cf. Tilak,
op. cit., II, p. 692.
^Brhad. Up., IV. 4.26; III. 5. 1; also Brahma, Samnyasa, Arupeya, Kantha-
sputi, Paramhamsa, Jabala, Asrama.
4BG., V. 2.
of the fruits of all action. ASamnyasi, according to the Gita is one

who performs actions but without the least faint of expectation of
fruits or results. He is not the one who' has renounced worldly life.
The goal placed before the Samnyasi is Sarva Samkalpa Samnyasa,^

which means surrendering his will, desire and action at the feet of
the Lord. It is not to evade the social responsibilities. All work is
for the welfare of the world, for the sake of the Supreme—jogod
hitdya Kfsndya. Says the Lord; ‘Whatever thou doest, whatever
thou eatest, whatever thou offerest, whatsoever thou
what- givest,
soever thou doest of austerity {tapasyasi yat), do thou that as an
offering unto Me.’^
Thus Samnydsa is the restatement of the central teaching Yogi
Bhava.^ As Samnydsa is well nigh impossible without Yoga,* the
Gltd wants the Samnydsi to be a Karmayogi. Thus a man who
remains in the world and works in a spirit of renunciation or
desireless action is as much a Samnydsin as he who has retired
from the world and renounced all possessions. The Gltd does not
favour the of a recluse who escapes from life meditating in a
life
cloistered seclusion, scorning all action. Not the inactive Samnydsi

but the dispassionate and disinterested householder, a Niskdma-
Karmayogi, is upheld as the ideal. And the householder who per-
forms all actions desirelessly and with the idea of dedicating them
to God is an eternal ascetic {nitya samnydsin).^ This was a
called
revolutionary change the Gltd brought about. In all earlier systems,
release was possible only for those who gave up worldly life and
took to Samnydsa, In the Gltd release was made available for the
layman and his wife while they maintained the household and took
part in the business of the world.
While the Gltd condemns the ascetic way of life in no uncertain
terms and interprets Samnydsa as Karma-Yoga, it also takes a clear
stand against the ascetic practices prevalent in that age. This it
does with an emphasis on the inward process of purifying the mind
or self-control and Vairdgya. It aims at the necessity of acquiring
the
the discipline to attain the equanimity of the mind, ‘a poise of
which enables one to look evenly at life in all its aspects.
soul’
^BG., VI. 4.
^BG., IX. 27.
3SG., VI. 46.
^BG., V. 6.
^BG., V. 3.
—
243
Ascetic practices or tapas v/ere taken in those days as going into

the forest and mortifying the body {karsayaniah, ghoram tapyante
ye
tapo janah)} Various methods of self-torture were practised by
some for purposes of display {dambhaham-karasarhyuktaf hair-
shirts or piercing the body and putting it to torture by various
de%'ices. Similarly, itwas believed that Samnyasa consisted in shav-
ing olf the hair and throv.'ing away the sacred thread or taking a
staff in the hand and going about begging or giving up all action
and living in the forest in self-denial and conscious self-persecution."
The Gita condemns these methods of self-torture as demoniac
{asun)} It i>oints out that the practice of mortification and mean-
ingless austerities {tapas) must be distinguished from self-control
which is a matter of discipline.
The GUd asserts that the true discipline of the body, mind and
speech constitute the real austerity or penance {tapas). This three-
fold discipline is described and classified by the Gita as austerity
{tapas) of the body, speech and mind. Homage to the gods, to
Brahmanas, to Gurus and to wise men; cleanliness, uprightn^s,
—
brahmacarya and ahithsd these constitute tapas of the body.
Words that cause no hurt, that are true, loving and helpful, and
the practice of the study of the scriptures constitute tapas of speech,
serenitj-, gentleness, silence, self-restraint and purity of the spirit
these constitute tapas of the mind.^ This three-fold tapas, practised

in perfect faith fay men, who are not desirous of the fruit, and are
disciplined, is said to be pure {sdttrika).^ Not content with this, the
Gita adds; ‘Austeritj' or tapas which is practised with an eye to
gain praise, honour and homage and for show is said to be rajas; it
is fleeting and unstable.’' Furthermore, ‘austerity w-hich is prac-
tised from any foolish obsession, either to torture oneself or with

the object of destroying another is called tamasa:^ Thus austerity
which is for the sake of reputation, honour and reverence, is false
and impure. That austerity is still worse when it is practised as self-
3i5C.. xvn. 5-6.
=£(?., X\TT. 5.
2£C?., XNTIT. 3: xyajam do5a\-adiiyike karma. BG., XVm. 6; karsayantah
sarlrasibanu
^BG., X\TI. 6.
=BG.,Xvn. 14-17,
«£G.,XVn. 17.
~BG., XVTI. 18.
SBG., X\^n. 19.
torture, aiming at hurting another. Real tapas is the three-fold

control of the body, mind and speech. It is must
self-discipline. It
be a matter of inner life. It should be an aid to self-control to bring
about an equilibrium of all our mental faculties which the Gita
Calls Yoga: samatvam yoga uchyate} Thus the Gita makes tapas a
matter of self-discipline, an inward attitude of a purifying process
of the mind. This demands the training of the mind. For mind is
the man. As the mind so is the individual. The Gita also shows
how to train the mind,
Arjuna pointedly asks Krsna how to curb and control the mind
which is restless, turbulent and as uncontrollable as wind. To this
Kr§na replies that it is really very difficult, but it can be done
gradually by constant practice (abhydsa) and disposition (yairagya)r
Vairagya means without Raga or attachments —detachment from
all affections, all aversions (rdgadvesaviyukia) seeking nothing and
rejecting nothing. The exercise consists in rising above the pairs of
opposites (nirdvanda), on the planes of body, mind and feelings—
above cold and heat, pleasure and pain (sitostjasiikhdulikha) honour
and ignominy (mdnapamana).^ Thus vairagya according to the Gita
is not running away from the world, or callousness towards men
and matters or going through the routine of life disliking it. It is

not indifference or heedlessness in the living of our life. It is the
capacity to face the realities of existence and evaluate men, things
and events at their true worth, without letting ourselves be affected
by any of them. Thus it is the discipline of restraining the mind at
all levels and in all circumstances. This is possible only when one
has achieved mastery over the mind. Towards this end, Kfsna does
not recommend a negative discipline of self-suppression or denial of
the joys of life.
It is an erroneous belief that Indian philosophy regards senses as

the seat of nothing but evil and should therefore be suppressed.
What is evil is not the senses but the uncontrolled use of them.
Sense experience is natural and therefore desirable. The world is to
be experienced and enjoyed through the senses. But the enjoyment
iBG., II, 48.
2BG., VI. 34. 35.

Matra-
"BG., II. 56; II. 38; of. Manu. (VI. TS., 81) mentions freedom from
sangha (rngtrasparsa) {BG., II. 14) and ludriya-saniga i.e. sanga-tySga and
free-
dom from all dvandas.; BG., II. 64; II. 14; VI. 7; BG., XII. 17-18; XVIII. 5 ,
BGi 11.48,11.15.
should not only be moderate but controlled without the mind being
made a slave of them by attachment. Austerity does not mean
annihilation of desires but their restricted use by subordinating
them to rational thought. The Gita, therefore, does not support an
ascetic life. It repeatedly says that the food and pleasures should
be balanced; the body should not be put to torture and that
Prasaiwa-cetas, joyful attitude towards life is essential to reach
Him.’
Thus the GTia takes a synthetic view and teaches that an attempt
to crush all desires would only increase the mental conflict. ‘All
beings follov/ their nature. What is the use of absolute restraint?’*
What is required is not suppression but regulation of the senses. It
says, ‘He who, restraining the organs of action, sits resolving in the
mind thoughts regarding objects of senses, he, of deluded under-
standing, is called a hypocrite. But he excels, who controlling the
senses by the mind, unattached, directs his organs of action to the
path of work.’^ Human nature, being what it is, cannot be wiped
out by trying to do the impossible. Our lower self is to be lifted up
and purified by the higher self and not annihilated. What keeps us
low in the scale of life is excessive attachment to sensuos objects
and frustration in not obtaining the fruits of action and the fulfil-
ment of our desires. For that purpose it is absolutely necessary to
acquire, firstly, a sense of non-attachment {Anasakii) to sensuous
objects even while experiencing them; secondly, renunciation of the
desires to enjoy the fruits of actions while doing them {Kanna-
phala-tyaga) and thirdly, an equilibrium of all our faculties of the
body and the mind {Yoga). The Gita teaches us hov/ to acquire
these qualities.
Though the Gita stresses self-control through constant practice
(abhyasa) and dispassion {vairagya), the teaching never degenerates
into mere asceticism. On the other hand, excessive mortification of
the flesh is condemned and moderation recommended. It says:
‘Yoga is not for him who eats too much, nor for him who eats too
little. It is not for him who sleeps too much, nor for him
v/ho keeps
vigil too long. But to him who is temperate in his food and
recrea-
tion, who is restrained in all his actions and who has regulated his
16-17; n. 65,
^BG., m. 33.
3J3G.,III.6-7.
sleep and vigils. Yoga puts an end to

all sorrow.’^ Even the food
we daily take has on our psychology and character. The

its effect
Gita makes distinction between the foods and groups them as of

three kinds as also sacrifice, austerity and almsgiving: Sdttvik,
Rajasik and Tamasik. It may be Sattvik, good and strengthening to
the spirit; or destructive of serenity, passion-producing, Rajasik; or
wholly bad, causing deterioration of mind and intellect and increas-
ing inertia, Tamasik.
Lord Krsna also asserts that excessive bodily mortification is pro-
hibited even by the Sdstras and calls those engaged in it as foolish
and He: ‘Vain and conceited men, impelled by the
fiendish. Says
force of their desires and passions, subject themselves to terrible
mortifications not ordained by scriptures. And being foolish, they
torture their bodily organs and one also who dwell within. Know
that such men are fiendish (asuri) in their resolves.’® So the natural
man in us is neither to be suppressed nor indulged. He is to be
wisely controlled and properly directed. In other words, we should
learn to move amidst the sense objects with an easy self-mastery,
neither attracted nor repelled by them. ‘The disciplined soul,’ ac-
cording to the Gita, ‘moving among sense-objects with the senses
weaned from likes and dislikes and brought under the control of
Atman, attains peace of mind.’®
The Yogin of the Gita is, therefore, one who lives in God
ideal
but works in the world, whose head is in solitude, but whose hands
are in society. He is the one who has attained a detached frame of
mind. He is not the Samnyasin, retired from the world renouncing
everything, but is a disinterested householder, a Niskama-Karmayogi.
Lokasamgraha
The Gita in the concept of Lokasamgraha shows a practical path
not only for the sddinis and samnydsis but even for the worldly men,
how to lead their life of action. It is the Gltd concept of active
social service for the welfare of humanity.
should be
^£G., VI. 16-17. According to Chinmayanand, the world ‘Eat’
consuming
understood in a comprehensive sense. Tt is not only the process of
through all the
things through the month, it includes the enjoyments gained
inward experiences.’ op. cit., II, p. 58 .
avenues of sense perceptions and
2BC7., XVII. 7-10.
35G., II. 64.
247
The word ‘Lokasamgrha' occurs only twice in the Gita} The

similar import is meant by the term sarvabhutahiteratah—engxossQd
in the welfare of all beings.'- ‘Saingraha’ means ‘retaining,’ ‘keep-
ing,’ ‘regulating,’ ‘restraining,’ ‘controlling’ and ‘protecting.’^
In support of the doctrine explains why

of Karma Yoga, Krsna
and for what purpose these actions at all come into existence. His
advice to Aijuna is; ‘Even having regard to the welfare of the
world {Jokasarijgrahd) You must perform all actions.’^ Radha-
krishnan translates 'lokasamgraha' as ‘world maintenance which
stands for the unity of the world, the interconnectedness of society.’®
The Manu-Smrti uses the words ‘welfare of a nation’ in the same
sense.® Sankarabhasya defines ‘Lokasamgraha' as ‘weaning men
from the tendency to take the path of wrong.’" Tilal: interpretes
this to mean ‘making use, those persons who behave recklessly as
a result of ignorance and keeping them together in a happy state
and putting them on the path of self-amelioration.’® Taking all the
above meanings according to the context of the Gita he means by
‘Lokasamgraha,’ ‘binding men together and protecting, maintain-
ing and regulating them in such a way that they might acquire that
strength which results from mutual cooperation, thereby putting
them on the path of acquiring merit while maintaining their good
condition.’® However, Tilak makes it clear that the word ‘loka'
in ‘lokasamgraha’ does not indicate only mankind. It is also
interpreted to mean
maintenance of various worlds; Lokanam
‘the
samgrahah.’ Thus he says, it has been used in the Gita to mean
‘the maintenance, not only of human beings, but that the human
and all the other spheres, such as the gods etc. should be main-
tained and that they should become mutually beneficial.’^® Thus
^BG., III. 20; III. 25; Karmainaiva hi saftsiddhitnasthita. janakadayah Loka-
samgrahamevapi sampasyankariumarhasi Sakiah karmanyavidvafiso yatha
kurvanti Bharat Kuryat vidvansiatha ’saktas cikirjur lokasamgraham.
^Labhanle brahmanirvaijam rjayaij ksinakalmajah Chinnadvaidha yatat-
manalj sarvabhutahite ratal). BG., V, 25 Samniyanuye’ ndriyagramam sarvatra
samabhddhyayl) Te prapnuvanti mam eva sarvabhutahite ratah- BG., XIII
4
^SED., p. 328.
<BG., m. 20,
SRadhakrishnan, The Bhagavad Gita, p. 139.
67. 144.
Tilak, Gila Raliasya, I, p. 457.
6ibid, p. 457.
»ibid.
Kiibid.
the term lokasamgraha has a comprehensive meaning and includes

‘the putting not only mankind but the entire world, on a proper
path and making samgraha of it i.e. maintaining, feeding, protect-
ing and defending it in a proper way, without allowing it to be
destroyed.’^ It stands for universal welfare. The Gita emphasises
that the welfare of the society the primary concern of the spiritual
is
man, who identifies self with the self of all beings and who delights
in the welfare of all beings.’
The implications of the concept of Lokasamgraha are far and
demands that men should engage themselves in such acti-
wide. It
vities which will prevent the disruption of the self-maintaining and
self-uplifting capacity of society. Towards this end, whatever is
defective in the prevalent social institutions must be weeded out,

having regard to the changing circumstances. One must serve the
society and his fellow men according to one’s capacity as a matter
of duty, imbued with a social vision, social need and social aware-
ness. It is not proper for one to say that if one does not do it,
somebody else will; because in that case, not only does one person >
fall short in the performance of the total work of society and

thereby society loses its aggregate power. Society is a living organ-
ism; all the organs (individuals) are inter-connected and mutually
dependent. If each limb does not contribute its own share of life-
force to the others, not only do the others starve and die but the
limb itself ultimately shares the same fate. That is the relation
between individual and society.
It is true that the followers of the Saiimyasa school some-
times say that when one’s own Atman has obtained release, one
should be satisfied with it; and he should not mind even if the
world goes to dogs. ‘One should neither perform lokasamgraha

nor cause it to be performed.’^ This doctrine is one-sided and can-
not be true at all times. The Gita says that such an ideal man, if
he exists, may live a life of pure seclusion or retire into a forest but
even then as an integral limb of society, he should not give up
actions but should devote himself to work for the benefit of his
fellow beings. If even men who have imbibed perfect knowledge
should not completely renounce the world, there is no justification
for lesser men to escape from their worldly duties by becoming
iTilak, Gita Rahasya, I, p. 457.

2BG., V. 25. XII. 4.
3AfM, XIV. 46: 39: lokasamgrahadbarmarii ca naiva kuryau na karyet.
249
sadhus and samiiyasis. A true Jnani is also a Karma-Yogi. It must

be said, therefore, that the only path which is excellent and is con-
sistent with the sastras is to continue working for the benefit of the
society. One should live so long as life lasts, even after he has acq-
uired realisation and with due regard to one’s own qualifications.
He should follow the glorious example of Lord Krsna who takes
incarnation from age to age for the universal welfare.^ Thus a man
must lead a balanced life with a disciplined mind for the good of
the society in which he lives. That is the only way to get happiness
which is another name for peace of mind. Nevertheless, this loka-
satiigraha must not be performed entertaining the hope for some
fruitful result but being free from attachment. The automatic test
of the purity and nobility of even that detachment is the dedication

for an ideal viz. service of God as embodied in the good of human-
ity. The Yogin that the Gita regards as the ideal man is he ‘whose
sins are wiped out, whose doubts are resolved, who has mastered
himself and who is engrossed in the welfare of all beings.’®
In the context of the Gita, the word 'Yajna' is to be understood
in a comprehensive sense The life itself becomes an Yajna. *Yajna‘
literally means sacrifice; hence ‘worship’; hence ‘any sacrificial
act or any act of service.’ In the words of Gandhiji ‘Yajna means
an act directed to the welfare of others, done without receiving or
deriving a return for it, whether of a temporal or a spiritual nature.
Act must be taken in its widest sense and includes thought and
words and others embrace not only humanity but all life.’® As
Radhakrishnan puts it; ‘It is sacrificial action in general by which
man dedicates his wealth and deeds to the service of the One Life
in all.’^ Thus Yajna as an act directed towards the welfare of entire
mankind and everything that lives becomes an integral part of the
Gffa’s concept of Lokasamgraha.
In the concept of Lokasamgraha, theXjffa thus shows us the path
of integration of the individual with the social life in which he lives.
Just as each limb of the organisation has to do its duty in its own
sphere, in the same manner the individual realises himself by dis-
charging the obligations attached to his station in life. Divatia
observes; ‘Self-realisation means the realisation of one’s self in the
^BG., IV. 7.
25: kjitjakalmajah chinnadvaidba yatatmanah sarvabhutahiterataJj.
®Mahadeva Desai, op. cit., p. 177.
^Radhakrishnan, op. cit., p. 346.
wider life of our fellow men. The Gita teaches us that there cannot
be self-realisation without the integration of the individual self with
the larger social self.’^ We cannot do better than recall Swami
Vivekanand’s words: ‘The poor, the ignorant, the illiterate, the

afflicted, let these be your God; know that service to these
is the
highest religion.’^ The Gltd turns humanity into a temple of wor-
ship to which a man should dedicate himself and serve.
Summing Up
The institution of asceticism before the time of the Gita was in its
decadent phase, it being considerably influenced by the teachings of
renunciation by Buddhism and Jainism. It had become anti-social
and parasitical and misunderstood as running away from life and to
be engaged in all kinds of excessive and meaningless bodily torture.
The Gita corrects the view with emphasis
on the inner religion
and declares that Samnyasa is mind and not
to be the garb of the
the cloth of the body. It supplanted the Niskamakarmayogi house-
holder as the ideal type for the ascetic and promised him salvation
through the rich stream of Bhakti. Though emphasising Vairagya
as a discipline to acquire mastery over the mind, it does not
support an ascetic life but recommends a life of moderation in all
matters. Neither mere suppression of passions and desires, nor a
lifeof rigorous asceticism, nor mere knowledge of nature, nor mere
emotional effusion of mind, nor adherence to rigorous rites and
ceremonies, nor running away from his duties, will enable a man to
fulfil the mission of his life. The only sure way for the fulfilment
of that mission is humanity and the integration of the
service to
individual self with the larger social self. The Gita blends the three
concepts of Stliitaprajna, Niskamakarma and Lokasamgraha toge-

ther in the activist teaching of —
Karmayoga selfless action in this
world for the benefit of this world. Not renunciation but active
participation in the activities of the world thus becomes a gospel of

supreme importance in the Gita.
iDivatia, The Art of Life in the Bhagavad Gita, p. 173.

Âkhandananda, History of the Ramkrishna Math and Mission, p. HO.
the
Tagore puts the whole teaching of the Gita in a nut-shell, when he says in
last chapter of Sadhana: Where can I meet thee, unless in this my
home made
into thy
thine? Where can I join thee, unless in this my work transformed
work? If I leave my home, I shall not reach thy home; if I cease my I
in thee. Thou
can never join thee in thy work. For thou dwellest in me and I
without me or I without thee are nothing.
III Asceticisin in the Ramdyana

The two personalities who have mind
fascinated the Indian
through the ages are undoubtedly Rama and Krsna. In Rama, sage
Valmiki has depicted not mere national hero but divinity, an incar-
nation of the supreme deity Narayana. Krsna, as the great friend
of the Pandavas a well-known figure in the Mahabharata as also
is
the author of the Gita. The nobility and magnanimity of Rama’s

character and the conjugal love and fidelity of his wife SIta, have
for a great many centuries exercised a far-reaching moral effect as
ideal specimens for emulation among Indians. SIta, as the ideal
wife and the woman of culture, has been looked upon as a pattern
of feminine virtue and self-sacrifice by almost all Hindu women. It
can be truly said that no work of literature secular in its origin has
ever v/eilded soprofound an influence on the life and culture of the
Indian people as the Ramdyana^ and particularly the masses most of
whom look upon it as a source of dhanna to guide their daily life.
Varna System
The three main types of people dealt with by Valmiki and living
in India during the period were the Aryans, the Vanaras and the
Raksasas.
The epic expressly mentions the existence of the four vanias
(caturvarnya) viz., Brahmana, Ksatriya, Vaisya and Sudra.^ The city
of Ayodhya is described as inhabited by these varnas devoted to
their respective duties.* The first three varnas are spoken as dvijas
or the twice born, the ‘second’ birth being conferred upon them
by the Upanayan ceremony, which gave them the status they enjoy-
ed, particularly over the sudras. In all auspicious rites, the cere-
monial functions were entrusted to eminent dvijas.^ The study of
the Vedas, observance of religions, vows, offering sacrifices and
giving gifts are said to be the common duties absolutely enjoined
on the dvijas.* The four varnas in Ayodhya, with the Brahmins at
their head, always worshipped the gods and the guests and are
depicted as grateful and generous.^ Their privileges related mainly
to their principal means of livelihood.
UV. 4. 6; L 13. 20; YII. 75. 18; VI. 128, 120.

*11. 100, 41; I. 6. 17.
’ll. 15. 4.
‘1. 6. 12, 15.
SL 6. 17.
The study and teaching of the Vedas isvadhyaya) and the prac-
tice of penance or austerities were the principal occupations of the
Brahmin.^ He, however, could not impart instruction in the Vedas
to non-dvijas.^ He enjoyed a high social status and as a priest,
particularly weilded a strong influence. It is said that at the con-
clusion of a horse-sacrifice for the birth of a son. King Dasaratha
conferred the earth upon the Brahmins,® though the latter, knowing
their resources and interests better chose to have something instead,
as a price thereof.^
The main function of the King and the Ksatriya warriors under
him was the protection of the population from aggression,® the cow
and the Brahmin.® The ksatriya was to offer protection to anyone
who' sought his refuge.’
The pursuit of wealth was the special dhanna of the Vaisyas.
They bore the brunt of the taxation® and their wealth provided the
economic support to the whole society. They reared cattle and
pursued agriculture {kysi-go-raksya-jiviiidfiy and carried on trade.
They were entitled t6 attend and perform sacrifices.’® Being far more
numerous than the obier two classes and being also wealthy, they
formed the most influential part among the citizens of Ayodhya.
They also had several corporations like Ganas and Naigamas.”
The duty of the ûdras was to serve the three higher castes. They
were at times allowed the privilege of attending sacrificial ceremo-
nies.” They attended Rama’s assembly in thousands to witness oath-
taking ceremony along with the Ksatriyas and Vaisyas.’® But they
suffered many disabilities. They were outside the pale of the dvija
castes. They were not allowed to study the Veda.’* A Brahmin
could not impart Vedic instruction to them. They were forbidden to
II. 14. 48.
2V. 28. 5.
®I. 14-15.
n. 14-18.
sil. 100. 42.
61. 26. 4-5

’VI. 18-27.
81. 7. 13.
611. 100-47.
101. 13-20.
HI. 6. 12.
1211. 18. 12; n. 83. 11.
131. 13. 20.
14VII. 96, 7-8.
practise religious austerities or penance which was a pri%ilege of

the higher varrias.^ The Candalas were the untouchables and were
them
looked upon as the lowest in the social scale. Valmiki refers to
as themost degraded beings; Yoninam adhama vayamr They were
deprived of the most elementary rights of citizenship. They could
not enter temples, places, houses of Brahmins and places of w'or-
ship.®
Such is the picture of society during the Ramarajya, a term which
in our times has come to be synonymous with a state of piety and
ri^teousness.
The castes were no longer fluid as in the Rgvedic times but had
become differentiated from one another and their privileges, duties
and liabilities had become more or less fixed in the days of the
R5mSyar:a.
Hermitage or Asrama Life

The forest from ancient times has been accepted as the religious
home of India, whose spiritual genius has manifested itself in the
solitary retreats of the woodland. It was here that the Aryan retiring
from the turmoil of the world, in the peaceful environment, sought
to w'ork out w ithin himself the truth of the spirit in a broad free-
dom from the strict social bonds. The location of such hermitages
(flsramas) was in an aranya or forest with its sylvan surroundings
and quiet vicinity and was found to be the ideal place by those who
wanted to live away from the disturbance of human habitation,*
seeking solitude- The forests, mountains, rivers, birds and beasts
serve as the backdrop against which Rama, Laksmana and Sita live
of vanavSsa. The epic affords a many coloured picture of
their life
human emotions and feelings in which nature participates. The hills
at Citrakuta, the woodlands and the lake at Pampa, the onset of
of the night in Atri’s asrama, the pageant of the seasons, the rains,
the spring and the splendour of the sarat, the descriptions of these
are intimate, rich and moving, such as is possible only for a poet
who has lived in the lap of nature and knows all its moods and
delights. Nature was there in all its inexhaustible beauty' and glory.
IV. 28. 5.
^vn. 76. J-4.
®VII.59a. 21,
«VII. 59,20-21.
®cf, pranastajanasambadham ksetraiamavivariitam (vanam), n, 52, 98.
And Rama captivated by the charm of Citrakuta, the famous

hermit-centre of the period, exclaims that it was even more delight-
ful than life in the metropolis.*^
It was first at Citrakuta that Rama built his cottage which had
every recommendation: Sarvagunavitam? Nature in all its grandeur
of fauna and flaw a had invested with lyrical background which

it
made it an ideal place, for locating a hermitage. A hermit colony

comprised of several huts was known as asrama-tnandala^ or a
tapovana^ The asylums of the anchorites forming the colony were
called tdpasalayas.^ Rama’s cottage was situated amidst many hermit-
huts (asrawa-mandala).
Of the different quarters in a hermitage, the most important was
the agnisarana or the agnisdldf It was indeed the hearth and home
of the hermits. It was a spacious chamber housing the sacrificial fire.
Room was set apart for the lodging of guests.’ When Rama visited
the asrama of Bharadvaja, the sage duly welcomed him and assigned
for him suitable quarters.® Separate places were set apart for the
worship of gods, the Caityas for offering oblations.®
The patriarch ascetic, who acted as the head of such hermits
colonies was known as the Kulapati}^ The famous KuJapatis of the
times were Valmiki, Agastya, Vasistha, Bharadvaja etc. Under
their spiritual guidance resided a host of disciples, who included the
children of the hermits and men and women who had retired to
these religious resorts after a lifetime of strenuous activity and who

devoted themselves to religious duties. In the congenial atmosphere
of a quiet asrama, they spent their days in worship and pious
studies, sacrifices and holy recitations. Those who were equipped
for it imparted to others the spiritual knowledge. The epic abounds
in the descriptions of the third stage of life in the woodland, vana-
prasthrasra na. The renowned hermitages of the age were those of
*11. 95. 12.

2III. 15. 8.
3III. 1. 1.
WII. 47. 15.

sil. 99. 4.
6III. 1,4; III. 12. 15 and II. 91. I.
’III. 1. 15.
8II. 54. 18.

OIL 56. 33.
loil. 116. 4.
Valmiki/ Bhara-
the sages Agastya,^ Vasistha,= Atri,® Sarabhanga,’’
dvaja,® Gautama,' Sutiksna,® Sabari,® Trnabindu,'® Siddhasrama
of Yisnu^^ and the Kamasrama of Siva.*® The greater number of
hermits lived in the company of their wives. And sage Kasyapa is
said to have eight wives!*” Obviously, they have not renounced
worldly life as yet.
The hermitages are described as encircled with the energy derived
from Brahma lore.** Proper decorum and gravity of behaviour was
to be maintained and frwolous or sportive attitude v/as discouraged.*®
What was inculcated was piety and right conduct. It is said that
the pious atmosphere of the asramas naturally prompted one to
desist from untruth and other sins of the body and mind.*® The
spiritual potency of Agastya rendered his asrama inhospitable to
persons given to falsehood, cruelty, craftiness, wickedness or un-

righteousness ofany kind.** No wonder such centres of piety and
holiness became the centres of learning in ancient India.**
Contrary to Ghuiye’s view that the ascetics were not living in
*ni. 11 .
=1. 51. 23-28.
®ir. 117. 5.
nil. 5. 3.
WII. 49.
«II. 90.
*1. 48.
* 111
. 7 . 22 .
nn. 74.
*«vil. 2. 7.
**1.29.
**1.23. 15,22.
**in. 14.11.
**ni. 11, 21; brahmya lakjmya samavrttam (asramamapdalam).
*5ni. 1. 9-10,
*eni. 17. 14,
*TIL11. 90.
*®nie hermitages of Kaîva, Vasijiba and Visvamitra were great centres of
learning where the students congregated {Mbh..
IX. 42; I. 70). Rajagopalachari
writes: ‘Beside the urban and
rural life, there was a very highly cultural life in
^lusion of forest recesses, centered round ascetic teachers. These asramas
kept alive the bright fires of
learning and spiritual thought. Young men of
le birth eagerly sought
education at these airamas. World-weary age went
These centres of culture were cherished by the rulers of the
1
n and A
not the proudest of them would dare to treat the
members of the
fiermitages otherwise than
with respect and consideration,’ Aftft., preface, p. 9.
groups at an earlier time,^ we find a specific mention of different

types of ascetics organized into a great vanaprastha-gana a commu-
nity or guild of hermits.-
The of the inmates of the hermitage was largely occupied
daily life
by the recitation of the Vedas and performance of various rites and

rigorous vows. They had to observe the rules of an austere life,® by
adoring the deities and manes, performing the rites of hospitality
and offering presents of flowers collected by themselves on the
They performed agnihotra and the different kinds of sacri-
altars.^
prescribed by the scriptures. After finishing their agnihotra
fices as
and svadhyaya, the sages sat surrounded by their disciples® and

carried on discussions on matters concerning religion, philosophy
and mythology.® On the occasion of a parva, some of them remained
absorbed in meditation.’
la hararoay mih thecc abstemhas the dress of the hermits
ihês,
was of the simplest and barest quality, made of niw materials which
could be had in the woods. They used to be clad in the fibres of
Knsa grass (Kttsa-cira),^ black deer-skin {Krstjajina dhardf and bark
garments {valkaldritbara-dharapani)}’^ The valkala served the purpose
of the upper garment (valkalottaravasasy^ the deer-skin being
evidently used as a lower garment. The colour of the garment was
orange {Kasaya-paridhana)}- On the head jatas or matted locks
were worn.^®
The hermits had to practise moderation in food {niyatdhdra)^* re-
maining content with whatever things were obtainable in the forest.^®
They subsisted mainly on tuberous fruits and roots, avoiding meat
'
'Îndian Sadhus, p. 6.
Îlt. 6. 15; munisangah. III. 6. 1.

®II. 28. 15: Caratam niyamenaiva tasmat duljkhtaram vanam.
HI, 28. 14; II. 28. 16.
sil. 54. 11-12.

fill. 54. 34.
’III. 38. 4.
fill. 50. 45.
fill. 99. 26.
ion. 28. 13.
1111.95. 6.
ifill. 12. 98.
1311. 28. 13.
i^Vn. 9. 39.
1511. 28. 17; II. 37. 2,
as a They were required to fast to the best of their capacity.-

rule.^
The on was known as vanyamalmram.^ It is

forest fare they lived
Iruely said that vanavasa was beset with innumerable difficulties.^
Rama paints for Sita’s benefit a vivid picture of the miserable and
taxing life in the wilderness.®
Austerities (Tapas)
We find in the epic not only the Aryans, men and women ascetics
{tapasas) practising austerities, or penance but also the Raksasas
and Yaksas resorting to it for various ends. Even kings and gods
are also depicted as practising austerities.
was common to perform austerities with a view to having a
It
son. The king, Dasaratha is shown as engaged in austerities as he

had no son to perpetuate his line.® Yaksa Suketu practises rigid
austerities to have an issue." Diti, the wife of sage Kasyapa also
practises austerities with, the same view.®

Attainment of a divine boon in order to rise above the mortals
was also a motive for performing tapas or penance. Ravana per-
formed a long course of tapas to propitiate Prajapati who confers
a boon on him that save man, he could not be killed by gods or
demons.® It was by virtue of this boon that he could conquer the
gods, committed ravages upon the three worlds and carried away
the fair sex. He was ultimately killed by Rama, a man. Having
gratified Brahma, Raksasa Viradha by his penance, received a boon
that none in the world would be able to slay him mangling his body
with weapons.^® Marica is described as practising penance, clad in
deer-skin, bearing matted-locks and subsisting on restricted fare.^^
But these Raksasas used the powers gained through austerities for
evil purposes.^-
^11. 20. 29.

®n. 28. 13.
12. 97.
^n. 28. 5; Bhaudo§am hi kaniaram vanamityabhidhiyate.
®n. 28. 4-25.
®1. 8. 1-3. Mahatejah dharmaratovajl,
•I. 25. 5; tepe mahattapalj.
®1. 46. 2; dirghataporjitam.
®1. 16. 4-5.
loill. 3-6.
«in. 35-38.
’VII. 5. 16; Surasuran prabadhanie varadansunirbhayab
The performance of tapas was the sole objective that led the
anchorites to seek the calm solitude of the forest.^ The different
kinds of self-torture practised by these ascetics, tapasas, included
keeping legs upward and head downward,^ standing in water,
remaining in the midst of five fires in summer, drenching oneself in
the wet season, residing in water in winter, eating^ once a month
(masaharah),^ abstaining from food and subsisting on air,® standing
on one leg, with the arms raised up,’ the offering of one’s own
limbs in fire,® and similar kinds of excruciating vows {samita-
vratah). Tapas, is, therefore, often called urgam^ ghoram,^° and
duradharsam}^ The aim was to train the body and mind to bear
the pairs of opposite viz. heat and cold, the desire’ to eat and
drink, the desire to remain seated or standing, the absence of
words {kasthamaum) and the absence of gestures that could reveal
one’s feelings or thoughts (akdramama)}^
During the period of austerities, the ascetics were required to be
studiously intent on piety, study of the Vedas, restrain their fare,
keep their senses under control, tread the path of righteousness,
remain firm in honesty, absorbed in meditation and observe purity
of conduct.^® The aspirants bent on different types of penances were
to regulate themselves by the codes of morality {dhama-vidhi),^‘^
proper for each. The Virasana was a generally adopted posture
during meditation.^® Maunitva or silence in penance was an effective
aid in combating the evils of anger and lust.^® Success in penance
was associated with particular sacred spots. Citrakuta was eminently
suited for penance, since innumerable rsis there were reported to
iJI. 28. 24: Kartavya tapase matih-

2VII. 75. 14.
3VII. 88. 10.
«Vn. 10. 3. 4; I. 63. 24.
SI. 42 13.
61. 63. 24; I. 51. 25-27.

’Vn. 10. 6. 8; I. 63. 24.
8Vn. 10. 10.
®I. 63. 18.
101. 63. 15. 24.
HI: 65. 17; I. 61. 4; lU. 5. 28; III. 7. 13.
lOcf. Eliade, Yoga: Immortality and Freedom, p. 51.
13VII. 9. 39; VII. 10. 3; HI. 10. 5. 6.

HVn. 10. 2.
1610 . 4 .
161. 30. 4; I. 64. 17.
have attained heaven throng austerities.^ Yisnu’s Siddhasraraa was

so named because his asceticism had attained fruition there.®
Penance was considered the live vehicle of the practice of Dharma.
Yaisravana, the son of Pulastya, took to rigid austerities, it is said,
when his mind became inclined tov/ards the practice of Dharma.®

The efficacy of the tapas is so great that even venerable gods like
Visnu are described as resorting to tapas to gain an accession of
soul-force before embarking on momentous undertaking.^ Men also
could achieve great things through tapas. Tt is said that penance
consisted in following Dharma by afflicting one’s person.® Austeri-
ties were also resorted to with some worldly object {kamam) in
view.® There is a reference to the attainment of Brahmaloka^ and
bodily repairment to the heaven by means of fierce austerities.®
Sugriva describes the Kiskindha forest where dwelt seven munis,
having control over their senses, dwelling on the mountains, passing
days and nights in water v/ith their heads down and after seven
nights living upon air. In this manner, it is said, passing seven
hundred years they went bodily to heaven. By virtue of their
asceticism, theasylum was walled by trees and made incapable of
being conquered even by Indra.® B?yaânga who was brought up
in woods was so much engrossed in the study of the Vedas and
austerities that he w'as ignorant of the pleasure that sprang from
contact with women.^®
The great pov/ers which could be acquired through tapas arc
illustrated in the story of King Visvamitra, who desires to have
from Vasistha a cov/ called Sabala, the yielder of all that was
desired. Foiled in his efforts to secure the cow, the spirit of emula-
tion W'as aroused in Visvamitra and he gets prepared for abstinence,
mortification and self-restraint. He retires to the lonely forests and
performs the most severe penances, but meets with formidable
III. 54. 3t.
®I. 29. 4.
3VII. 3. 10-11.
M.29. 3.
5§ariktesasambl\uta& sa dhannam parimargate, II 99. 34.
evil. 9.47.
'farahmalokam jiiamugrepa tapasa: II. 5. 28.
sdivam yata saklevaralj: IV. 13, 19.
siV. 13. 18-20.
vanacaratapalj svadhyaya tatparalj anabhijnah sa narinara-
vljayaoain sukhasya ca; I. lo. 3. 4.
obstacleson his path of progress which put his mettle to the test.
The impediments appear in the form of Trisa'nku, §unah§epa,
Menaka and Rambha. He becomes through severe tapas '
but vanquished again by Vasistha, takes again to much harder

penances to reach perfection. Only tapas was not enough. What
was needed was the mortification of one’s pride, vanity, anger, lust,
jealousy,and desire, the lower side of a man’s nature which alone
was a match for the spiritual fervour of a Brahmin {brahma-teja).
Through most severe tapas he conquers these shackles which
hindered his onward march. He got gradual recognition from being
a Maharaja, first as a Rdjarsi, then as a Maharsi, and lastly as a
Brahmarsi. He was not satisfied until Vasistha claimed him as
equal to himself. But not before till Visvamitra emerges through
long and constant tapas of a thousand years, a perfect personality}
'
The merit of Visvamitra lies in the fact that he is a wonderful
example of one who worked his way to the highest state by dint of
his own personal efforts, in spite of natural predisposition to passion
of every kind. His example also proves that tapas could be utilised
as a means of purification to purge the heart of all sinister propen-
sities. It elevates man from all that is base in him, and turns out a
perfect product. Tapas is thus a spiritual force, a power that leads

him to his highest possible state of perfection.
The tapasvis or tapasas are described as tapodhanam,^ whose
wealth is tapas; mahatejah,^ mahatapdh,'^ highly effulgent by virtue
of tapas; saihsitvratahi,^ having control over their senses; param-
tapdh,^ of great tapas; dharmacar,^ righteous; mahabhagah,^ satya-
vadi,^ truthful. These attributes also indicate the virtuous effect of
tapas on human conduct. The ascetic cult engaged in Brahmya tapas
is described as highly effulgent, with his vital fluild under
control
(firdhva-reta\i) conferring upon Gandarbhi an excellent mind-be-
gotten son (jnanasath sutam)}° When Rama and Lak§raana enter the
II. 53, 55, 57, 58, 59. 60, 64, 65.
21, 29. J2; III. .12. 3.
31.51.27.
«r. 32. 1;I. 51.27.-
'3IV. 13. 18-19.
6III. 12. 24.
’IV. 52. 13-18.

8IV. 48. 12; II. 117. 8.
'
3IV. 48. 12.
101. I. 33. II, 18.
asylum of Ahalya she is described as magnificent, flaming in ascetic

energy.^ The sage Yaman is described as tapomayam taporasim
tapomurtim tapodhanam.^ was thus believed in those times that

It
if a hermit lived a life of purity and tapas, his body would

gradually become spiritualised, so that it would be very different in
appearance from the bodies of ordinary men. The person would
glow with beauty and supernatural light. §arabhanga, purified
through tapas^ is lustrous like the gods.® Agastya looks bright as
flame {dlptatejasam)^ The tapasvi’sbody thus becomes a fit ex-
pression of the exalted spirit within. He is also endowed with the
power of conferring a boon as in the case of sage Chuli. The super-
natural was regarded as quite natural in those days and the efficacy
of tapas goes to prove this. These powers of tapas are referred to
as siddliis in the Yogasutras of Patanjali.
Types of ascetics
When Rama visited Janasthana, he was met with by the follow-
ing types of ascetics who were organised into a great vanaprasthagana
or a community or guild of ascetics. They derive their names from
their peculiar ascetic practices.®
(1) Vaikhamsa — ^TTiis was the earliest name used to designate a

hermit—^from Vaikbanasa, the traditional author of the rule.®
(2) Valakhilyd — Having the size of a thumb, dwarfish.

(3) SampraksaJa—KsQping their utensils washed, not hoarding
food for next meal time.
(4) Marichipd —Drinking flames.
(5) Subsisting on raw food pounded with stones,
(6) Patrdhdrd — Feeding on leaves.
(7) Pcrficfltflpo/jviVfl—Practising the five-fire penance- by sitting
amid four fires, the sun burning down upon the head as the
fifth.
II. 49. 17; ParitaAgi dhumenapi diptamagnisikhamiva duragarfain diptaih

suryaprabhamiva,
21. 29. 12.
sin. 5. 4: devaprabhavasya tapasa.

nil. 12. 22.
sm. 6. 2-3-4-15.
oGaut.O. 2), Baudh. (2. 11.14),.and Manu (VI.
21) refer to the Vaikhamsa-
Sdsira which described the duties of the forest hermits.
Medhatithi adds that
the hermit has to learn other practices and
conduct of living also from that
book: SBE, XXV, p. 202.
(8) Dantolukhalin —Using the teeth as a mortar, grinding grain

to be eaten between the teeth.
(9) —Plunging in water upto the neck.
Unmajjaka
(10) Gatra-sayya—Having the limbs for their bed.
(1 1)Asayya — Using no bed for or rest sleep.
(12) Anavakasika — Having no leisure because of being always

engaged doing good.
in
(13) Salildhard— Subsisting on water.

(14) Vdyu-bhaksd—Vcz6\ng only on the air.
(15) Akdsanilayd—L\\\ng under the clouds, lodging under no

roof.
(16) Sthandila-sdyin —Sleeping on the bare sacrificial ground.

(17) Tapo/n'ti'a/;— Performing tapas, penance.
(18) Urdhvavdsin— Abiding at lofty altitudes.
(19) —
Ddnta Having self-control.
(20) Ardra-pata-vdsas — Constantly wearing wet clothes.
(21) Sajapd —Ever engaged in reciting mantras.
All these ascetics were in the Vdnaprastha stage of life as their
guildname indicates. They were adherents of the Vaikhdnasa-

mdrga} They are described as furnished with the grace that comes
of spiritual energy and were firmly concentrated in Yoga.-
The a life of tapas can bring about great
belief that asceticism or
merit and pave the way to heaven prevailed. There are references
to the attainment of Brahmaloka and bodily ascent to heaven
through fierce tapas.^ As pointed out earlier, the privilege of practis-
ing tapas was confined to the dvijas. A îdra violating it could be
punished even by death. The Rdmdyana relates a -story of the îidra
Saihbuka who was killed by Rama as he performed penance with a
view to going to heaven with his earthly body.^ This suggests that
in spite of his severe penance, a sudra was unfit for heaven. The
epic declares; Tn the three yugas [satya, treta and dvdpara) a sudra
had no right to perform ascetic practices {tapas).'^
It may be argued that the position of the ^dras with their reli-
gious disabilities hardly does credit to Rama who has been depicted
JII. 52. 71, also III. 5. IS: Muni Sarablianga is described as Brahmap-
bhuyijtho Vanaprasthagano mahan.
ÎII. 6. 6: Sarve brahmya sriya yukia drdhayogasaraahiiab:
3III. 5. 28; IV. 13. 19.
^vn. 76. 2.
6VII. 75. 25.
Asceticism in tbe Epics 263
as the Perfect Man and God by Valmiki. In his Rama-Rajya, the

idealkingdom, even tbe lowliest should have been provided ample
opportunities for normal and even higher aspirations.
Female Ascetics {Tapasis)

According to the Rarmyana, the sphere of austerities was quite
open to female aspirants. Some w'omen took to ascetic life as a
temporary measure with some definite object in view', on the realiza-
tion of which they returned to their family fold. Did, the wife of
Ka^’apa, performed penance for the sake af a heroic son.^ Anasuya,
the ^vife of Atri, is said to have practised austerides for several
years. She was a pious famous among the people for her
tapasi
work in relieving popular distress, famine, draughts, etc.* Wives
sometimes joined their husbands in austerities. Visvamitra resorted
to penance in company with his queen.* The wives of Sagara prac-
dsed penance along with their husbands and returned to their for-
mer mode of life after securing boons for progeny.* U na, adopting
a stem vow, carried on austerities to win Rudra as her husband.®
There were, hov/ever, other women who permanently embraced
the ascetic life of yanavasa, shunning all worldly attachments and
never returning to household life. To this category belonged ascetics
and Svayaihprabha.® They were known as
like Vedavati,® Sabari,*
Tapasis^ or Sramanis}° They wore deerskins, matted locks and bark
garments,^* kept their senses restrained,^ practised righteousness,
engaged in the welfare of all’* and were endowed with spiritual
lustre.^* Sabari was ever engaged in pious observ'ances.^® By virtue
of her devout meditation, it is said that she attained to holy regions
n. 46, 2-3.
2n. 117. II.
31. 57. 2.
*1. 38. 5 also I. 38. 5-15.
SI. 35. 19.
cvn. 17. Z
m.74.7.
3IV. 50. 38.
W. 15. 31.
’Oil. 38. 4.
’’Vn. 17. 2 also IV, 50. 38: Krjoadra jatadharam (Vedavatiih),

15. 31: Niyatamiva tapasim.
’3IV. 51. 9-10: Tapasi dhannacariiji sarvabhutahiteratah.
’*IV. 50-39; Tapasi niyatahara jvalantimiva tejasa.
rsin, 73. 27: Tvam (Sabri) tu dharmesthila niiyam.
after she surrendered herself into fire.^ Vedavati performed severe

austerities so that her father’s desire of getting her married with
Visnu might be realised.®
Women ascetics were required to perform the rites of hospitality
upon guests who visited them. Vedavati performed the rites of
hospitality for Ravana who met her in her hermitage in the
Himalayas.®
The epic also narrates the story of Ahalya, her act of adultery
with Indra, as the result of which as punishment, she was forced to
lead a life of severe penance. Gautama, cursed his wife for being a
willing partner saying: ‘You will lie here in the forest on a bed of
ashes, unseen by anybody, living on air without food and should
perform severe austerities. When Rama, the son of Daâratha will
visit the forest you will be purified and by paying him homage as a
guest you will regain your body.’'* The story throws ample light on
the practices of severe austeries and prayaschit (penance) to purify
oneself for a moral lapse through a process of severe tapas by
women.
Female ascetics, however, stood danger of molestations at the
in
hands of ruflBans, as the episode of Vedavati’s ravishment by Ravana
clearly proves.® To worldly-minded men like Ravana, the sight of
lovely maidens like Vedavati, wasting their glorious youth in lead-

ing the ascetic mode of life, was nothing short of foolhardiness.
They considered the hermit life to be suitable for the aged and senile
people.®
Pativrata Ideal
One factor 'Which definitely discouraged women taking to the
ascetic life was the Pativrata ideal. SIta was herself a worthy model
in this respect. The epic depicts her as the highest type of a
Pativrata, the ideal woman and prefers the hardships of
wife, who
vauavdsa to a life in the palace.® Valmiki regards attachment to the
111. 74. 32. 35.

®Vn. 17 ff.
®VII. 17. 8.
41. 84.
Wn. 17.
6VII. 17. 4-5. .
...
Kalioas
’II. 27.9. When Sita is deserted by Rama she says according to
urdhvaih prasutcs
(Raghuvamsa, XIV. 66); Saham tapafi suryaniviftadrstir
husband as the only ornament of the wife.^ His susrusa or attending

to the personal comforts of the husband was to be her highest reli-
gion.2 It is this susrusa which is the best means of attaining salva-
tion and not fasts, penances or worship of the deities.® According
to Rama, the wife who served not her husband, though engaged in
religious rites and fasts, would fare badly in the next world, while
a woman might obtain salvation (svarga) by serving her husband,'*
This idea is even carried in those days to great extremes, Anasuya
maintained that women loving their husbands whether a saint or a
sinner, poor or rich, wicked or licentious might obtain great merit,®
The epic says that the wife, by thought, word and deed, should have
only her husband’s welfare at heart.® The wife who is dear and
obedient and has conferred a son on her husband is a virtual fulfil-
ment of the three objects of \\f&—dharma, arlha and kama? On the

wife, indeed, along with the trinity depend also dutiful service, pro-
pagation of the family and good of the forefathers. The portrait of
a model wife with her physical and moral perfections is presented
before us by Valmiki in the character of Sita,
All these evidences go to prove that when the husband was consi-
dered the Deity for the wife and his service the best means to attain
was no need for her to resort to ascetic life. In-
salvation, there
Gfhasthdsrama and not Samnyah. And
directly the epic exalts the
Ramayana itself is an eloquent monument to the greatness of
Grhaslhasrama.
Bhuyo yatha me janananiarepi tvameva Bharata na ca vipra-

cariturii yatijye
yogalj.She symoblises the highest and purest love which grows beyond the
need of any love In return. Even today a good wife like Sita prays for the
same husband for seven lives. This shows how a hallowed tradition continues
to be part of an Indian woman’s life. Sita is India idealised.
II. 77, 27.
*11 24, 28.
311. 24. 25.
«II. 24. 24.
5H 117.8-12.
«VI1. 97. 15.
’11.21. 57.
»In immensity, poetry and moral, Indian epic poetry, the
Ramuyaria and the
Mahubharata, is unrivalled and not even Greek epics can
compare with it,
M. William writes; ‘In depicting scenes of domestic affection
and expressing
those universal feelings and emotions which belong
to human nature in all
time and in all places, Sanskrit epic poetry is unrivalled
even by Greek Epics ’
Raghavan, Sanskrit Literature, p, 20.
Vanaprasthdsrama ,
•
Many of the ascetics leading the life in the woods (yamvasa)

were accompanied by their wives. We property calJ them hermits
in the third stage (vdnaprastita) engaged as they were in Working
out the truth of spirit in the seclusion of the forest retreats. The
hermitages are described as reverberating with the sonorous recitals
of Vedic hymns.^ The dsramites spent their lives in svddhyaya,
study and discussion of religion, philosophy and mythology.*
Agnihotra and the diiferent kinds of sacrifices as prescribed by the
scriptures, accompanied with prayers or invocations and medita-
tion formed the daily ritual.® The hermits, many of whom are called
munis and have gathered the disciples around them and receiv-
risis,
ing the inquirer and seeker they are imparting them Vedic lore.^
The epic is full of the sketches of such sages which dwell on the
greatness of penance and the sublimity of a spiritual life.
In such environs of Valmiki’s hermitage we find that the pregnant
Sita banished by Rama is welcomed and tenderly nursed by many
female ascetics, evidently the wives of the resident sages, who
resided there. Ascetics were attended upon by tapasis. Tabari was
a paricdrini or attendant woman of the sages of Matangavan.® The
sage Culi was served in all humility by the Gandharvi Somada.®
Sometimes we find female ascetics being waited upon by male
attendants, as we find Indra serving Diti at all times by providing
for her, kusa, faggots, water, fruits, roots and other things she
wanted, and also by rubbing her person and removing her fatigue.’
There are instances of ascetics who courted wives. In most’ cases
maidens were either bestowed upon them or maidens themselves
sought to become their wives. Satyavati, the elder sister of the
Ksatriya king Visvamitra, was given in marriage to ^Licika.® King
Trinabindu’s daughter was herself ready {svayamudyatd) to become
the wife of sage Pulastya.® Sage Visrava was wooed and won by
nil. 1. 6: brahmago§aninaditam.
2VII. 2. 8; II. 54. 11. 12; II. 54. 34.
3III. 1. 6; III. 38. 4.
4VII.49. 11.
6III. 73: 26: tejam (muninam) dr§yate paricarinisramaiji sabari nama.
61. 33. 12-13.
’I. 46. 9-11.

'’1.34. 7.
9VII. 2. 25.
the fugitive Raksasa chief Sumali’s daughter Kaikasi,^ -The hermit

in the Pancapsaratirtha, the sage Mapdakarrii, married the five
Apsaras sent to lure him- and lived with them in revelries in a
house built in the midst of the asrama tank.” The Vaisya ascetic,
Andhamuni had begotten a son on a sudra woman.'*
We come across good many references of ascetic aberrations.
These, together with the above account show that the hermits have
not gone beyond their third stage of life stage of
into the last
Samnyasa. They have still not risen above their routine obligations,
exclusive loves, and become free to throw every remaining tie and
to wander over the world in an extreme spiritual detachment.
Ascetic Aberrations
Two or more ascetics keeping connection with one female were
condemned as bringing disgrace upon the ascetic order.® Adulterous
ascetics could be severely punished by the ruling king. In the
course of his dispute with Vali, Rama refers to the punishment of
an unrighteous Sramana by his ancestor Mandhata.® Sexual aber-
ration was indeed the most formidable obstacle in the path of
ascetic’s progresstowards spirituality. We come across instances of
sages, who befooled by witcheries of love,’ became oblivions of
their exalted station in life and went astray throwing to the winds
the merit of their asceticism.
The story of P^yakinga shows how he was so much engrossed
in svadhyaya and tapas that he was ignorant {anabhigna) of the
sensual pleasures arising from contact with women and how courte-
•
sans exerted feminine charms, seduced and enchained him
all their
so that a spell was cast over his mind and he accompanied them to
Anga.® Indra, who always stood in great trepidation of the power
-of asceticism, struck precisely at this infirmity of the sages—their
charms— by sending out beautiful nymphs
•weakness for feminine
to dislodge them from their pedestal of ascetic merit. Visvamitra’s
allurement by Menaka is a classic instance of how tapasvis of
mi. 9.
=m. II. 18.
nil. 11. 15-19.
ni. 63. 50; 11.64. 32. -
sin. 2. 11-12.
nv. 18-33.
’1. 64. I: lobhanam kamamohasamanvitam
n. 10.
seasoned penance when snared and blinded by the wiles of fair

enchantresses, are swept away by a few moments of madness and
passion, dissipating their spiritual achievement in pleasures of the
flesh. It is only after the grievous error has long been committed
that their eyes open out in heart rending anguish and repentance
and they have to start afresh their ascetic career.^ Perhaps it is
never given to a mortal to be ever free from the desire of a woman!
The above account of the ascetic aberrations goes to prove that
Kama is the vital elan of the
potent sex urge, very hard to suppress,
much harder to eradicate. The ascetic morality of life-long absti-
—
nence even for seasoned sages far less for the average man is a —
virtue farfrom being a practical proposition. It can be rightly said
that there was no ascetic without the latent erotic spark hidden
within him!"
The
epic nowhere suggests that sex urge is unnatural and hence
to be condemned. The manner in which the story of Rsyasringa
referred to above points out that imposed celibacy was looked upon
as abnormal and undesirable. The prudery or monkish austerity
of sage Vibhapdaka had excluded women altogether from his
asrama unlike the majority of other asramas mentioned in the epic.
His son Rsyasringa’s celibacy was jealously guarded under the
vigil of his austere father. This came to be regarded by the people
as the cause of draught and unfertility in the realm of Romapada

where the sage’s asrama was situated. The state thought it fit to cor-
rupt Rsyasringa and the wily raids of accomplished light skirts from
the Anga court led to the easy fall of Rsyasringa. This led to the
marriage of the celibate youth to the Anga princess.® In other
words the fertilization of the sexual impulse latent in the hermit
youth which was unnaturally curbed led to the fertility of the
kingdom itself. The examples of many ascetics courting maidens
referred to earlier also suggest preference for conjugal life to that
of asceticism.
Not only the enjoyment of sex was considered natural but even
its disturbance was felt as especially inhuman. Parvatl,
united with
her husband, cursed the gods for their intrusion upon her privacy.*
pratibad-
icf. IV. 33. 57: maharjayo dharmatapobhiramah; kamanukamalj
dhamohalj.
21. 63.'3-I4; 1.64.
31. 10 f.
41 . 66 . 21 .
Yalmiki pronounced a vehement curse on the fowler who shot at
the pair of Krauncha birds, who were just in the joys of pairing.^
of the fowler which separated the two birds lost in the

It is this.act
ecstasy of sex .union which enrages the sage and the idea to portray
the sufferings of STta separated from Rama is born. The epic looks
upon sex as a natural instinct, sex life as decent and conjugal union
sacred.
Ascetic Merit
The were not free from human faults. Besides sexual
ascetics
slips, cursing was a common weakness amongst the sages who often
lost their temper. Agastya, Vasistha, Gautama, Durvasa, Visva-
mitra, Kandu and others were all given to cursing people for
breaches of good conduct. Especially the irascibility of Durvasa is
proverbial. Agastya’s curse turns Yaksi Taraka into a terrible

form.^ Visvamitra cursing Rambha turns her into a stone.^ The
hundred sons of Vasistha, engaged in austerities curse Trisahku to
turn into a candala.* Vi§vamitra reduces Vasi§lha’s sons to ashes
by his curse.® If the-^sages could confer boons for good, they could
also curse to make one’s life miserable or bring it to extinction.
The eflScacy of the curse depended on the asceticism and meri-
toriousness of the curser. But it has been emphasised time and
again in the epic that cursing or bursting into rage tended to
detract from one’s accession of spiritual strength and gave a definite
setback to one’s efforts at self-discipline. Visvamitra realised the
deterioration in his ascetic merit when he had cursed Rarhbha.®
Vedavati hesitated in pronouncing a curse on Ravana lest it should
result in a loss of her tapasP Sita refrained
from reducing Ravana
to ashes but for her husband’s mandate and her ascetic observ-
ances.® The daughters of Kusanabha, who were tapasis, felt them-
selves capable to dislodge Yayu from his place but refrained due to
fear of losing their ascetic merit.® It was this very fear of loss of
U. 2. 15.
®I. 25. 12-13.
®I. 64. 15.
«I. 58, 9-10.
®I. 59. 18; the above examples also indicate the power born of tapas '
«I. 64. 16.
^n. 17.31.
8V. 22. 20.
®I. 32. 20.
their ascetic merit that explained the reluctance of the sages to

exterminate the Raksasas who constantly molested them and dis-
turbed their sacrifices. ‘It is true that by the power of these austeri-
ties we could at will slay these goblins, but we are unwilling to
nullify the merit which has been earned by long exertion,’ declared
the ascetics of Dandakaranya to Rama.^ The utterance of a curse
was an act which neutralized the sanctity of him who pronounced
it. For the hermit, his tapas was his sole and paramount wealth
(Japodham),^ the one object of his legitimate pride {lapaslagya)?

Hence it was necessary for him to guard it with the utmost care
and vigilance on his part. Valmiki stresses the necessity of desist-
ing from all iniquitous acts for the protection of the religious merit
reaped by undergoing extreme mortification in penance.^
The Ideal Ascetic

The Rdtndyana frequently dwells upon the ideal qualities to be
cultivated by the ascetics. They should be self-controlled (daitta)
and self-disciplined {niyata, bhavitatman),^ leading a life of sexual
abstinence (vijitendriyalji).^ They should be truthful, of excellent
character (silavan), of a pure spirit {siichi), not addicted to the
pleasures of life and ever studious of religion.’ They were to be
nyastadandas their vow being not to hurt anybody, by thought,
word or deed, master of the temper (jita-krodlia) and. jitendriya,
having subjugated their senses.® Above all they should be the em-
bodiments of supreme altruism, ever engaged in the welfare of all
creatures.® A typical instance of the extent to which the self-denial
of ancient sages reached is furnished by the class of ascetics who,
abstaining from every other kind of food subsisted solely on the
froth of milk iphenapah),^^ falling off from the udders of the cow
after the calf had drunk it. It is said that this froth-drinking in
preference to drinking the milk itself was inspired by a motive of
iin. to. 13-14.

2VII. 2. 20.
31. 4. 8.
«V. 51. 25.

125. 31. 32.
6VII. 9. 39.
’vn. 3. 2.
sm. 1.21.
3ni. 1.15: Sarvabhutahiteratah.
wvn. 23. 23.
charity viz. not to deprive the calf of its legitimate fare. When
Rama Laksmana to present Lava and Knsa with gold
ordered
coins and numerous other valuable presents for their excellent
music performance, forthwith came their significant reply: *We are
dwellers of the forest and we live upon furits and roots. Living
there v/hat shall we do with gold and with coins?’^ This was
characteristic hall-mark of the hermit culture of those days.
Power of Asceticism
Patanjali in his Yogasutras brought together and classified a
series of ascetic practices and contemplative formulas that India
had known from time immemorial.- The practices broadly called
‘Yogic’ were known in the esoteric circles of ascetics and mystics
long before Patanjali. Discussing the psychic powers arising from
the practice of Yoga-meditation he also mentions austerities (japas)
and incantations (mantras) as akin sources from which certain yogic
powers or siddhis spring.® In the list of such siddhis are included:
Knowledge of past and future, knowing what others are thinking,
the attainment of various kinds of strength, control of hunger and
thirst, control of the senses, perfection of the body and to have the
fulfilment of any wish at will.^ The epic affords many examples of

the rsis, munis and hermits who have through long and rigid pract
tice of austerities or tapas have acquired many of these siddhis.
We have already made reference to how Ravana had by long and
painful austerities obtained from Brahma the boon that neither god
nor demon should be able to deprive him of his life. Protected
thus he became a terror to the world. In his pride, he had omitted
to ask for protection against man.^ The demon Viradha had by
his austerities obtained the privilege of
being proof against every
kind of weapon. However, he met his fate at the hands of Rama,
who overcame him, not with weapons, but with his fists and flung
him into a deep pit.® Not only these were conferred boons by
gods to be powerful in strength but muni like Culi performing
Brahmya (apas conferred upon Gandarbhi, an excellent son, named
’vn. 94. 20.
®Eliade, op. cit., p. 7.
3K?., rv. 1. janmaujadhiyantra tapah samadhijah siddhayah
<ibid, ni, 16-48.
SI. 16. 4. 5.
6ni.3.6. - . , . ,
.
Brahmadatta.^ We find Visvamitra, conferring upon Rama diiferent

weapons endowed with exceeding prowess.^ Sages like Agastya,
Bhardvaja, Bhargava, Vaisistha and Visvamitra were reputed for
their marvellous capacity to bless or curse, make or mar the fortunes
of men. Apart from this we refer to that mighty and miraculous
power of asceticism which we distinctly call Yogic powers or siddfih.
We come across many examples in the epic, of ascetics who
proved in their own experiences the virtue and power of asceticism.
The rigorous self-discipline and self-abstinence which went in its
practice endowed them with almost superhuman powers. Although
poorly, emaciated, with their bodies covered with dust,* they could
be recognised from a distance by a certain majesty that character-
ized them.^ They are depicted as full of grace that is born of spiri-
tual energy and endowed with spiritual intuition,* resembling the
fire or the sun and as radiating lustre all around.® Even mundane
power of a Ksatriya was deemed to be no match for the spiritual

powers born of ascetic practices.'^
Many were the siddhis achieved by them. They could know the
intent of others® and were credited with intuitive vision, the out-
come of their tapas,^ by which they could divine unseen things in
their supra-normal consciousness. The sage Gautama detects the
crime of adultery committed by Indra with his wife Ahalya, and
cursed him so that he became impotent.^® Through Yogic powers
it was considered possible to be gifted with divine vision (jndna dfsti,
jmna caksu). Valmiki is said to have witnessed all the incidents in
the of Rama, past, present and future before he composed the

life
epic. He perceived the characters as each acted his or her part aided
by his dharina-xirya} On seeing the unfortunate SIta in a deserted
condition, weeping near his asrama, the revered sage divined the
n. 33. 18.
21, 27f.
m
2VI. 125-30: dinani, krsaih, maladigdhartgam karsitam.
12-23.
sill. 6. 6: brahmaya sriyayuktah: III. 1. 10: divyajfianopapannah.
_
1.7. surya
®VI. 35* 18; pradipta eva pavakah; VL 35, 17 : agnikalpalj; III-
vaisvanarabhailj; HI- 1. 16; VII. 51. 4.

’I. 56. 23.
SVII. 9. 19.
®VII. 49. 6: tapasa Iabdhacak§usman.
101. 84. .
,
HI. 3. 4. 6. 7: tatsarvaih dharmaviryeria yathavat samprajasyati.

events leading to her banishment by his spiritual concentration.^ In

the assembly of Rama, he refers to his age-long tapas and his dis-
cipline as unfailing factors which enabled him to measure

of life
the stainless character of Sita.- Sage Bhardvaja’s asceticism enabled

him to divine all the events during Rama’s exile in the forest.®
^tishi Nishakara sees the coming of Rama, who is separated from
Sita and divines the future events.^ Sampati could divine by his
jnana caksu that the Vanaras would succeed in getting scent of
Srta.® Budha, on meeting King Ila, transformed into a female, was
able to divine his precedents by his Yogic knowledge.® Nalakubera,

by such powers was able to divine the ravishment of Rambha by
Ravana.’ Yi§vamitra makes Trisahku bodily ascend heaven and
when compelled by Indra to fall, makes him stay in the sky.®
Bhardvaja entertains Bharat and his forces lavishly at his asrama.
It was wonderful hospitality when the Maharsi calls the Gandhar-
vas and serves his guests, the best of foods, drinks and entertain-
ments.® Even a holy man is depicted as the magnificent magician
and host treating the guests in the most royal and romantic manner!
The r§is, munis and hermits have acquired through tapas many
siddhis. Endowed with the halo of these powers, they are described
variously as highly effulgent, flaming in ascetic energy, mahdtejdh,
tapodhanah, mahatapah, tapomurti etc. Tapas not only enhanced
and mental powers but they also became as powerful
their physical
as gods. The gods are pleased with ugram tapas and confer boons
on these tapasvis.
. The survey of the culture of hermitages as obtained in the
Ramayaija should not lead us to the impression that there was a
sort of water-tight barrier between the city and hermitage. On the
other hand sufficient intercourse existed between the two to enable
the hermitages to exert their edifying influence over urban culture.
‘Asceticism is indeed the foremost of things conducive to one’s
WII. 49. 8-14.

=VII. 96. 19-20,
2VI. 125. 9-16: sarvammamaitadvidiiam tapasa. VI. 127-7
MV. 62.
5IV. 58, 25-27.
«Vn. 38. 20.
mi. 26. 50 f.
»I. 13. 14. 20.
911. 91 f.
welfare and all other worldly joys are mere illusions,’^ declares the
epic.This truth was realised in the evening of their lives by the

celebrated kings of the age who, laying the reins of government in
the hands of their heirs, courted ascetic life in the wilderness."
Even during their reigning career, kings visited asramas and stayed
there for some time in company of the pious munis.® King Yayati
is represented as associating himself with the holy sages of the
forest after his downfall from heaven.^ Valmiki was a great friend
of King DaSaratha.® Hermits used to be sumptuously fed at
Dasratha’s sacrifice.® Not only this but even invitations used to be
extended to the principal hermit-settlements for participation in
Rama’s life as a ruling monarch, as depicted
sacrificial festivals.^ in
the Uttarkanda, was spent in active association with sages who
'
frequently sought his hospitality at Ayodhya.

We
can have some glimpses of the spirit of cooperation which
permeated the relations between the kings and hermits. The kings
enquired about the well-being of the sages’ penance, fire-worship ‘
and disciples.® For, being the protectors of the realm, the kings
were responsible for the safe conduct of the rituals of the ascetics
and such enquiries furnish a positive proof of their solicitude for
the weal of the hermit order and of their tacit readiness to take up
arms in defence of their interests. Rama’s life, not merely during
his exile but also before and after it, is replete with instances of
•
such help readily rendered. In return for this, the forest-dwellers

habitually made enquiries about the army, the treasury, and the
welfare of the king’s subjects,® thereby showing that they were not
wanting in interest about the material prosperity of the realm.
Being the custodians of the spiritual heritage of the land, they were
anxious to find out whether the kings 'Wtsre engaged in the proper
maintenance of dharmaby a righteous administration of the country.*®
Wn. S4. 9: tapo hi paramaih ^reyalj saihmohamitaratsukham.

(apa
®cf. VII. 84.10: sa nikîjya sutam jyestham paureju raadhuresvaram
ugraih samatijthatarii, I. 42-3.
SVU. 51. 3-5.
*11. 77. 10.
WII. 47. 16-17.

61. 14. 12.
WII. 91. 2-3.

81. 52. 4.
SI. 52. 9.
101. 52. 7.
275
Their contribution to the welfare of the community was

more silent
their hermitages
yet no less valuable than that of the kings. Some of
were semi-religious educational institutions where the training of
the young was fittingly taken up by these sages who living a sub-
lime life of tapas themselves gave their best freely with open hearts.
Although considered renouncers of the world, they poured forth
disinterested love in the service of the forlornand the afflicted, as
nobly illustrated by what and her children.
Yalmiki did for Sita
Some of these rsis travelled from place to place, visiting kings and
holding religious conferences at their court. They were honoured
and respected by all.
The Four Asramas

During the period of the Ramayam, the four stages of life
asramas were recognised.^ The Upanayan ceremony introduced the
young boy into the Brahmacaryasrama which coincided with the
student stage of the individual. This stage was followed by Grhasth-
asratna. We have a portrayal of this stage of life with its love and
longing blended with sex as it actually prevailed in the age,^ which
is quite in harmony with the role romance and love plays in human
life. In the Vanaprastha stage, the retired householder lived an
abstemious and self-denying woods, engaged in the
life in the
welfare of all creatures, receiving alms, performing sacrifices and
devoted to the study of the Vedas. He lived under a tree, with
restrained senses, subsisting on easily available roots and fruits.^
We have also met the tapasvis, the ascetics and sages of the hermi-
tages many of whom are in the vanaprastha stage of life.
As for the final asrama, it must be noted that neither the word
sarimyasa occurs in the Ramayam nor Sathnydsasrama described
we come across the words bhikû and parivrajaka.
therein though
When Ravana came to abduct Sita in Pancavatl, he had disguised
himself in the dress of a parivrajaka.* He is described as carrying
an umbrella, a waterpot, and a yasti (stick) and wearing an orange
Ml. 106. 22: caiurnamasramapani,

^Vyas, Love and Longing in the RSmayana, JOI , II. No. 2, pp. 105-117.
3V. 13-38.
'*Dharma interprets the word parivrajaka to mean Sathnyasa in III.
46.3;
Social life in theRSmayana, JMS., XXVIII, 1937-38, pp. 80-81. Sircar takes him
to be an itinerant monk-teacher. Educational Ideas and Institutions
in Ancient
India, p. 150.
coloured {kaByd) cloth. He also had a tuft of hair {sikhi)} Should

parivrajaka, if he was a sarimyasw, have such paraphernalia? We
also find that Hanuman, when sent by Sugriva to meet Rama and
Laksmana for the first time, renounces his monkey form and goes
to meet them in the guise of a mendicant (bhiksuy ft is thus not
certain whether a parivrdjaka or a bhiksu was the same as a
samnyasin, or whether this final stage of life came after the vana-
prastha or could be resorted to even earlier.
However, we have to remember that in the full-fledged scheme of
asramas, the samnyasi ‘goes forth’ (pravrdjya) leaving all family, —
possessions, property, all earthly ties, everyAban-mundane desire.
doning truth and falsehood, pleasure and pain, the Vedas and the
next, he seeks only the Atman.® The initiary ritual prescribed for
him implied a total rejection of the Vedas.^ Even the Mahdbhdrata
lays down that the samnydsi should leave off the Vedic study and
the sacred thread which mhrks his birth.® The Ramdyana depicts
the ysis, munis and hermits whose lives are completely saturated
with Vedic rituals. The samnydsi, ‘casting off ’ everything, leads an
unsocial, resourceless and wandering life and is concerned solely
with his spiritual welfare. The fsis and munis, as pointed out earlier,
though acknowledged renouncers of the world and custodians of
the spiritual heritage of the land, were equally anxious about the
maintenance of Dharma by the kings during their rule and the
material prosperity of the realm. Their attitude was one of service
to the society at large and the kings. The samnydsi, on the other
hand, lived solely for himself, shunning the society, seeking his own
salvation. Hence it becomes with certainty whether
difficult to state
Samnydsa as understood in the terms of the full-fledged asrama

scheme was known.
or
It appears from the epic that though it does not describe
scheme of
mention Samnydsa as the final stage of life, the four-fold
Neglecting the duties
dsramas was adhered to in all normal cases.
the
of a particular dsrama fit for oneself and arbitrarily resorting to
disapproval of sensible
life reserved for another dsrama, evoked the
iin. 46. 3.
2IV. 3. 2. 23,
ÂP. DS., II. 9. 21. 13.
Also Saihnyds Vpanhads
cf.
*Vaik DS., IV. 6-8; cf. Kane, op. cit ., 954-961.
Deussen, POU., p. 376.

^Mbh., XII. 244 flf, 245 £F,
Epics 277
Asceticism in tlie
and wise men. Rama’s departure for the life of vanavdsa evoked
vdnaprastha
criticism from many a person on the ground that the
life was not suited to one of his age and position.
The suggestion is
clear that he should prepare for it living a full life of a

grhastha.
At Citrakuta, Bharat put the very question to Rama, who had

embraced the hermit’s life in his very youth, as to how did he, well
conversant as he was with Dharma, take recourse to the vanaprastha
life, abandoning the grhastha stage.^
On this point the epic does not leave us in any doubt. The
grhasthasrama is acclaimed as the best of the four asramas,- and
the Ramayapa an epic par excellence of this stage of Aryan
itself is
life. Its motive is said to be inculcation of the virtues of the house-
holder’s life as the primary means of encompassing one’s spiritual

welfare. The special eulogy bestowed upon this dsrama by the
Ramayapa, and indeed by all Dharmasdstras, is due to the fact that
the gjhastha lent support to the other asramas and made direct
contributions to the weal of the individual as also the society. It is
the most fitting vehicle for the satisfaction of all the obligations of
life, individual as well as social.
Let us evaluate the position of asceticism in the Epics.
The Mahdbhdrata affords many examples of men and women
engaged in austerities (tapas) which is not the sole privilege of asce-
tics. Even the kings and asuras practise austerities for variety of
reasons but broadly either to gain power or some material end.
Women are seen practising austerities for getting a husband. Some
of them have taken to the life of Naisthika Brahmacarya. find We
who have become immune to
detailed descriptions of the tapasvis
their environment and physical needs. Many of them are either in
the grhastha or the vanaprastha stage. The samnydsa mode of life
is recognised and also described. Tapas as a moral force is also
directed towards attainment of moksa. The rights and privileges of
the ascetic life are confined to the twice-bom (dvijas).
The epic eulogises tapas,
its efRcacy and its power. There is
nothing superior to might enables a person to achieve great

it. Its
results. The ascetic through tapas acquires
supernatural power
which can be properly called Yogic. But such powers are accessible
to women also if they are chaste. The institution of marriage is
well established. Marriage is regarded as a social
and religious duty
III. 106.23.
"
-^n. 106.22.
hence a necessity for every woman. The Pativrata ideal is upheld.

It is emphasised again and again that chastity is the only penance
a woman should perform and grhasthasrama is the fittest stage to

reach heaven. All these factors discouraged women from taking to
ascetic life.
The epic discusses two

parallell strands of thought: One favour-
ing the path of renuncia^tion {imritti imrga) and the other of active
participation as embodied in grhasthasrama {pravrtti marga) and
shows the preference for the latter. The whole epic emerges as the
assertion of the heroic activism of the warrior against the world
denial of the ascetic. If asceticism claimed that withdrawal from
the world was the only way to salvation, the warrior class made
the counter-claim that death on the battlefield also led to heaven.
The epic further seeks to resolve the conflict between the two paths
of Nivrtti and Pravrtti by emphasising the fair aims of life and
striking a proper balance between them. The first three, artha,
kama and dharma should be so guided that they lead to the ulti-
mate end of human life, moksa. It is this integrated view that the
epic unfolds. But the process necessarily involves the gradual ethi-
cal evolution of man’s personality till he attains moksa, through

grhasthasrama.
In this ethical evolution of man, the Gita forms the integral
part of the epic, with its activist teachings. It disfavours the ascetic
lifeand recommends a life of moderation which avoids extremes
of self-indulgence and self-restraint. It also makes the ideal of
world-negation as a part of active life, grhasthasrama. Emphasising

the pravrtti marga, it speaks of Yoga as the means by which one
can attain purity of heart which is most essential for proper human
relations to be effected and maintained. This state of mind is to be
attained through steady practice (abhyasa) and the implementation
of dispassion {vairagya') or disinterestedness [anasakti). The Gita
goes into details of day-to-day and makes Yoga as an attitude,
life
brings a living contact with God. At the

same
which if cultivated,
life. It is life
time, Yoga does not imply a remote, silent or uplifted
as it is, a struggle, a battlefield.
specia
Indian religions and social thought the Gita makes a
To
contribution by way of three concepts. These are the f
doctrine o if-
Sthitaprajha or the person of equable mind, the
an
kamakarma or action without personal desire or attachment,
world towar s
the principle of Lokasamgraha or welfare of the
which all actions should he directed. These three concepts are blend-
ed together in the ideal of the Kawia Yoga of selfless action in —
this world for the benefit of this world. Not Samnyasa but
active,
self-less participation in the activities of the world becomes a gospel
of supreme importance in the Gila.

The Ramayaria, while narrating the movingly tender love-story
of Rama andSita in all its vicissitudes, also depicts the ascetic
culture of the hermitages wherein the munis, I'sis and hermits re-
side, engaged in the study of Vedic lore and performing the Vedic
rituals. We also have a picture of their life of tapas in its aspects of
abstinence, mortification, meditation and self-discipline aimed at
self-purification and emancipation of the soul. Most of them have

achieved miraculous and wonderful powers or siddhis as the result
of their tapas. They could bless or curse, make or mar man’s for-
tune or make his life miserable. Not only the Aryans men and —
women but Raksasas and Yaksas practise auterities for various
ends: power, progeny, happiness, wisdom and purification, material
or spiritual welfare. We come across many types of ascetics who
derive their names from their peculiar ascetic practices. They are
required to tread the path of righteousness and observe purity of
conduct. The ascetics or tapasvis most of whom are cesignated as
rîs, munis and sages, though leading a life of vanaxiisa, are accom-
pained by their wives. They are thus in the vanaprastita stage. They
are not free from aberrations, physical and moral. But at the same
time they realise that these are obstacles in their path of self-disci-
pline and spiritual progress.
Though female ascetics existed, they were in a minority. One
factor which militated against women taking to ascetic life was the
Pafivr a/dideal of which Sita was the fittest model. The epic declares
that the wife should consider her husband as a deity and his msrusS
was her highest religion. Religious rites and fasts etc. were second-
ary. Thus when she could attain salvation serving the husband as a
Patirrata, there was absolutely no need for her to take to ascetic
life.
The epic recognises the four asramas and expects every one to
livethrough the stages in their strict order. Any breach thereof was
met with disapproval. With regard to Samnyasa, the epic is silent
for it neither mentions it it as a mode of life-stage. All
or depicts
the while we meet the munis and hermits who 3xq vanaprasthas.
fsis,
They are still living the Vedic mode of life, and thought. Though
leading a secluded life, they still continue to take interest in the

maintenance of Dharma by the kings and welfare of the people,
unlike the Samiyasi who lives an unsocial resourceless and wander-
ing life, seeking his own salvation. Some of the hermits definitely
show a preference for the conjugal life over the ascetic. The epic
looks upon sex as a natural instinct; sex-life as clean and sacred.
Naturally there is an exaltation of Grhasthasrama as the highest
ideal wherein the righteous grhasiha can fulfil all individual and
social obligations.
In fine, it is the Grhasthasrama which is upheld in the epic as the
pivot round which all the aims of life revolve. It is also an essen-
tial stage to attain samatva which enables a man to walk evenly
among the beauties and perils of the world. The attainment' makes
his journey towards the final aim of moksa easy. It is the best and
only stage which prepares a man to serve the society and to work
for the benefit of this world.
Chapter 9
a -ml
Asceticism in the Arthasastra
The science of polity, in ancient India, was known by various

names, DandanUi, Nitisasira, RajnUi, Rajdharma and Arthasastra
and dealt not only with the political theories and the actual organi-
sation of administrative machinery, but also various matters con-
nected with state and society. Kautilya’s Arthasastra, which system-
atizes the essentialsof Indian statecraft known at the time it was
written, has gradually come to be regarded as the standard v/ork, a
masterly and comprehensive treatise on the subject. As Panikkar
asserts, ‘the influence of the Arthasastra, on the political thinking
of India from that time is something which no one can deny.’^
Indian tradition is unanimous in holding the Arthasastra, this
famous work on polity, as the work of Kautilya. The work
repeatedly ascribes itself to Kautilya or Vishnugupta, also styled
Chapakya, who is reported to have been the Prime Minister of
Chandragupta Maurya, who overthrew the Nandas. While the
Brahmanical sources like Visakhadatta’s MudrdrSksasam regard
Chanakya rather than Chandragupta, as the chief actor in the great
drama which ended in the extermination of the Nandas, the Bud-
dhist and Jaina sources confirm as to the close association of the
Brahmin Chapakya as his guide and leader in all the stupendous
enterprise of empire building. However, with ragard to the date of
the work, the views of various scholars very considerably ranging
from the Pre-Buddhist times- to a much later date.® Its exact date
is still a matter of discussion. In view of the suspicion of the later
editing, the authenticity of the attribution of Kautilya is often

rejected. In any case, in the light of all the evidence it must be
admitted that the Arthasastra seems to be a Mauryan document.
It refers to Mauryan times and the author was a contemporary
of
Chandragupta Maurya.
rpanikkar. The Determining Periods of Indian History, p. 6.
^Shamasastri, Kautilya ArthaSastra, Introduction, p. xviii.
3For summary of all the views see The Age of Imperial Unity,
pp. 285-287.
Also Thapar, Aloha and the Decline of the Mauryas, pp. 218-225.
The great importance of the work lies in the fact that Kautilya,
as an exponent of the art of the government, the duties of kings,
ministers and officials and the methods of diplomacy, gives with
gieat skill, a detailed picture touching almost all the aspects of the
and the state of society of the time. At the same time,
state activity
in thelong line of sacred Sanskrit texts, where everything is consi-
dered with respect to dharma, this is the only text which while
claiming dharma as the ultimate goal, has no illusions about society.
It discusses practically everything with extra-ordinary frankness.
Moreover, it confirms and extends much of what we learn from

certain observations of the Greek writer, Megasthenes, who as it is
well-known, spent considerable time in India as the Syrian king

Seleucus Nikator at the Court of Chandragupta Maurya.
Varnasrama-dharma
Kautilya calls dharma ‘the eternal truth holding its way over the
world,’^ and accepts the triple Vedas —
Rig, Sam and Yajur Veda as
the social basis which determined the respective duties of the four
Vardas and the four stages (asramas) of life.” The elaborat,e rules
about the dharma of the asramas are described as under:
‘The duty of a householder (Gfhastha) is earning livelihood by
his own profession, getting married, rearing up a family, gifts to
gods, ancestors, guests and servants and the eating of the remainder.
That of a student {Brahmacdrin) is learning the Vedas, fire-wor-
ship, ablution, living by begging and devotion to his teacher.
That of a forest-recluse {Vanaprastha) is observance of chastity,
sleeping on the bare ground, keeping twisted locks, wearing deer-
skin, fire-worship, ablution, worship of gods, ancestors and guests
and living upon food-stuffs procurable in forests.
That of an ascetic retired from the world (Parivrdjaka) is com-
plete control of the organs of sense, abstaining from all kinds work,
disowning money, keeping away from society, begging in many
places, dwelling in forests and purity both internal and external.’®
This account fully corroborates the respective duties of the four

asramas found in the Brahmanical religious texts. These asramas
were introduced or more correctly ‘formulated’ during the Brahmapa
II. 3. 17: trayyabhirakjito lokab prasidati na sidati.

*1. 3. 4; es trayidharmacaturnam varnamasramaijain.
31.3.9-12.
Asceticism in the Anhalastra
283
age.^ They were already a familiar institution during the time of

Panini.” It is of particular significance that Kautilya enumerates
the duties of a Grhastha first and that of a Brabmacari afterwards
though the asrama of the Brabmacari precedes that of Grbastha.
Kautilya further points out that the virtues which should be culti-
vated in common to all the four asramos are harmlessness, truth-
fulness, purity,freedom from jealousy, abstinence from cruelty and
forgiveness.” Special emphasis is placed on the observance of one’s
duty which leads one to svarga and infinite bliss. When it is
violated, the world, it is said, will come to an end, owing to the
confusion of castes and duties. Hence it is the responsibility of the
king to see that the people do not sv/er\'e from their duties.”
Emphasis on the Art ha

‘Wealth and wealth alone, is important, inasmuch as charity and
desire,depend upon wealth for their realization,’ says Kautilya.®
This shows that Kautilya assigned a high place to artha as against
dharma and kama. According to him, the major aim of poh'ty is
make acquisitions, to keep them secure to improve
four-fold viz., ‘to
them and to distribute among the deser\'ing the profits of improve-
ment.’® This clearly shows that the edifice of the state is built upon
a secure material basis and the state activity is centered round the
material objectwe, the creation of wealth. Where the material
values occupy a prominent place in the social mind and where the
state firmly lays down its policy towards the advancement of such
a worldly objective, it is but natural that ascetic institutions which
are opposed to the material values should be relegated to the back-
ground. The Arthasastra clearly reflects
its hostile attitude towards
asceticismand renunciation of worldly life. No doubt the state

should promote dharma but Kautilya wants it also to regulate the
age and conditions under which one might renounce the world.
Reaction against Asceticism

The scheme of the four dsramas was designed to give wide scope
iRadhakrishnan, IP., I, p. 132.
-Agrawala, India as known to Panini, p. 81.
3L 3, 13.
«L 3. 14-16.
51. 7. 6-7;artha eva pradbanalj arihamulau hi dharmakamaviti.
61. 4. 3: alabdhalabharthalabdha parirakjni rakjiiavivardhinj vriddhasya
tirthe pratipgdani ca.
to individuals in the choice of a vocation in life which was best

suited to their intellectual capacity and mental inclinations. It was
not necessary that one should strictly follow the four stages one
after another. Though this might be regarded as a normal procedure
by the orthodox section and one that was largely followed in
practice, still the choice was left to every individual who was not
forced, either to lead a householder’s life or to renounce it against
his will. But on the whole the different stages very well reflect the
different ideals which inspired society.
This voluntary system worked well so long as there was no pre-
pondering attraction for an ascetic life, for the neglect of household
duties on the part of a large section disturbs the economy of society.
The great wave of renuciation which may be regarded both as the
cause and effect of the rise of heterodox sects like Jainism and
Buddhism was a menace to orthodox Aryan society and to the
Varnasrama-dhanna upon which it was based. Its integrity was
threatened by the growth of various ascetic orders and brotherhood,
based upon renunciation of the world and social obligations. Their
pessimistic teachings made men forget their social duties and family
responsibilities. In many cases husbands left their wives and wives
forsook their husbands. Domestic ties were often broken and
women or children made destitute and homeless.^ Marriage -was
viewed as a burden. As a result, poverty and indigence increased.
The state had to face the problem of maintaining the deserted and
the destitute. Rules were, therefore, clearly laid down- as to who
could embrace asceticism and certain restrictions were placed, on
those embracing the ascetic life. Kautilya does not at all approve
of a premature renunciation of the world and the duties of domes-
tic without the formal sanction of the legal authorities and
life
without making provision for son and wife. He says: ‘When, with-
out making provision for the maintenance of his wife and sons, any
person embraces asceticism, he shall be punished with the first
amercement.’^ At what stage he must do so is also stated: ‘Who-
ever has passed the age of copulation may become an ascetic- after
distributing the properties of his own acquisition among his sons,
otherwise he will be punished.’® The claims of society and family
rear
^Therigatha gives us many instances ofwomen refusing to marry or
children or of being left destitute because of the desertion of husbands.
. 2n. I. 29.
3II. 1.30-31.
Asceticism in the ArthaSastra 285
life must be first satisfied. Kautilya is well aware that wide-spread

and indiscriminate renunciation interferes with economic production.
Accordingly he goes to the length of banning the entry into villages
such unlicensed ascetics as a disintegrating factor in rural society.
He says; ‘No ascetic sect other than the Brahmanical forest-hermit
{Vanaprasthd) shall find entrance into the villages of the kingdom.’^
All heretical sects from the villages were excluded. Their entry, it
was feared, may cause distrubance in the economic activities of the
villagers.^ Another check on the growth of ascetic institution was
the punishment to any person who converted a woman to ascetidsm
{pravrajayatah)? The securitj' of domestic life was thus safeguar-
ded. The state also took efiective steps to prevent indiscriminate
mendicacy. Men or women suspected of having recently joined any
of the orders were caught by the police or by the officers of the
Navadhyaksa at the ferries.* Members of the non-Brahmanical
orders were also excluded from villages and were not allowed to
organise Sanghas and Asrams in villages.® Not only this, the dwel-
lings of heretical monks (pasanda) like those of the lower castes
(patjddlas) were to be outside the royal cities.* Adultery with a nun
(pravraJitS) was made punishable with a fine; the nun who submitted
herself had also to pay a similar fine.’ The necessity of such a mea-
sure suggests that there must have been some cases of adultery
-with a nun or her being involved in such affairs. Even though
women joined the order of nuns, it was not often possible for them
to maintain rigid chastity as expected of them.They sometimes mis-
behaved and disturbed social ethics. This also may be another rea-
son why a woman was not allowed to take to ascetic life and even
her conversion by any person was a punishable offence. No doubt
the security of the family life and stability of society were the main
motives against women embracing asceticism.
Uses of Asceticism
There is no doubt that during the time of Kautilya, the ascetics
who renounced the world for developing spiritual life, formed an
W. 1. 32: Vanaprasthadanyalj pravajitbhavab.
’n. I. 34: Karmavighnarii kuryuh.
®n. 1. 29.
*ir. 28. 20.
®II. 1, 33: na ca talrarama viharatham va satasyuh.
on. 4. 23,
’IV. 13. 36.
unique feature Indian society. The Greek writers have left an

in
interesting account of some of these ascetics whom they actually
met. Arthasastra reflects the state of society of Kautilya’s times and
his concern to stem wide-spread and indiscriminate renunciation.
Kautilya did not want that Dhamm be allowed to exert too .great
Strain on society. Dhanna, according to him, must be realised
through Arth’a. Dhanna and Moksa were no doubt worthy ideals
but they should follow after Arlha and Such was Kama are satisfied.
Kautilya’s concept of polity within the framework of which the
individual had to find fulfilment and
had their
social institutions
justification.Kautilya predicted that asceticism not only transform
the people into a contemplative society but also undermine its neces-
sary material foundation, as economically asceticism was not pro-
ductive. It is not surprising, therefore, that he values asceticism
primarily for its usefulness in espionage and intelligence activities;
(1) The king was advised to create spies under the guise of a
recluse (udds(hita), an ascetic practising austerities (tapasa)
and a mendicant woman (bhiksuki)}
(2) A woman-spy under the guise of an ascetic (pamrajikd) and
highly esteemed in the harem of the king may allure each
prime minister {mahamatrd) one after another saying: ‘The
queen is enamoured of thee and has made arrangements for
thy entrance into her chamber; besides this, there is also the
certainty of large acquisition of wealth.’ If they discarded
the proposal, they were pure.-
(3) Spies in the grab of ascetics were employed for detection of
youths of criminal tendency.® '
(4) A mendicant woman {bhiksuki) having captured the wife of

a seditious minister by administering such medicines as
of love, may through that wife contrive to
excite the feelings
poison the minister.^
(5) A spy disguised as an ascetic, may apply to a lover such
captivis-
medical ointments as are declared to be capable of
ing the beloved woman and as are adulterated with poison,
disappear. Other spies may ascribe the
inci-
and then he may
dent to an enemy’s action.®
II. II. 12.
"I. 10. 7-8.
®IV. 5.
«V. 1. 19.
6X1. 1. 40-41.
Asceticism in the Arthasastra 287
(6) An shaved hair {jmndd) or braided hair

ascetic with
and living in the cave of a mountain, may pretend to be four
hundred years old followed by a number of disciples, hall in
the vicinity of the capital city of the enemy. He employs
strategicmeans in order to capture a fortress, sows the seeds
of dissension and entices enemy kings by secret contrivances.’
It is clear from the above instances that Kautilya was not other-
wise interested in asceticism except for spies disguised as ascetics,
as people in the garb of ascetics could have access to all stratas of
society. This is also indicative of the fact that the people conside-
red those belongings to ascetic orders as honest.
Light on the AjTvikas

The Arthasastra throws some light on the Ajivikas during the
Mauryan period. The Ajivika seems frequently to have been an
astrologer or fortune teller. Nakkhatta Jataka- tells the story of an
Ajivika regularly dependent on a certain family for support
(Kulupaka), who was consulted about the most propitious date for
a wedding after the preliminary preparations had already been made
and who caused it to be postponed in annoyance. A similar
Kulupaka Ajivika was attached to the court of King Bindusara and
he correctly prophesied Asoka’s greatness.®
In the Arthasastra the Ajivikas are mentioned once. The house-
holder who feeds Sakyas, Ajivikas or other heretical monks ('T-ra/)
at Sraddha feasts or ancestral ceremonies is to be fined a hundred
panasA The Sakyas are the Buddhists. The Ajivikas is mentioned
here with the Buddhist as the leading representative of the heretical
orders. He is still a significant force in the community, for he, not
the Nirgantha comes second in the list. The latter is presumably
included in the general group of heretical monks of other sects. The
reason behind the prohibition on the householder feeding the men-
dicants seems to be the same which prompted Kautilya ban their
entry into villages. They were not given any chance to come into
contact with the people under any pretext for fear that they may
disturb the economic activities of the people. Thus Kautilya dis-
ixui. 2.
Vd/flAflf, i, p. 257.
^Maharamsa, Comm. i. p, 190; Divyradan, pp. 370 ff.
^XII. 20. 16: Sakyajivakadi vrjal
pravajitan devapitf karyesu bhojayatah
satyodanâb.
couraged monastic propaganda with a view to prevent disruption

of rural society.
In spite of the fact that Kautilya does not take kindly to asceti-
cism, it is interesting to note that there is a reference to the help
given to the Ajivikas and Nirganthas in Asokan edicts. In two
caves in the Barbara Hill, there are two inscriptions which record
the gift of two cave temples to the Ajivikas by Asoka in the twelfth
year after his coronation.
Foreign References io the Ascetic Institution

It is at this time that we have the impressions recorded by the
Greek and the Romans in their writings on India.
Alexander’s invasion of India in 327 BC brought for the first time
the direct Greek knowledge of India to the banks of the Sutlej.
Alexander was accompanied by some of the eminent men of science
and letters of his times and he caused the whole of India to be des-
cribed by men well acquainted with it.^ They wrote invaluable

memoirs which are believed to be lost but they furnished ample
material to subsequent writers: Diodorus (100 bc to ad 100), Plu-
tarch (50 bc), Strabo, the Roman historian (60 bc to ad 19), Curtis
(ad 100), Arrian (ad 200) and Pliny (ad 23).
Others who described India in their works even before these
writers were Herodotus (484-431 bc), Ktesias (398 bc) and Megas-
thenes, who was the ambassador of the Graeco-Persian King
Seleukos at the court of Chandragupta, {Sandrokyptos, as the ^
Greeks called him) from 311 to 302 bc. Most of the Greek writers
who primarily dealt with Alexander’s Indian campaign have also
left valuable descriptions of some aspects of India’s economic con-
ditions and social must be, however, noted

life in those days. It
that the personal acquaintance of Alexander and his companions

—
with India was limited to the North upto the Indus and its tribu-
taries. Megasthenes in his capacity of the ambassador naturally
came to see more of the country during his nine years stay and has
furnished a reliable picture of Indian life, customs and institutions
as he saw it.
In a treatise on India written by Ktesias, the Knidian (about 400

bc), he relates many wonderful stories about India, with which
the
author had been entertained while resident for 17 years in Persia as
physician to the Royal family.

!•
’cf. McCrindle, Ancient India as described in Classical Literature, p.
Asceticism in the Arthagastra 289
Herodotus (484-431 bc) knew something of the countries from

Scythia to Abyssinia and from India to the Pillars of Hercules, But
his knowledge of India was meagre and most vague. He knew that
it was one of the remotest provinces of the Persian Empire towards
the East, but of its extent and exact position he had no proper
conception.’ In his work the Historica (HI, 100), he was the first to
refer to ‘a classof people which neither killed anything that had

nor saw anything, nor did they have houses. But they lived
life,
upon herbs and a grain that grew spontaneously. This they gathered
and ate after boiling it.’ This is a good account of the life of the
forest-dwelling hermits of India who used wild rice (nivara) as their
staple food.
Amongst the many unusual objects and institutions which
attracted the attention of these foreigners, the ascetic philosophers
Brahman, Buddhist as well as Jainas and their peculiar ways were of
special interest. The Greeks called them Gymnosophists and appre-
ciative stories af their wisdom travelled to Greece with descriptions
of their endurance and some of the curious penances to which
they subjected themselves. According ta Strabo: ‘The ascetic sages
who were and
held in the very highest honour by both the people
their rulers, lived on austere life, often They studied
in communities.
self-control, spent much of their time in serious discourses and in
imparting wisdom to others teaching that the best doctrine was that
which removed pleasure and grief from the mind.’ (Strabo, XV.
11. 65),
The Graeco-Roman world was aware of this peculiar Indian

attitude and the ascetic practices of the Indian sages, through its
interest in Indian philosophers is attested by Tertullian who in a

work (Apol. XL. ‘Brahmanas or naked Indian philo-
II) refers to
sophers (gymnosophists), dwellers of the forest and exiled from
life.’ Obviously the allusion is to the ascetics and Brahmanas in
their third and fourth asrama. Some Greek historians also claim
that a great lawgiver named Lycurgus had come as far as India and
talked with these naked philosophers (gymnosophists) who had
‘neitherhome nor academies.’®
narrated in the Life of Socrates by Aristoxenus of Toranto
It is
(3rd century bc) that the great Greek philosopher was once intro-
duced to an Indian who had come to Athens, The Indian asked
*cf. McCrindlc, Ancient India as

described in Classical Literature, p, 1.
-Barr, The Will of Zeus, p. 56.
what was the object of his philosophical studies. Socrates answered

thathe was engaged in the study of human life; at which the Indian
had a good laugh and is said to have rejoined; ‘It is impossible to
acquire knowledge of things human, when divine things are ignored.’^
The reply of the Indian is in perfect agreement with what we read in
the Upanisad; ‘The Universe is made known through the Atman.’“
It is for this reason that Indian philosophy pays greater attention
to the inner world of man than to the outer world. The external
world is to be known through the inner world, inward realization.
It is the self-realization which is of supreme importance which is
the sadhana aspect of Indian culture.

Brunton records how this perpetual quest for self-realization has
come from the Vedic seers down to Maharsi Raman in our own
'
times and how this hallowed tradition will still continue till man
continues to seek happiness. In an interview with him, the Maharsi
poses this eternal problem;
‘As you are, so is the world. Without understanding yourself,
what is the use of trying to understand the world? First find out
the truth behind yourself; then you will be in a better position to
understand the truth behind the world, of which yourself is a
part.’®
Besides this supreme search for truth, everything else is of no
consequence. The Maharsi continues:
‘The greatest kings and statesmen try to rule others when in
know that they caimot rule themselves.
their heart of hearts they
Yet the greatest power is at the command of the man who has
penetrated to his inmost depth. There are men of giant intellects
who spend their lives gathering knowledge about many things.
Ask these men, if they have solved the mystery of man, if they
have conquered themselves, and they will hang their heads in
shame. What is the use of knowing about everything else when
you do not know who you are? Men avoid this enquiry into the
true self, but what else is there so worthy to be undertaken?’^
Âristoxenus Tarentinus vita Socrates, Frag. 31 in Miller, Fragmenta

Historicorum Craecorum, 11, p. 281. cf. Heras, Mystic Teachings of the Han-
dasas of Karnatak, Introduction, pp. xxxii-xxxiii.
Chand.
^Bfhad. Vp., I. 4. 7: Sarvasya yadayamatmanen hyetatsarvam veda
Up., III. 14. 1-4; Sarvam khalu idam brahma atma antar hrdaye tad brahma-
®BruDton, A Search in Secret India, p. 146.

îbid, p. 160.
291
Asceticism in the Arthasastra
The Maharsi points out that the realization of truth is the same
for all. Unless and until a man embarks upon this quest of the
true doubt and uncertainty will follow his footsteps throughout
self,
life. The Maharsi shows the way out to achieve ‘happiness

untainted
with sorrow.’ His message is;

‘The true self is imperishable; therefore, when a man finds it,
he finds a happiness which does not come to an. end.. .know first
that‘r and then you shall know the truth.’ ‘To know all except
the knower is but ignorance.’^
The Greek accounts of Alexander’s invasion reveal that the
Greeks were very much impressed by the Indian ascetics whom
they first saw at Taksasila. Alexander was after them out of curiosity
which they won’t respect. As they did not care themselves to
come to see Alexander, he sent to them his friend, Onesikritus,
who reports that he saw fifteen ascetics about ten miles from the
city, given to meditation in the sun. When told that the Yavana
king was anxious to one of them bluntly
learn their wisdom,
answered that ‘no one coming in the bravery of European clothes
(cavalry cloak and broad-brimmed hat and top-boots, such as the
Macedonians wore) could learn their wisdom. To do that, he must
strip himself naked and learn to sit on the hot stones beside them.’
(Strabo, XV. II. 63).
Aristobulus in his book states that ‘he saw at Taksasila two of

these ascetics, one with a shaven head and the other with long hair,
while both had their groups of disciples. When they w'ent to the
market place, crowds flocked to them for counsel. They had the
privilege of taking without payment whatever they wanted that was
oflered for sale.’"
The leader of these ascetics is named by the Greeks Dandamis
(Dandl-svami)? who didn’t even care to see Alexander on pain of
death and sent his reply in a singularly spiritual vein as follows:
‘God alone is the object of my homage. Alexander is not God
since he must taste of death. I have no fear or favour to ask. What
Alexander can offer is utterly useless. The things that I prize are
these leaves which are my house, these blooming plants which
supply me dainty food. Having nothing which requires guarding,
I
have tranquil slumber, whereas had I gold to guard, that would
- banish sleep. The Brahmans neither love gold nor fear
death.
iBrunton, A Search in Secret India, pp. 146-158.
-ibid, XV. If. 61.
Death means that one will be delivered from his ill-assorted com-
panion, the body.’ (Megasthenes. Frags. LIV, LV).
These words were characteristic of the higher mind of India and
gave expression to its innate spirituality which considered material
splendour and worldly pleasures as subordinate to the spiritual.
The Samnyasi gave up everything and sought only God, The
ascetic Dandamis emerges out of his conversation with Alexander’s
men as an ambassador of ancient India’s spiritual wisdom. It is
recorded that when Alexander heard the curt and pithy remarks of
this sage, he wished the more to see such a man, because he ‘who
had subdued many nations was overcome by an old naked ascetic.’*
The Greek historians in their references to Indian philosophy
confined themselves to asceticism alone. Megasthenes mentions
two kinds of Brachmanes and Garmanes (Frag. XLI).
ascetics
Strabo also refers to them (XV, 1.59). The Brachmanes as is clear
must be Brahmins while Garmanes, are §ramana or Samam who
are mentioned as Samatja-Brahmaria by Asoka in his inscriptions
(RE. Ill and XIII) as people worthy of respect from all classes.
The term Sramaiia as used by Megasthenes was then most
probably a general term for all ascetics— the casteless, homeless,
wandering group of religious men, as is evident from the ASokan
inscriptions. The compound expression §ramam-Brahmana used
therein denotes the two different representatives of intellectual and
spiritual life in those times —the Brahmins and the Sramanas.-
They formed together in ancient India What Radhakrishnan says
that ‘natural elite,’ which better than all the rest represents the soul
of the entire people, its great ideals, its strong emotions and its
essential tendency and to which the whole community looks as
their example.’®
Megasthenes described the Brahmins of the times who were small
in number and first in rank and he calls them philosophers. The
period of studentship is counted for 37 years. As householders they
live in ease and security, decked in muslin. They eat meat
but not
They resided in a
that of animals employed in labour. (Frag. 59)
grove in front of the city within a moderate sized enclosure. They
skins.
and lay on pallots of straw and deer
lived in simple style
They abstained from sexual pleasure and occupied their time m
iMcCrindle, op. cit., p. 129.
^Patanjali, II. 4. 12-Ye|am ca vlrodha ity asya avakaâlj.
^Hindu View of Life, p. 92.
Asceticism in the Artha§astra 293
listening to discourse and instructing willing hearers. The Brahmins

did not practise asceticism for life but to a certain period after
which they entered into worldly life and married, but they took care
not to communicate the knowledge of philosophy to their wives lest
they should desert them (Frag. XLI).
As to Sarmanes {Sramams) those who were held in most honour
were Hylobioi or forest-dwellers (yanaprastlias). They subsisted on
leaves and wild fruits, wore garments from the bark of trees and
abstained from wine and contact with women. They practised
asceticism at greater length and underwent active toil by enduring
physical suffering. -They remained motionless for the whole day in
one posture. This strict penance was also mentioned by Aristobolus
(Strabo, XV.1.61) and Onesikritus (Strabo, XV.1.63),
Besides the Brahnanas and Sramams, Strabo mentions a third
class of philosophers whom he calls the Pramnai (Pramanikas)?^
who were ‘fond of arguments and ridiculed the Brahmins who
studied Physiology and Astronomy as fools and imposters.’ (XV.
1.70).
A fourth ejass of philosophers was called Gymnetai who were
naked ascetics and lived generally in the open air practising
endurance for 37 years. (Strabo, XV. 1-70). The reference probably
pertains to the Acelakas or the Jaina monks who used to remain
naked. The Greeks called them ‘Gymnosophists,’ the naked philo-
sophers.
Arrian mentions the singular fact that ‘the sophists (or philo-
sophers) could be from any caste.’ This suggests that the life of a
samnyasi was open to all castes and that there was no caste in the
life spiritual. However, there are two opposite views on the subject;
One holds that it was the privilege of the Brahmins and second, that
it was extended to the twice born {drijas)? As far as the Smrti texts
are concerned, a Sudra could not become a Samnydsin. The medie-
val works fully support this view.®
Strabo narrates the story of an embassy sent by Poms to the
court of Alexander. ‘With this embassy,’ he says, ‘There was one
who burnt himself at Athens, what some say they do in hard
iMookerji identifies these Pramnai with Pramanikas. Ancient India,

' p. 157
but in the context Sramanai suits better, cf. Dutt, EBM., 98. p.
®Kane has summarised these views; HDS., II, pt. II, pp 942-44.
mbh; xn. 63. 11-14, Xin. n. Ram., VII. 76. 1-8, 75. 25. Also Kane, ibid,
p. 944,
circumstances as he had done... for according to the customs of the

country, to avoid evil circumstances, to get relief from anxieties
and sufferings from a mundane existence, went to the pyre laughing,
nude and annointed. He leaped into the fire and perished.’ The
following words were inscribed on his sepulchre, ‘Here liesZarmanes
Xeganam, an Indian from Bargyaza,^ according to the custom of
the country of the Indians.’ (Strabo, XV. 1.73) Artemidorous, the
Greek traveller and Geographer (100 bc) and author of the Peri-
plus of the Erythraean Sea also makes a reference to this event.
—
Now the name Zarmanes Sramana referred to by Strabo in
this passage leads us to believe that the monk was either a Buddhist
or a Jaina. But it seems clear that the monk mentioned must not
have been a Buddhist. Firstly, because suicide chiefly by burning is
against the tenets of Buddhism. Secondly, he is said to have been
nude, a practice which is not followed by the Buddhists. In all pro-
bability, therefore, the reference is meant to indicate a Digamber
Jaina, the word Sramaija being used alike by the Buddhists as well
as the Jainas. It may be noted that religious suicide was common
among the Jainas." According to Strabo (XV. 1), Alexander invited
Kalanos as a guest to his court, where he fell ill at Pasargade and
decided on death on a pyre erected by his own wish, despite the
opposition of the king. In spite of a certain interest evinced by
Alexander in the Indian Gymnosophists, it is surprising that we
have no records of any intellectual discourse he might have had
with Kalanos during the latter’s stay for several years at the court
upto the time of his self-immolation.
According to Arrian (Frag. XI of Indika), the sophists akin to
the philosophers of Megasthenes held the supreme place of dignity
and honour. They were under no necessity of doing any bodily
labour or of contributing from their own produce. No other work
was required of them except to offer sacrifice to the gods on behalf
of the state. The fact that women were
allowed to associate them-
selves with the men as ascetics was also noted by Nearchus (Frag, 7)
and Strabo (XV.C.716). The practice, however, is forbidden in the
Arthasastra.^
It is interesting to note that Megasthenes (Strabo, XV.1.59) had
iBaryagaza has been identified with modern Broach in Gujarat, suggesting

a commercial link between India and the outside world.
*cf. Chapter 7, on Jainism.
WK., II. 1. 48,
noted that Brahmanas even from the time of conception, were under
the care of learned men and lived for 37 years as philosophers
before becoming householders. But he says nothing of the distinc-
of the Sarmanes or Sraimnas. Their most distinguished
tive teachings
members were the Hylobioi (Vanaprastha), the forest-dwellers who
lived on the bark of trees. (Frag. XLI) Megasthenes apparently
fails to distinguish Brahminism from Buddhism, as this was not a
Buddhist practice. His description that ‘they lived in the forests on
leaves of trees and wild fruits and wore garments made from the
bark of the trees, and that they abstained from sexual intercourse
and wine (Frag. 60) applies to the Naish[hika Brahmacdrls, those
who prefer to remain as students through life without marrying.
The Nais{hika Brahmacarya was a fairly ancient institution and a
form of asceticism earliest known and practised. References to this
ideal being followed are afforded by the accounts of Hieun Tsang^
and.Yuan Chwang.^ This indicates that the rate of Naisthika
Brahmacaris who devoted themselves to lifelong studentship and
celibacy in quest of learning and the truth was not extinct in India
even in the seventh century ad.
Of these Sages of the forest or Vanaprasthas, Megasthenes writes:
‘these ascetics were indifferent to the good or evil that happens to
man; that all being, in their opinion is dreamlike illusion; that they
regard the world as created and perishable; and beliiwe that God
who has created it pervades it completely.’ (Frag. >;LI.59): This
seems to be quite a good description of the pantheism of the
Upanisads.
It is also to be considered that the Indians did not take very
seriously Alexander’s campaign in a land so far from his own. A
representative Indian, a detached ascetic Kalanos by name, gave
expression to the Indian attitude towards Alexander’s invasion by a
homely illustration. He trod on a piece of dried up hide of which,
as he pressed on one end, the other ends would fly up. This was
intended to show that Alexander should control his empire from its
centre and not wander away to its distant extremities, and that it
was he should waste his energies in his campaigns in
futile that
regions so remote from the centre of his own empire.®
iMookegi, Education in Ancient India, p. 506.

Âltekar, Education in Ancient India, pp. 114-115.
®cf, Mookerji, op. cit., p. 134.
There is another version of the story as reported by Arrian

(Vri.1.6).
It is reported that when these ascetics saw Alexander and his
army, they said nothing but stamped the ground with their feet.
When Alexander’s interpreter asked what this action meant they
replied:
‘O King Alexander, each man possesses just so much of the
earth as this on which we stand. You being a man like other men,
save that you are full of activity and relentless are roaming over
all from your home, troubled yourself and troubling

this earth
others. But not so long hence you will die and will possess just so
much of the earth as suffices for your burial.’^
The reply brings out vividly the mortality of men and even
empires. It proved prophetic particularly in the case of Alexander
with reference to India. His campaign was just an episode to be
obliterated with the cruel passage of time. Even the last vestige of
his campaign was wiped out!
Summing up, it can be stated that the Greek and Roman
accounts indicate the antiquity of the beliefs and practices of the
ascetics of ancient India. But the Greek writers failed to notice the
distinction between Brahmanism, Buddhism and Jainism. They, of
course, were attracted by certain practices which the ascetics obser-
ved. Alexander’s experience of these ascetics reveal their great
power of self-torture, self-denial and their deeper wisdom.
Summing Up
The various and conditions to embracing asceticism
restrictions
in respect of both the sexes clearly show that the ArthasSstra looks
upon the ascetic institution with disfavour. It also reflects the social
mind, which is fully awa:e of the anti-social and disintegrating
influence of asceticism especially on the realisation and protection
of the Artha ideal of the society. It views Dharma and Moksa as
worthy ideals but not before the due claims of both Artha and
Kama are satisfied. Thus asceticism ignores these latter claims is
disapproved. Which also explains why Grhasthairama is given the
first preference.
The lax social discipline consequent upon the pessimistic teach-
ings of some of the Parivrajaka teachers had a disastrous effect on
^cf. Barr, The fVill of Zeus, p. 430.

the society. Men left their wives and children. Wives left the pro-
tection of their husbands. Marriage was looked upon as a burden.
As a result, poverty and indigence became greater. The state was
confronted with the problem of maintaining the destitute and hence
the Mauryan rulers interfered with the activity of the monastic
orders. Indiscriminate mendicancy was forbidden and men were
punished for leaving wives and children destitute with a view to
join the order or seducing women into ascetic types of living. The
state made stringent laws preventing men from joining orders with-
out providing for their families. The monastic propaganda was
excluded from villages. The state was empowered by circumstances
to interfere even in religious matters. Hence thinking in terms of
the state and its ends, Kautilya conceived the policy as the frame-
work within which the individual found fuifiiraent and all institu-
tions had their justification. He valued asceticism primarily for its
usefulness in espionage and intelligence activities.
It was during this period that India was invaded by Alexander.
Some of the Greeks who had accompanied him actually met some
Indian ascetics of the time. The impressions recorded by these
Greek writers throw much light on the strange practices and beliefs
of the ascetics of ancient India. These accounts also bear ample
testimony to the ascetics,’ great power of self-torture, self-denial
and their deeper wisdom.
Chapter 10
Asceticism in the Law Books

In the whole range of Sanskrit literature, Dhanna is one of the
few words with a comprehensive meaning. It is a word that means
variously: Sacred law, duty, justice and religious merit.^ It meant
law in a broad sense. In ordinary usage it has a wider meaning as
it includes the customs and practices of any caste and community.
Hence the manuals of the sacred law are called Dharma

special
Sastras or law books; they fall under the category of Smrti litera-
ture i.e. traditional records. These law-books have governed and

moulded the life and evolution of the Hindu community from age
to age.
The earliest of the law-givers, Gautama declared the Vedas as the
source of Dhanna? So did Baudhayana and Apastamba. But Manu
made a departure and mentioned the Vedas as one of the sources
of Dhanna. Veda is the first source, tradition is the second and
usages of virtuous men, the third source.^ Yajnavalkya agreed with
Manu,^ but stressed on the secular aspect of law. No distinction
was made between the two in early codes; every action of human
life was clothed with some religious aspect. Hence from cradle to
the grave, the life of man was a series of religious duties.

Manifold are the subjects that have been included in the Dhanna-
sastras. The Dhanna-sutras of Gautama, Baudhayana, Apastamba
and Vasistha and the law book of Manu deal with subjects®
pertaining to man’s whole life. As their very name suggests, their
main emphasis is on Dharma. By Dharma, the writers of law books
meant; ‘Not a creed or religion but a mode of life or a code of
conduct, which regulated a man’s work and activities, as a member
of society and as an individual and was intended to bring about the
iShakuntala Rao Shastri, Women in the Sacred Laws, p. 13.
^Gaut., 1. 1.2.
^Manu., 11.6 Vedokhilo dharmamulam srafti sileca tadvidam acarai^caiva
sadhunaiii atmanas tustirva ca: Manu., II. 6.
mj., I. 7.
sKane, enumerates the list of subjects in HDS., II, Pt. I, p. 1-2.

Law Books 299
Asceticism in the
gradual development of a man and to enable him to reach what was

deemed to be the goal of human existence.’^ DJmrma stood for right
conduct and denoted any act which could give heavenly bliss and
ultimate liberation to the human soul. It thus required a man to
cultivate certain moral qualities on an individual level and as a
member of society.
The basis for cultivating these qualities is found in the doctrine
of the goals or ends of human existence {purusdrtha). From very
ancient times they are said to be four: dharma, artha (economic
interests!, kama (satisfaction of sexual, emotional and artistic life),
and moksa (liberation of the spirit).' The to be the last is said
supreme end and the most valuable. It presupposes a higher life

which demands discipline both of the body and mind- The whole
teaching of Dharmasastras points out that all higher life requires
the subjection of tower aims to aims of higher life.^ Moksa, there-
fore, becomes an end to be attained only by the few and the vast
majority can only place it as an ideal to be attained in the most
distant future.
We have already seen that the society in the Epic period was
based upon the varnasramadharma. The varpas deal with the
problem of social grades based upon birth and occupation, while
the airamas refer to the four consecutive stages of life viz. Brahma-
carya (studentship), Garhasthya (family life), Vanaprastha (forest
hermit) and Samnyasa (renunciation). The list of subjects under the
Dharmasastras also reveal that the society at that time was based
upon the \arndsramadharma and that the four asramas were
recognised though there was a slight difference in the nomenclature
and in their sequence.
Asramas
According to Apastaraba, there are four asramas: the stage of
householder (garhasthya), (studying in) the teachers house (dcarya-
kularii), stage of being a mimi (maunam) and that
of being a forest-
dweller (vanaprastha)* That here maitna stands for the asrama
of
Samnyasa is clear from Apastamba’s words: atha parivrajaka/t
iKane, enumerates the list of subjects in HDS., II, Pt. I, n. 3

-AIM.. V. 124,34-38.
3Kane, ibid, p. 7.
*Ap., II, 9. 21. 1. also q.b. Sankara on Vedantasutra in, 4. 47.
where he employs the word parivraj to indicate mauna} Apast-

amba places the householder’s stage first among asramas probably
on account of the importance of that stage to all other asramas.
Why he should mention the stage of vanaprastha last is not clear.
The reason seems to be, as we shall see in the sequel, that the
dilference between the last two orders was very slight and almost a
technical one.
Gautama enumerates the four asramas thus: Brahmacarya,
Gfhasthya, Bhiksu and Vaikhanasa.^ Vaikhanasa stands for Vatta-
prastha. Here also Gautama speaks of Bhiksu before Vaikhanasa
as done by Apastamba and Hardatta® explains this departure from
the usual sequence of aSrama as due to the words: prag-uttamad
traya dsraminaJt.* (persons belonging to the three asramas) except
the last may constitute a parisad i.e. to exclude Vaikhanasa from
the parisad, he is mentioned last. Traditionally, the stage of Bhiksu,
one who begs for his livelihood, comes last after Vanaprastha.
According to Vasistha the four asramas are those of: Brahma-
cart, Grhastha, Vanaprastha and Parivrajaka.^ He also employs the
word Yati to denote a person in the fourth a§rama.®

Baudhayana names the four ahamas in the same order as
Vasistha’ and gives the interesting information that asiira Kapila,
son of Prahlada, who was in rivalry with the gods, made the distinc-
tions which a wise man should pay no heed." What Baudhayana
means appears to be that there is really one asrama namely that of
the householder and that Kapila devised the scheme of four asramas
so that those who become vdnaprasthas and pativrdjakas would
perform no yajhas and thereby the gods would lose the offerings
they received from men and become less powerful. It is clear that
Baudhayana prefers the stage of Grhastha to those of Vanaprastha
and Parivrajaka.
The theory of Manu® about the Tour asramas takes into view the
ascending order of the four stages, with Samnydsa as the last. He
iAp.,II. 9. 21.7.
^Gaut., III. 2.
^Hardatta on Gaut., Ill, 2.
^Gaut., 28. 47.

Was., VII. 1-2,
6ibid, XI. 34.
Waudh., II. 6. 17.
sibid, II. 6. 29-31.

mam., IV. 1, V, 169; VI. 1-2, VI. 33.
Law Boohs 301
Asceticism in the
takes the span of human life as one hundred years {satayur vai
purusaft). The first part of man’s life is brahmacarya in which he
learns at his teacher’s place and after he has finished his study, in
the second part of his life he marriesand becomes a grhastha, dis-
charges his debts to his ancestors by begetting sons and to the gods
by performing yajnas. When he sees that his head has grey hair
and that there are wrinkles on his body he retires to the forest. He
becomes a vanaprastha. After spending the third part of bis life in
the forest for sometime he spends the rest of his life as a samnycisi.
Similar rules are found in many other Smritis.
Manu speaks of the four asramas,^ the last being called Yati by
him and also Sarhnyasa.” It would thus be seen that a person who
belongs to the last asrama is variously called parivrat or parivrajaka,
(one who wanders from place to place), bhiksu (one who begs for
livelihood), niu?ii (one who ponders over the mysteries of life and
death), or yati (one who controls his senses). These words suggest
the various traits of the man who undertakes the fourth asrama.
According to Manu, only Brahmans were entitled to enter the
fourth asrama of Samnyasa^ as a rule. There is a clear evidence
to this in Vaikhanasaditarmaprasna* which follows Manu and says:
The Brahmapas have four asramas, the Ksatriyas three and the
Vaisyas only two. The Sudras were only entitled to Grbasthdsrama,
However it appears that the privilege of embracing Sarhnyasa was
extended to the twice-born in the times of Smritis.^ The salient
features and duties of ascetics are set out by the law-givers.®
Vaikhanasa
Vaikhanasa means Vanaprastha in the Sutras.'' Hence the employ-
ment of the word Vaikhanasa for Vanaprastha by the law books
needs some explanation.
In the Anukramarii one hundred Vaikhanas are said to have been
^Manu., VI. 87.

îbid, VI. 96.
3ibid, VI. 97,
10-13, IX. 8: Brahmansyasramajcatvaral) Kjatriyadyatrayalj Vaisyadau
tadastaminjcatvaro Brahmacarl, Gfhastha Vanaprastho Bhiksu iti.
5Manu., V. 137; VI. 87,
^Gaut., III. 10-24; Ap., Ill, 9. 21, 7-20; Baudh., II, 6. 21-27; II.
10. 18, 1.27;
Vas., IX. 12. 1-19; Manu., VI. 33-86; Ya],, lU. 56-66; Vaikh., IX.
9; Visnu., 96.
âne, op. cit., p. 418.
the seers of the Rgveda.^ Especially a Vamra Vaikhanasa is specifi-
cally mentioned as a seer.® The Taittirlya Aranyaka connects the

word Vaikhamsa with the nails (naklias) of Prajapati.^ It appears
that in ancient times there was some work called Vaikbanasasastra
which treated of the of forest hermits, Gautama uses this word
rules
Vaikhanasa for Vanaprastha. Baudhayana defines a Vdnaprastha
as one who down in Vaikbanasasastra^
follows the practices laid
Manu describes the Vdnaprastha as abiding by the views (niata) of
Vaikhdnasa. Medhatithi explains that Vaikbd?iasa is a sdstra in
which the duties of the forest hermit are expounded.® We have al-
ready met the Vaikhdnasa as forest-hermits in the epic period.® It
thus appears that the two words Vaikhdnsa and Vdnaprastha were
identical.
Characteristics of the last Two Asramas

We
have seen that though Vasistha and Baudhayana follow the
traditional sequence of the dsramas, Gautama and Apastamba make
a slight change in the the sequence. They have mentioned Mauna
or Parivrdjya after studentship and family life and then the hermit
life.®This does not necessarily mean than the A^rama sequence was
not settled in the society. The peculiar enumeration is due to the
fact that there is a great similarity between the characteristics of the
last two asramas as analysed below.
Vdnaprastha Parivrdjaka or Bhiksti
(1) He was a Dvijati, who had He was a Dvijati, who had

undergone the Upanayana undergone the Upanayana cere-
ceremony. mony.
(2) He lived in the forest and He used to wander from place
was not allowed to come to place and was not allowed
to the village.® He would to stay in a village for more
IX. 66.
X. 99.
^TA., I. 23.
^Baudh., Dh. S., II. 6. 19.
^Mami. (VI-21), refers lo the institutes of Vaikhanasas when he preserves

rules for hermits of the forest. Medhatithi comments: vaikhanasaih nama
sastraih yatravanaprastha dharmavihitastejam mate sthitajj.
6cf. Chapter 8 Mbit., and Ram.

1.3.2. I. 9.21. 1.
,, ,,
Bandk, II. 6. H. 15.
«Gaut., I. 3. 26, 33; Vas., IX. 2; Ap., II. 9. 22. I. 8. 9;
Law Books 303
Asceticism in the
Stay there alone or in the than two nights,^ only in the

company of his wife.- rains he was allowed to stay in
one place,® on the outskirts of
a village, in a temple, in a deser-
ted house or under a tree. Us-
ually his abode was the forest.^
(3) He used to practice pen- He was and used to

celibate
ance and was celibate.^ stay alone® and had no posses-
sion.’
(4) He used to eat only fruit He used to eat food procured

and roots® and meat.® by begging.’®
(5) He used to grow his hair Usually he was clean shaved”
{Jatila)}^ but some law-givers allowed
him an option to grow his hair.’®
(6) He used to wear bark gar- He either used to wear a cast
ments or the antelope- out rug just sufficient to cover
skin.^^ his lower limbs or’® he could
even dispense with clothing.’®
(7) He used to worship Agni.” He did not worship Agni but
spent his time in meditation.’®
(8) He was a worshipper of He was absolved from making
the gods, Pitrs, supernatu- offerings to gods or men, and
ral beings and particularly discontinued performance of all
’GokL, I. 3. 2t; Ap.. It. 9. 21. 10; Vas., X 2. 12; Baudh., II. 6. 11. 17.
Mp., II. 9. 22: Baudh., n. 6. 1 1. 15.
3GaM.,I.3. 13; Eaudh.,\l 12. U.20.
«Fo5.; X. 15; Baudh., H. 6. 11. 17.
^Gaut.,1. 3 26; Vas., IX 6; Ap., II. 9. 21. 19; Baudh., II. 6. 1 1. 15.
«Gow., I. 3. 12; Vas., X. 28; Ap., 11. 9. 21. 8; Baudh., II. 6. II. 16.
^Gaut., I. 3. II; Vas., X. 6.
^Gaut., I. 3. 26; Vas., IX 4; Ap., II. 9. 22. 10; Baudh., II. 6. 1 1 . 15.
I. 3. 31; Baudh., II. 6, II, 15.
lOGaut., 1. 3. 14; Vas., X. 5. 6; Ap., 11. 9. 21. 10.
I. 3. 34; Vas., IX. 1; Baudh., II. 6. 11. 15
X. 6.
i^Gaur., I. 3. 22; Baudh., II. 6. 11. 18.
i^Gau/., 34; Vas., IX. 1; Baudh., 11.6
I. 3.
11. 15.
isGaut., I. 3. 18. 19; Vas., X.
9; Baudh., n 6.11. 19
’®^P.,1I. 9. 21. 11-12.
^2-21; Baudh., II. 6.11. IS.

’SKor.. X. 5. 14; ^;7., n. 9. 21. 10.
the guests,^ because he ceremonial observances."

could only give and not
receive.®
(9) He took only sixteen He took only eight mouthfuls

monthfuls of food while of food while eating.* Some
eating.® say that he used to wear (YaJ-
nopavita) the sacred thread.*
Some are of opinion that he
should beg only at seven houses,
avoiding the food given by a
Sudra.^ He used to sleep on a
stone-slab.® The majority opi-
ned that he should give up the
Vedas.®
It will be noticed from the above that the duties and regulations
prescribed for the third asrama of Vanaprastha are practically the
same as those for the last asrama of Samnyasin, Parivrajaka or
Bhiksu. For example, the rules laid down in Manu for foresther-
mits (vanaprastha) are almost the same as those for Parivrajakas}°
Apastamba employs the same words twice in delineating the charac-
teristicsof both. “ The order of hermits gradually passes over into
that of Samnyasins. Both have to observe celibacy and restraint of
senses, both have to regulate the intake and quality of food, both
have to contemplate on the passages of the Upanisads and strive
for the knowledge of Brahman. There were no doubt some diffe-
rences, The Vanaprastha could be accompanied by his wife at least
in the beginning. A Samnyasin could not do so. A Vanaprastha
had to keep fires, perform the daily and other Yajnas at least in the
^Gaut., I. 3. 29-30; Vas. IX. 7; Baudh., II. 6. 11. 15.
2Fo^.,IX. 8;/4p., II. 9. 22. 11.
Âp., II. 21. 11.
4Tar.,VI. 29;Ap.,n. 4. 9.13.

syds.. VI. 29: Ap., ir. 4. 9. 13.
eyas., X. 31.
’Fas., X. 7.31.
®ibid, X. 11.
Up.. II. 9. 21, 13; Baudh., II. 6. 11. 26.
so
wVasiftha says he must not give up studying the Veda because by doing
anything either
he will be reckoned as a §udra (X. 4); Gautama does not say
way.
^Manu., VI. 25-29; VI. 38, 43, 44. Ap.. H, 9. 21, 10 and 20.
Asceticism in the Law Books 305
beginning; whereas the Samnyasin gave up his fires. The VSnapras-

tha had to concentrate upon tapas, upon inuring himself to priva-
tions, severe austerities and self-mortification while the Samnyasin
was concerned primarily with satiyama (restraint or quienscence of
senses) and contemplation of the highest Reality.^ Owing to the
great similarity and virtual fusion of the two asramas, the stage of
Vanaprastha came to be gradually ignored and passed from the
householder’s life directly to the life of Samny&sa? The Dhanna-
jutrar bear the impress of this process as can be seen in the remarks
of a commentator on Baudhayana when he says that the acarya
(Baudhayana) should be asked why he describes the two orders of
Vanaprastha and Samnyasa as distinct.^
When we talk of the four asramas it is to be borne in mind that
the scheme represented the ideal rather than the real. Its chief merit
an individual what his spiritual goal is,
lay in the fact that it tehs
how he is to order his life and what preparations are required to
attain that goal. But the cycle was not obligatory at all. The great
majority never went beyond the two first stages; many passed away
in the vanprastha stage. Only the rare few made the last extreme
venture and took to the life of the wandering recluse. The writers
of the law books were ever conscious of this fact as we find that on
the whole their tendency is to glorify the status of a Gfhastha and
push into the background the two asramas of Vanaprastha and
Samnyasa. They realised that for the majority, Grhasthasrama was
proper and desirable, and was a natural stage of life. Hence they
exalt Grhasthasrama in no uncertain terms,
Grhasthasrama Praised
Gautama* and Baudhayana® state that there is really one
—
asrama that of a Grhastha and that the other alramas are inferior
to it. To quote a passage from Gautama®: ‘But the venerable
teacher (Acdryah) prescribes one order only, because the order of
the householder is explicitly prescribed in the Vedas.’ Baudhayana
^Sankara, Vedantasiitra, Til. 4. 20,

2Kane., op. cit„ II. pt. I, p. 929.
^Govindaswami on Baudh., III. 3. 14-17: Vanaprasthasanjnyasabheda(i kir-
inarthama(aryakrta ityasaveva prajtavyalj.
‘^Gaut., Ill, 1. & 35.
^ Baudh., II. 6. 29ff.
^Gaut., II. 36.
~
says that asramas other than grhastbatama do not beget offspring

and quotes Vedic passages^ ‘May we, O Agni, attain
in support:
immortality through progeny!’ And further: ‘A' Brahmana when
born is bom involved in three debts viz. he owes brahmacarya to
the sages, sacrifice to the gods and progeny to the pitrs.' Baudhayana
categorically asserts that the various ascetic orders were created by
asura king Kapila and a brahmana on being born owes the debt of
a son to his ancestors. Baudhayana obviously does not favour
asceticism as according to him the obligations of a domestic life
and to the society can only be properly discharged in grhasthasrama.
It is the source of other asramas. He considers Samnyasa as viola-
ting Vedic injunctions and assigns its non-Aryan origin to Kapila.
The Grhasthasrama not only upheld as the source of other
is
asramas but it is also the highest asramas. Says Manu: ‘As all
creaturesdepend upon air for life, so do the men of all other
asramas depend on the householder. The state of the householder
is the highest, as it is the householder who maintains the people of
the three other asramas by daily supply of food and instruction.’®
A similar view is expressed by Vasistha: ‘It is the householder
who offers sacrifice, it is he who practices austerities; so the state
of the householder excels among the four asramas. As all streams
and rivers seek shelter in the sea, so the people ofall diramas seek
shelter with the householder. As all creatures need the mother’s
protection for their life, so all almsmen
under the householder’s
live
by assigning the grhasth-
protection.’* Vasistha does not stop here
dsrama the highest place amongst the four asramas but makes it
the place from which one can reach even heaven. He further says:
‘The Brahmana who bathes daily, has his sacred thread on him
always, studies the Vedas every day, does not accept food from
degraded people, has intercourse with his wife according to season,
according to the prescribed rites, does not miss
offers sacrifice
heaven.’® He seems to suggest that when one can reach heaven
through Grhasthdsratna, one need not take to Samnyasa. His
partiality to Grhasthasrama can only be understood in this light.
Later on Visnu echoes a similar view: ‘It is the householder who
Waudh., II. 6. 2. 29ff; W; V. 4. 10; Tatt. Sam., 1. 4. 46. 1; VI. 3. 10. 5.
^Baudh., in. 3.
manu.. III. 77.80; VI. 87, 89, 90.
iyds., VIII. 14-16.
sibid, VIII. XVn. 17.
Law Books 307
Asceticism in the
offers sacrifice, it is he who practices austerities, it is he who gives,
therefore the man of the householder is the highest of

in the state
all. The the gods, other creatures, guests and
Rsis, the elders,
kindred are protected by him and so the householder is the
highest.’^
From it can be seen that though the law givers pre-
the above
scribe certain rules and regulations about the four asranias includ-
ing the Vanaprastha and Samnyasa, they praise the Grhasthasrama
as the highest. It is so excellent so as to lead one even to heaven.
Controversy over Renunciation

Amongst the law Baudfaayana who depicts a detailed
givers, it is
procedure of becoming a Samnyasin.- The central ideas of the

ceremony are the renunciation of all worldly ties, contempt of the
world and all earthly riches, a lifeof ahimsa and contemplation
on and realisation of the Absolute Brahman. It is of particular in-
terest that he is hesistant to recommend renunciation. He states his
own opinion that the sages prescribe Samnyasa after the 70th year.®
According' to him it was the asura Kapila who in his rivalry with
the gods, made these distinctions to which ‘a wise man should pay
no he did not favour renunciation as in
heed.’^ This indicates that
his view there was only one asrama, that of the householder.
Manu lays a particular emphasis that a man should pass through
each and all the four stages and that he should become a forest-
hermit only after completing the householder’s life.® Jabala Upani-
sad laid down that even from the Brahmacarya stage, one could
become a But according to Vedantasutra, a man can-
Vanaprastha.'^
not take Samnyasa immediately after Brahmacarya.’’ Manu is the
prime supporter of this view.® He says: ‘When the householder
notices his wrinkles and greyness and sees his child’s child, then he
should retire to the forest.’® The reason behind such an injunction
JF/ifli/, lix. 28-29.

-Baudh., 11. 10. 11-30; cf. Vaikh. Dh., IX. 6.8; For summary see Kane ’
op. cit.,'pp. 954-961. -
^Baudh, 1I..10. 5.
îbid, II. 6. 29-31.
5 Manu., VI. 1.
^Jabalopanifad, 4.
ÎII. 4. 40.
^Manu., rv. 1; VI. 1. 33-37, 87.88.
®ibid.VI. 2.
was that the person who was entitled to the life of the Vanaprastha
was only one who had abandoned all longing for the objects of
sense. It is not easy to tear oneself away from the family, when
once one has entered it. He must be in a position to sever all
worldly ties, give up all mundane desires. When one feels by ex-
perience that one could whole-heartedly and successfully devote
oneself to spiritual pursuits, then alone one has to renounce the
world completely and become a Sarimyasin. It is for this reason
that Manu prescribes Samnyasa when a son is born to one’s son.
If one waits till this happens in the case of the youngest son, the
occasion for Samnyasa will never arise.
A
controversy also emerged on the issue whether this sequence
of ah-amas was obligatory or whether after the initial study of the
Vedas, the Brahmacari could straightway become an ascetic. The
Jabdla Upanisad makes the choice optional. It says: ‘When the
period of Bi ahmacarya is ended, he becomes a Gj^hastha', after he
has been a Gchastha, he becomes a Vanaprastha-, after he has been
a Vanaprastha, let him wander about as a Parivrajaka. Or, if in the
alternative, one passes into the last stage, from Brahmacarya, or
from Gdrhasthya, or Vanaprasthya (in every case), one goes to the
world of Brahman.’^ Gautama® and Vasistha® also concede the
choice as a matter of opinion. This reflects the inroad made by the
pessimistic view of life which disturbed the balance in favour of
renunciation. But when Buddhism and Jainism established their
orders of monks, accepting even young men, regardless of caste or

creed, there was a reaction in the Brahmapical tradition which first
emphasised the sequence as obligatory and later exalted the
dsrama. Apastamba, after examining all the views, says that,
although some ascetics may gain heaven through their austerities,
still this is no reason to place one order above the other.* Manu
frowns upon any tendency to pass over gj-hasthasrama in favour of

a premature withdrawal from social responsibility: ‘The man who
seeks final liberation without having studied the Vedas, without
having begotten sons, and without having performed sacrifices,
sinks downwards.’® Manu is convinced about the most exacting
^Jabala., 4.
2Ganr., III. I,
^Vas., VII. U.
1. 3; 9. 24-15.
*Ap.,n. 9. 24. 15.
^Manu., VI. 35-37.
has to confront^ He is not only against any

discipline the grhastha
individual skipping grhasthasrama, he does not also tliink it neces-
sary that the grhastha should retire to the forest even in his old
age. He can continue to reside in his own house, under the protec-
tion of his soHi practising austerities even in the thick of life and
meditating on that which good for his soul.-
is
To understand this attitude of Manu’s code in tr>'ing to dissuade

the grhastha from a formal renunciation of the world, we have to
take note of the time when the present version of Manu’s code w'as
compiled, when Buddhism had made the order of monks more
popular and more accessible to all castes of all ages and even to
women. The old orthodox Brahmanical order was rest-icted to the
Brahmins only. Hence the Brahmanical legislators held up the
ancient ideals with a view to stop the senseless rush to the ascetic
orders, of men and women
not prepared for them by a necessary
course of discipline and restraint. They repeatedly insisted on the
cultivation of the genuine ascetic attitude even at home, as dis-
tinguished from the formal entrance into the order. In the last an-
alysis, it is Dharma which is most emphasised by them. As Vasistha
says: ‘Practise Dharma and not Adharma. Speak the truth and not
untruth. Look far ahead, not near. Look at what is the highest, not
at what is not the highest.’® He adds that avoiding egoism, pride,
jealousy and anger is the Dharma of all Asramas alike.^ It will
give, Manu avers, satisfaction to the inner self.®
It appears that Apastamba was a rebel against the old order.
About him Shakuntala Rao Shastri writes: ‘Apastamba plays the
part of a reformer, discarding the old order as being unfit for the
new. He considers himself a child of the Kali Age; the liberal rules
of the past were suitable only for the older generation as they were
gifted with superior merit. They are not fit for the degenerate
public of his times and hence new rules are necessary.’® She then
goes on to say how he frames rules to limit the freedom of women,
to lessen the undue importance of a son, to discourage from re-
,
marrying to reject sons of all kinds as legal heirs to the property.
manu., IV. 1-8.

manu., IV. 257-58.
^Vas., XXX.
«ibid, X. 30.
manu., IV. 1.61.
®op. cit., p. 49.
Against such a background we can appreciate Apastamba’s remarks

that ‘No rsis are born in the Kali Yuga.’^
Altekar opines that the ‘early Dharmasutra writers regarded
renunciation as a positively anti-Vedic custom’^ and in support
quotes Apastamba. Hiriyana’s^ view is that Apastamba* and
Jaimini® contend that Sarimyasa or renunciation unlike Grhasthya
or the state of a householder is no part of the normal scheme of
Aryan life. In the
light of the evidence quoted above from the law
givers in praise ofand exalting grAoit/mirmna, it is difficult to .dis-
agree with the views of Altekar and Hiriyana.
We have already seen how Kautilya makes Artha as the pre-
dominant basis of his polity and looks upon asceticism with dis-
favour, regards it as anti-social and believes that it disintegrates
society. The law givers by praising grhasthasrama and exalting it,
want to ensure the social basis on an equally sure foundation by
making the family life strong and enduring.
Summing Up
The Dharmamtras though they enumerated the rules and regula-
tions of the four dsramas amongst other subjects, praised Grhasth-
asrama as the most excellent and the highest asrdma. Not only they
looked upon renunciation as an anti-Vedic custom but also regarded
It outside the normal scheme of Aryan life. They emphasised that
each individual was expected to pass normally through the four

stages and that he should perform the duties prescribed for each of
the asramas. Such an attitude on the part of the law-givers arose
from the conditions of the times. The aftermath of Buddhism and
Jainism saw the popularity of the monastic ideal. There was an in-
discriminate admission of men into the ascetic order without the
natural gradation through the preceding stages. This was likely to
draw into that order many undesirables who by their imperfect dis-
cipline were not yet fitted to be there. The law-givers felt that this
influx of immature persons into the order of homeless wanderers
would tend to produce a general deteriotion in the health of the
society and disturb the economic foundation of the whole social
-The Position of Women in Hindu Civilisation, p. 424.

^Popular Essays in Indian Philosophy, p, 36,
Âp., II. IX.
^Vedanta Sutra, III. IV. 17.
structure. They, therefore, insisted upon people passing from order

to order in regular sequence, sought to press it home that the house-
holder was the basis and support that held up the entire social
frame. They sought to ensure that admission to Samnyasa be con-
ditioned on adequate preparation through learning and discipline.
They therefore, laid down severe punishments by w-ay of penances
for those v;ho failed to keep up the standard of purity of the three
stages of brahmacarins, vanaprastha and samnyasins. They also
pointed out it was not indispensable for an individual to enter formally
into the ascetic order, and that the highest realization v.'as possible
even if one stayed at home, living a detached and righteous life
according to Vedic injunctions.
Chapter 11
Impact of Asceticism on Indian

Civilisation
The foregoing pages reveal that asceticism was a persistent feature

in the religious life and thought of ancient India. Our enquiry
also indicates that through long evolution, not only it had taken
its
on new shades of meaning from time to time but also there were
periods, which were marked by its rise and decline, favour as well
as disfavour. From the analysis of the reasons of motives leading

to the ascetic life, two facts stand out prominently. Firstly, as-
ceticism was a way of life confined to the comparatively few people.
The masses were never suited to it as it required a high form of
mentality and conduct. Secondly, there never was a time when it
was universally acclaimed in total disregard of one’s social obliga-
tions. On the other hand Indian life respected a harmonious blend-
ing of religion, profession and material pleasure.
It is impertinent to state here that life to most men was not a
vale of tears from which to escape at all costs. This has to be as-
serted with a view to assess the impact of asceticism dispassionately
down the ages. For misconceptions about India as well as the inner
motives or drives of its culture abound. It is a sad fact that not only
the foreigners but even Indian scholars are not free from this error.
Glorification of the past is another prominent characteristic of
Indian writers. That Indian civilisation was great, needs no proving
by anyone today. There is no necessity to proclaim from the house-
tops that the Indians had achieved this or that in the ancient-past.
And yet it is customary for some Indians to say that India has
much to teach the West. The truth is that Indian thought has a
great deal to teach the Indians that they themselves stand in
and
more urgent need of that teaching than do their brethren of the
West. Thus it becomes rather imperative for the Indians to have the
strength of maturity to see their own faults or shortcomings and
correct them, if possible or tolerate them if inevitable.
Impact of Asceticism on Indian Civilisation 3I3
Asceticism Exaggerated
The foremost misconception is the fashion to take an unduly
exaggerated view of asceticism as an institution and interpret ancient
India’s religion in terms of asceticism. Says Oman: Tt is the
ascetic profession that time out of mind has been of pre-eminent
dignity in the eyes of the Indian people.’^ And again; ‘That the
only possible state of a religious (holy) life is one involving asceti-
cism.’-These statements contain only a partial truth. That asceti-
cism has contributed largely to the religious and philosophical
thoughts of India, as this study goes to prove, cannot be denied.
That withdrawal from the world {samnyasa) as the supreme aim
of earthly existence and toward self realisation is also recognised
and recommended. And yet to assign it the most predominant

place in Indian thought is an exaggeration which needs to be
avoided. Renunciation was undoubtedly considered a noble ideal;
but it represented the final stage of life after the fulfilment of man’s
social duties. It was always emphasised that no one should accept
samnyasa without having discharged one’s responsibilities as a
brahmachari, grhastha and vanaprastha. Also emphasised was
vairSgya as an essential precedent to samnyasa. If the saihnyasi was
more honoured than anyone else it was due to his being looked
upon as having achieved the highest end. This has led superficial
observers to the conclusion that India believes in renunciation and
not action.
'
It deserves a special mention that if India has revered the seers
and saints,mystics and ascetics, it has also adored the rulers and
statesmen, poets and philosophers, heroes and men of valour,
Rama and Parasuram and Dronacarya, Chandragupta and
Krisria,
Chaijakya, Asoka and Harsa, Vyas and Patanjali, Kalidas and
Bhavabhuti have been the great personalities whose names still
invoke admiration and reverence from the Indian people. World
makers and world forsakers alike adorn the annals of our ancient
•past. If the ascetic ideal claimed special regard of some, it was
also
condemned by others. And it was due to such different reactions
of different individuals at different times that the
institution of
asceticism became a complex one. Some emphasised
its spiritual
aspect while others associated it with other-worldliness, Maya or
pessimism.
iQman, The Mystics, Ascetics and Saints of India,
pp. 211.272.
*ibid.
Superior Spirituality
Deussen^ attributes the emergence of asceticism to the high
metaphysical capacity of the Indian people. It is generally believed
that renunciation of the world in quest of a spiritual life is the
badge of superiority of Indian culture,^ Some western scholars
struck by the metaphysical bent of the Indian mind have given
currency to the myth that the Indians look upon the world as an
illusion and that in thought and spirit they are aloof from the
realms of activity. Absorbed in the contemplation of the Absolute,
what matters most to them are the things of the spirit. It was
Swami Vivekananda who declared; ‘India has a mission in .the
world to fulfil —the mission of spiritualising the human race.’^ It is
thus pointed out that the spiritualisation of the human race is the
inner theme of Indian history. This has led even a modern historian
to say: ‘In India there is an attitude towards life and an approach
to the needs of the present situation in the world as a whole,’ and
exhorted her go on giving the world Indian examples of the
‘to
spiritual fight that makes man human.’^ Such a view highlights not
only the spiritual basis of the Indian culture but also suggests its
superiority.
That the essence of Indian culture has in her spirituality is
discernible in the oft-quoted expression —India’s spiritual culture.
§ri Aurobindo regards intense spirituality as the most distinguish-
ing mark of the Indian civilisation. According to him the whole

root of difference between Indian and European culture springs
from the ‘spiritual aim’ of Indian civilisation. ‘A spiritual aspira-
tion was the governing force of this culture, its core of thought,. its
ruling passion.’® That spirituality is the basis of Indian life and
thought is also emphasised by Radhakrishnan. He writes: ‘Philoso-
phy in India is essentially spiritual .... The spiritual motive
dominates life in India.’® In his view the dominant character of the
Indian mind is its He
spiritual tendency. says: ‘Spiritual experiences
is the foundation of India’s rich cultural history.’’ Such views

have
won us many an advocate from the West who have spoken of

p. 65.
2Roy, Extract From the Fragments of A Prisoner's Diary, p. 239.
®Dutt, The Culture of India as envisaged by Sri Aurobindo, foreword, p. 9.
^Toynbee, One World and India, pp. 41, 63.

SAurobindo, The Foundations of Indian Culture, pp. 137-138.
sRadhakrishnan, IP., I, p. 24.
’ibid. p. 41.
315
Impact of Asceticism on Indian Ci^lisation
India’s spiritual legacy which though flattering to our ego have

given rise to some lop-sided conclusions.
Firstly to hold that spirituality as the sole characteristic of Indian
culture is to ignore the pursuit of material prosperity as a worthy
ideal for a great civilization. Artha and Kama subsisted alongside
of an ideal of Moksa, Samnyasa (renunciation) and Aparigraha

(non-acquisition). Grhasthasrama received if not a higher status
certainly occupied as respectable a position as Samnyasa. Libera-
tion was to be attained as a result of a full life of dharma, artha and
kama. And kama included physical and artistic enjoyment of life
and appreciation of music, dance, poetry and art.
Our Indian thinkers and students of culture have not been obli-
vious to the dangers of regarding Indian culture as superior to
other cultures and to guard against the over-emphasis of the
spiritualitj' of Indian culture, Aurobindo and Radhakrishnan them-
selves caution us now and then. Aurobindo ri^tly points out;

‘Spirituality is not the monopoly of India, hosvever, it may hide
submerged in intellectualism or in other concealing veils, it is a
necessary part of human nature.’ But he asserts that the dijference
between other cultures and the culture of India is between spirit-
uality made the leading motive and determining power of both the
inner and the outer life.’' Putting the same view in its correct pers-
pective, Azad observes: ‘The characteristic of Indian thought is
that it has paid greater attention to the inner world of man than to
the outer world.’’^ The inherent dangers of such an attitude of
spiritual excess was not without its disadvantages. Radhakrishnan
pertinently observes: ‘In the East,
the exaggerated respect for
has issued an indifference to those material conditions,
spiritual life
in which alone the spiritual intentions can be carried out. As a
result, the Eastern spirituality became pertrified in dead forms
which are effete and corrupting.’^ To appreciate the truth behind
this statement, we have to consider the conditions that existed in
-India as the consequence of the blind pursuit of asceticism
and the
cult of Samnyasa.
In the post-Upanisadic times there was a confusion made in
certain groups between Samnyasa and Tyaga. Tyaga which stood
for renunciation of desire and egoistic attachment (yairagya)
was
^Sri Aurobindo, op. cit., p. J4.
-Indian Inheritance, I, pp. 164-165.
3JSa« and West in Religion, p. 68.
* Ancient Indian Asceticism
mistaken for renunciation of life and work {Samnyasa).

This
brought about total withdrawal from the earthly interests— mentally
and physically. The mandate of the Isa Upanisad, ‘verily
wish to
live out thy hundred years’ span of life doing works in the world,
was forgotten. Contemplation and action are not irreconciliable
opposites as Vedantic thought has explained to us over and over
again. They find their harmony in action without attachment, in
enjoyment without desire: ‘tyaktem bhunjitha:^ The Upanisads
also tell us: ‘Awake! Arise! Stop not till you Reach the Goal.’®
The message finds its practical demonstration in the Gita when
Krisna said again and again to Arjuna: ‘Gird up your loins, pick
up your weapons and engage in the fight Action is superior to
inaction.’^ It is not the fight away from the world but the fight in
the world and against the life’s odds that the Gita upholds. It is
not a renunciation from action but a renunciation in action:
Karmaphala-sarimyasa. This truly Indian point of view should
dismiss the charge that Indians in thought'dnd spirit are indifierent
to the world and its atfairs and are mere onlookers.
Other-worldliness and Maya ,
The misunderstanding of Indian religion in terms of asceticism

and too much emphasis on the spirituality behind it has given rise
to the view that India’s is a religion of pessimism and creates a
feeling of despair and otherworldliness in the minds of its votaries.

No doubt the doctrine of Maya looking upon the world as an
illusion, arose from the cult of Samnyasa as also the other-world-
liness which characterises some of the Hindu sects. But this is a
fairly later growth which ignores the fundamental principles of
India’s religious and philosophical thought. There is also some
truth in the charge of other-worldliness when we consider a section
of preachers who sang of the human body as a polluted thing and
of human existence as a calamity to be overcome. This was due to
the central conception of the ascetic life or the monastic system
that
meritorious
the complete abstinence from all sexual intercourse was
and essential for the total withdrawal from the world. The body
Usa., 2: Kurvanneveha karmani jUivijechatani samalj.
2ibid.
Uttisthata jagj-ata prapya varannibodhata.
s/sTa/Aa. t7p.,
Sarira-
^BG., Ill, 8: Niyatarii kuru karma tvam karma jyayo hyakarraapab
yatrapi ca tc na prasidhyedakarmapah-
Impact of Asceticism on Indian Civilisation 317
caine to be -despised. Chastity was regarded as the ideal state. It
was the absolute suppression of the v/hole sensual side of man’s

nature, a perpetual struggle against all carnal impulses and all that
stimulates desire. It was an inevitable consequence of the ascetic
life here.
'
But this ascetic creed despising the human body does not truly
represent Indian thought. On
hand our ancient scriptures
the other
not. only look upon the human body as a means to the attainment
of the final end but also consider it as an abode of the supreme
deity; Ye puruse brahtnavidufi te viduh paramesthinam} The human
body is called the city of the gods {devanarhpuh).^ It is considered so
holy that it is likened to the dsrama of the seven /‘s/s {sapta tsayah)P
How beautiful is this description of the human body!
' The ancient Indians did not have an indifferent attitude towards
,
life. The Vedas not only set a hundred years as the norm of human
life but, pray for a full and complete life.'' The Tshopanisad calls
upon man to ‘perform action here and desire to live a hundred

years.’® The Upanisad reminds us at the same time that all v/orldly
things are alive with God and that they should be enjoyed without
attachment: tyaktena bhunjUhd. There is no need to be blind to
the material world. It is a deep and disinterested acceptance of it
and a joyful recognition that no part of it may be refused. The
Tcdtimya Upanisad enjoins; ‘Bhootyai na pramaditavyam' ‘Swerve —
not from the path of worldly prosperity.’® This means; do not be
other-worldly too early and before your time. Do not turn your face
away from the conflicts of this world and do not be engrossed in
vague imaginings and speculations into things which may ignore the
problems of tomorrow and the day after. ‘This world is the most
beloved of all: ayam lokah priyatamah, says the Atharvaveda,
addressing a diseased man, ‘Die not before decrepit age,’^ It is true
MP.,x,7. 17.
ÂV,,X.ajtacakra navadvara devananipub ayodhya tasyam birapyayab
2:
kosahsvargo jyotifavitab tasmin birapyaye kose tryarc tripratijthite tasmin
yadyakftnatmanvat tad vai brahmavido vidulj.
^YV., IV., IV. S.S.: sapta rjayaj) pralihitalj sarire sapta rakjanti sadama
pramadam saptapab svapato lokatniyub tatra jagrio svapna jau satrasadau ca
devau.
Vn. 66-16: YV., 36-25; AV., XIX. 63-60; PV., I- 89. 9.
5/ja.,2.,
6711., 1 . 11 .
W.,V.30. 17.
that the Upanisads encourage a renunciatory spirit on the ground

that knowledge of the soul can be obtained by retiring from the
world of actions, but not on the ground that the whole manifold
world is an illusion.
The mistaken idea of the other worldliness arose from a false
reading of the theory of Maya—an
erroneous belief that the world
is a mere illusion. Indeed, the noblest exponent of Maya, ânkar-
acarya, never said that the world of the senses is an illusion— to the
senses. He did proclaim the relativity of knowledge and the illusory
nature of sensation —
experience. He also proclaimed that the
human mind and senses are not the last or only arbiters of Truth;
that Time, Space, Matter and God Himself are not, in Absolute
Truth. What they appear to be to the mind and the senses; that the
Absolute Truth must be realised through means beyond the in-
tellect; and that the means to such realisation is enlightenment
throuth Yoga. What he meant in essence was that the world has no
reality apart from God, which is very different from saying that the
world has no reality. What is illusory is not the world but the false
meaning that has been attached to Maya, that is responsible for a

pessimistic outlook of life.^ The narrow ascetic denies the material
world, while the matter of fact materialist denies the spirit, forgetf
ful of the fact that the true Truth includes and transcends both,’:
says Aurobindo. It is due to this ignorance that some Western critic
exaggerate and overstress the other-worldliness of Indian culture. .
To the doctrine of Maya, the Gita furnishes a corrective. It says

that not only is the world a reality for us but disinterested action in
the worldly life is the key to get happiness and salvation. It advises
that one need not despair and give up worldly pursuits nor desire
to die to get release. It is in this world, in living a life of modera-
tion and doing one’s duties without attachment that one can learn
the art of living a balanced life. One must identify oneself comple-
tely with Sat and C/u't i.e. whatever is good and true. If one does
so,one will surely acquire the third quality, of or joy. This
isnot pessimism but optimism of a superior kind, based not on
some favour coming from outside but from the inner, robust and
^Sarvavyavaharaijameva prak brahmatmavijnanat satyatvbpattejj, svanp-

navyavaharasya prak prabhodhat prak prabodhat sariisaritvabhigamah
II. 1. 14; rV. I. 3). dehatmapratyayo yadvat pramanalven
kalpitalj laukikath
tadvadevedam pramanam tvatmaniscayat (SB., 1-4).
2op. dt., p. 26.

319
Impact of Asceticism on Indian Civilisation
rational faith, that whatever bitterness of misfortunes one may

experience in doing one’s duties, it is a part of one s life and
will
ultimately bring one joy and happiness. The Gita also points
out
that true SamnySsa does not consist merely in retiring from the
world but in subduing it to the purpose of the soul. Pravrtti and

Nivrttineed not be two different paths opposed to each other. On
the other hand, the former should be a preparation for the latter.
Pessimism
Pessimism is necessarily linked with othenvorldliness and
Maya and inter-related as a distinct aspect of Indian asceticism. A
common charge levelled against the Indians is that their view of life
is essentially pessimistic. Observes Radhakrishnan: ‘Almost every

critic of Indian philosophy and culture harps on its pessimism.’^
Pessimism is so much exaggerated that it is taken as pervading the
entire range of Indian thought. As one critic states'. ‘Pessimism

infects the whole physical and intellectual life of India and that the
Indian philosophers have never been able to paint any positive
picture of bliss.’^
It has to be pointed out, however, that Indian philosophy has
various thought processes. It is not true that all Indian philosophers
emphasise the importance of pessimism. Among them are thinkers

like the Lokayatas and the Buddha who propagate the importance
of life for the sake of living. They give a positive philosophy of life,
requiring every man to live a full life and not to escape from it.
Some scholars hold that the cause of Indian pessimism is
environmental. Their attempt often stretches beyond reasonable

limit inwanton disregard of the fact of Indian history. Especially,
they overplay the factor of climate so much that it assumes a
misconception of a grave nature.
A’special mention should be made in this regard to Montesquieu
who goes to prove that the Indians are next to good for nothing — —
people for which climate is solely responsible. He observes; ‘The
Indians are naturally a pusillanimous people; even the children of
Europeans bom in India lose the courage peculiar to their own
climate The heat of the climate may be so excessive as to
deprive the body of all vigour and strength. Then the faintness
is
communicated to the mind; there is no curiosity, no enterprise, no
^Radhakrishnan, IP., 1, p. 40.
2Ronaldshay, q. b. Radhakrishnan, ibid.
generosity of sentiment; the inclinations are all passive; indolence

constitutes the utmost happiness; scarcely any punishment is
so
severe as mental enjoyment.’^ This charge of Montesquieu deroga-
torily dubs the Indian people as effiminate, indolent and feeble,
lacking in manliness and smacks of a strong political bias. Such
a
prejudicial view also indicates a niggardly acquaintance with India’s
past, a deliberate indifference to the many-sided richness and depth
of her achievements. Neither history nor literature justifies this
description of the Indian people.
Aurobindo summing up the many-sided character of India’s vast
past andpanorama writers: ‘India has not only had the long roll
of her great saints, sages, thinkers, religious founders, poets, crea-
tors, scientists, scholars, legists; she has had her great rulers, admi-
nistrators, soldiers, conquerors, heroes, men with the strong active
will, the mind and the seeing force that builds.’^ The
that plans
story of ancient India one of material prosperity and grandeur,
is
valour and venture. The spirit of adventure which led to the

building up of raagnificiant empires and the setting up of prosperous
colonies across the seas is hard to reconcile with an ascetic and
merely negative frame of mind.
Better still, by way of a contrast to the erroneous view of Mon-
tesquieu, Durant represents India in its real perspective. His view,
which serves a befitting reply, is worth quoting. He writes: ‘Noth-
ing should more deeply shame the modern student than the recency
and inadequacy of his acquaintance with India. , Here is' a vast
peninsula of nearly two million square miles; two third as large as
the United States and twenty times the size of Great Britain; 320
million souls, more than in all North and South America combined
or one of the population of the earth (the reference is
fifth
obviously to the undivided India); an impressive continuity of

development and civilisation from Mohenjodaro, 2900 bc or earlier,
to Gandhi, Raman and Tagore; faiths compassing every stage from
barbarous idolatory to the most subtle and spiritual pantheon;
philosophers playing a thousand variations on one monastic theme
from the Upanisads eight centuries before Christ to Shankara,
eight centuries after him; developing astronomy three
scientists
thousand years ago and winning Nobel prizes in our own time; a
democratic constitution of untraceable antiquity in the villages and
^Montesquieu, The Spirit of Laws, I, p. 294.
2Sri Aurobindo, op. cit„ p. 211. • ^
321
fmpact of Asceticism on Indian Civilisation
wise and beneficient rulers like Asoka and Akbar in the capitals,
ministrels singing great epics almost as old as Homer and poets
holding world audience today; artists raising gigantic temples for

Hindu gods from Tibet to Ceylon and from Cambodia to Java or car-
ving perfect palaces by the score of Mogul Kings and Queens that
is the India that patient scholarship is now opening
up, to that
V/estern mind which only yesterday thought civilisation an exclusi-
vely European thing.”' And all this by the born, tired, lazy, unener-
getic,weak, passive and incurious Indians!
The temperamental tendency to look upon the dark side of things
with regard to Indian pessimism is more assumed than proved.
No one can be a pessimist when life is joyous and hopeful. And it
can be said in all fairness that the people of India had, on the
whole, their share of the natural joys of life, which was full of
optimism. The Vedic age was an age of the appreciation of the
good things of life and of .strenuous eiTorl to .'.cciirc (hem. There
was a vigorous pursuit of material life and the desire for prosperity.
To live a full life with material blessings was a worthy ideal. Even
in when the philosophical trait of the
the times of the Upanisads
Indian mind we find that the reputed teachers like
asserts itself,
Yajnavalkya were married men and desired material goods. When
asked by King Janaka whether he desired wealth and cattle or
victory in debate, he said he wanted both." The sages preached, no
doubt, detachment from life but it would be wrong to say, therefore,
that they would impose their gloomy views upon all the people of
the land. The average Indian, though he paid homage to them and
respected their ideals, did not find life a wretched existence; rather
he was willing to accept the world as he found it and to extract
what happiness he could from it.
About the sadness of life in India, an Indian scholar writes;
‘There is a certain sadness in Indian life which is unmistakable. The
villager finds restfrom his daily toil mostly in listening to the suf-
ferings of Rama, weeping with Sita and exulting in the victory of
Rama over Ravana.’^ This does not prove the sadness of Indian life.
If the villager weeps with the suffering Rama and SIta, it is as much
a tribute to his capacity to identify himself with the epic
characters
^Durant, Will, Oitr Orientiil Henjage^ p. 391.

~Brhad, Ar. Up.^ IV, I, K
3Wadia. An: 'The Philosophical Outlook in India and Europe’
in Radha-
krishnan Comparaiirc Studies in Philosophy^
p. 99 .
as thepower of the poet to evoke wide sympathy and wring out

tearand joy from the human heart. On the contrary, there runs
through the epics a dominant note which urges man to make his
mundane life full and opulent, to fill it with colour and beauty and
enjoyment. The heroic side of this idea ‘is stamped in strong relief
over the epic and the classical literature.’^ The scheme of the four
asramas and the emphasis on Artha and Kama among the four
objectives of life suggest too that man should live a full and whole
life and not starve any of its aspect. The appreciation of art, archi-
tecture, literature, music and dance all found their due place in
Indian life which should prove that it emphasised the good things
of life. The ideals of life that the great secular literature of India
presents have no relation to pessimism.
It now remains to consider pessimism as a philosophy of life.
The Upanisads constantly insisted that salvation was won by the

—
knowledge of Brahman Atman and all else was merely preliminary.
Transmigration and Karma brought about a sense of defeatism
with the result that all action and existence were looked upon as a
positive evil. The ascetic philosopher felt the worthlessness of the
phenomenal world as contrasted with the changeless bliss of the
Atman. The futility of the world and the evil of activity logically
involved renunciation of the world and a life of meditation. Pes-
simism was the inevitable result of these factors at work. Viewed
thus, Indian pessimism can be understood as related to the great
doctrine of Brahman, Karma and transmigration.®
The pessimistic view of life implies not merely dissatisfaction
with what is or exists but whether existence is fundamentally and
essentially and worthless. Such a theory is found in Indian
evil
thought. According to Dasgupta: ‘There is an inherent pessimism

in most systems of Indian thought which considers that normally
we are all under the evil influence of false knowledge and are all
gliding on the downward path of sins and aflSictions.’ He continues;
‘They also consider all attachments lead to bondage and slavery to
passions and thereby lead us away from the path ot liberation.’®
But Indian pessimism is only initial and notfinal. Life is desire and
desire is pain and only where both are at an end, is the craving
of
the soul at rest. Out of such a situation the Upanisads show a way
iSri Aurobindo, op. cit., p. 27.
2cf. Chapter 3, pp. 80-87.

miP. II, p. 414.
,
out in the ideal of detachment or Vairagya which seeks freedom

from all passion and desire through self-knowlegde leading to moksa.
This is not pessimism if the immense spiritual possibility resulting
from it is considered. The Upanisads regard ntoksa not as a hypo-

thetical state to be attained after death but as a realizable one in
this life. They declare: ‘When all the desires that the heart har-
bours are gone, man becomes immortal and reaches Brahmana here'^
And the Gita shows the way towards the attainment of the blissful
supreme state through Karntaphalasamnyasa.^
The Buddha’s teaching laid heavy stress on the sorrow and an-
nihilation of trsna (craving). This is misconstrued as pessimistic.
The misery of samsara is most real. Life as it is commonly led is
marred by sorrow and suffering. It is not pessimism to confront
man with the truth of suffering, with the problem of his destiny, of
decay and death and of the suffering inherent in all the things which
he tries to cling desperately. The Buddha believes that religion is
something to be lived and not merely to be studied or discussed.
He of religion to life and conduct so
believes in the application
that it becomes a second nature. He shows man a distinct and
positive path out of suffering. His Eight-fold-path admirably sums
up practical duties and obligations of religious life. He admits the
possibility of attaining peace here and now whereby roan instead of
being the victim of misery becomes its The Nirvana which
victor.
is to be won ‘fay the heroic spirit of moral self-conquest and calm
wisdom is a state of ineffable calm and joy, open to all.’^ If the
Buddha paints a deeply moving picture of life, he sees also the way
to a better life. He is neither a hopeless pessimist nor a superficial
optimist.
noteworthy that for all the severity of the discipline of the
It is
Jaina ascetic, the Jaina scriptures contain numerous passages which

mention the quiet inner happiness of the homeless life— the great
sense of relief, of freedom, which comes with the abandonment of
family ties. The life of asceticism is not looked upon as weakly
giving way before the sorrows of the world but as a great spiritual
struggle to be looked upon with courage and resolution like that of
a soldier.^
^Brltad. Up., TV. 4.7; Katha Up., VI. 14.
~BG ,
II. 51; IV. 20, Eliade prefers the term phalatr^navairSgya:
Images
and Symbol p. 68-
Âurobindo, Foundation of Indian Culture, p. 84.
^Sources of Indian Tradition, p. 66.
In llie midst of popular notions and misunderstandings about

pessimism in particular and Buddhism and Hinduism in general, it
is notable of a Westerner to tell us that ‘the tenets of Hinduism

and Buddhism are neither annihilistic nor negative but positive as
nirvaiya is tranquility, not negation, a state of indifference but of
understanding and acceptance.’^ In our own times, this is a presen-
tation of a refreshingly correct perspective of Hinduism and Bud-
dhism with their emphasis on wholeness of life and the importance
of training not only the intellect and the body but also ‘the inner
mind of the subconsciousness.’ To this may be added Basham’s
correct estimate of ancient India that ‘her people enjoyed life pas-
sionately delighting both in the things of the senses and the things
of the spirit.’*
On the whole we might conclude that Indian religious thought

was a mixture of both pessimism and optimism. Pessimism was
there but all philosophers were not pessimists. The various bhakti
movements that arose were optimistic and greatly enriched the
religious life of India. The belief in a personal God, in His Love
and grace and in the possibility of personal contact with Him
helped Indians to live a life of real joy and peace. Bhakti has been
a source of deep spiritual feeling and it succeeded to break the
force of pessimism. The asrama dharma and the four purusarthas—
artha, kama, dharma and moksa alongwith various sacraments
{samskaras) which covered man’s life from the cradle to the grave
and led to the full-fledged growth of man’s personality, would also
serve as a corrective against the popular misconception that the
ancient Indians always thought in terms of fatalism, pessimism and
asceticism. Indian outlook on life has never been one of complete
negation or denial.
Having cleared the ground by referring to some of the chief
objections urged against Indian culture and the ascetic institution,
let us now turn to the impact of asceticism on the civilisation of
ancient India.
Social and Religious Aspects

In the times of the Upanisads, as discussed earlier, the mystic
^Horace Alexander, Consider India: An Esây in Values, pp. 1-26. How

the
Indian today and
Gita, the Vedas and the Dhammapada affect the lives of
may one day affect that of the world form the thesis of this book.
^Basham, The Wonder that was India, p. 9.
thinkers in their search for truth lived in a dream of eternity,
renounced the world and became solitaiy recluses in wild forests or

on mountain heights contemplating the splendour of Life Divine.
They did not come forward to mix with the people with a view to
improve their spiritual condition. The Upanisadic seers were more
concerned with their own salvation and were approachable by only
a few' of the intelligentsia to v/hom the subtle philosophy of
Brahman — Atman could make its appeal. The Upanisadic philoso-
phy was not sufficient to fulfil the moral or religious needs of the
masses. The Upanisadic philosophers were not concerned with
common people or mundane matters. Instead of seeking to remedy
the society of its ills, they were repelled by the sorrows and injus-
tices in the world. Their otheivvorldly aspiration took no notice of
the deterioration in society. As a result, the people continued to

live in misery. To what extent the lower strata of society suffered
is vividly described in the Kiitadanta Sutta}

The orthodox Brahmanic tradition recognised the ideal of Sarim-
yasa (renunciation) but did not encourage too many people to take
to it. This tradition also insisted that man should first pass through
the earlier stages of life and thus excluded the majority, which
The Brahmin ascetic orders depended
consisted of the fourth caste.
on birth and were open to the Brahmins only. Jainism, Buddhism
and Lokayatas revolted against this rigid Brahmanic tradition.
Not only this, Jainism and Buddhism removed the restrictions of
caste and sex and opened the gates of monastic life to all. The
general masses, who were eager to know about this life and had
been prevented from knowing it, therefore, welcomed Jainism and
Buddhism. Monastic life came to be admired and the orders of
monks and nuns increased .-
The compassionate life of the Buddha drew many followers to
the w’ay of life he propagated. The Buddhists founded a large num-
ber of big monasteries and the best and the ablest men and w'omen
became monks and nuns. Society was the poorer and weaker for it.
The great kingdom of Magadha was so full of monasteries that it
came to be called Bihar, the land of VihSras or monasteries. The
Jaina and Buddhist monasteries pros'ided an opportunity even
for those who merely wanted .to escape the responsibilities
of life
although ethically and intellectually they were unfit to lead the
life
icf. Chapter 5, pp. 127 ff; DOB., p. 180.
-ci. Chapter 6, pp. 145 S'.
of the monk. Many who were frustrated in life and living in misery
also found a shelter in monastic life. As a result corruption entered
monasteries and they became a burden upon society which deterio-
rated economically and morally.
we come across a group of mendicants
In the Mahabharata
{munimuitdali) who
did not believe in a fixed abode, subsisted only
on alms and were constantly on move from one place to another.
These ascetics used to
visit kings and other people in distress and
rendered them help or advice. The miserable received soothing

words from them in times of troubles and calamity. They contri-
buted a great deal to improve the lot of the people.^
Both the epics, the Ramayam and the Mahabharata refer to many
hermitages in the seclusion of the forests where the risis and ascetic
teachers lived. The hermitages of Kanva, Vasistha and Visvaraitra
were great centres of learning where the students congregated.
These asramas kept alive the bright fires of learning and spiritual
thought. Young men of noble birth sought education at these
sacred shrines of learning. Those tired of the world and the old
went there for peace. These centres of culture were cherished by
the rulers of the land who treated the members of the hermitages
with respect and consideration. The sages who were in charge of
the training of the young gave them their very best. They were
looked upon as the custodians of the spiritual heritage of the land.
The sages, besides contributing to the welfare of the community
also evinced keen interest in the proper maintenance of dharma by
a righteous administration of the country by the kings. They served
the lonely and the lost, the forlorn and the afflicted as illustrated
by Valmiki’s care of Sita and her children. Some of these risis

travelled from place to place, visiting kings and holding religious
conferences at their court.^
The aftermath of Buddhism and Jainism saw the popularity of
the monastic life. Ther^ was an indiscriminate admission of men
and women into the ascetic orders. Men forgot, their social duties
and family res’ponsibilities. In many cases they left their wives and
often wives left their husbands. Domestic ties were broken and
women and children made destitute and homeless. Marriage was view-
ed as a burden. Poverty and misery of life increased. The state had
to face the problem of maintaining the deserted and the destitute.
^cf. Chapter 8., Mbh., see pp. 217-20

2cf. Chapter 8., Ram., pp. 274-75.
There was another problem which the state was confronted with.
The proselytizing sects had multiplied and disturbed the social and
religious life of the people. The grov/th of ascetic orders was a
great burden on the livelihood of the people. Kautilya utilised the
agency of the state to reduce the incidence of a life of asceticism
on the social energy of manhood and womanhood of his times. He
forbade the practice of abandoning domestic life and made it a
rule that only old could become ascetics and only after making
men
adequate provisions for their dependants and getting sanction from
the dliarmasthas. He laid down that women should not be converted
to a of renunciation and those who committed this crime were
life
punished. The youth, if they showed a leaning towards a life of

samnyasa, while their services were required for the preservation
state, were also punished. The movements of
of society and the
were regulated and their incidence for mainte-
ascetic institutions
nance on the honest and industrious population was reduced.
Kautilya valued asceticism primarily for its usefulness in espionage
and intelligence activities.^
The law-givers found that there was an influx of undesirable
persons into the stage of samnyasa who were not fitted for such a
life. They felt that their admission into the ascetic order without
the natural gradation through the first three stages was bound to
produce a general deterioration in society and disturb its economic
foundation. They, therefore, insisted upon people passing from all
the stages. A premature life of asceticism was viewed as anti-
social. They also preached that the householder was the basis and
support which held up the entire society. They praised Grhasthas-
rama as the most excellent and the highest dsrama." They sought to
ensure that admission to samnyasa be conditioned on adequate
preparation through learning and discipline. They, therefore, laid
down severe punishments by way of penances for those who failed
to keep up the standard of purity of the three stages of brahma-
carya, vanaprastha and samnyasa.
Intellectual Aspect
In the intellectual
life of the people, the wandering scholars
(pari-
vrajakas) and forest-dwellers (hermits, vanaprasthas) both Biahmin
and non-Brahmin who represented asceticism played a prominent
icf. Chapter, 9, pp. 286-87.
2cf. Chapter, 10, pp. 305-10.
From the Vedic times

role as religious teachers of ancient India.
the institution of Naistinka Brahmacaris was fairly known. There
were many, of both the sexes, who remained life-long celibates and
applied themselves to learning. In their quest of the Brahma-realis-
ation they led a mendicant life of renunciation, carrying enlighten-
ment wherever they went. They practised Brahmacaiym not only as
an aspect of austerity but owing to its detachment from life, also
as an opportunity for the persistent pursuit of knowledge and
imparting religious instruction to those who were willing to listen
to them.
The Buddhist and Jaina literature assign an important part to
the sramaiia, who is often mentioned as an important personage.
He was a religious teacher whose function was intellectual guidance
and spiritual instruction.A characteristic feature of the religious
life of India in this period was the number and variety of ascetic
groups of Sramaiias and Brahmanas, all Parivrajakas, followers of
different Ditthis{Darsams or systems), Khantis (Ksmiti), Beliefs
—
aims and organisations (Nissaya asraya)} According to
Jaina source, every religious order of the samanas was a travelling
school. The furtherance of the course of truth and knowledge in all
branches of learning by open discussions was a remarkable feature

of their educational and cultural activities." The Ahguttara Nikaya
mentions a number of religious and philosophical sects of hermits
and wanderers.^ While the Srtis call them Carakas literally ‘Wan--
derers,’ the Smrtis call them Parivrajakas, some of whom had their
group of disciples. A characteristic of the Wanderer was his love
of philosophical discussion and disputation. Many of such, singly
or in groups, wandered through the country, holding discussions at
noted centres of learning and spreading education. The philosophi-
cal discussions were held at the courts of kings like Janaka, in the
Pancitala Parishad or in Sahthagdras or Samyappa-vadaka-saJa, as
the Pali texts call them or sabhas as the Smrtis call them. Evidence
of actual places w'here such public philosophical discussions were
held is ample in Pali literature.
^Vdanam, pp. 66-67.

Social
-BrUmtkalpa Bhasya, 4, 5179; 5431 Vya, Bha., 1. p. 57 af; cf. Jain,
Life in the Jaina Literature, p. 174.
Parivrajakas, see
3See Chapter 6 pp. 140-49 For a typical description of the
—
Udumbarika Sihanadsutta. Diglia Nikaya, III, pp. 36ff.
329
The Parivrdjakas, except during the rainy season wandered

throughout the country expounding their doctrines, meeting new
teachers and learning from them, disputing with them
and thus
winning the allegiance of the people and rulers alike, niese discus-
sions often resulted in conversions and borrowings as between
their different sects and schools. These wandering
scholars were
responsible for a wide-spread movement to encourage speculation

for its own sake and to repudiate sacerdotalism, authority' and
were not compatible with their rationalism.^
tradition if they
These discussions afforded a good scope to the proselytizing
tendencies of the Bhikkus of the Samgha who spread the message
of the Buddha far and wide. Even the story of the Buddha’s life is
largely a of the numerous conversions of leaders of non-
tale
Buddhist sj'stems brought about by him. Jainism also likewise
borrowed largely of the Acelakas and AJivikas who can truly be
called their ancestors.
It w'as these wandering teachers belonging to different sects who
were primarily responsible for giving the unity of outlook and
temper which in spite of local differences characterises to this day
the mentality of the village folk from one part of the country to
another, their fortitude and the philosophical approach to life. The
demands of life in ancient India were comparatively few and were
easily satisfied. Even when the peasant did not suffer from lack of
food, he was content to speculate upon the mysteries of fate. The
rustic here has in some sense a philosophy of life and can talk of
fate and circumstances with a detachment and insight which is
often surprising. This quality of resignation and tolerance in his
mental make up is all the more so in view of the almost universal
lack of literacy in India. The question arises: Whence comes this
culture of the mind?
Toward this the wandering teacher and mendicant plaj'ed a big
part. It was their function to bring the teachings of religion and
morality within the reach of the average villager. Their tales com-
pensated to a large extent for their lack of a literary education.
Philosophy was translated into myth and religion embodied in the
^Havell observes: ‘Among ihe Wanderers, a fraternity of mendicant sophists

open to all classes within the Aryan pale, the greatest freedom of thought
prevailed, and in the public debating halls of Aryavarta
Brahmanical doctrines
were controverted as freely as those of the orthodox Christian
churches are at
popular resorts of the present day in Europe.’ Aryan Rule
in India, p. 50 .
actions of men. Morality was turned into the form of legends and
rural life was thus enriched by the wisdom of generations. Havell
narrates how
during the Gupta age the sodhus and samnyasis
Mahabhdrata throughout the length
carried the epics, especially the
and breadth of the country which gave abundant material for a
system of popular education, as the bhikkus of the Sangha formerly
spread the message of the Buddha.^ The epic tales of valour and
romance, legends of wisdom and morality, aimed to delight, amuse
and educate the people, also served as a code of life, a philosophy
of social and ethical relations, touching many human problems.
The Sddhus and Sathnyasis made the Epics and the Puranas a living
force to guide the people in their day-to-day life. Not only they
were both poets and historians as story tellers but also custodians
of local tradition and faith, whose stories were woven round the
religious experience and expectations of the people. It is in this
manner Hinduism permeated the masses, the
that the teachings of
characters and the incidents of Hindu mythology became common
currency in the social and intellectual intercourse of the people.
How the religo-intellectual activities of these wanderers affected
deeply and widely the of the people can be gathered from the
life
writings of the Chinese monk, Hiuen-Tsang, (who followed Fa-Hian)

who visited India between ad 629-645. Hiuen-Tsang gives high
praise to the wandering bhikkus or sddhus, men deeply versed in
antique wisdom and possessing the culture accumulated by constant
travel, who, though sometimes belonging to wealthy families, were
content to live a of poverty apart from the world unmoved by
life
honour or reproach., ‘For them there is honour in knowing truth

and no disgrace in being destitute.’^ No fatigue was too great when
an opportunity offered them of gaining knowledge or of using their
own for helping others. Those who were famed for their wisdom
were treated with the highest respect; but not even the honours
which kings could bestow tempted them to forsake the path of
knowLiedge.
lôwever, the greatest gift of monastic life to ancient India was
the educational benefits provided through the monasteries. The

Chinese pilgrims Fa-Hian and Hiuen-Tsang found monasticism
their
flourishing in the North India and the great monasteries with
thousands of learned and studious monks exercised a powerful
^Havell, ibid, p. 157.
^Walter’s translation, I, p. 162.
331
influence.Amongst them, renewed for its university was Nalanda,

which was the centre of Mahayana Buddhism.
Hiuen-Tsang has much to say about educational matters, both
with regard to popular instruction and the higher learning of the
Buddhist monasteries. Brahmana and Buddhist teachers vied v/ith
each other in devotion to their duties. The brethren of the Sangha
often met together to sharpen their wits in intellectual contests and
to promote the moral aims of their order. Learning was not the
monopoly of the Buddhist monks or Brahmins. ‘A man who
delighted in wisdom could study diligently at home and be a monk
or layman as he pleased.’^
Ethical Aspect
Asceticism contributed as well to the ethical code of Brahmanism,
Buddhism and Jainism.
The Samnyasis as described in the Vedic literature had to adopt
the ten vows as personal conduct while embracing samnyasa.^ The
major five vows were;
1. Abstention from injuring living beings {ahimsa)
2. Truthfulness isatya)
10.
3. Abstention from appropriating the property of others {asteya)
4. Continence {brahmacaryd)
5. Liberality
The five minor vows were:
6. Abstention from anger
7. Obedience towards the Guru
8. Avoidance of rashness
9. Cleanliness
Purity in eating.
The sathnyasi served a model from which the Jains and
as
Buddhists borrowed many important practices and institutions of
ascetic Kfe. The five Buddhist vows are identical with those of the
Jaina ascetics;^
1. Not to destroy life (ahimsa)
2. Not to lie (sanrita)
3. Not to take that what is not given (asteya)

4. To abstain from sejcual intercourse (brahmacarya)
iWatter’s translation, I, p. 162.
Wcatdh. DS., II, 10. 18.
®Rhys Davids, Buddhism, pp. 139, J60.
5. To renounce all interest in worldly things {aparigraha)

These vows were binding on every Bhikkhu or Samam. To the
former they were known as panksTla and to the latter as panca
mahavvayas. The observance of these became the basis of every field
of the Jaina and Buddhist monastic conduct. In the course of time
they became binding on every Jaina or Buddhist follower.
The Yogasutras of Patanjali borrows these and they form the
Yamas or abstention in his Yoga system. The Yamas consist of five
self-restraints or disciplinary practices described as:
1. Non-injury (ahimsd)
2. Truthfulness (satya)
3. Non-theft (asteya)
4. Continence (brahntacarya)
5. Frugal living (aparigraha)
The Niyainas which were also borrowed from ascetic rules are
five:
1. Soucha (bodily and mental purity)

2. Santosa (contentment)
3. Tapas (ascetic practices)
4. Swadhyaya (study of the sciences and philosophy)
5. Iswar Pranidlidna (total dedication to God)^
The yamas and niyamas were already a part of the personal

conduct of the samnyasi or the bhikkhu or the samana, muni. Now
they became the rules of personal conduct to be observed by the
Yoga aspirants, who are advised to give up the desire to injure
anybody or to lie or to steal or to be sensual or greedy and even in
the thought of injury to another. The yamai and niyamas are
expected to be observed in all circumstances and at all times.
Patanjali emphasises that progress in Yoga depends upon goodness

in personal character and in social relations. This brings about a
complete change in the aspirant’s attitude towards the outer world
and toward himself, in short, to ethics and morality in the widest
sense. Aided by the yamas and niyamas, the aspirant was ensured
with social and individual stability. They were necessary for the full
physical and moral development of his personality.
This impact permeated many layers of society which provided for
men and families dedicated to religion and philosophy the study
and practice of Yoga. Those who actually practised it and regarded
lys., II. 29, 32.

333
it as the most important part of their lives both in personal practice

and in social application, not only enriched and strengthened their
inner life but also served others in promotion of human happiness.

The moral qualities like Ahiihsa, Satya, Asteya, Aparigraha and
Brahmacarya formed the ethical foundation of the Brahmanical
Buddhist and Jaina monachism and part of their ascetic philosophy.
As social ethics they became a part of their respective religious
systems.
Other Aspects
Asceticism tended to keep before man’s eyes a higher ideal, a life
of purity and self-restraint. The ascetic practised the spiritual way

of life as a matter of voluntary undertaking. His life and action
were an ever-present reminder to the people that man could know

the path of true happiness when ht came to recognise spiritual
values and realised that material prosperity was not the be-all and
end-all of life. As a result, a number of ideas came to be held by
the people which had a certain influence over their minds down
the ages, viz. the vanity of the world, the supremacy of the spiritual
life and the nobility of asceticism. Men have believed that the man
who gave up everything for God was a true saint. Union with Him
has been the spiritual ideal of the people. In India where poverty
is conspicuous, asceticism with its emphasis on voluntary poverty
helped to some extent reduce the impact of j)ovcrty on the life of a

common man. It made poverty somewhat tolerable and vicissitudes
of life acceptable with patience, and certain amount of resignation.
It will, therefore, be no exaggeration to suggest that asceticism
of ancient India had its impact on social, religious, intellectual and
ethical life of the people. Ancient Indian literature, as we have seen
is replete with evidences to this effect. There
is no doubt, therefore,
that asceticism had a varied impact on the entire culture of India.
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227-35, 315-27.
•, The Aryan Way of Life in the Ramayana, JOL, Vol. V,
1955-56, pp. 135-39.
, Religious Beliefs in the Ramayana, JOL, Vol. VTt, 1957-58,
pp. 125-34,
Wadia, The Philosophical Outlook in India and Europe, Compara-
tive Studies in Philosophy Presented in Honour of Radhakrislman's
Sixtieth Birthday, 1951, pp. 87-103.
Wadiyar, Jaya Chamaraja, Is Indian Philosophy Applicable to
Modem Living? Sunday Standard, June, 25, 1961.
Dictionaries, Encyclopaedias, Indexes

Apte, V.S., Sanskrit-English Dictionary.
Bloomfield, M., A Vedic Concordance.
Davids, T.W. Rhys and William Slede, ed., Pali English Dictionary,
Deb, R.K., Shabdakalpadrum, 5 Vols.
Dikshitar, V.R.R., The Parana Index, Vol. I.
Encyclopaedia Britannica.
Jacob, G.A., A Concordance to the Principal Upanishads and
Bhagavadgita, Delhi.
Hastings, James, Encyclopaedia of Religion and Ethics, 13 Vols.
Keith, A.B. and A.A, Macdonell, Vedic Index, 2 Vols.
Macdonell, A.A., Sanskrit English Dictionary.
Maharaj, Ratnachandraji, Ardha-Magadhi Dictionary, 5 Vols.
Malalasekera, Dictionary of Pali Proper Names, 2 Vols.
Monier Williams, English Sanskrit Dictionary.
Rice, E.P., The Mahabharata Analysis and Index.

Seligman, Edwin, Encyclopaedia of Social Sciences.
Sorenson, S., An Index to the Names in the Mahabharata.
Tandon, Yashpal, A Concordance of Parana Contents.
Visvabandhu, A Complete Alphabetic Index of all the Words in the
Atharvaveda.
Webiter's Dictionary.
Index
Abbhakshalj (Abhravakacab), ascetics, Ananda, 158-60

217 Anasuya, 263, 265
Abhaya, 177 Anatha Pindika, 150
Abhayarajkumara Suttd, 172 Anavakasika, ascetics, 262
Abhyasa, 39, 244 Anderson, 94
Abyssinia, 289 Andhamuni, 267
Acatanga Sutra, 150, 185 Anekdntavdda, 199
Acelakas, 147, 149, 174, 293, 329 Atigas, Jain Scriptures, 13
Adhomukhas, ascetics, 217 Angiras, 105, 207

Agastya, rji, 114-15,209-10, 212, 254- Angmtara Nikaya, 141, 148, 328
55, 261, 269, 272 Annatitthiyas, 148

Aggivesana, 142 Antigltd, 41
Aghamarshana, Rt, 209 Anuruddha, 51

Agni, deity, 101, 125, 144 Apavpaka Sutta, 1 52
Asnihotra, 256 Aparigraha, 54, 61, 176, 186, 315, 332,
Agrawala, V.S., 5, 106 _333
Ahalya, 15, 18, 45, 53, 261, 264 Apastamba, 25, 47, 298 ff; on sam-
AhiAsa, 161, 178, 186, 187-88, 235, nyasa, 308-09
331-33 Apsaras, 109-10, 267
Ahovirya, T§i, 209 Aranyakas, 20-21, 43, 118ff, 121;
Ailvila, 211 Sdnkhyayana, 121; Taitliriya, 119-20
Aitasa, muni, 109 Arauyavdsi, 10
Aitaiapralap, 109 Ardrapalavasas, ascetics, 262
Ajagara, 228, 331 Arhatship, 167
Ajatasattu, king, 166 Aristoxenus, Greek philosopher, 8,
Ajit Kesakambali, 146, 172, 198 289
Ajlvikas, 141, 142, 144, 190, 194, 197- Aristobulus, Greek writer, 291
98. 287-88, 329 Ariyaprlyesana Sutta, 155
Ajhikism, 173, 190 Arjuna, 5, 41, 205, 207, 210, 227, 235,
Ajndnavada, 148, 173 238-39, 316
Akaianilaya, ascetics, 262 Arrian, Greek historian and philoso-
Akbar, 321 pher, 8, 288, 293-94
Akriydvada, 148, 171, 173, 179 Artcmiodorus, Greek traveller-geo-
Aiara Kalama, 149, 156 grapher, 294
Alexander, Greek king, 8, 288, 291, Arthasastra, 6, 8, 61, 281 ff, 294, 296
293-97 Arudhanti, 206
A1 Ghazzali, 19 Arunas, rjis, 119
Altekar, A.S., 90, 310 Arunaketuka Vrata, 120
Amba, 206, 211 Aryadatta, 176
Asayya, ascetics, 262 Barua, B.M., 64

Ascetic aberrations, 267 Barygaza, 294
Asceticism —concept. 9 IT; cultural Basham, A.L., 78, 87, 324
phenomena, 55-60; four dimen- Baudhayana, law-giver, 47, 298 IT:
sions, —
Tapas 16-27; Vairagya — Procedure for samnyasa, 307; Views
28-42; Saritnyasa 43-47:— Yoga — on sanmyasa, 307-08
48-55; origin traced to pessimism, Belvelkar and Ranade, 1 1
91-92 Bhadra, 206
Ascetics —^Various terms, 10-13; Pali Bhagiratha, king, 5
texts, 145; Mbh., 216-17; Ram., Bhagvat, Durga, 63
261-64 Bhagvoti Sutra, 174
Ashibikas (Ajivikas), 193 Bhakti, 60, 234-35, 324
Asibandhakaputta, 177 Bharata, 273
Asmakuttas, ascetics, 217, 261 Bharadvaja, sage, 18-19, 75, 117, 215,
Asoka, king, 170, 287-88, 292, 313, 254-55, 272-73
321 Bhargava, sage, 272
Asokan edicts, 288, 292 Bhartrhari, king, 221
Asramas, 44, 46-47, 322; according Bhavabhuti, Sanskrit dramatist, 313
to Ap. DS., 299; Gaut. DS., 300; Bhikkhus, 13, 88, 143, 146, 161, 192fn.,
Vas. DS., 300, Ban. DS., 300; Mann, 329-30, 332
300-01, Law-books, 47- Mbh., 44, Bhikkhunis, 88
Ram,, 46 Bhiksus, 11, 165-66, 216; characteris-
Asrama dharma, 324 tics, 302-04
ASrama life, 253, 255fn, 326 Bhima, 89-91,225
Assavatika, ascetics, 145 Bhisma, 206, 21
Assyrian civilisation, 96 Bhrgu, r§), 210
Asteya, 61, 178, 186, 331-33 Bihar, 325

Asuras, 23, 144, 205 Bimbisara, king, 182
Asvaghoja, 152 Bindusara, 287
Asvins, 101, 104 Bloomfield, M., 80
Aswapati, 205 Brachmanes (Brahmins), 292
Atbarvaveda, 17, 49, 71 f, 75, 91, 112fr, —
Brahman Atman, 83, 127,136-37,322,
317 325
Athens, 289, 293 Brahman doctrine, 322
Atri, sage, 4, 104, 253, 255 Brahmacarya, 17-19, 44, 49, 61, 75,
Aurobindo, 19, 314-15, 320 130ff, 186f, 178-79, 328, 331, 332-33
Austerity, 13-14, 149, 163 Brahmacari, 18, 114f, 133f; Naiflhika,
Aviruddhaka, ascetics, I4l, 144, 251, 18, 23, 277, 295, 328
274 Brahmavidya, 21
Brahmanas, 82, 115-18; AB., 116-17;
Ayodhya, 150, 185
Azad, Maulana, 315 Gopatha, 117; Taittiriya, 18, 117
Brahmanism, 60, 169, 246, 331

Brandon, S.G.F., 80
Babylonian civilisation, 96 Brhadratha, king, 85, 87, 133
Bahudaka, bhikû, 52, 216 Brhaspati, rsi, 210, 218
Baladeva, 144 Brunton, Paul, 9, 77, 290
Baladevavatika, 145 Buckle, H.T., 78
Baladhi, muni, 205 Budha, 273
Index 359
Buddha sec Gautama Buddha Datrdakaraijya, 270

Biiddhacarita, 152 Dandamis, 291-92
Buddhagoja, 143-44, 164 fn. Dantolukhlikal) ascetics, 217, 262
Buddhism, 11, 138, 169, 173, 296, 310, Danta, ascetics, 262
324-25, 331; conditions of the Darsanas, 4, 6, 58, 328
time, 139; Buddha’s contemporaries, Das, A.C., 64
146-47: religious and ascetic sects, Dasarath, 252, 257, 264, 274
140-46; ascetic practices, 149-53; Dasavaikdlika, 185
advantages of recluse life, 166-67 Dasgupta, S„ 28, 128
Buddhist monasteries, 325-26, 331 Dawson, J., 40, 67, 69
Buddhist 5o;ig/ia, 88-89, 329-31, also Deo, S.B., 65

see Sangha Deussen, Paul, 4, 314
Buddhist Suttas, 147 Devadhammikaf 141, 144
Buhler, J.G., 195 Devadutta, 172
Devas'arman, Iji, 211
Dhammapada, 34-35, 166, 174, 324fn
Cakracaras, ascetics, 217 Dharmaiustras, 298-99
Cambodia, 321 Dlianuastkas, 327
Carakas, 148, 328 Dharniau'itras, A7-4S, 105, 298-311
Caraksamhitu, 75 Dharmavyadha, 214
Can.'akas, 56, 199 Dhundu, asura, 205
Calitrmasya, 208 Dhydna-yoga, 97
Cdujjama Dhamma, 111 Digambaras, 54, 169, 185-86, 294
Celibacy see Brahmacarya DigJia Nikaya, 139
Ceylon, 321 Dik^d, 107, 181
Chanda, R.P., 98 Diodorus, 288
Chanakya, 281, 313 Dirghatapasvi, 172
Chandragupta Maurya, 8, 281-82, 288, Dili, 257, 263, 266
313 Ditihis {Darsanas), 328
Chatterjee, S,K., 66 Dravidians, 66-67, 103
Chattopadhyaya, Debiprasad, 69 Dualisiic theory, 72
Chinmayananda, Swami, 235, 240 fn Dugharantariya, AjTvika mendicant,
Christ, 320 192
Chullaniddesa, 14], 144 Durvâ, 23, 269
Citrakuta, 253-54, 258, 277 Durant, Will, 320
Climatic conditions, 77, 92 Duo'odhana, 232
Cockbum, John, 93-94 Dull, Sukumar, 5, 65
Cula-Assapura Sutta, 165
Culadukkhakkhanda Sutta, 151, 157
Culasakuludayi Sutta, 148 Eel-wrigglers, 148
Culi, sage, 261, 266, 271 Egyptian civilisation, 96
Culture— Sorokin’s views, 55-60: Idea- Eight-fold Path, 22, 34, 161-62, 323
Mixed, 5611; Sensate,55fr
tional, 55ff; Ekadaodin, ascetics, 141, 216
Curtis,Greek writer, 288 Ekavratya, 49
Cyavana, sage, 24, 207, 215 Eliade, Mircea, 7, 69, 96
Espionage, 286
Etasa, r?i, 109
Dadica, T 5 i, 215 Etemalists, 148-49
Fa-Hian, Chinese pilgrim, 330 Greeks, 289, 291, 293, 296-97

Farquhar, J.M., 6, 14 Greek sophists, 148
Fawcett, 95 Greek writers, 288, 297
Foreign references to Indian ascetic Griffith,R.T.H.. 63, 108
institution, 288-96 Griswold, H.D., 63
Foreign sources, 8 Gyranetai, 293
Four Noble Truths, 33, 159, 161 Gymnosophists, 189 fn, 289, 293-94
Galava, 212 Hair-splitters, 148

Gandarbhi, 260, 271 Hafusa, bhiksu, 52, 216
Gandharvas, 109-10, 144, 273 Hanuman, 206, 276
Gandhi, Mahatma, 2, 19. 236, 320 Hardatla, commentator,' 300
Gangetic valley, 79 Hardy, 63
Garbe, 48 Harlta, sage, 209
Gargi, 84. 133 Harischandra, king, 117
Garmanes, 292-93 Harsa, king, 313
Gatra-s'ayya, ascetics, 262 Hathigumpa inscription, 170
Gautama Buddha, 5, 15, 19, 22, 25, Hatlhivatika, ascetics, 145
33,35, 47-48, 128, 167, 235, 319; Havell, E.B., 138, 148, 329 fn; 330
Life, 153-58; against asceticism, Herodotus, Greek historian, 8, 288-89
160-63; his Eight-fold Path, 161- Hieun-Tsang, Chinese pilgrim, 295
63; Four Noble Truths, 159-60; 300, 331

Middle Path, 161-62; Stress on Himalayas, 264
tanha annihilation, 233; views on Himavat, 206, 209
self-mortification, 163-66 Hinduism, 4, 67, 324
Gautama, law-giver, views on satr.- Hiranyagarbha, 105
nyasa, 2981f; 308 Hiriyana, M., 310
Gautama, sage, 53, 255, 264, 269, 272 Historica, 289
Gautamaka, 141, 144 Homer, Greek poet, 321
Gayatra-Stotra, 21, 121 Hopkins, E.W., 48
Gharasamudaniya, Ajlvil.a mendicant, Hylobioi CVanaprasthas), 293, 295
193
Ghrtachi, 215
Ghurye, G.S., 6-8, 64, 255 Iddhi, 167
Gita Bhagavad, 6, 324 fn;

76, 233ff, 11a,king, 273
conditions of times, 234-36; Loka- Indian culture, asceticism exaggerated,
samgraha concept, 246-50; Maya 313-16; misconceptions, 312-24; not
doctrine, 318; 5'nw/yn.ra vs Karma- otherworldly, 316; not wholly pessi-
yoga, 241-46; Tapas — threefold mistic, 319-24
discipline, 243-44; Vairagya— Indian pessimism see Pessimism

Anasakti stressed, 244-46; Yoga Indian sources, 8
explained, 236-40 huUca, 294
Goethe, 2 Indra, deity, 101,105, 120, 144, 203,
Gonda, J., 20, 74-75 206, 210-11, 215, 227, 264, 266-67,
Oovatika, 145 in
Great Britain, 320 Indus Valley Culture, 8, 67, 23ff
Greece, 1 Iswar Prartidhana, 42, 54, 332

361
Index
Jacobi, H-, 63 Kapila, rji, 205, 222

Jaigisavya, 211 Kapilvastu, 153
Jaina monasteries, 325-26 Karma doctrine, 37, 86-87, 92, 179, 322
Jaina Samanas, 332 Karma-marga, 234
Jaina Scriptures, 323 Karmanirvaka, rî, 209
Jaina Sutras, 147 Karmaphalasaihnyasa, 323
Jainism, 138, 169-70, 173, 296, 310, Kannayogi, 242
325, 331; Ahimsa concept, 187-88; Karpa, 232
celibacy ideal, 186; clothing and Kassapa see Purana Kassapa
nudity, 185-86; loya practices, 187; Kassappaslhanada Sutta, 151, 165, 171
Safmyasi as a model, 194-95; Kasyapa, 210
voluntary death meritorious, 188- Kasyapa, sage, 255, 257, 263
90; why extreme asceticism favou- Katyayani, 136
red, 195-200 Kausika, 205, 213-14
Jajali, 207, 213-14 Kautilya, 281, 283ff, 297
Jalpa, 148 Kavya, r§i, 209
Jamadagni, 117, 211 Keith, A.B., 63-64
Janak, king. 134, 206, 211, 321, 328 Kern, H., 63, 195
Janak-Videhi, queen, 226 Kesin, 108 IT
Janasthana, 261 Ketubha, 148

Jappa, 148 Ketus, rsis, 119
Jaratkaru, muni, 205 Kevalin, 175
Jatilaka, 141, 143 Kharavela, 170
Jatilas, 144 Kisa Sankicca, 147, 193
Jina, 176 Kiskindha, 289
Jnana-marga, 49, 126-27, 234 Koestler Arthur, 3
Java, 321 Kosambi, D.D., 234
Javanese literature, 75 >
Kfchacandrayava, 105
Jayachamaraja Wadiyar, 60 Kriyavada, 148, 171, 173, 179-82, 199
Krjpa, 53, 224, 234, 239ff, 251, 316
Ktesias, 288
Kaikasi, 267 Kukkurvatika, 145
Kakavatika, 145 Kukktirvalika Sutta, 152
Kalakavrksiya, muni, 218-19 Kulpatis, 254
Kalakeyas, 210 Kunigarga, rji, 206, 212
Kalama Siitta, 159 Kunti, 233
Kalanos, ascetic, 224, 295 Kusanabha, 269
Kalidasa, 2, 313 Kutadanta Sutta, 325
Kane, P.V., 103 Kuticaka, bhikîi, 52, 216
Kalpasfitra, 176
Kamadhenu, 205
KamaPdaka, sage, 219 Lakjamana, 253, 260, 271, 276
Kamasrama, 255 Lava, 271
Kandu, sage. 269 Law-books, 298-310; four asramas
Kapva, rji. 326 described, 299-301; Gj'hastltasrama
Kanyakubja, 205 praised, 305-07; Parivrajaka, cha-
Kapila, asura, 300 ractcrcstics, Vanaprastha, 302-04
Kapila Gita, 222 Licchhavi, 175
Life of Socrates, 289 Marica, 257

Lokasamgraha, 224, 231, 239, 246-250 Marshall, John, 9, 63, 98
Lokayatas, 148, 319, 325 Maskarin, 141
Lomasa, sage, 218 Mamta, 108
Lopamudra, 212 Maunitva, 258
Loya, 187 Matanga, 203-04, 211
Lowie, R.H., 68 Maya doctrine, 316-19
Mckenzie, John, 3
Medhatithi, lOfn, 209
Macedonians, 291 Medicine man see Shaman
Madhava, acharya, 233 Megasthenes, Greek ambassador,
Madhuchhandas, r§i, 209 8, 282, 288, 292, 294-95
Madhvi, 206 Menaka, 15, 210, 260, 267
Magadha, 58, 140 fn., 166, 174, 182, Middle Path, 68, 161-62, 168, 199, 201
325 Mitra, deity, 101
Magandikas, 141, 144 Moglana, 51
Mahabharaia, 37, 51, 59, 89, 202 IT; Mohenjodaro, 16, 320; male god,
Anusasana parva, 203; Bhi§ma mother goddess, 97f; religion, 96-97
parva, 233; Santi parva, 89, 214, Mok fa, 45, 57, 199, 227, 230, 277-78,
221-23; Vana parva, 318: kinds of 280, 286, 299
ascetics, 216-17; limitations of Mokfa dharma, 21 1
tapas, 212-16; Gphasthasrama prai- Monastic life, contribution, 330;

sed, 221 ff; roving mendicants, popular, 326
217-20; Vanaprastha described, Monier Williams, 43
208-12; Vania system, 202-04 Montesquieu, 319-20
Mahanidessa, 141, 144 Mookerji, R.K., 98
Mahaprastbana, 232 Muir, 106
Mahdsaccaka Sutta, 1 93 Muller, Max, 1, 43, 63, 194
Maharajas, 144 Murda-Savaka, 141, 143
Mahd-Sihanada Suita, 151 M/m/, 10-11, 52, 103, 107, 112, 134,
Mahdvagga, 54, 171 299
Mahavira, 36, 47-48, 138, 142. 147, Munichandra, 177
169, 200-01, 235; conditions of his Mimirnmndab, 217-19, 326
time, 172-75; life, 115-16; hisJCr/pd- Munisukta, 64
vdda, 179-82; as a reformer, 176-79 Munshi, K.M., 239
Mahdvraias, 181, 187, 196 Mutasuddhikas, 145
Mahayana, 331 Mysticism, r27, 129
Maitreyi, 136
Majjhima Nikaya, 182, 193
Makkhali Gosala, 141-42, 146, 172, Nachiketas, 85, 125
174, 176, 190, 193f, 196f Nagas, 144
Manqlakarni, sage, 267 Nahuja, king, 232
Mapûlâ yoga, 45 Nakkhatajataka, 287
Mapibhadra, 144 Nalakubera, 273
Manibhaddavatika, 145 Nalanda, 331
Manu, law-giver, 4, 12, 26, 47, 205, Nanda, 51
298ff, on samnyasa, 59, 301-09 Nanda Vaccha, 147, 193
MarkaPijeya, sage, 218 Nandas, kings, 281

363
Index
Narada, R'. 523, 210, 212, 219 Panchala-Parishad, 328
Naia-Narayaija, 5 Pdmju, 206

Narayana, god, 251 Panikkar, K.M., 41
Navadhyakâ, 285 Panini, grammarian, 141
Panksila, 54, 332
Ncarchus, 294
Nerii Jataka, 149 Paramharma, bhikîi, 52, 216
Nididhyasana, 122, 130 Parasara, sage, 203
Niganthas, 141*44, 217, 288 Parasari>as, 144
Nigantha Nataputa, 142, 146-47, 169- Parasurama, 313

74. 177
Pdrik any in, 10-12
also see Mahavira. Parik$iia, king, 232
Nigantha Saccaka, 142 Pari\r6jaka,\\,n, 141, 143-44, 148,

/Vi'eaaf/ii;, 148 178, 296, 328; characteristics in OS.,
Nigrodha, 163 302-04: contribution to intellectual

Nikayas, 146, 151 life, 327 IT; two classes, 148
Nikendabratas (Nirganthas). 193 Parsva, 147, 170, 175-76 fT, 196

Nimbarka, acarj’a, 233 Parvati, 5, 268
Nirjarii, 181, 199 Patacara, 177
Ninuna, 22, 34, 161, 201 . 323-24 Patanjali, 18, 26-27, 41-42, 75, 238,
Nisakara, sage, 273 261,271, 331,332

Nifkama Karmayoga, 224, 240-41 Pathrata ideal, 264-65, 278, 279
Nissuya, 328 Pava, 171, 176
Nivedita Sister, 220 fn Peripliis of the Erythrcan Sea, 294
Nivylti marga, 41, 227, 278, 319 Phenapas, ascetics, 216

Niyamas, 42, 50, 54, 75, 332 Piggott, Stuart, 96
Niyati, 192 Pitakas, 13
Non-Aryan influence, 66 Pliny, Roman writer, 288
North America, 320 Plutarch, Greek writer, 288
Porus, king, 293
Prabhavati, 206
Ojas, 19-20, 74-75 Prahlada, king, 218, 228
Oldcnberg, H., 67, 71 Prajapati, 5, 117, 119, 257
Oman, 2, 6, 9, 77, 313 Pramnai (PramaniKas), 293
Onesikritus, 291, 293 Prdriayama, 111
Other worldliness, 316-19 Prasankh>'anas, ascetics, 217
Ouspensky, P.D., 9 Prantti marga, 47, 224, 227, 238, 2T>
319
Primitive culture, 67
Pabbajakas, also see Parivrajakas, 13, Pulastya, sage, 259, 266
146, 148 Punnabhaddavatika, 145
Padakas, 148 Punria koliyaputta, 152
Padopaaamana Santharo, 189 Puraija Kassapa, 142, 146, 172, 190
Pai, D.A., 71 198
Pakudha Kaccayana, 146, 172, 190, PurSnas, 330
198 Purnabhadra, 144
Pampa, 253 Pnrtiamasya, 208
Paiica Mahdvvyas, 178, 332 Puryuarthas, 57, 324
Pancasikha, 218 Purvds, 176
1 1
Pujpacuira, 176 iSabala, 259

Sabari, 255, 263, 266
Sabhas, 328
Radhakrishnan, S., 4 fn., 14, 66, 84, Sacea, 177
101, 122, 140 Sahastrarjuna, 21
Rahasyu Devamalimluc, 120 Saikatas, ascetics, 216
Rahula, 153 Sajapa, ascetics, 262
Rajagopalachari, C, 255 fn Sakayana, sage, 32
Rajagiha. 172 Sakri, 24
Rajasuya, 105 Sakuntala, 215
Rak§asas, 257, 279 Sdkimtala, 2
Rama, 53. 251, 253-54, 257, 260-62, Sakya dan, 153, 170
264-67, 269, 270-71, 273-75, 277, 321 Sakyaputta, 170
Ramakrishna Paramhamsa, 2 Salilahara, ascetics, 262
Raman, 320 Samagama Siitta, 171
Ramana, Maharshi, 290-91 Samana, 13, 143, 146
Ramanuja, acharya, 233 Saman Mandika Siitta, 148
Ramayana, 53, 273; Asrama life, Sdmaveda, 112, 282
253-56; four asramas recognised, Sambodhi, 157, 161
215-I1-, Pativrata ideal, 264-65; iSambuka, 262
Tapas, 257-61, 271-74; types of Sammanapbala Sutta, 147, 166, 171-72
ascetics, 261-64; Vanaprasthasrama SantnyOsa, 43-48, 61 , 64, 80;— meaning,
described, 266-67; Vanja system, 12; concept, 43; Vedic times, 44; Pali
251-53 texts, 44; Mbli„ 44-45, 90-91; Gita,
Rambba, 273 45-46, 241-46; Rama,, 46; Arlha-
Ranade, R.D.,76, 85, 111, 129 iastra, 46; DS., 41; Brahmanic ideal,
Ravana, 257, 264, 269, 271, 321 325
—
Recluse life advantages, 166-67 Samnyasdsraina, authors, 45
Religious suicide, 194 Samnydsin, 10-11, 12; concept in Gita,
Renou, Louis, 2 12; Manu, 12; ten vows, 331; model
Renuka, 21 for Jainas and Buddhists, 331
Revata, 51 , 91 Samprakjala, ascetics, 261, 271
^gveda, 16-17, 67, 81, lOOff, 282 Sampurnananda, 81, 111, 126
j^gvedic Aryans, 17, 81 Samskaras, 324
^gvedic muni, 11, 20, 49, 64, 71, 91, Samvara, 200
103, 107if, 118, 135 , Samyappa-vddaka-iala, 328
B-gvedic sacrifice, 70, lOOf Sanat Kumara, sage, 218-19
Rolland, Remain, 2 rji, 210
Sanatsujata,
Ronaldshay, 3 Sandaka Suita, 142, 174
Roth, 109-10 Sangha, 13, 88f, 160-61
Roving mendicants, 217ff Sanjaya Belatthiputta, 146, 173

Rsabha, 170 Sankara, acharya, 16, 32, 133, 320; on
Rsyasranga, 215, 267, 268 tapas, 16, 21, 130-31; Vp., 122; Gita,
Ruci, 211 233; Maya, 318; Lokasamgraha,141
Rudra, deity, 109, 263 Sdnthagdras, 328
Rudraka Ramputra, 149, 156 Sanijilya, 4, 206, 212
Rufus, Jones, 72-73 Santoâ, 332

Rutledge, Dan Denys, 9 Saptasindhu, 79
Index 365
Sarabhanga, sage, 255, 261 ^rantanism, 64-65
§arad\at, rji, 205, 215 Srngavan, 212

Saranath, 158 Srutavati, 215
Sariputta, 51 Srutis, 91, 328

Sarnianes (Srmnanas), 293, 295 Sthdnanga, 185, 193
Sarj’ati, king, 215 Sthandila-sayin, ascetics, 262
Sattagharantari>’a, Ajivika mendicant, Sthitaprajna, 250
192 Strabo, Roman historian, 8, 288-89,

Sat}’a, 17, 54, 61, 105, 332-33 292-94
Satyaka, 172 Subhuti, 51
Satyavati, 266 Sudivatandi, rsi, 209
Saukriti, TSi. 209 Sugriva, 206, 259, 276
Saunaka, sage, 218 Suka, 215
Sdvakas {Sravakas), 171 _Sukan>a, 215
Sayana, 64, 105, 108-09, 117, 118f: Suketu, 257
on muni, 64, 109. tapas of
^t-gvedic Sulabha, 206, 211,219
various fonns; vatarsanas, 108; Ara- Sumangadha, 150
fiyskas, US SuBshsepa, 250
Seleukes, King, 8, 282, 288 Sunda, 205
Senajit, King, 218 Surya, deity, 144
Seven T 5 is, 209 Sutiksna, sage, 255
Shaman, 67ff, 91, 111 Sutrakrtanga, 196
Sharma, Har Dutt, 6, 8, 64 Suvrata, 176
Shastri, Laxman, 76 SvMiydya, 54, 121. 131, 256, 266, 332
Shastri, Shaktintala Rao, 309 Svayamprabha, 263
Shunyapala, 209 ^vetdthbaras, 169
Siddhasrama, 255, 259 Syadvdda, 199
Siha, 177 Symmarasmi, sage, 223, 231
îkhandi, 211
Silberrad, C.A., 94
SIta, 206, 208, 251, 253, 264-66, 269, Takjaslla, 291
272-73, 321 Tandya, rsi, 209
Siva, 5, 206, 211,220-21 Tapas, 5, io, 13, 15, 18, 21, 27, 601, 74,
Smrtis, 328 106, '332; AV., 113ff: Brahmanas,
Socrates, Greek philosopher, 290 115iT; Buddhism, 22; Concept, 13-19:
Solasamahajanapada, 140 Dharmasutras, 25; Epics, 23: Jainism,
Soma, 109, 125 22, 183-84; GTta, 24-25, 213: Mbh.,
Sonadanda Siitta, 139
23. 74, 204-07, 212ff: Ram., 23,
Sorokin, 19; on asceticism: a cultural 257-61, 271-75; RV., 107: Up., 130ff;
phenomenon. 55-60; classification- Vedic Literature, 104ff; Yoga Sys-
ideational and senate, 55
tem, 26
Soucha, 332
Tdpasa, 10, 119, 258
South America, 320
Tapasis, 263-64, 266, 269
^ramana-Brdhmana, 120,> 145-46 292
. . Tapasvi (n), 10. 55. 75, 115, 275, 279
328
Taponityab, ascetics, 262
Sramanas, 13, 119, 143, 165, 173-74 Taraka, 269
294-95, 328
Tathagatd, 151, 160
Sramanis, 263
Tertullian, great Latin Writer, 8, 287
Tevijjas, 148 Urdhvamanthi, 119

r§is,
Thananga (Slhanaiiga), 185 Urdhvavasin, ascetics, 262
Therigdtlia, 88 Urquhart, W.S., 81-82
Tibet, 321 Usas, deity, 101
Tigharantariya, Ajivika mendicant, Utathya, 206, 219
192 Utsarga, 189
Tilak, B. G-, 233, 238, 247
Tirt/iankara, 5, 175-76
Titthiyas (non-Buddhist Teachers), 144 Vddaiila, 148
Toynbee, Alfred, 2, 314 fn. Vaikhdnasa dharma, 216, 262
Transmigration doctrine, 86. 322 Vaikhdnasa dharma prasna, 12, 301
Tridandika, ascetics, 141, 144 Vaikhdnasas, 10, 119-20, 216, 261, 301
Tridarxîns. 216-17 Vaikhdnasasdstra, 302
Triratana, 161, 181 Vaikhdnasasutra, 120
Tris'ala, 175 Vairdgin, 10-11
Trisanku, 260, 273 Vairdgya, 11, 13, 28-36, 60-61, 88;
Tfriabindu, sage, 255 Concept and importance, 28; accord-
Tr^nd (tanhd), 34-35, 43, 61, 323 ing to Up., 29-32; Mbit., 37; Gita,
Tuladhara, 214 37-39, 244-45; Yogasutras, 41;
Tydga, 28, 37, 46, 238, 213 Buddhist attitude, 33; Jaina attitude,
36; vs. Ideational culture, 59
Vairdiigika, 10- 11
Udtnnbarika Sihanddasuttd, 147, 150, Vaiiali, 175
163, 178 Vaisrava, sage, 266
Uma, 206, 208, 263 Vaisravapa, 259
United States, 320 Vddakbilyas, 119, 216, 261
Unmajjaka, ascetics, 262 Vali, 267
Upaka, 141 Valmiki, sage, 4, 251, 253, 260, 264,
Upali, 177 272-75, 326
Updit Sutta, 1 71 Vallabha, acharya, 233
Upanayan, 114 Vamadeva, sage, 117, 219
Upani?ads, 12Iff, 323-24; Attitude to Vamana, sage, 261
sacrifice, 123; Jnana stressed, 123; Vdnaprastha (in), 10
Brhad., 29, 44, 50, 76, 87-88. 92, 115, Vdnaprastha-gaita, 256, 261
119, 126, 129; Chdnd., 123, 126, 133- Vdnaprastha, mode of life, 208 ff,
266-67; charactristics, 302-04;

34; Jdbdia., 308; Katha., 39, 79, 83,
contribution to intellectual life,
85, 125; Kena., 130; Isa., 124, 316,
317; Man., 128; Mun.,44, 50, 124f; 327f
Prasna., 125, 131; Samnydsa., 12; Vanastha, 10
Sveta., 21, 30, 50, 124; Tait., 130, Vanasthdyi, 10
131,317 Vanavdsi, 10
299; in
Upanisadic muni, 135 Varnajrama dharma, 217,
Upanisadic fîs, 21, 129, 136, 325 Arthasdstra, 282-84; in Mbit., 202 ff;
Upadhye, 65 in Ram., 251f

Vpdsand, 21, 123 Varapasi, 157, 162
Upasunda, 205 Varupa, deity, 101, 103
views
Uppala-bentiya, Ajivika mendicant, Vaîjlha, law-giver, 47. 298 ff;
193 on samnydsa, 308

Index 367
Vasiffha, T|i, 4, 15, 24, 51. 205-06, Vj-asa, rsi, 210, 215
215, 232, 254-55, 259, 260, 269. 272,

326
Vasudeva, 144 Wadiyar, Jayachamaraja, 60
Vasudevatika, 145 Wandering teachers, 328-30
Vatarsana, rîs, 108 ff, 119 Wheel of Dhamma, 161
Vata-suddhikas, 145 Wheeler, 96
Vayu, deity, 109, 111, 125
Vayubhaksalj, ascetics, 217
Veda-marga, 234 Yajna, 100, 249; persistent feature of
Vedas, 100, 324 Vedic religion, 70 f; held supreme
Vedavati, 263-64, 269 by Sahnntds and Brdhmanas, 117-
Veda Vyasa, sage, 4, 229-30, 313 18; compared with leaky boats,
Vedic age, 321 83, 124; less powerful than tap as,
Vedic literature, 75, 136, 331 132; limitation of, 124; in the law-
Vedic mimi, 64, 103 books, 304
Veyyd karanas, 148 Yajnavalkya, rsi, 4, 84, 133-35, 321
VibhaiJâka, sage, 215, 268 Yajiirveda, 11 2, *282
Vidarbha, 205 Yak§as, 144, 257, 279
Vidula, queen, 233 Yama, 125
Viharas, 325 Yamas, 42, 50, 54, 332
Vijjuantarij’a, Ajlvika mendicant, Yasodhara, 153
193 Yati (n), 10. 75, 143, 300
Vinaya, 198 Yavakrita, 205
Vinayavada, 148, 173 Yayati, king, 206, 274
Vipula, 21 Yayavaras, 216
Viradha. rakfasa, 257, 271 Yoga, 11, 48-55, 332; concept, 48;
Virasana, 53, 207-08, 258 Buddhist texts, 51; GUd, 53, 236-38;
Visakhadatta, Sanskrit dramatist, Indus Valley, 49: Mabdbharata, 48,
281 51; Ramdyana, 53: Vedic times,
Vijnu, deity, 5 49-50; Yogasutras, 54
Viswamitra, king-sage, 4, 15, 23-24, Yogasutras, 332
204-05, 210, 215, 232, 259-60, 263, Yogic powers. 27, 53, 261, 271-72, 277
266-67, 269, 272-73 Yogin, 52, 249
10,
Vitandas, 148 Yuan Chwang, Chinese pilgrim, 295
Vivekananda, 2, 314; on Ojas, 20; on Yudhijthira, 89, 218, 225, 230
Indian climate, 78
Voluntary death, 188-90
Vratyas, 71 Zarmanes Xeganam, 294

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Ancient

© 1976, Bhagaf, Dr. Mansukh Ghelabhai (b. 1922)

the ever -cherished memory

Chapter 2 The Concept of Asceticism 9

Chapter 3 The Origin of Asceticism 62

Chapter 4 Asceticism in the Indus Civilisation 93

Chapter 5 Asceticism in the Early Vedic Literature 100

Chapter 6 Asceticism in Buddhist Literature 138

Chapter 7 Asceticism in Jaina Literature 169

Chapter 8 Asceticism in the Epics 202

Chapter 9 Asceticism in the Arthasastra 281

Chapter 10 Asceticism in the Law Books 298

Chapter 11 Impact of Asceticism on Indian Civilisation 31

HOS. Harvard Oriental Series

RPU. Religion and Philosophy of the Upanisads

Tn August 1957 in the Loh SabhaSadhu Bill urging the registra-

task; foronce a saronyasi or monk took the vov/ of saihnyasa or

satisfying expression. Only high ideals most earnestly pursued could

Study the problem from a perspective of human psychologj' besides

It is European scholars, who in their attempt to

your it be language, or religion, or mythology

primitive sciences, everywhere you have to go to India, whether

Rolland, who interpreted Gandhi, Vivekananda and Ramakrishna

an approach to the needs of the present situation in the world as a

and thus failed to do justice to its higher aspects. In their endea-

’Muller, op. cit., p. 15.

*Toynbec, One World and India, pp. 41, 63.

Schweitzer brands Indian religion, thought and culture as 'life-

philosophic thought does not partake of the nature of ethical acti-

and intellectual of India and that the Indian philosophers

Importance of the Subject

fondly upheld and ascetic practices have been widely followed

ted or promulgated by the fishis or ascetics.® Ascetics and saints

iDeussen, The Philosophy of the Upanishads, p. 65.

teacher can expect a hearing unless he begins by renouncing the

^Elliot, Hinduism & Buddhism, I, Introduction,

was a unique phenomenon that iapas came to occupy such a

ideal as the most sublime. Nor it is desired to convey an impres-

Purpose of the Study

^cF. Raju & Radhakrishnan, The Concept of Man,p. 207.

organization, of Hindu asceticism and ascetics,’* The work takes a

whose contribution to asceticism also does not receive deserving

ing of ‘group’ or ‘combination’ but it also has a psychological con-

’Ghurye, Indian Sadbus, Bombay, 1953,‘Pierace.

leads us to affirm that though Sharnia, Ghiirye and Eliade have

whole range has not so far been submitted to scientific investigation.

Extent of the Work

The Concept of Asceticism

From very early times asceticism has been a curious phenomenon

tentions of these ascetics have always exercised, interest of many

practices so mingle that it becomes essential for us to have a clear

Jives a life of contemplation and rigorous self-denial for religious

prasthin, Tapasvm, Yogin, Tapas, Yatin, Vairagin, Vairangika, Muni,

Up., III.2.6; Samnyasayogadyatayalj. Manu-yi.55-59-, BG., V. 25: yatatmanafi.

Yatin always means a Samnyasin i.c. a person in the last of the

ascetic who devotes himself to abstract meditation or a contempla-

268-269; Also atlahitan ca parahitan ca munati janati ti muni: PeZa-

12 Ancient Indian Asceticism

wandering community. In contrast a Brahmanic wanderer (pari-