Gender Studies

RIYAL INSTITUTE OF BUREAUCRACY
ROYAL INSTITUTE OF BUREAUCRACY
Section I: INTRODUCTION TO GENDER STUDIES

Gender is a topic that been long debated. There have been many scholars who have had their
opinion gender, many getting criticized for the same while many have come up being accepted as
torch leaders as progressive people of the future. They have been awarded many accolades
throughout the history.
What is “gender studies”?

Gender Studies can sometimes be understood as an attempt to comprehend power relations.
Gender is both a term that refers to relationships of power, and a category of analysis and
knowledge. You need to understand and take a position on how this power functions, who
benefits from it, who does not, who has vested interests in keeping this power in place, which
resists and why and so on. For this, you need to use gender as a category of knowledge, as an
analytical tool. Gender Studies is meant to teach you how to do this.”
The “power” in such instances is derived from a well-entrenched patriarchy. It is the
patriarchal system that reinforces the gender divide. It is the patriarchal set-up that has to
change, not just the mindsets (of the people involved). It is the system that privileges the
man over the woman. Gender Studies helps us understand the roots of it.
Gender studies emerged as a discipline of study in recent decades. It is important to get a

picture of what necessitates the study of this discipline. Feminists have looked at historical
events and reinterpreted them from the point of view of women's lives and not from a man's
perspective of how events are shaped. By reorienting this, we can sensitize students towards
what happens in the private sphere and public sphere in terms of male-female relationship,
and even how politics is shaped through the perspective of gender relations.
Women Studies
Women studies take an important space in the field of gender studies. In the past few centuries
we have seen a rise in the freedom of women and feminism. This has helped to reshape the
identity of a woman in the society. Earlier, in a close-knitted society of patriarchy, women rarely
had rights and any opportunities. As times changed, women took up to themselves to make sure
that they and others had the same opportunities that men enjoyed.
Men Studies
Men Studies is another area that is inter-disciplinary and involves the study of men, masculinity
and politics. Its main focus is on masculinity and understanding the different aspects of the same.
Many researchers have argued that masculinity is a construction of society. With the idea of
proving oneself as a man, in the nineteenth century, this idea has seen to be picked up by a large
part of the society. The understanding is thus in terms of history, biology, psychology, culture
and politics.
Queer studies
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Queer studies are academic discipline studying various aspects of the alternate orientation and
gender identities. The studies came up with emergence of people with alternate gender identities
in the public and acceptance of the same.
CENTRE OF EXECELLENCE
FOR WOMEN'S STUDIES
The Centre of Excellence for Women's Studies (CEWS) at the University of Karachi is the
leading center in the field of teaching and research in Women's Studies in Pakistan. Established
as a project in 1989 by the Ministry of Women Development, Government of Pakistan, CEWS
has a special appeal for students from all over the country. In 2002 Centre initiated M.Phil / Ph.D
programme. In 2004 it has introduced Women's Studies as a subsidiary course at First Year
(Hons.) level. From 2007 BS (Hons.) 4 years programme was launched and from 2009 MS / Ph.
D classes have started. In 2010 M.A (Evening) programme was also started. Inspired by our
guiding motto that Women's Studies is a catalyst for change, we at the Centre remain engaged in
bridging the gap between academic knowledge about women and their every-day life
experiences. Innovative courses and seminars offered at the Centre and research conducted here
aims at generating a functional knowledge base with the purpose of identifying hitherto under-
used and neglected human resources for national growth.
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4
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CENTRE OF EXECELLENCE
FOR WOMEN'S STUDIES
The Centre of Excellence for Women's Studies (CEWS) at the University of Karachi is the
leading center in the field of teaching and research in Women's Studies in Pakistan. Established
as a project in 1989 by the Ministry of Women Development, Government of Pakistan, CEWS
has a special appeal for students from all over the country. In 2002 Centre initiated M.Phil / Ph.D
programme. In 2004 it has introduced Women's Studies as a subsidiary course at First Year
(Hons.) level. From 2007 BS (Hons.) 4 years programme was launched and from 2009 MS / Ph.
D classes have started. In 2010 M.A (Evening) programme was also started. Inspired by our
guiding motto that Women's Studies is a catalyst for change, we at the Centre remain engaged in
bridging the gap between academic knowledge about women and their every-day life
experiences. Innovative courses and seminars offered at the Centre and research conducted here
aims at generating a functional knowledge base with the purpose of identifying hitherto under-
used and neglected human resources for national growth.
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Gender Studies in Fatima Jinnah Women University

Gender Studies
Department of Gender Studies (GS) at FJWU offers interdisciplinary degrees in content
and approach. The discipline explores issues related to women and across all other
denominations of gender.
Degree Programs
The Department is presently offering two 16 years schooling degree programs, Masters' and
Bachelors' with scheme of studies cutting across almost all disciplines under the broad
umbrella of humanities.
 Graduate Program . Undergraduate Program
Award: Masters Gender Studies Award: Bachelors Gender
Attendance: Full Time Attendance: Full Time
Duration: 2 Years Duration: 4 Years
Objective of both degree programs include creating knowledge and developing new approaches
to gender-related issues; focusing on women roles and accomplishments; highlighting constraints
and challenges faced by women in today's world with special reference to Pakistan; and
emphasizing the significance of gender in shaping the experience of communities and
individuals.
Major Areas for Research in GS

 Gender Mainstreaming and Development
 Gender and Societal Institutions
 Feminist Theories and Global Practices
 Women and Cultural Production
Multidisciplinary Curricula
The Department is committed to multicultural curricula that sustains and integrates diverse
perspectives on gender. Classes of GS encourage participatory education which, along with
cognitive learning, helps develop human skills including collaboration, critical thinking, and
personal insight. Most importantly, the courses offered aim at deeply sensitizing students to the
socio-political, ethical and moral issues currently affecting Pakistani women in
comparison with the fast dynamics of diverse and multicultural world of 21st century. A degree
with GS equips graduates with required skills to explore gender based challenges faced by the
contemporary human society in its various spatial settings.
Strengths of Department of Gender Studies

The major strength of the Department of GS is to be found in the research pursuits of both
students and faculty. Masters' and Bachelors' students may opt to do the research thesis for six of
the twelve elective credit hours. The students carry out research in warranted as well as
innovative areas pertaining to the gender related issues of both traditional enclaves and wider
society of Pakistan. Highly enthusiastic young faculty members provide research supervisory
services compatible with quality standards of reputable international schools of higher learning.
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International Linkages
What really enriches the studentship experience in GS at FJWU is the Department's collaborative
links with renowned international and national organizations working for redressing the
imbalances in gender relations, specifically those affecting the most vulnerable groups including
minorities, rural women and working children. These links amply extend the opportunity to
make guest lectures, seminars, workshops and conferences a hallmark of the co-curricular
activities regularly organized by the Department of GS. Moreover, students are offered the
opportunities to take up courses and certificate programs under collaborative arrangements,
providing them a much wider, diverse and cosmopolitan exposure. Recently, the GS students
have successfully completed eight courses on Global Understanding project of the University of
East Carolina, USA.
Finally a degree in GS extends dependable opportunities to the graduates for personal growth
and professional development by enlisting them among the most eligible candidates for
promising jobs in the social sector fields including human resource development, community
development, public relations, teaching, media, Non-Governmental Organizations and
international donor agencies.
Feminist criticism and women’s studies

It was feminist criticism of gender inequality in the 1970s that provided the impetus for gender
studies. In Academe, moreover, it was initially a critical response to the lack of knowledge and
interest that was shown in half of humanity. Women’s studies, as the subject came to be called,
started to complement the knowledge base of various disciplines. It was considered necessary to
add knowledge about women’s lives and conditions in order to ensure that the knowledge base
was not biased and that ignorance about the situation of women did not lead to injustice. It was
considered necessary to study the situation and fill knowledge gaps.
However, it proved difficult to mainstream the results of women’s studies. They challenged and
changed the overall disciplinary structure and in time disciplinary criticism grew stronger. The
new insights were used to scrutinize academic traditions. Studies were made of the potential
gender blindness of various disciplines, but more subtle questions were also raised about the
influence of androcentric issues on all research. Established concepts and theories were
reappraised. Attention was drawn to the discrimination of women researchers and women
pioneers in various disciplines.
Such studies, which may be characterized as complementary research, cannot be said to be state
of the art today. The progress made varies in different disciplines and the task is by no means
finished. Complementary research is almost always a necessary first step towards developing
gender studies in a new field, and criticism of gender blindness in individual disciplines is still an
important task.
The main subject of women’s studies was the past and present position of women in society, i.e.
not only the situation of women, but also their social relationships, including relationships
between men and women. These studies also raised issues that could not be addressed either by
the established disciplines or in the framework of women’s studies. It also became clear that it
was not possible to understand the complex nature of social relationships solely by means of
studies of women’s material circumstances, social affiliation, actions or failure to act etc.
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Historically and culturally determined conceptions of sex, or gender, proved to be important for
people’s understanding of other people and the organization of social relationships.
Sex and/or gender
Two distinct terms were coined in women’s studies at an early stage: “sex” and “gender”. The
purpose of distinguishing between these two concepts was to emphasize the difference between
biological and social sex. However, it has proved difficult to maintain this distinction. In France,
in particular, it has often been pointed out that biological sex can only be understood with the
help of our conceptions of it. According to some researchers one term – sex or gender – is
enough, while others use both. However, all researchers share an interest in the cultural
construction, the ideas, facts and values that it involves, and its functions and effects.
Gender is manifested at many levels: in the case of individuals, as an aspect of their own
personalities; at the cultural level, in figures of speech, metaphors, categories; at the social level,
as a principle for organization of work and decision-making processes. Gender is a classification
principle that often, but not always, results in two classes. The notion that there are two, and only
two, sexes that are distinct from one another – without any overlapping or surplus – and can be
defined as opposites, is a Western way of thinking rather than a biological fact. A gender system
exists in every society. It consists of all the notions of male and female that exist in a certain
place at a certain time and all the consequences as regards who does what, who decides what,
and how we perceive ourselves and one another, collectively and individually. Ideas and stories
about sex/gender pervade our thinking and determine not only our sexuality and family life but
also the labor market, politics, religion, law etc. Gender is a term that identifies a specific aspect
of all human life.
Gender studies and gender theory
Gender researchers study how people think, interpret, perceive, symbolize, feel, write, paint,
dance, fantasize, wish, experience, define – in other words “construct” – what we normally call
sex and what this word means and what it meant in the past. However, the epistemological
dimension of gender studies does not deny the material, biological aspects. Ideas about the body,
for example biological descriptions of the human body, have cultural and social consequences
too. Biology is relevant to gender, not as an integral component but as a subject of research.
Gender is about sexuality and the labour market, processes and structures, science criticism and
gender equality, culture and social organization, what exists and what might exist. It is about
power and resources and figures of speech, body and soul, individuals and groups; about
whether, and if so how, one gender is superior to the other and how such a situation has arisen
and been reproduced. Gender is a specific object of study, but the issues could be formulated
with reference to most of the things people do. It is therefore a wide-ranging and complex
discipline. All gender researchers cannot know everything about gender, and many of them are
not interested in gender studies outside their own subject. Others regard gender theory as a
discipline in its own right that finds inspiration in other disciplines. The purpose of
interdisciplinary gender studies is to understand gender from as many different viewpoints as
possible. The knowledge obtained from interdisciplinary gender studies can also be used to
improve understanding of problems in other disciplines. It is difficult to draw a precise line
between intradisciplinary gender studies and gender theory with an interdisciplinary focus. There
is also intensive communication and extensive collaboration between the two approaches.
Despite the dynamic development of interdisciplinary research, gender studies in Sweden are
carried on mainly in existing disciplines and have in the last few decades significantly helped to
develop and broaden subject-specific knowledge and theory in some of them.
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Feminism and gender studies
There would have been no gender studies without feminism as a driving force. But whereas
gender studies is a field of knowledge and study, feminism is both a political movement and a
field of knowledge and study, the latter being called feminist research or feminist theory. In
gender studies the terms gender studies and feminist research are sometimes used synonymously
for the discipline. Other researchers in the field distinguish between gender studies and feminist
research. Feminism in such cases represents a more critical approach with a perspective on
power.
Gender studies is a generic term for the field as a whole. The term gender theory is sometimes
used in the same way, although the latter term is sometimes to denote interdisciplinary gender
studies not related to any particular discipline. The term feminist research is sometimes used
synonymously with gender studies, and sometimes for research with a critical perspective. This
broad field of study includes more specific areas such as gender equality studies (with a focus on
perceived injustices and/or measures taken to remedy what are defined as injustices), women’s
studies (with a focus on women or femininity, i.e. a narrower interpretation than in the early days
of gender studies when this term represented the whole field), men’s studies (with a focus on
menor masculinity), queer studies (with a focus on cross-gender identities, especially of a sexual
nature).
The term gender system, as used internationally, defines how gender is structured in a specific
society. In Sweden, however, historians in particular have used the equivalent term in a more
specific sense, i.e. more or less synonymous with “male domination”. The term gender order is
also used in English alongside gender system.
Queer is originally a derogatory label for homosexuals, but in the context of gender studies it is
used in connection with homosexuality research (queer studies, see above) and with efforts to
combat the normative status of heterosexuality in society and culture (the queer movement).
The Swedish Research Council’s Committee on Gender Research reports to the board of the
Council and its mission is to promote the adoption of a gender perspective in the context of
research. The Committee has a proactive and policymaking role. It monitors the integration of
gender studies and assist the board and the scientific councils in its area of expertise.
Section II: FEMINIST THEORIES AND PRACTICE

Outline:
Introduction
The Social Construction of Heterosexuality
Essentialism
Biological determinism
Implications
Social Constructionism:Introduction
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Social constructionism is a theory of knowledge that holds that characteristics typically thought
to be immutable and solely biological—such as gender, race, class, ability, and sexuality—are
products of human definition and interpretation shaped by cultural and historical contexts. As
such, social constructionism highlights the ways in which cultural categories—like “men,”
“women,” “black,” “white”—are concepts created, changed, and reproduced through historical
processes within institutions and culture. We do not mean to say that bodily variation among
individuals does not exist, but that we construct categories based on certain bodily features, we
attach meanings to these categories, and then we place people into the categories by considering
their bodies or bodily aspects. For example, by the one-drop rule, regardless of their
appearance, individuals with any African ancestor are considered black. In contrast, racial
conceptualization and thus racial categories are different in Brazil, where many individuals with
African ancestry are considered to be white. This shows how identity categories are not based on
strict biological characteristics, but on the social perceptions and meanings that are assumed.
Categories are not “natural” or fixed and the boundaries around them are always shifting—they
are contested and redefined in different historical periods and across different societies.
Therefore, the social constructionist perspective is concerned with the meaning created through
defining and categorizing groups of people, experience, and reality in cultural contexts.
The Social Construction of Heterosexuality
What does it mean to be “heterosexual” in contemporary US society? Did it mean the same thing
in the late 19th century? As historian of human sexuality Jonathon Ned Katz shows in The
Invention of Heterosexuality (1999), the word “heterosexual” was originally coined by Dr. James
Kiernan in 1892, but its meaning and usage differed drastically from contemporary
understandings of the term. Kiernan thought of “hetero-sexual” as not defined by their attraction
to the opposite sex, but by their “inclinations to both sexes.” Furthermore, Kiernan thought of the
heterosexual as someone who “betrayed inclinations to ‘abnormal methods of gratification’”
(Katz 1995). In other words, heterosexuals were those who were attracted to both sexes and
engaged in sex for pleasure, not for reproduction. Katz further points out that this definition of
the heterosexual lasted within middle-class cultures in the United States until the 1920s, and then
went through various radical reformulations up to the current usage.
Looking at this historical example makes visible the process of the social construction of
heterosexuality. First of all, the example shows how social construction occurs within
institutions—in this case, a medical doctor created a new category to describe a particular type of
sexuality, based on existing medical knowledge at the time. “Hetero-sexuality” was initially a
medical term that defined a deviant type of sexuality. Second, by seeing how Kiernan—and
middle class culture, more broadly—defined “hetero-sexuality” in the 19th century, it is possible
to see how drastically the meanings of the concept have changed over time. Typically, in the
United States in contemporary usage, “heterosexuality” is thought to mean “normal” or
“good”—it is usually the invisible term defined by what is thought to be its opposite,
homosexuality. However, in its initial usage, “hetero-sexuality” was thought to counter the norm
of reproductive sexuality and be, therefore, deviant. This gets to the third aspect of social
constructionism. That is, cultural and historical contexts shape our definition and understanding
of concepts. In this case, the norm of reproductive sexuality—having sex not for pleasure, but to
have children—defines what types of sexuality are regarded as “normal” or “deviant.” Fourth,
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this case illustrates how categorization shapes human experience, behavior, and interpretation of
reality. To be a “heterosexual” in middle class culture in the US in the early 1900s was not
something desirable to be—it was not an identity that most people would have wanted to inhabit.
The very definition of “hetero-sexual” as deviant, because it violated reproductive sexuality,
defined “proper” sexual behavior as that which was reproductive and not pleasure-centered.
Social constructionist approaches to understanding the world challenge the essentialist or

biological determinist understandings that typically underpin the “common sense” ways in which
we think about race, gender, and sexuality.
Essentialism is the idea that the characteristics of persons or groups are significantly influenced
by biological factors, and are therefore largely similar in all human cultures and historical
periods. A key assumption of essentialism is that “a given truth is a necessary natural part of the
individual and object in question” (Gordon and Abbott 2002). In other words, an essentialist
understanding of sexuality would argue that not only do all people have a sexual orientation, but
that an individual’s sexual orientation does not vary across time or place. In this example,
“sexual orientation” is a given “truth” to individuals—it is thought to be inherent, biologically
determined, and essential to their being. Essentialism typically relies on a biological determinist
theory of identity.
Biological determinism can be defined as a general theory, which holds that a group’s
biological or genetic makeup shapes its social, political, and economic destiny. For example,
“sex” is typically thought to be a biological “fact,” where bodies are classified into two
categories, male and female. Bodies in these categories are assumed to have “sex”-distinct
chromosomes, reproductive systems, hormones, and sex characteristics. However, “sex” has
been defined in many different ways, depending on the context within which it is defined. For
example, feminist law professor Julie Greenberg (2002) writes that in the late 19th century and
early 20th century, “when reproductive function was considered one of a woman’s essential
characteristics, the medical community decided that the presence or absence of ovaries was the
ultimate criterion of sex” (Greenberg 2002: 113). Thus, sexual difference was produced through
the heteronormative assumption that women are defined by their ability to have children.
Instead of assigning sex based on the presence or absence of ovaries, medical practitioners in the
contemporary US typically assign sex based on the appearance of genitalia.
Differential definitions of sex point to two other primary aspects of the social construction of
reality. First, it makes apparent how even the things commonly thought to be “natural” or
“essential” in the world are socially constructed. Understandings of “nature” change through
history and across place according to systems of human knowledge. Second, the social
construction of difference occurs within relations of power and privilege. Sociologist Abby
Ferber (2009) argues that these two aspects of the social construction of difference cannot be
separated, but must be understood together. Discussing the construction of racial difference, she
argues that inequality and oppression actually produce ideas of essential racial difference.
Therefore, racial categories that are thought to be “natural” or “essential” are created within the
context of racialized power relations—in the case of African-Americans that includes slavery,
laws regulating interracial sexual relationships, lynching, and white supremacist discourse.
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Social constructionist analyses seek to better understand the processes through which radicalized,
gendered, or sexualized differentiations occur, in order to untangle the power relations within
them.
Notions of disability are similarly socially constructed within the context of ableist power
relations. The medical model of disability frames body and mind differences and perceived
challenges as flaws that need fixing at the individual level. The social model of disability shifts
the focus to the disabling aspects of society for individuals with impairments (physical, sensory
or mental differences), where the society disables those with impairments. Disability, then,
refers to a form of oppression where individuals understood as having impairments are imagined
to be inferior to those without impairments, and impairments are devalued and unwanted. This
perspective manifests in structural arrangements that limit access for those with impairments.
A critical disability perspective critiques the idea that nondisability is natural and normal—an
ableist sentiment, which frames the person rather than the society as the problem.
Implications
What are the implications of a social constructionist approach to understanding the world?
Because social constructionist analyses examine categories of difference as fluid, dynamic, and
changing according to historical and geographical context, a social constructionist perspective
suggests that existing inequalities are neither inevitable nor immutable. This perspective is
especially useful for the activist and emancipatory aims of feminist movements and theories. By
centering the processes through which inequality and power relations produce racialized,
sexualized, and gendered difference, social constructionist analyses challenge the
pathologization of minorities who have been thought to be essentially or inherently inferior to
privileged groups. Additionally, social constructionist analyses destabilize the categories that
organize people into hierarchically ordered groups through uncovering the historical, cultural,
and/or institutional origins of the groups under study. In this way, social constructionist analyses
challenge the categorical underpinnings of inequalities by revealing their production and
reproduction through unequal systems of knowledge and power.
Link(https://press.rebus.community/introwgss/chapter/social-constructionism/)
MASCULINITY VS FEMININITY
Outline:
Introduction
Masculinity Traits
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1. Freedom
2. Direction
3. Logic
4. Focus
5. Integrity
6. Stability
7. Passion
8. Independence
9. Discipline
10. Confidence
11. Aware
12. Strength
Development
Nature versus nurture
Theories of Types of
Masculinity
Hegemonic masculinity
Complicit masculinity
Marginalized masculinity
Subordinate masculinity
Masculinity in Women
Health
Effeminacy
Introduction
Masculinity (manhood or manliness) is a set of attributes, behaviors, and roles associated with
boys and men. As a social construct, it is distinct from the definition of the male biological sex.
Standards of manliness or masculinity vary across different cultures and historical periods. Both
males and females can exhibit masculine traits and behavior.
Masculinity Traits
1. Freedom
2. Direction
3. Logic
4. Focus
5. Integrity
6. Stability
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7. Passion
8. Independence
9. Discipline
10. Confidence
11. Aware
12. Strength
Development
In many cultures, displaying characteristics not typical of one's gender may be a social problem.
In sociology, this labeling is known as gender assumptions and is part of socialization to meet
the mores of a society. Non-standard behavior may be considered indicative of homosexuality,
despite the fact that gender expression, gender identity and sexual orientation are widely
accepted as distinct concepts. When sexuality is defined in terms of object choice (as in
early sexology studies), male homosexuality is interpreted as effeminacy. Social disapproval of
excessive masculinity may be expressed as "machismo “or by neologisms such as "testosterone
poisoning". The relative importance of socialization and genetics in the development of
masculinity is debated. Although social conditioning is believed to play a
role, psychologists and psychoanalysts such as Sigmund Freud and Carl Jung believed that
aspects of "feminine" and "masculine" identity are subconsciously present in all human males.
Nature versus nurture

In accounts drawing on the natural sciences, masculinity/ masculinities are the result of
physiological factors, such as hormones or chromosomes. Goldberg (1979), for example,
identifies the ‘neuro-endocrine system’ (the interaction of the nervous system with the hormone
system) as the biological basis of masculinity/masculinities. The sources of gender identity are
debated. Some believe that masculinity is linked to the male body; in this view, masculinity is
associated with male genitalia. Others have suggested that although masculinity may be
influenced by biology, it is also a cultural construct. Proponents of this view argue that women
can become men hormonally and physically, and many aspects of masculinity assumed to be
natural are linguistically and culturally driven. On the nurture side of the debate, it is argued that
masculinity does not have a single source. Although the military has a vested interest in
constructing and promoting a specific form of masculinity, it does not create it. Facial hair is
linked to masculinity through language, in stories about boys becoming men when they begin to
shave.
Theories of Types of Masculinity

The idea of complicit masculinity is actually from a bigger theory on masculinity by the
Australian social scientist R.W. Connell. In her book called Masculinities, Connell comes up
with three additional types of masculinity.
Hegemonic masculinity
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It can be thought of as the dominant form of masculinity within a society. This form of
masculinity refers to being white, heterosexual, and middle class. It prizes things like physical
strength and suppressing emotions and is the idealized and celebrated form of masculinity in
western culture. Hegemonic masculinity is only achieved by men who possess these qualities.
Complicit masculinity
It is a kind of masculinity in which a man may not fit into all the characteristics of hegemonic
masculinity but do not do much to challenge it either. Since they are not challenging the systems
of gender that are present in our societies they do receive some benefits from being male
Marginalized masculinity
is a form of masculinity that is unable to conform to or derive benefits from hegemonic
masculinity. Marginalized masculinity might mean lacking some of the characteristics of
hegemonic masculinity, like being disabled or non-white.
Subordinate masculinity
It means a person lacks many of the qualities of hegemonic masculinity and also expresses
qualities opposite to hegemonic masculinity. This includes things like being overly emotional or
acting in a feminine way, or not being heterosexual.
So, this finally brings us back to complicit masculinity, which does not have all of the qualities
of hegemonic masculinity, but it doesn't challenge it, either. This type of person may benefit in
their society from 'looking the part' of fitting into hegemonic masculinity. Complicit masculinity
also might admire the qualities of hegemonic masculinity, and strive for them.
Masculinity in Women
Women can also express masculine traits and behaviors. In Western culture, female masculinity
has been codified into identities such as "tomboy" and "butch". Although female masculinity is
often associated with lesbianism, expressing masculinity is not necessarily related to a woman's
sexuality. In feminist philosophy, female masculinity is often characterized as a type of gender
performance which challenges traditional masculinity and male dominance.
Health
Evidence points to the negative impact of hegemonic masculinity on men's health-related
behavior, with American men making 134.5 million fewer physician visits per year than women.
Men make 40.8 percent of all physician visits, including women's obstetric and gynecological
visits. Twenty-five percent of men aged 45 to 60 do not have a personal physician, increasing
their risk of death from heart disease. Men between 25 and 65 are four times more likely to die
from cardiovascular disease than women, and are more likely to be diagnosed with a terminal
illness because of their reluctance to see a doctor. Reasons cited for not seeing a physician
include fear, denial, embarrassment, a dislike of situations out of their control and the belief that
visiting a doctor is not worth the time or cost.[43]
Studies of men in North America and Europe show that men who consume alcoholic drinks often
do so in order to fulfill certain social expectations of manliness. While the causes of drinking
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and alcoholism are complex and varied, gender roles and social expectations have a strong
influence encouraging men to drink.
Effeminacy
Gay men are considered by some to "deviate from the masculine norm" and are benevolently
stereotyped as "gentle and refined", even by other gay men.
Points to keep in mind:

● In everyday language, femininities and masculinities do not map onto biological sex. In
any one culture, certain behaviors or practices may be widely recognized as “feminine” or
“masculine,” irrespective of whether they are adopted by women or by men. Femininities and
masculinities are not descriptors of sexual orientation.
● Femininities and masculinities are plural—there are many forms of femininity and many
forms of masculinity. What gets defined as feminine or masculine differs by region, religion,
class, national culture, and other social factors. How femininities and masculinities are
valued differs culturally.
● Any one person—woman or man—engages in many forms of femininity and masculinity,
which she or he adopts (consciously or unconsciously) depending on context, the
expectations of others, the life stage, and so forth. A man can engage in what are often
stereotyped as “feminine” activities, such as caring for a sick parent.
● Cultural notions of “feminine” and “masculine” behavior are shaped in part by
observations about what women and men do. This kind of “gender marking” tends to
discourage women or men from entering “gender-inauthentic” occupations (Faulkner, 2009).
● Femininities and masculinities are learned. Messages about “feminine” and “masculine”
behaviors are embedded in advertising, media, news, educational materials, and so forth.
These messages are present in a range of environments, from the home to the workplace to
public spaces.
Outline:
Introduction
Femininity traits
 Surrender
 Receptivity
 Empathy
 Radiance
18
 Flow
 Sensuality
 Nurturing
 Affection
 Sharing
 Tenderness
 Patience
 Loving
Clothing and Appearance
In History
Body Alteration
Femininity in Men
Traditional Roles
In Communism
Feminists Views
Introduction
Femininity (also
called girlishness, womanliness or
womanhood) is a set of attributes,
behaviors, and roles generally
associated with girls and women.
Femininity is partially socially
constructed, being made up of both
socially-defined and biologically-
created factors.[2][3][4] This makes it distinct from the definition of the biological female
sex,[5][6] as both males and females can exhibit feminine traits.
Traits traditionally cited as feminine include gentleness, empathy, and sensitivity,[7][8][9] though
traits associated with femininity vary depending on location and context, and are influenced by a
variety of social and cultural factors.[10] In some non-English speaking cultures, certain concepts
or inanimate objects are considered feminine or masculine (the counterpart to feminine).
Femininity traits
 Surrender
 Receptivity
 Empathy
 Radiance
 Flow
19
 Sensuality
 Nurturing
 Affection
 Sharing
 Tenderness
 Patience
 Loving
Clothing and Appearance

In Western cultures, the ideal of feminine appearance has traditionally included long, flowing
hair, clear skin, a narrow waist, and little or no body hair or facial hair. In other cultures,
however, expectations are different. For example, in many parts of the world, underarm hair is
not considered unfeminine. Today, the color pink is strongly associated with femininity, whereas
in the early 1900s pink was associated with boys and blue with girls.
These feminine ideals of beauty have been criticized by feminists and others as restrictive,
unhealthy, and even racist. In particular, the prevalence of anorexia and other eating disorders in
Western countries has frequently been blamed on the modern feminine ideal of thinness. In many
Muslim countries, women are required to cover their heads with a hijab (veil). It is considered a
symbol of feminine modesty and morality.
In History
Cultural standards vary a great deal on what is considered feminine. For example, in 16th
century France, high heels were considered a distinctly masculine type of shoe, though they are
currently considered feminine. In Ancient Egypt, sheath and beaded net dresses were considered
female clothing, while wraparound dresses, perfumes, cosmetics, and elaborate jewelry were
worn by both men and women. In Ancient Persia, clothing was generally unisex, though women
wore veils and headscarves. Women in Ancient Greece wore himation’s; and in Ancient
Rome women wore the palla, a rectangular mantle, and the maphorion.
The typical feminine outfit of aristocratic women of the Renaissance was an undershirt with
a gown and a high-waisted over gown, and a plucked forehead and beehive or turban-style
hairdo.
Body Alteration
Body alteration is the deliberate altering of the human body for aesthetic or non-medical
purpose. One such purpose has been to induce perceived feminine characteristics in women.
For centuries in Imperial China, smaller feet were considered to be a more aristocratic
characteristic in women. The practice of foot binding was intended to enhance this characteristic,
though it made walking difficult and painful. In a few parts of Africa and Asia, neck rings are
worn in order to elongate the neck. In these cultures, a long neck characterizes feminine
beauty. The Padaung of Burma and Tutsi women of Burundi, for instance, practice this form of
body modification.
Femininity in Men
20
In Western culture, effeminate men are often associated with homosexuality, although femininity
is not necessarily related to a man's sexuality. Because men are normalized and pressured to be
masculine and heterosexual, feminine men are "otherized" and assumed to be gay or queer
because of how they perform their gender. This assumption limits the way one is allowed to
intersectionally express one's gender and sexuality. Because of this feminine stigma in men,
there can be many assumptions of identity which perpetuates the negative attitudes towards
feminine men (i.e. third gender, intersex, or effemimania).
Cross-dressing and drag are two public performances of femininity within men that have been
most popularly known and understood throughout many western cultures. Men who wear
clothing associated with femininity are often called cross-dressers.[127] A drag queen is a man
who wears flamboyant women's clothing and behaves in an exaggeratedly feminine manner for
entertainment purposes
Traditional Roles
Gender stereotypes influence traditional feminine occupations, resulting in micro
aggression toward women who break traditional gender roles. These stereotypes include that
women have a caring nature, have skill at household-related work, have greater manual dexterity
than men, are more honest than men, and have a more attractive physical appearance.
Occupational roles associated with these stereotypes include: midwife, teacher, accountant, data
entry clerk, cashier, salesperson, receptionist, housekeeper, cook, maid, social worker, and nurse.
Occupational segregation maintains gender inequality and gender pay gap. Leadership is
associated with masculinity in Western culture and women are perceived less favorably as
potential leaders. However, some people have argued that the "feminine"-style leadership, which
is associated with leadership that focuses on help and cooperation, is advantageous over
"masculine" leadership, which is associated with focusing on tasks and control. Female leaders
are more often described by Western media using characteristics associated with femininity, such
as emotion.
In Communism
Communist revolutionaries initially depicted idealized womanhood as muscular, plainly dressed
and strong, with good female communists shown as undertaking hard manual labor, using guns,
and eschewing self-adornment. Contemporary Western journalists portrayed communist states as
the enemy of traditional femininity, describing women in communist countries as "mannish"
perversions. In revolutionary China in the 1950s, Western journalists described Chinese women
as "drably dressed, usually in sloppy slacks and without makeup, hair waves or nail polish" and
wrote that "Glamour was communism's earliest victim in China. You can stroll the cheerless
streets of Peking all day, without seeing a skirt or a sign of lipstick; without thrilling to the
faintest breath of perfume; without hearing the click of high heels, or catching the glint of legs
sheathed in nylon." In communist Poland, changing from high heels to worker's boots
symbolized women's shift from the bourgeois to socialism.
Feminists Views
21
Feminist philosophers such as Judith Butler and Simone de Beauvoir contend that femininity and
masculinity are created through repeated performances of gender; these performances reproduce
and define the traditional categories of sex and/or gender. Many second-wave feminists reject
what they regard as constricting standards of female beauty, created for the subordination and
objectifying of women and self-perpetuated by reproductive competition and women's own
aesthetics. Others, such as lipstick feminists and some other third-wave feminists, argue that
feminism shouldn't devalue feminine culture and identity, and that symbols of feminine identity
such as make-up, suggestive clothing and having a sexual allure can be valid and empowering
personal choices for both sexes.
Julia Serano notes that masculine girls and women face much less social disapproval than
feminine boys and men, which she attributes to sexism. Serano argues that women wanting to be
like men is consistent with the idea that maleness is more valued in contemporary culture than
femaleness, whereas men being willing to give up masculinity in favor of femininity directly
threatens the notion of male superiority as well as the idea that men and women should be
opposites. To support her thesis, Serano cites the far greater public scrutiny and disdain
experienced by male-to-female cross-dressers compared with that faced by women who dress in
masculine clothes, as well as research showing that parents are likelier to respond negatively to
sons who like Barbie dolls and ballet or wear nail polish than they are to daughters exhibiting
comparably masculine behaviors.
Points to keep in mind:

● In everyday language, femininities and masculinities do not map onto biological sex. In
any one culture, certain behaviors or practices may be widely recognized as “feminine” or
“masculine,” irrespective of whether they are adopted by women or by men. Femininities and
masculinities are not descriptors of sexual orientation.
● Femininities and masculinities are plural—there are many forms of femininity and many
forms of masculinity. What gets defined as feminine or masculine differs by region, religion,
class, national culture, and other social factors. How femininities and masculinities are
valued differs culturally.
● Any one person—woman or man—engages in many forms of femininity and masculinity,
which she or he adopts (consciously or unconsciously) depending on context, the
expectations of others, the life stage, and so forth. A man can engage in what are often
stereotyped as “feminine” activities, such as caring for a sick parent.
● Cultural notions of “feminine” and “masculine” behavior are shaped in part by
observations about what women and men do. This kind of “gender marking” tends to
discourage women or men from entering “gender-inauthentic” occupations (Faulkner, 2009).
● Femininities and masculinities are learned. Messages about “feminine” and “masculine”
behaviors are embedded in advertising, media, news, educational materials, and so forth.
These messages are present in a range of environments, from the home to the workplace to
public spaces.
Traits of Masculinity / Femininity

High Masculine Feminine
22
social norms ego oriented relationship oriented
money and things are quality of life and people
important are important
live in order to work work in order to live
politics and economic growth high environment protection
economics priority high priority
conflict solved through
conflict solved through force
negotiation
religion most important in life less important in life
both men and women as
only men can be priests
priests
work larger gender wage gap smaller gender wage gap
more women in
fewer women in management
management
preference for fewer
preference for higher pay
working hours
family and
traditional family structure flexible family structure
school
girls cry, boys don’t; boys both boys and girls cry;
fight, girls don’t neither fight
failing is a disaster failing a minor accident
Links(https://literariness.org/2017/11/04/masculinity-masculinities/)
https://culturematters.com/examples-of-masculinity-and-feminin
https://www.andrews.edu/~tidwell/bsad560/HofstedeMasculinity.html
http://ryzeonline.com/feminine-masculine-traits/
https://www.huffingtonpost.com/caroline-turner/masculine-feminine-
differences_b_5687762.html
https://culturematters.com/masculinity-and-femininity-gender-examples/
https://www.desiringgod.org/articles/the-difference-between-masculinity-and-femininity
https://www.cambridge.org/core/books/women-of-quality/ideals-of-
femininity/6D25E5F16ADC5BA89C1E0CD39088342A
http://www.returnofkings.com/96632/4-types-of-women-within-the-femininity-matrix
https://genderedinnovations.stanford.edu/terms/femininities.html
NATURE VS NURTURE : A DEBATE IN GENDER DEVELOPMENT
Outline:
Introduction
23
Evolutionary Psychology
Cognitive Social Learning
Theory
Genetic Factors and Gender
Homosexuality and Gender
Homosexuality Cause Debate
Brain Development
Parent Sexual Orientation
Discussion A Gender Debate on Gender Differences
Introduction
Gender differences are an ongoing debate which contains arguments that gender differences are
caused by different biological or social differences. Both arguments are filled with controversy
and have been subjected to different theories that have stemmed from various researches with an
attempt to articulate and explain the causes of ones gender and how their differences manifest
into either different social realms, or scientific biological realms.
As it stands today, gender in our current society is rather ambiguous; however, different factors
pertaining to different research discoveries, involving neuroscience studies, evolutionary
psychology, social learning theory, and other biological factors have attributed to the notion that
gender development is in fact closely related to biological factors. This development is also
closely associated with heterosexuals, but also provides a plausible relation to gender roles with
homosexuals due to containing a strong link to not only their sexual preference, but also their
biological gender roles.
Evolutionary Psychology
The primary concept of evolutionary psychology caters to the notion that the differences between
genders and sexuality are a result of evolution and the different factors in men and women
strategies for success. This concept also contains the thought that reproductive success is
achieved through maximum sustainable of offspring and the generational success of genes being
passed on between each generation. This theory not only sets a foundation for unions and the
desire to obtain viable offspring, but also proposes the that men prefer short term relationships
for the purpose of generating more offspring, but interestingly enough, both men and women
typically are involved in a marital position with each other that becomes more increasingly
desired as men and women age.
Cognitive Social Learning Theory
Factors of gender associated as a learned behavior is a result of the cognitive social learning
theory. This theory purposes that gender is attributed to different social and learning factors that
influence ones gender role and predicts that individuals express and explore their gender roles
based on what is deemed socially acceptable, or popular in the media. The cognitive social
24
theory also predicts that when the media portrays numerous accounts of sexuality and
promiscuous sexual encounters that gender differences will decrease and there will be a different
attitude towards premarital sex and the amount of one’s sexual partners.
Genetic Factors and Gender
Genes play a major role in how one physically looks as well as if a person is born male or
female. Most individuals have two sex chromosomes that are inherited from each parent. Girls
contain the XX and XY for boys. However, genes and chromosomes sometimes contain
differences that can lead to different physical features that can appear abnormal. One of these
syndromes is called Turner’s syndrome and this syndrome causes individuals to only inherit one
chromosome. When this occurs ovaries or testicles will not be developed. Many different genetic
discoveries are being made and some scientist conclude that our genes can essentially tell our
future for physical appearance as well as different predispositions to illnesses that will develop
based on one’s genetic code. Genes also show a correlation between ones gender role and cannot
be altered by nurture.
Homosexuality and Gender

Homosexuality and gender plays a significant role in the debate between nature and nurture
primarily due to gender being viewed as being nature or nurture, but also because of the
significant findings that have been established to the cause of homosexuality. The cause being if
homosexuality is something biological, or socially learned.
Homosexuality Cause Debate
There has been numerous cultural wars not only in the United Stated, but also worldwide as to
the cause of homosexuality. This debate has raised significant questions as to the cause of
homosexuality and if homosexuals have the ability to be nurtured into homosexuality, or if
certain biological factors attribute to one being a homosexual. This argument has been
established not only by use of different social learning theories, which are similar to the genetic
social learning theory, but also with different neuroscience evidence and aspects of rearing
children in a homosexual environment.
Brain Development
The advancements of neuro scans have shown plausibility that there is a difference in
homosexual brain scans as compared to heterosexual brain scans. The part of the brain that is
associated with behavior and reproductive physiology known as the interstitial nuclei of the
anterior hypothalamus is shown to be larger in heterosexual males compared to homosexual
males. This shows there is a structural difference between heterosexual males and homosexual
males, which allows for plausibility that this significant difference is associated with
homosexuals being biological and not part of different learning theories.
Parent Sexual Orientation
While some researchers argue that homosexuality is a learned behavior, there is significant
evidence to support that children raised by homosexuals do not necessarily become
homosexuals. The conclusions of these studies have showed there is no direct correlation with
25
children being raised by homosexuals as learning the behavior or gender roles of the rearing
couple’s sexual preference, or gender roles. In fact, studies showed the majority of children that
grew up with lesbian or gay parents, grew up establishing their own identities as a heterosexual.
Though some argue the test subjects pertaining to homosexual couples raising children is vague
and difficult to isolate and identify more test subjects, the plausibility remains that there has been
more evidence to support there is correlation between individuals that were raised by
homosexuals as learning the behavior from their homosexual parents.
Discussion A Gender Debate on Gender Differences
Though many argue that gender is a learned behavior, I stand to believe that gender roles
associated with homosexuality is biological and genetic. Some arguments I would like to impose
would be that thus far genes cannot be altered, so if gender is established by nurture then how
can so many correlations with genetics be altered to make this a learned behavior. The cognitive
social learning theory also implies that media and other popular social dynamics influence
gender roles and development. However, I found it difficult to find any relativity in this theory
because there has been no significant research to show that learning plays a role in sexual, or
gender orientation development. Most research I found in the significance of the learning theory
contained personal perception which is probably motivated by strict morals and typically strict
morals are difficult to change ones perception of their desired thoughts.
The evolutionary psychology theory, though it contains some discrepancies and what some may
deem as archaic, I think that the evolutionary standpoint contains more aspects of gender being
biological in nature. This is due to some of the key elements of the evolutionary psychology
theory containing less bias and more plausibility towards gender being linked to biological
factors. Though significant arguments were made on both ends. I feel the learning components of
gender research was plagued with more fallacy and personal opinions rather than supportive
evidence like the biological theory imposes.
26
Section III: FEMINIST THEORIES AND PRACTICE

What is Feminism?
If you look up the definition of “Feminism” in the dictionary, you’ll see these statements:
Feminism is:
1. The advocacy of women's rights on the basis of the equality of the sexes
2. The theory of the political, economic, and social equality of the sexes
3. The belief that men and women should have equal rights and opportunities
4. The doctrine advocating social, political, and all other rights of women equal to those of men
Feminism at its core is about equality of men and women, not “sameness.” So many people offer
up the argument that women are not the “same” as men so there can’t be equality. In other
words, because their bodies are different (many say “weaker” and smaller), and because men and
women have different physical capabilities, these physical differences mean equality is not
possible.
It’s critical to understand that “same” does not mean “equal.” The issue here is about equal rights
and equal access to opportunities. Men and women don’t have to be the “same” in physicality to
27
have the right to equality. I’d love to see that argument (that women and men aren’t the “same”
so they can’t be equal) disappear forever. From my view, it’s a misguided one.
Here’s an example of why: If there were two young boys in a classroom, and one was physically
weaker and smaller than the other, would we believe it’s right to keep the weaker, smaller boy
from having the same access – to the teacher, to learning, to the computers, to the books and
class resources, to other children in the class -- because he didn’t have the same physical strength
as the other boy?
Why do so many hate the term feminism and the feminist movement?
I believe there are five critical reasons behind this:
1. Feminism has been associated with strong, forceful and angry women, and our society
continues to punish forceful women. (So much recent data and research has proved this.)
2. Many people fear that feminism will mean that men will eventually lose out – of power,
influence, impact, authority, and control, and economic opportunities.
3. Many people believe that feminists want to control the world and put men down.
4. Many people fear that feminism will overturn time-honored traditions, religious beliefs and
established gender roles, and that feels scary and wrong.
5. Many people fear that feminism will bring about negative shifts in relationships, marriage,
society, culture, power and authority dynamics, and in business, job and economic opportunities
if and when women are on an equal
footing with men.
LIBERAL FEMINISM
Outline:
Introduction
28
Goals of Liberal Feminism
Means and Methods
Critics
Introduction
In 1983, Alison Jaggar published Feminist Politics and Human Nature where she defined four
theories related to feminism: liberal feminism, Marxism, radical feminism, and socialist
feminism. Her analysis was not completely new; the varieties of feminism had begun to
differentiate as early as the 1960s. Jaggar's contribution was in clarifying, extending and
solidifying the various definitions, which are still often used today.
Goals of Liberal Feminism
What she described as liberal feminism is theory and work that focuses more on issues like
equality in the workplace, in education, in political rights. Where liberal feminism looks at issues
in the private sphere, it tends to be in terms of equality: how does that private life impede or
enhance public equality. Thus, liberal feminists also tend to support marriage as an equal
partnership, and more male involvement in child care. Abortion and other reproductive
rights have to do with control of one's life choices and autonomy. Ending domestic violence and
sexual harassment have to do with removing obstacles to women achieving on an equal level
with men. Liberal feminism's primary goal is gender equality in the public sphere -- equal
access to education, equal pay, ending job sex segregation, better working conditions -- won
primarily through legal changes. Private sphere issues are of concern mainly as they influence or
impede equality in the public sphere. Gaining access to and being paid and promoted equally in
traditionally male-dominated occupations is an important goal. What do women want? Liberal
feminism answers: mostly, what men want: to get an education, to make a decent living, to
provide for one's family.
Means and Methods
Liberal feminism tends to rely on the state and political rights to gain equality -- to see the state
as the protector of individual rights. Liberal feminism, for example, supports affirmative action
legislation requiring employers and educational institutions to make special attempts to include
women in the pool of applicants, on the assumption that past and current discrimination may
simply overlook many qualified women applicants. The Equal Rights Amendment was a key
goal for many years of liberal feminists, from the original women's suffrage proponents who
moved to advocating a federal equality amendment, to many of the feminists of the 1960s and
1970s in organizations including the National Organization for Women. The text of the Equal
Rights Amendment, as passed by Congress and sent to the states in the 1970s, is classical liberal
feminism: "Equality of rights under the law shall not be denied or abridged by the United States
or by any state on account of sex." While not denying that there may be biologically-based
differences between men and women, liberal feminism cannot see that these are adequate
justification for inequality, such as the wage gap between men and women.
29
Critics
Critics of liberal feminism point to a lack of critique of basic gender relationships, a focus on
state action which links women's interests to those of the powerful, a lack of class or race
analysis, and a lack of analysis of ways in which women are different from men. Critics often
accuse liberal feminism of judging women and their success by male standards. "White
feminism" is a kind of liberal feminism which assumes that the issues facing white women are
the issues all women face, and that unity around liberal feminist goals is more important than
racial equality and other such goals. Intersectionality was a theory developed in criticism of
liberal feminism's common blind spot on race. In more recent years, liberal feminism has
sometimes been conflated with a kind of libertarian feminism, sometimes called equity feminism
or individual feminism. Individual feminism often opposes legislative or state action, preferring
to emphasize developing the skills and abilities of women to compete better in the world as it is.
This feminism opposes laws that give either men or women advantages or privileges.
RADICAL FEMINISM
Outline:
Definition
Roots of Radical Feminism
Key issues for radical feminists include:
Method used
Definition
Radical feminism is a philosophy emphasizing the patriarchal
roots of inequality between men and women, or, more
specifically, social dominance of women by men. Radical
feminism views patriarchy as dividing rights, privileges and
power primarily by sex, and as a result oppressing women
and privileging men. Radical feminism opposes existing
political and social organization in general because it is
inherently tied to patriarchy. Thus, radical feminists tend to
be skeptical of political action within the current system, and
instead tend to focus on culture change that undermines
patriarchy and associated hierarchical structures. Radical
feminists tend to be more militant in their approach (radical
as "getting to the root") than other feminists are. A radical
feminist aims to dismantle patriarchy, rather than making adjustments to the system through
30
legal changes. Radical feminists also resisted reducing oppression to an economic or class issue,
as socialist or Marxist feminism sometimes did or does.
Radical feminism opposes patriarchy, not men. To equate radical feminism to man-hating is to
assume that patriarchy and men are inseparable, philosophically and politically. (Robin Morgan
defended "man-hating" as the right of the oppressed class to hate the class which is oppressing
them.)
Roots of Radical Feminism

Radical feminism was rooted in the wider radical movement, where women participated in anti-
war and New Left political movements of the 1960s, finding themselves excluded from equal
power by the men within the movement, even with underlying theories of empowerment. Many
of these women split off into specifically feminist groups, while still retaining much of their
political radical ideals and methods. Then radical feminism became the term used for the more
radical edge of feminism. Radical feminism is credited with the use of consciousness raising
groups to raise awareness of women's oppression.
Some key radical feminists were Ti-Grace Atkinson, Susan Brownmiller, Phyllis
Chester, Corrine Grad Coleman, Mary Daly, Andrea Dworkin, Shulamith Firestone, Germaine
Greer, Carol Hanisch, Jill Johnston, Catherine MacKinnon, Kate Millett, Robin Morgan, Ellen
Willis, Monique Wittig. Groups that were part of the radical feminist wing of feminism
include Redstockings. New York Radical Women (NYRW), the Chicago Women's Liberation
Union (CWLU), Ann Arbor Feminist House, The Feminists, WITCH, Seattle Radical Women,
Cell 16. Radical feminists organized the demonstrations against the Miss America pageant in
1968. Later radical feminists sometimes added a focus on sexuality, including some moving to a
radical political lesbianism.
Key issues for radical feminists include:

 Reproductive rights for women, including freedom to make choices to give birth, have
an abortion, use birth control or get sterilized.
 Evaluating and then breaking down traditional gender roles in private relationships as
well as in public policies.
 Understanding pornography as an industry and practice leading to harm to women,
although some radical feminists disagreed with this position.
 Understanding rape as an expression of patriarchal power, not a seeking of sex.
 Understanding prostitution under patriarchy as oppression of women, sexually and

economically.
 A critique of motherhood, marriage, the nuclear family and sexuality, questioning how
much of our culture is based on patriarchal assumptions.
 A critique of other institutions including government and religion as centered historically
in patriarchal power.
Method used
31
Tools used by radical women's groups included consciousness-raising groups, actively providing
services, organizing public protests, and putting on art and culture events. Women's Studies
programs at universities were often supported by radical feminists as well as more liberal and
socialist feminists. Some radical
feminists promoted a political form of
lesbianism or celibacy as alternatives
to heterosexual sex within an overall
patriarchal culture. There remains
disagreement within the radical
feminist community about
transgender identity. Some radical
feminists have supported the rights of
transgender people, seeing it as
another gender liberation struggle;
some have opposed the transgender
movement, seeing it as embodying
and promoting patriarchal gender norms.
SOCIALIST FEMINISM
Outline:
Introduction
The Socialist Basis
A Little History
How Is Socialist Feminism Different?
Introduction
The phrase "socialist feminism" was increasingly used during the 1970s to describe a mixed
theoretical and practical approach to achieving women's equality. Socialist feminist theory
analyzed the connection between the oppression of women and other oppressions in society, such
as racism and economic injustice.
32
The Socialist Basis
Socialists had fought for decades to create a more equal society that did not exploit the poor and
the powerless in the same ways that capitalism did. Like Marxism, socialist feminism recognized
the oppressive structure of a capitalist society. Like radical feminism, socialist feminism
recognized the fundamental oppression of women particularly in a patriarchal society. However,
socialist feminists did not recognize gender and only gender as the exclusive basis of all
oppression. Rather, they held and continue to hold that class and gender are symbiotic, at least to
some degree, and one cannot be addressed without taking the other into consideration. Socialist
feminists wanted to integrate the recognition of sex discrimination within their work to achieve
justice and equality for women, for working classes, for the poor and all humanity.
A Little History
The term "socialist feminism" might make it sound as though the two concepts—socialism and
feminism—are cemented together and intertwined, but this has not always been the case.
Socialist Party leader Eugene V. Debs and Susan B. Anthony were at odds back in 1905, each of
them supporting a different end of the spectrum. Decades later, Gloria Steinem suggested that
women, and particularly younger women, were eager to throw their support behind socialist
Bernie Sanders rather than Hillary Clinton, a concept that became evident in the 2016 national
election when Sanders won 53 percent of the female vote in the New Hampshire primary in
contrast to Clinton's 46 percent.
How Is Socialist Feminism Different?
Socialist feminism has often been compared to cultural feminism, but they are quite different
although there are some similarities. Cultural feminism focuses almost exclusively on the unique
traits and accomplishments of the female gender in opposition to those of men. Separatism is a
key theme, but socialist feminism opposes this. The goal of socialist feminism is to
work with men to achieve a level playing field for both genders. Socialist feminists have referred
to cultural feminism as "pretentious." Socialist feminism is also distinctly different from liberal
feminism, although the concept of liberalism has changed over the early decades of the 21st
century. Although liberal feminists seek equality of the sexes, socialist feminists do not believe
that is entirely possible within the constraints of current society. The focus of radical feminists is
more on the root causes of inequalities that exist. They tend to take the position that sexual
discrimination is the sole source of the oppression of women. However, radical feminism may be
more closely related than some other forms of feminism are to socialist feminism. Of course, all
these types of feminism share similar and often identical concerns, but their remedies and
solutions vary.
33
MARXIST FEMINISM
Outline:
Introduction
Productive and Unproductive Labor
Accomplishment and Activism
Wages for housework
Marxist-feminist critiques of other branches of Feminism
Introduction
Marxist Feminism came from the ideas of Karl Marx, which were used to understand the
capitalist sources of the oppression of women. Focus on the concerns of working women. They
try to make people understand that housework and child care is still "real work". Taking care of
children and a house is just as much work as being an engineer, of doctor. Even when women get
paid jobs, they still get lower wages than men. Marxist feminism states that capitalism, which
increases economic inequality, and unhealthy social relations between men and women, is the
root of women's oppression.
Productive and Unproductive Labor

In the capitalist system, two types of labor exist, a division stressed by Marxist feminists
like Margaret Benston and Peggy Morton.[7] The first is productive, in which the labor results in
goods or services that have monetary value in the capitalist system and are thus compensated by
the producers in the form of a paid wage. The second form of labor is reproductive, which is
associated with the private sphere and involves anything that people have to do for themselves
that is not for the purposes of receiving a wage (i.e. cleaning, cooking, having children). Both
forms of labor are necessary, but people have different access to these forms of labor based on
certain aspects of their identity. Women are assigned to the domestic sphere where the labor is
reproductive and thus uncompensated and unrecognized in a capitalist system. It is in the best
interest of both public and private institutions to exploit the labor of women as an inexpensive
method of supporting a work force. For the producers, this means higher profits. For the nuclear
family, the power dynamic dictates that domestic work is exclusively to be completed by the
woman of the household thus liberating the rest of the members from their own necessary
reproductive labor. Marxist feminists argue that the exclusion of women from productive labor
leads to male control in both private and public domains.
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Accomplishment and Activism
The militant nature of Marxist feminists and their ability to mobilize to promote social change
has enabled them to engage in important activism. Though their controversial advocacy often
receives criticism, Marxist feminists challenge capitalism in ways that facilitate new discourse
and shed light on the status of women.[8] These women throughout history have used a range of
approaches in fighting hegemonic capitalism, which reflect their different views on the optimal
method of achieving liberation for women.
Wages for housework

Focusing on exclusion from productive labor as the most important source of female oppression,
some Marxist feminists devoted their activism to fighting for the inclusion of domestic work
within the waged capitalist economy. Perhaps the most influential of the efforts to compensate
reproductive labor was the International Wages for Housework Campaign, an organization
launched in Italy in 1972 by members of the International Feminist Collective. A Wages for
Housework group was founded in Brooklyn, New York with the help of Federici. As Heidi
Hartmann acknowledges (1981), the efforts of these movements, though ultimately unsuccessful,
generated important discourse regarding the value of housework and its relation to the economy.
Marxist-feminist critiques of other branches of Feminism

Critics like Kollontai (1909) believed liberal feminism would undermine the efforts of Marxism
to improve conditions for the working class. Marxists supported the more radical political
program of liberating women through socialist revolution, with a special emphasis on work
among women and in materially changing their conditions after the revolution. Additional
liberation methods supported by Marxist Feminists include radical demands coined as "Utopian
Demands" by Maria Mies. This indication of the scope of revolution required to promote change
states that demanding anything less than complete reform will produce inadequate solutions to
long-term issues.
BLACK FEMINISM
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Black feminism argues that sexism, class oppression, and racism are inextricably bound together.
Forms of feminism that strive to overcome sexism and class oppression but ignore race can
discriminate against many people, including women, through racial bias. The Combahee River
Collective argued in 1974 that the liberation of black women entails freedom for all people, since
it would require the end of racism, sexism, and class oppression. One of the theories that evolved
out of this movement was Alice Walker's Womanism. It emerged after the early feminist
movements that were led specifically by
white women who advocated social
changes such as woman’s suffrage.
These movements were largely white
middle-class movements and
had generally ignored
oppression based on racism and
classism. Alice Walker and other
Womanists pointed out those black
women experienced a different and
more intense kind of oppression from
that of white women. Angela Davis was
one of the first people who
articulated an argument
centered on the intersection of
race, gender, and class in her book,
Women, Race, and Class. Kimberle
Crenshaw, a prominent
feminist law theorist, gave the idea the name Intersectionality while discussing identity politics
in her essay, "Mapping the Margins: Intersectionality, Identity Politics and Violence against
Women of Color".
POSTMODERN FEMINISM
The term postmodern feminism is believed to have begun and widely used in the 1980's.
Postmodern feminism is used to refer to the many different theories within the feminist
movement. Generally, people that use this term are individuals that may be against feminism
overall, as they feel it doesn't relate to today's society. These individuals agree that feminism was
positive, as it was first established to help women receive the rights they deserved. In today's
society, it is viewed by some that women's rights are as they should be and feminism is no longer
needed, hence we are now in the postmodern feminism age. The overall view by these
individuals basically generalize that problems in society today affects everyone as a whole, not
just women. The term is viewed as a new era for women and the thought that they are completely
equal in today's society, moving on from the "old" views of traditional feminism. The radicalized
view of postmodern feminism truly feels it's time to move on from traditional feminism. This
36
generally consists of white males, as they feel most effected by feminism as a whole as a direct
impact to their individual rights in our society. This differs from anti-feminist views, as feminism
is still viewed positively toward women and its historic value for shaping the structure of gender
equality today. This view doesn't necessarily condone the slide back to a patriarchal dominated
society again, but that the staunch feminist may actually contribute to the negative views of
women by over-stepping their bounds from their stances with general societal "issues".
My personal assessment of this view toward feminism does make sense to me now that women
have cemented themselves as leaders in our society. As we move further into the 21st century,
we now have a woman who has a legitimate chance to be a presidential candidate. This is a
movement of grand proportions for all women and should be considered as proof of equality
within our country. I don't believe I would label myself as a "postmodern feminist"; it would be
too easy as a white male to fall into that trap. The theory of feminism shouldn't necessarily go
away, but the ideas that existed 50 years ago need to be re-evaluated by the even the most
beloved feminist.
From much of the information listed concerning this topic, Judith Butler's seems to be a name
brought up the most from her 1990 book, "Gender Trouble" and other publications over the last
three decades. As people have claimed that postmodern feminism for offering no clear path to
action, Butler does claim "the term postmodernism as too vague to be meaningful" as it
encompasses so many facets of feminism.
PSYCHOANALYTICAL FEMINISM
Psychoanalysis is concerned with analysis of mind i.e. the psyche’s structure and its relation to the
body, and use that as the basis for treating certain kinds of sickness. It is popularly known as
“talking cure” and some of its central concepts are: penis envy, the Oedipus complex, the phallic
symbol. As these terms suggest, psychoanalysis is closely associated with gender, sex, familial
relations and the fact that their expression and construction are not always available to the conscious
mind which are also central interest to feminism. Psychoanalytic and gender feminists believe
“women’s way of acting is rooted deep in women’s psyche.”
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Sigmund Freud described psychoanalysis as a phenomenon of the 20th century, also acknowledging
the works of the 19th century precursors. Freud together with his colleague Josef
Breuer wrote Studies on Hysteria (1895) which is a collection of five case histories
of women suffering from reminiscences and also explains the facts that women fears and phobias,
hallucinations and physical symptoms ( such as amnesia, asthma, feeling cold, neck cramps,
stammers etc) all turned out to ha ve their origin in repressed memories. Breuer also admits that the
symptoms disappeared once they had been given verbal utterance which later became a therapeutic
technique. During his self-analysis, Freud established three principles: the unconscious part of mind,
analysis of dreams and the relationship between unconscious and conscious thought processes. Later
he divided this into the id (the central location of unstructured instincts), the ego (the realistic
element) and the super-ego (the internalized parental function, moral, critical).
Between 1893 and 1895 Freud developed his theory of the Oedipus complex and
infantile sexuality. In the Oedipus complex, the small boy loves his mother and experience a jealous
hatred of his father which is resolved by the castration complex i.e. the father steps in to forbid the
boy access to his mother, on the pain of losing his organ, and the boy, in obeying, identifies with the
father and the power he wields. Freud makes the little boy model for both the sexes and describes the
little girl as his deficient version. In the girl’s case, according to Freud, she now loves her father and
hates the betraying mother who has sent her into the world so insufficiently equipped. It is clear from
these comments of Freud’s why Oedipus complex is problematic for feminist psychoanalysis, as it
constructs women as the inferior ‘second sex’ and in addition to this Freud also ignores the social
position of women he wrote about. However, Melanie Klein argues that the Oedipus complex occurs
much earlier than Freud suggests and the
infant’s drives focus not on the father and his
anatomy but on the mother.
From 1953 the very influential French

theorist and trained psychiatrist, Jaques
Lacaninaugurated a “return to Freud” in
his seminars and writings bringing
structuralist and post structuralist theories of
language to bear on Freud’s central
concepts of the unconscious, the construction of gender etc. The biggest issue to feminist approaches
to Lacan is the role of what he called phallus in the theory of language and his subject. Lacan pointed
out that the distinction between penis and phallus is fundamental to Freud’s differentiation between
biological and psychic reality. The phallus exists outside anatomical reality and is the signifier of the
mother’s desire. He claims that this is a neutral third term, a signifier of lack. Feminists critics point
out how it is hard to separate the phallus from the literal organ, the penis , if only because of verbal
and visual coincidence and points out that his theory is non-biological and non-essentialist, as the
feminine position is open to both men and women.
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Psychoanalytic feminist thought has also followed another route, i.e. the area of masquerade, or
gender as a performative strategy. Joan Riviere in her essay discusses three case studies which have
in common the fact that ‘women who wish for masculinity may put up a mask of womanliness to
avert anxiety and the retribution feared from men’. Opponents of claims that the idea of masquerade
is liberatory point to its political implications. The potential that masquerades offers is a
deconstruction of the idea of biological determinism or the real women not yet disfigured by
patriarchal social relations. Masquerade has also been used to not only analyze the female spectator
but the very possibility of representation of the female body on screen.
Thus the future of psychoanalytic feminism seems very rich. As well as the ‘return to Klein’,
signaled for instance by the establishment of Women’s Therapy Centre in London, psychoanalytic
feminism underlies recent developments in lesbian theory, gender studies and queer theory.
Section IV: FEMINIST MOVEMENTS

Outline:
Introduction
History
The first wave
Characteristics of the first wave:
Landmark first wave moments:
Problems and limitations:
Suffragettes in the media
The second wave
Second wave characteristics
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Remaining obstacles: working toward intersectionality
The feminist “sex wars”
The third wave
Third wave characteristics
Third wave feminism:
Third wave issues
New activist tactics
The radical cheerleaders
Women artists unite: the guerilla

girls
Women in music: riot grrrls
Protest movements: slutwalk
Landmark moments for the

third wave
Three Waves of Feminism
Introduction
The term feminism can be used to describe a political, cultural or economic movement aimed at
establishing equal rights and legal protection for women. Feminism involves political and
sociological theories and philosophies concerned with issues of gender difference, as well as a
movement that advocates gender equality for women and campaigns for women's rights and
interests. Although the terms "feminism" and "feminist" did not gain widespread use until the
1970s, they were already being used in the public parlance much earlier; for instance, Katherine
Hepburn speaks of the "feminist movement" in the 1942 film Woman of the Year.
According to Maggie Humm and Rebecca Walker, the history of feminism can be divided into
three waves. The first feminist wave was in the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the
second was in the 1960s and 1970s, and the third extends from the 1990s to the present. Feminist
theory emerged from these feminist movements. It is manifest in a variety of disciplines such as
feminist geography, feminist history and feminist literary criticism.
40
History
Simone de Beauvoir wrote that "the first time we see a woman take up her pen in defense of her
sex" was Christine de Pizan who wrote Epitre au Dieu d'Amour (Epistle to the God of Love) in
the 15th century. Heinrich Cornelius Agrippa and Modesta di Pozzo di Forzi worked in the 16th
century. Marie Le Jars de Gournay, Anne Bradstreet and Francois Poullain de la Barre wrote
during the 17th.
Feminists and scholars have divided the movement's history into three "waves". The first wave
refers mainly to women's suffrage movements of the nineteenth and early twentieth centuries
(mainly concerned with women's right to vote). The second wave refers to the ideas and actions
associated with the women's liberation movement beginning in the 1960s (which campaigned for
legal and social rights for women). The third wave refers to a continuation of, and a reaction to
the perceived failures of, second-wave feminism, beginning in the 1990s.
THE FIRST WAVE

To put the time period in perspective, consider that at the time of first wave feminism, women
were legally prevented from:
 owning property
 executing wills or signing legal documents
 serving on juries (even if the defendent was a woman)
 voting in elections (or even local meetings)
 refusing to have sex with their husbands
 attending university (or depending on race, class, and region, attending school at all)
 having legal custody of their children (both wives and children were legally owned by
husbands)
 divorcing their husbands
Think of first wave feminism not as the beginning of women fighting for equality, but as the
beginnings of an organized, nation-wide movement advocating women’s rights in the western
world, including the United Kingdom, Canada, and the U.S. Members of organizations like the
American Women’s Suffrage Association (AWSA ) focused solely on one issue: gaining the
right to vote state-by-state as a precursor to gaining a federal amendment granting women the
right to vote. Other organizations like the National Women’s Suffrage Association (NWSA) had
broader goals for greater social equality and were considered more radical.
Characteristics of The First Wave:

 Spanned the early 19th through the early 20th centuries (1800s through early 1900s).
 Focused on women gaining civil rights, or rights as full citizens, including the right to vote
(suffrage), equal access to education and health care, and the
right to enter and practice in the professions; that is, the right to
enter and shape the public sphere.
 Sought to articulate women’s public (legal) and private (in the
home) oppression and make such oppression visible; and
questioned the arguments that God and nature justified such
inequality.
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 Grew out of and was often linked with the abolition movement, the fight against slavery.
 Was heavily influenced by the Religious Society of Friends, or the Quakers, who believed in
egalitarian relationships between husbands and wives, but also by Christian charity (pity for
the “less fortunate”).
 Employed mostly moderate activist tactics (e.g., using available political channels like signing
petitions, lobbying, etc.), but sometimes more radical activism (e.g., hunger striking and
picketing), as portrayed in the film Iron-Jawed Angels.
 Was aided in some ways by the onset of World War I, when many women went to work
outside the home for the first time (though they were limited to factory and domestic labor).
Landmark First Wave Moments:
 1833: first co-educational university in U.S. (Oberlin).
 1848: Seneca Falls Convention in Seneca Falls, NY, the first women’s rights convention,
organized by Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, with others.
 1854, Florence Nightingale establishes female nurses as adjuncts to the military.
 1851: Sojourner Truth delivers her famous speech “Ain’t I a Woman?” at the Ohio
Women’s Rights Convention in Akron, OH, bringing race into the conversation.
 1855: first co-ed public or state university (Univ. of Iowa).
 1860: New York’s revised Married Women’s Property Act (allows women shared ownership
of children and a say in their wills and wages; allows women to inherit property).
 1892: Investigative African-American journalist and activist Ida B. Wells (a freed slave)
publishes and lectures from her book Southern Horrors: Lynch Law in All Its Phases.
 1896: Wells founds the National Association of Colored Women and the National Afro-
American Council.
 1913: (In)famous March for Women’s Suffrage in Washington, organized by Alice Paul;
often considered the moment when the fight for women’s rights was desegregated. (Portrayed
in the movie Iron-Jawed Angels.)
 1915: American Medical Association begins to admit women.
 1916: Margaret Sanger opens the first birth control clinic in the U.S. (led to her arrest);
opened the first clinic with all-female staff and the first clinic in Harlem staffed entirely by
African-Americans.
 1918: Marie Stopes publishes Married Love, more popular than works by both Einstein and
Freud at the time, in which she argues for the importance of women’s sexual desire
(unthinkable at the time).
 1920: 19th Amendment passed in U.S. (gives women the right to vote).
 1921: Sanger, who coined the term “birth control,” forms the American Birth Control
League (later called Planned Parenthood).
Overall, first wave feminism saw many women, state-by-state, gain control over their wages,
property, and inheritances and finally have a say in their wills, and acquireTRADE licenses and
enter professions, including medicine and law, gain access to higher education, and, finally, to
vote in elections. But it’s important to remember that this affected only some women.
Problems and Limitations:
While it made unprecedented strides in gaining women legal rights and a foothold in the public
sphere, first wave feminism was not without its limitations. First, reform often granted married
women more rights than single women, or even widowed women. Second, although many
suffragettes were also abolitionists, Black women (and “foreigners,” or immigrants) and men
42
were sometimes ignored or denied participation in meetings and demonstrations, and arguments
of whether or not African-Americans should be granted the right to vote (before or even after)
white women was a divisive issue in the movement. Overall, most prominent feminists tended to
be white, middle- and upper-class women with leisure time and some education. Finally, first
wave feminists often based their arguments on the belief the because women were mothers, they
were “naturally” more nurturing, kind, and moral, and would therefore make better leaders and
politicians than men because of this virtue.
SUFFRAGETTES IN THE MEDIA

From the beginning of women’s fight for equal rights, female activists and suffragettes were
often portrayed negatively in posters and other print media that sought to discredit their efforts
and arguments. They were often depicted as unattractive with large teeth and shrill voices,
sometimes wielding a threatening umbrella – or, on the other hand, as completely ineffectual and
weak. Some images even advocated violent or inhuman punishment of such women.
THE SECOND WAVE
Feminism’s second wave began in the early 1960s; Betty Friedan is often credited with starting
this wave of the feminist movement with the publication of her book The Feminine Mystique in
1963. Friedan herself was influenced by the French feminist philosopher Simone de Beauvoir
and her book The Second Sex (1949), which argues against psychoanalyst Sigmund Freud’s
claim that “anatomy is destiny”; that is, the belief that one’s biological sex automatically
determines one’s role in society.
For the first time, the government, led by President John F. Kennedy, also issued the Presidential
Commission on the Status of Women (chaired by former first lady and activist Eleanor
43
Roosevelt), which concluded that women did experience discrimination in American life
(visibility!).
In addition, radical feminist activist Robin Morgan and the members of the organization New
York Radical Women protested the Miss America Pageant in 1968, which made headlines across
the country.
When the movement began, it was first called Women’s Liberation (or, derogatorily, Women’s
Lib) and its participants were sometimes referred to patronizingly as Women’s Libbers or, later,
bra burners. (Contrary to popular belief, second wave feminist activists did not protest patriarchy
by burning their bras.)
SECOND WAVE CHARACTERISTICS
In general, the second wave and their activist efforts focused not just on legal barriers to civil
equality, as the first wave had largely done, but also examined social inequalities. Second wave
feminists:
 Spanned the period between the 1960s and roughly the late 1980s.
 Focused on discussing and changing a broad range of pubic and private injustices, including:
discriminatory laws and policies, sexuality and sexual identity; marriage and child-rearing;
workplace environment; reproductive rights; and violence against women (rape and
battering).
 Questioned the very structures of power (e.g., government, labor, education, and religion) that
continued to perpetuate legal and social inequalities for both women and people of color.
 Were more conscious of parallels between sexism and racism (what we now call
” intersectionality”).
 Were often simultaneously active in the Civil Rights Movement. Some activists also
collaborated on behalf of gay rights.
 Were also often involved in the Peace Movement, taking part in “Ban the Bomb” protests and
opposing nuclear power, militarism and imperialism, and the Vietnam War.
 Formed local, state, and federal government groups on behalf of women as well as many
independent organizations that fought for women’s, and human, rights – meaning human
rights and women’s social and civil equality were now becoming a growing part of the
country’s political agenda.
 Sought to create new, more fully human and positive images of women in both pop culture
and the media to fight the negative images and messages so commonly in circulation (e.g., the
image of Friedan’s “happy housewife”).
 Created their own pop culture, including music, art, writing, and film to expand the “single
stories” previously heard about women and minorities.
LANDMARK MOMENTS FOR THE SECOND WAVE
 Submission of the Equal Rights Amendment (ERA) to Congress. It was narrowly defeated,
and in only three states, by an anti-ERA faction led by Phyllis Schlafly, who argued that
passage of the amendment would mean women would be drafted into the military. (Presently,
only 21 states have an ERA in their state constitutions.)
 1960: FDA approves the oral contraceptive pill for women.
 1963: Equal Pay Act.
 1966: Betty Friedan founds the National Organization for Women (NOW).
 1967: full Affirmative Action rights for women.
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 1968: Coretta Scott King (Dr. Martin Luther King’s wife and fellow activist) assumes
leadership of the African-American Civil Rights movement and expands the
movement’s platform to include women’s rights.
 1968: Shirley Chisholm, first African-American woman elected to Congress, on Democratic
ticket (she would later run for the party’s nomination for president in 1972).
 June 1969 – Stonewall Riots in Greenwich Village, NY, spark the beginnings of the Gay
Rights Movement (today’s LGBTQ Rights Movement).
 1970: Title X, ensuring access to healthcare and family planning.
 1970: Lutheran Church allows women to be ordained.
 1970: Labor giant AFL-CIO discusses the status of women in labor unions.
 1972: first Women’s Studies program in the U.S. at San Diego State.
 1972: passage of Title IX, ensuring equal funding for women’s opportunities in
education (e.g., scholarships and sports teams).
 1972: Gloria Steinem founds Ms. Magazine (still in print today…and online!).
 1973: Roe v. Wade, the landmark case ensuring women’s access to safe and legal
abortion.
 1974: Equal Credit Opportunity Act.
 1975: Military academies admit women.
 1978: Pregnancy Discrimination Act.
REMAINING OBSTACLES: WORKING TOWARD INTERSECTIONALITY
The Feminist Movement in the U.S. worked increasingly to collaborate with African-American
women and other feminists of color, as well as lesbians and gays. However, feminists were
sometimes divided on issues like abortion, the role or use of pornography, and other issues
surrounding sexual identity (e.g., the role of trans women in lesbian communities, or the role of
lesbian women in the Feminist Movement). For example, even though Betty Friedan was largely
credited with sparking the second wave, she was also notorious for coining the phrase “The
Lavender Menace” to describe lesbians within the movement.
THE FEMINIST “SEX WARS”
Beginning in the 1980s, heated debates, sometimes referred to as the “Sex Wars,” pitted anti-
pornography feminists against sex-positive feminists. Anti-porn feminists like writer Andrea
Dworkin linked violence against women to the ubiquity of pornography and other images of
male sexual domination of women, and pushed for limitations on porn. Feminists who identified
themselves as sex-positive feminists argued that sex work (e.g., prostitution, stripping, pron stars,
etc.) should be seen, and thus regulated as, economic labor, and that such work was not
automatically degrading to women but may even be empowering at times.
Note: While the term Sex Wars implies that there are two clear-cut sides to these debates, the
reality of feminists’ diverse viewpoints on these matters are in reality much more complex and
no so tidily divided into warring sides. In fact, our culture’s default binary
thinking (either/or, male/female, white/black…or describing everything as a war between two
opposing sides) is a kind of thinking that feminists often critique as one root of problematic
power relations (e.g., us vs. them) that fuel inequality and oppression.
THE THIRD WAVE
“[w]hen has it ever been a good idea to trust a master narrative?” – Lisa Jervis
45
What we call third wave feminism (the wave we are theoretically still riding) began in the late
1990s (though some say inklings began as early as the 1980s) and is sometimes framed as: 1) a
response to the shortcomings of second wave feminism; or 2) as a generational feminism (i.e.,
the daughters of second wavers now turned activists in their own right). There is some truth to
both of these, but these are often overly simplistic and problematic ways to think of the third
wave.
(*In 1991, Anita Hill, an African American attorney and professor, alleged that then-Supreme
Court nominee, Clarence Thomas, had sexually harassed her when he was her supervisor at the
U.S. Department of Education and the Equal Employment Opportunity Commission. Despite
these allegations, Thomas was appointed to the Supreme Court anyway. The “dismissal of a
woman’s experience” that Walker here refers to is the dismissal of Anita Hill’s testimony.
However, Hill’s public testimony focused national attention on issues of workplace sexual
harassment for the first time.)
THIRD WAVE CHARACTERISTICS

Third wave has exploded how we think of feminism and its goals, how we collaborate and define
ourselves as feminists – particularly as young feminists – how we approach activism, and how
and where we publish, debate, and organize as feminists around the globe. While second wavers
grew up with John F. Kennedy, the Civil Rights movement, and the Vietnam War, third wavers
have grown up amidst almost constant armed conflict, the Internet, hip hop, and punk.
Third Wave Feminism:
 Continues to challenge essentialism: the argument that by virtune of one’s biological sex, one
also possesses certain inherent characteristics or tendencies often associated with that sex
46
(e.g., weakness or kindness in women; aggression in men); and the assumption that there is a
universal female identity around which we can (or need to) create solidarity.
 Sees all binaries (black vs. white, male vs. female, good vs. bad) as artificial social constructs
that limit possibility, not as just “the way things are.”
 Has worked to reclaim negative terms (e.g., cunt or bitch) and change the context of such
language rather than censoring it. For example, the feminist publication Bitch magazine.
 Recognizes greater diversity through intersections of gender, race and ethnicity,
sexuality, and class (thanks to the work of second wavers like bell hooks, Audre Lorde,
Maxine Hong Kingston, Gloria Anzaldua, and others).
 Is transnational, forging intellectual, artistic, and activist links with women around the globe.
 Has given rise to Third World Feminisms and increasing dialogues among women about
what feminism looks like around the globe (and how women around the globe can help one
another).
 Embraces sex positivity; that is, sees sexual identity and sexual expression as a positive aspect
of one’s life; argues for a broader definition of sex and more complex analyses of the
relationship between oppression and empowerment where sex is involved (e.g., in
relationships, but also in pornography, sex work, etc.).
 Has opened new fields of study and dialogue like queer theory* (the study of queer
identities, which includes bisexual, transsexual and transgender, gay and lesbian
identities); post-colonial theory (the study of colonized or previously colonized peoples and
cultures, e.g., Native Americans or Filipinos or the Irish, etc., and intersections of imperialism
and militarism with gender, race, and class oppression); and masculinity studies.
 Embraces technology and uses blogs and other social media to dialogue, publish, and
organize around the world.
*Note: “queer” is still a controversial term and not everyone in gay and lesbian communities
embraces it.
THIRD WAVE ISSUES

Third wave feminism has sought to bring attention to and change an even broader range of issues
than the second wave, who built the foundation on which these contemporary activists have
expanded, which include tackling:
 Gender-based violence (intimate partner abuse, rape, “femicide,” as well as violence against
those in gay, lesbian, and transgender communities).
 Reproductive rights: access to adequate healthcare, contraception, safe and legal abortion, and
information about choices regarding sexual health, family planning, and sexual pleasure.
 Negative images of women in pop culture and media, including in music, art, film, and
advertising.
 Increasingly unrealistic (and unhealthy) expectations regarding weight and beauty (e.g., issues
like body image, cosmetic surgery, dieting, eating disorders, etc.).
 The glass ceiling, maternity (and parental) leave policies, and childcare and support for single
parents in the workplace and through public policy.
 Both domestic and global labor practices, including the feminization of poverty, sweat shops,
unionizing, and live able wage.
NEW ACTIVIST TACTICS
Eve Ensler & The Vagina Monologues
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In the 1990s, Eve Ensler interviewed countless women for what became The Vagina
Monologues, a play still performed all over the world and linked with V-Day activism (V for
Valentine’s Day, but also for vagina appreciation or celebration day, and for
ending violence against women).
The Radical Cheerleaders
Turning a traditionally feminine, sideline activity in pro-woman feminist activism. A Chicago
group of the national phenomenon Radical Cheerleaders performs one of their pro-girl cheers.
Women Artists Unite: The Guerilla Girls
The Guerilla Girls formed in response to an exhibition of global artists at the famed MoMA
(Museum of Modern Art) in New York, a show which had only 13 women (and even fewer
artists of color) out of 169 artists invited. The curator stated that any artist who had not been
included in the show should rethink his [sic] career. Guerilla Girls challenge racism and sexism
in the art world. All of the activists are anonymous, donning gorilla masks during their
exhibitions and protests and assuming the names of famous female artists (like Frida Kahlo).
Here is one of their posters, displayed on sandwich boards and carried around during one of their
protests in Shanghai in China:
Women in Music: Riot Grrrls
The Riot Grrrl movement took off in the 1990s and embraced a punk, DIY (do it yourself), and
anti-capitalist/anti-corporate philosophy. Riot Grrrls advocated to help women artists gain and
maintain control over their voices and their artistic expression in music and visual art and
generated countless underground zines. They also focused a great deal on the issues and needs of
adolescent girls. All-girl punk bands like Bikini Kill (below) were part of the Riot Grrrl
movement.
Protest Movements: Slutwalk

A more recent phenomenon, which showed up on Purdue’s campus last fall in the form of
FACT’s Clothes (are) Not Consent Walk, is Slutwalk. Now an international phenomenon, the
first Slut Walk was held in Toronto in April 2011 in response to a police officer who stated that
“women should avoid dressing like sluts in order to not be victimized.” Women marched through
the city dressed like “sluts” to challenge this tired blame-the-victim rhetoric. On Purdue’s
campus, both men and women participated.
LANDMARK MOMENTS FOR THE THIRD WAVE

 1981: Cherrie Moraga and Gloria Anzaldua publish the book This Bridge Called My Back, an
edited collection of feminist writings by women of color exploring intersections of gender and
race.
 1990: philosopher Judith Butler publishes Gender Trouble, a challenging text challenging the
notion that women need an essential feminine or universal “woman” identity on which to
build feminist solidarity.
 199os: four women were elected to the U.S. Senate (and joined two already there); the second
woman was appointed to the Supreme Court (Ruth Bader Ginsberg, who joined Sandra Day
O;Connor); we elected the first female Attorney General and the first female Secretary of
State; and we saw the first First Lady (Hillary Clinton) to have her own independent political,
legal, activist, and public service career.
48
 1991: Anita Hill accuses Clarence Thomas (a Supreme Court nominee) of sexual harassment
at work, bringing the issue into the public eye and sparking conversations about gender and
race in the workplace.
 1991: the Senate votes overwhelmingly to open combat positions for women aviators.
 1991: Feminist writer and activist Naomi Wolf publishes The Beauty Myth, arguing that the
booming beauty industry served to reinforce impossible standards as a form of social (and
economic) oppression for women.
 1992: Rebecca Walker (daughter of author Alice Walker) and Shannon Liss start the Third
Wave Direct Action Corporation and commence the Freedom Rides to register voters in poor
communities, focusing especially on women.
 1994: Violence Against Women Act becomes law (allotting funds for the investigation and
prosecution of violent crimes against women).
 1996: The Vagina Monologues premiers in New York, starting a movement.
 1996: the U.S. Supreme Court rules that the male-only admissions policy of the state-
supported Virginia Military Institute violates the Fourteenth Amendment (it was on of the last
strong-holds).
 2004: the March for Women’s Lives
was held in Washington, D.C., to
support the right to abortion, access to
birth control, scientifically accurate
sex education, and information
regarding sexual health, and to show
public support for mothers and
children.
 (https://genderpressing.wordpress
.com/2014/09/04/feminisms-
third-wave-new-tactics-old-
lineages/)
.com/2015/01/27/feminisms-
second-wave-2/)
.com/2015/01/23/feminism-the-first-wave-2/)
 http://www.gender.cawater-info.net/knowledge_base/rubricator/feminism_e.htm
 https://www.progressivewomensleadership.com/a-brief-history-the-three-waves-of-
feminism/
FEMINIST MOVEMENTS IN PAKISTAN

Feminism in Pakistan is a set of movements aimed at defining, establishing, and defending
equal political, economic, and social rights and equal opportunities for women in Pakistan. It is
the pursuit of women's rights within the society of Pakistan. Like their feminist counterparts all
49
over the world, feminists in Pakistan seek gender equality: the right to work for equal wages, the
right to equal access to health and education, and equal political rights. Feminist and women’s
rights consciousness in Pakistan has historically been shaped in response to national and global
reconfiguration of power including colonialism, nationalism, dictatorship, democracy and the
Global War on Terror. The relationship between the women’s movement and the Pakistani state
has undergone significant shifts, from mutual accommodation and a complementary ethos to
confrontation and conflict. The word Feminism is a taboo in Pakistan and has taken as a serious
abuse. Feminism as equality for women and freedom from gender discrimination in different
aspects of life. “Feminists are those who dare to break the conspiracy of silence about
oppression, unequal relationships between men and women and who want to change it,” they
write. “All feminist pursuits are aimed at social movement acquiring rights for women from
society.” Keeping this under consideration, one might argue that feminism in Pakistan is a
complete myth. Ever since its independence, in Pakistan have been battling exploitative
treatment at the hands of their male counterparts – the social, economic and political
environment making it difficult for them to progress and fight for their rights. There has
almost always been some backlash against women who wish to empower themselves be it by
studying, working or even choosing a spouse for themselves. NGOs and other institutions t hat
work to help oppressed women are accused of misleading and ‘brainwashing’ them. Most of
these women internalize their suffering, either out of fear or a lack of resources to turn to and
the relatively affluent, educated upper class simply turns a blind eye, hoping to maintain their
status quo.
Broadly speaking, there are two dominant threads of feminist discourse in Pakistan: a modern,
Islamic feminism and a secular feminism. Modern Islamic feminists such as Riffat Hassan,
Amina Wadud and Asma Barlas seek to further women’s rights by redefining Islamic views
and focusing on the female-centric laws Islam offers. This form of feminism appeals largely to
the lower, middle and upper-middle strata of society which looks to religion for answers.
Secular feminists like Shahnaz Rouse and Fouzia Saeed consider feminism as an extension of
basic human rights, regardless of any religious connotations. Once again, these women are
labeled as protagonists of western culture by those who misconstrue Islamic teachings to suit
feed their own, chauvinistic principles.
Unfortunately, what most people fail to realize is that feminism in Pakistan is not entirely a
novel concept, nor is it anti-Islamic. In fact, Islam was the first religion to formally grant
women a status they had not enjoyed before and taught moral, spiritual and economic
equality. There are countless quotes from prominent Islamic scholars, ahadith and the Quran
itself, promulgating women’s rights regarding different of life, including education, marriage
and divorce. In politics, the undertones of feminist ideals have existed throughout, coming to
the forefront only recently thanks to advancements in media and education. Fatima Jinnah, for
instance, fearlessly led thousands of women to stand up for their well-being even before
Pakistan was created. Soon after, Begum Ra’ana Liaquat Ali Khan founded the All Pakistan
Women’s Association (APWA) in 1949, aiming to further the moral, social and economic
standing of women across the country. Similarly, the Women’s Action Forum (WMA) was
established in September 1981, lobbying and advocating on behalf of women without the
resources to do it themselves.
50
However, the real wave of feminist struggle arose in 1980 as a reaction to General Zia-ul-
Haq’s controversial implementation of the Hudood Ordinance which asked rape victims to
present four eye-witnesses for their claim to be accepted. The WMA publically opposed the
unjust rulings passed under the bill, raising awareness. The forum included women from all
spheres who spoke against the government in the media, protested on the streets, conducted
educational campaigns in schools and devised the famous ‘Men, money, mullahs and military’
slogan.
Unsurprisingly, feminism gained most traction during Benazir Bhutto’s two terms as Prime
Minister (1988-1990 and 1993-1996), during which time NGOs and focus groups were given
considerable power and urge the government to make amends. Unfortunately, the momentum
decreased once Nawaz Sharif took office in 1997 and women found themselves losing ground
to political conservatism and religious revivalism, as indicated by Afiya Sherbano in her study
on the History of Pakistani Feminism (2009). In 1997, the Council of Islamic Ideology
recommended making burqa mandatory and honor killings also rose to new highs. Some lost
ground was reclaimed when General Pervez Musharraf rallied for women’s rights and
encouraged their involvement in media, sports and other socio-political activities. The
movement has continued to this day, albeit with lesser intensity than before. Together, the
WMA has successfully enabled many women-friendly bills such as the Criminal Law
Amendment Act (2004), the Anti-Sexual Harassment Bill, the Criminal Acid Act, Protection of
Women Act, Status of Women Bill and sundry regulations condemning honor killings and
other vices faced by women in Pakistani society.
In an article published in the New York Times, writer Bina Shah argues that, “A feminist
movement can only succeed when it mirrors the makeup of the women and the society for
whom it operates. ”Perhaps if more Pakistani women sought inspiration from these great
achievements in feminist history, the position they held in society would be much higher and
Pakistan would not be ranked amongst the worst countries for women to live in. A proponent
of secular feminism, Bina argues that secular feminism is more democratic scope and resonates
with the pluralistic feminist movement worldwide, as opposed to being restricted to just
Pakistan and Islam. “Pakistan needs a feminism that elegantly marries both strands of
feminism, secular and Islamic,” she says. – “That is how Pakistan was formed- on both Islamic
and secular principles.”
However, much like everything else, equal rights for women are impossible without stringent
political support and when that is not met, feminists need to take matters into their own hands.
“While the space for women in nationalist politics was always small, the space for feminist
politics in Pakistan is almost non-existent,” explains writer Madihah Akhtar in her article
on Feminists in Pakistan. “Feminists, of both the secular and Islamic flavours, have to be
content with voicing their opinions through non-governmental organisations and in academia,
both in Pakistan and abroad.”
Perhaps secular feminism is the answer to rectifying Pakistan’s image before the world.
Women’s rights may be misunderstood, under-represented and disregarded in Pakistan but they
are by no means absent. Our people need to be informed that feminism does not mean being
51
anti-male or anti-Islamic. Those rallying for women rights need to be clearer and more united
in their stand and find a workable balance between what is right and what we know. The
message of feminism does not signify that women should in any way be superior, nor does it
call for immoral and anti-religious practices. It simply strives to make the lives of women
across the world a lot easier than they are used to.
Did You Know: One of the first Pakistani feminists was actually a man from Lollywood?
Comedian and director, Rangeela, was the first Pakistani to publically express his concerns
regarding the treatment of women in Pakistan and support the liberation movement of the
1970s. He did so via a film called Aurat Raaj which he directed, produced and even acted in.
Released in 1979, the film depicted the story of a housewife who stands up against her
chauvinist husband and goes on to form a political party for women across the country,
eventually becoming the national leader. Unfortunately, it didn’t fare well at the box office
although it is still considered to have been well ahead its time and a commendable effort on
Rangeela’s part.
Some Notable Feminists movements in Pakistan

1. Miss Fatima Jinnah, sister of Mohammed Ali Jinnah, was an instrumental figure
in the Pakistan movement. In 1947, she formed the Women's Relief Committee,
which later formed the nucleus for the All Pakistan Women's
Association(APWA). She was the first Muslim woman to contest the presidency
in 1965, as a candidate of the Combined Opposition Party.
2. Begum Ra'ana Liaquat Ali Khan (1905–1990) was a women's rights activists. She
was the founder of the All Pakistan Women's Association.
3. Asma Jahangir and Hina Jilani, prominent human rights lawyers and founders of
the first all woman law firm in Pakistan, AGHS.
4. Nigar Ahmad, women's rights activist, co-founder of Aurat (women's)
Foundation, one of the oldest women's organisation in the country.
Women's rights Pakistani NGOs

Pakistani civil society has produced a significant number of big and small,
courageous NGOs which work to improve Pakistani women's global situation and particularly to
prevent violence against women, for instance:
 the All Pakistan Women's Association, founded in 1949,

 the Aurat Foundation, registered in 1986,
 Blue Veins, which works primarily on health issues in rural areas,
 the Society for Appraisal and Women Empowerment in Rural Areas (SAWERA), founded in
2004 in Khyber Agency, famous for the assassination of its founder Fareeda Afridi who was
gunned down in June 2012.
52
Another source to remember women movements in Pakistan

The Status of Women and the Women's Movement
Four important challenges confronted women in Pakistan in the early 1990s: increasing
practical literacy, gaining access to employment opportunities at all levels in the economy,
promoting change in the perception of women's roles and status, and gaining a public voice
both within and outside of the political process.
There have been various attempts at social and legal reform aimed at improving Muslim
women's lives in the subcontinent during the twentieth century. These attempts generally
have been related to two broader, intertwined movements: the social reform movement in
British India and the growing Muslim nationalist movement. Since partition, the changing
status of women in Pakistan largely has been linked with discourse about the role of Islam
in a modern state. This debate concerns the extent to which civil rights common in most
Western democracies are appropriate in an Islamic society and the way these rights should
be reconciled with Islamic family law.
Muslim reformers in the nineteenth century struggled to introduce female education, to

ease some of the restrictions on women's activities, to limit polygyny, and to ensure
women's rights under Islamic law. Sir Syed Ahmad Khan convened the Mohammedan
Educational Conference in the 1870s to promote modern education for Muslims, and he
founded the Muhammadan Anglo- Oriental College. Among the predominantly male
participants were many of the earliest proponents of education and improved social status
for women. They advocated cooking and sewing classes conducted in a religious
framework to advance women's knowledge and skills and to reinforce Islamic values. But
progress in women's literacy was slow: by 1921 only four out of every 1,000 Muslim
females were literate.
Promoting the education of women was a first step in moving beyond the constraints
imposed by purdah. The nationalist struggle helped fray the threads in that socially
imposed curtain. Simultaneously, women's roles were questioned, and their empowerment
was linked to the larger issues of nationalism and independence. In 1937 the Muslim
Personal Law restored rights (such as inheritance of property) that had been lost by women
under the Anglicization of certain civil laws. As independence neared, it appeared that the
state would give priority to empowering women. Pakistan's founding father, Mohammad
Ali Jinnah, said in a speech in 1944:
No nation can rise to the height of glory unless your women are side by side with you; we
are victims of evil customs. It is a crime against humanity that our women are shut up
within the four walls of the houses as prisoners. There is no sanction anywhere for the
deplorable condition in which our women have to live.
After independence, elite Muslim women in Pakistan continued to advocate women's

political empowerment through legal reforms. They mobilized support that led to passage
of the Muslim Personal Law of Sharia in 1948, which recognized a woman's right to inherit
53
all forms of property. They were also behind the futile attempt to have the government
include a Charter of Women's Rights in the 1956 constitution. The 1961 Muslim Family
Laws Ordinance covering marriage and divorce, the most important socio-legal reform that
they supported, is still widely regarded as empowering to women.
Two issues--promotion of women's political representation and accommodation between

Muslim family law and democratic civil rights--came to dominate discourse about women
and socio-legal reform. The second issue gained considerable attention during the regime
of Zia ul-Haq (1977-88). Urban women formed groups to protect their rights against
apparent discrimination under Zia's Islamization program. It was in the highly visible
realm of law that women were able to articulate their objections to the Islamization
program initiated by the government in 1979. Protests against the 1979 Enforcement of
Hudood Ordinances focused on the failure of hudood ordinances to distinguish between
adultery (zina) and rape (zina-bil-jabr). A man could be convicted of zina only if he were
actually observed committing the offense by other men, but a woman could be convicted
simply because she became pregnant.
The Women's Action Forum was formed in 1981 to respond to the implementation of the
penal code and to strengthen women's position in society generally. The women in the
forum, most of whom came from elite families, perceived that many of the laws proposed
by the Zia government were discriminatory and would compromise their civil status. In
Karachi, Lahore, and Islamabad the group agreed on collective leadership and formulated
policy statements and engaged in political action to safeguard women's legal position.
The Women's Action Forum has played a central role in exposing the controversy
regarding various interpretations of Islamic law and its role in a modern state, and in
publicizing ways in which women can play a more active role in politics. Its members led
public protests in the mid-1980s against the promulgation of the Law of Evidence.
Although the final version was substantially modified, the Women's Action Forum
objected to the legislation because it gave unequal weight to testimony by men and women
in financial cases. Fundamentally, they objected to the assertion that women and men
cannot participate as legal equals in economic affairs.
Beginning in August 1986, the Women's Action Forum members and their supporters led a
debate over passage of the Shariat Bill, which decreed that all laws in Pakistan should
conform to Islamic law. They argued that the law would undermine the principles of
justice, democracy, and fundamental rights of citizens, and they pointed out that Islamic
law would become identified solely with the conservative interpretation supported by Zia's
government. Most activists felt that the Shariat Bill had the potential to negate many of the
rights women had won. In May 1991, a compromise version of the Shariat Bill was
adopted, but the debate over whether civil law or Islamic law should prevail in the country
continued in the early 1990s.
Discourse about the position of women in Islam and women's roles in a modern Islamic
state was sparked by the government's attempts to formalize a specific interpretation of
Islamic law. Although the issue of evidence became central to the concern for women's
54
legal status, more mundane matters such as mandatory dress codes for women and whether
females could compete in international sports competitions were also being argued.
Another of the challenges faced by Pakistani women concerns their integration into the
labor force. Because of economic pressures and the dissolution of extended families in
urban areas, many more women are working for wages than in the past. But by 1990
females officially made up only 13 percent of the labor force. Restrictions on their mobility
limit their opportunities, and traditional notions of propriety lead families to conceal the
extent of work performed by women.
Usually, only the poorest women engage in work--often as midwives, sweepers, or

nannies--for compensation outside the home. More often, poor urban women remain at
home and sell manufactured goods to a middleman for compensation. More and more
urban women have engaged in such activities during the 1990s, although to avoid being
shamed few families willingly admit that women contribute to the family economically.
Hence, there is little information about the work women do. On the basis of the
predominant fiction that most women do no work other than their domestic chores, the
government has been hesitant to adopt overt policies to increase women's employment
options and to provide legal support for women's labor force participation.
The United Nations Children's Fund (UNICEF) commissioned a national study in 1992 on
women's economic activity to enable policy planners and donor agencies to cut through the
existing myths on female labor-force participation. The study addresses the specific
reasons that the assessment of women's work in Pakistan is filled with discrepancies and
underenumeration and provides a comprehensive discussion of the range of informal-
sector work performed by women throughout the country. Information from this study was
also incorporated into the Eighth Five-Year Plan (1993-98).
A melding of the traditional social welfare activities of the women's movement and its
newly revised political activism appears to have occurred. Diverse groups including the
Women's Action Forum, the All-Pakistan Women's Association, the Pakistan Women
Lawyers' Association, and the Business and Professional Women's Association, are
supporting small-scale projects throughout the country that focus on empowering women.
They have been involved in such activities as instituting legal aid for indigent women,
opposing the gendered segregation of universities, and publicizing and condemning the
growing incidents of violence against women. The Pakistan Women Lawyers' Association
has released a series of films educating women about their legal rights; the Business and
Professional Women's Association is supporting a comprehensive project inside Yakki
Gate, a poor area inside the walled city of Lahore; and the Orangi Pilot Project in Karachi
has promoted networks among women who work at home so they need not be dependent
on middlemen to acquire raw materials and market the clothes they produce.
The women's movement has shifted from reacting to government legislation to focusing on
three primary goals: securing women's political representation in the National Assembly;
working to raise women's consciousness, particularly about family planning; and
countering suppression of women's rights by defining and articulating positions on events
55
as they occur in order to raise public awareness. An as yet unresolved issue concerns the
perpetuation of a set number of seats for women in the National Assembly. Many women
activists whose expectations were raised during the brief tenure of Benazir Bhutto's first
government (December 1988-August 1990) now believe that, with her return to power in
October 1993, they can seize the initiative to bring about a shift in women's personal and
public access to power.
Feminist Organizations of Pakistan
 Alliance Against Sexual Harassment at Work place (AASHA)

 All Pakistan Women’s Association (APWA)
 Convention on Elimination of all forms of Discrimination Against Women (CEDAW)
 Democratic Women’s Association (DWA)
 Gender and Development
 National Commission on the Status of Women (NCSW)
 United Front for Women’s Rights (UFWA)
 Women’s Political Participation Project
 Women Action Forum
 Tehrik-e-Niswan (The Women’s Movement)
 Sindhiani Tahreek (Sindhi women's movement)
 Blue Veins
 Aurat Foundation
 Society for Appraisal and Women Empowerment in Rural Areas (SAWERA)
 Acid Survivors Trust International
 Pakistan Federation of Business and Professional Women
 Young Women’s Christian Association (YWCA)
 Pakistan Women Lawyers’ Association [
 Women’s Action Forum (WAF)
Pakistani Feminists
 Fatima Jinnah
 Begum Ra'ana Liaquat Ali Khan
 Asma Barlas - Pakistani-American professor at Ithaca College, and author of "Believing
Women" in Islam: Unreading Patriarchal Interpretations of the Qur'an
 Mukhtaran Bibi - Pakistani advocate for rape prevention and women's rights
 Zaib-un-Nissa Hamidullah - Pakistan's first woman columnist and editor, first woman to
speak at Al-Azhar University, and author of The Bull and the She Devil
 Riffat Hassan - Pakistani-American theologian and scholar of the Qur'an
 Zilla Huma Usman - Pakistani politician and activist, assassinated Feb 2007
 Benazir Bhutto - Prime Minister of Pakistan, assassinated December 27, 2007
 Nida Mahmoed - Pakistan based first feminist English poet
 Malala Yousafzai - Pakistani activist for female education and the youngest-ever Nobel
Prize laureate.
56
Link(https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Wo
men_in_Pakistan#Politics_and_activis
m
https://www.nytimes.com/2014/08/21/o
pinion/bina-shah-the-fate-of-
feminism-in-pakistan.html
https://tribune.com.pk/story/764036/fe
minism-in-pakistan-a-brief-history/
http://countrystudies.us/pakistan/37.htm
Section V: Gender and Development

Gender and Globalization
Gender refers to a set of qualities and behaviors expected from a female or male person by
society. Gender roles are nurtured or learned, are socially determined, and can evolve over time.
In contrast, an individual’s sex has traditionally been thought not to change, being based in
biology and “hard” science. Scholars in more recent years, however, have suggested that sex
may be as socially constructed as gender. Feminine and masculine norms and ascribed behaviors
vary widely across the globe, within and among cultures, and across time. More recently, the
trends of globalization have affected gender. The term globalization here is used to mean the
acceleration or intensification of economic, political, social, and cultural relations across state
borders. Mainstream scholars often analyze globalism by using neoliberal concepts such as free
trade, deregulation, and privatization. However, these lenses tend to ignore the way that
experiences of men vary with those of women. There has been a recent shift to recognize gender-
differentiated vantage points and experiences due to globalization.
While neoliberalism scholarship emphasizes that globalization has improved the lives of some,
recent feminist scholarship suggests that such gains can be differentiated by gender. Despite
increased access to information, technology, goods, and services for many people, both women
and men have suffered under political and economic globalization. The poorest and most
marginalized people in the world are suffering more than they are benefiting under globalization,
and women constitute a majority of this population. In areas such as conflict and security,
57
economic access and poverty, health care, human rights, and political power, there is a gendered
difference in the impacts of globalization.
Neoliberals emphasize that globalization has helped foster the spread of formal democracy.
Feminist scholars have shown that this has not, however, directly translated into increased
political equality and influence for women. Women have less numerical and substantive
representation in formal political channels than do men. Legal standards established by
constitutional provisions or statutes—such as electoral gender quotas or the international
Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW),
adopted internationally in 1979 and stemming from international work on human rights dating
back to the 1960s—are important but have fallen short in leveling the political playing field for
women.
The gendered gap between rich and poor is increasing due to certain features of globalization
both across and within the global North and South. Women in the North are losing jobs as a
result of outsourcing of jobs to the South. The dismantling of the welfare state in much of the
South is a large burden on people—mostly women—who have lost health services, educational
access, child care, and agricultural and economic supplements. Aid to Southern countries
typically benefits men, providing extension training, agricultural inputs, and market access to
male farmers. The informal economy, in which most women in the developing world work and
from which they gain the means for the survival of themselves, their children, and their
communities, is usually overlooked by formal economic assistance.
Active, armed conflicts under globalization have shifted in type (internal vs. international) and
frequency (more regular), and this has had an unequally adverse effect on women. Reasons for
the change in types and prevalence of violent conflict include the spread of arms, global climate
change, and interactions of people in competition for scarce resources. Women bear a
disproportionate share of the burden of this insecurity. An increasing number of conflict
casualties (death, wounded, or displaced) are civilian rather than combatants, including women
and those for whom they have charge: children, the sick, and the elderly. Women also suffer
when tax revenues are shifted to military spending from social programs on which they and their
children depend. Militarism pollutes the environment, hurting the crops on which women depend
to provide for their families and increasing health concerns to which women must attend. Finally,
insecurity and violence in the public arena encourage active and passive violence against women
in private. Women are increasing victims of wartime rapes and domestic violence correlating
with global insecurity.
Far from being passive, women have redefined the aims and indicators of globalization and
development through work under such initiatives as the United Nations “Decade for Women”
(1976–1985) and global women’s movements, such as women fighting for their own and their
country’s liberation in Chile, women fighting for the equal rights of all citizens in Australia, or
women struggling against oppressive social norms and public policies that perpetuate gender
oppression in the context of problematic caste and class issues in India. Although there have
been significant gains in political, cultural, and economic benefits to women under globalization,
on the whole, globalization has been detrimental to women.
58
MODERANIZATION THEORY
Outline:
Introduction
Overview of Modernization Theory
Development as an evolutionary process
Modernization and cultural change
Criticisms of modernization theory
More Criticism
Introduction
Modernization theory emerged in the 1950s as an
explanation of how the industrial societies of
North America and Western Europe developed.
The theory argues that societies develop in fairly
predictable stages through which they become
increasingly complex. Development depends
primarily on the importation of technology as
well as a number of other political and social
changes believed to come about as a result.
Overview of Modernization Theory
Social scientists, primarily of white European descent, formulated modernization theory during
the mid-twentieth century. Reflecting on a few hundred years of history in North America and
Western Europe, and taking a positive view of the changes observed during that time, they
developed a theory that explains that modernization is a process that involves industrialization,
urbanization, rationalization, bureaucracy, mass consumption, and the adoption of democracy.
During this process pre-modern or traditional societies evolve into the contemporary Western
societies that we know today.
Modernization theory holds that this process involves increased availability and levels of formal
schooling, and the development of mass media, both of which are thought to foster democratic
political institutions.
Through the process of modernization transportation and communication become increasingly

sophisticated and accessible, populations become more urban and mobile, and the extended
family declines in importance.
59
Simultaneously, the importance of the individual in economic and social life increases and
intensifies.
Organizations become bureaucratic as the division of labor within society grows more complex,
and as it is a process rooted in scientific and technological rationality, religion declines in public
life. Lastly, cash-driven markets take over as the primary mechanism through which goods and
services are exchanged. As it is a theory conceptualized by Western social scientists, it is also
one with a capitalist economy at its center.
Cemented as valid within Western academia, modernization theory has long been used as a
justification for implementing the same kinds of processes and structures in places all over the
world that are considered "under-" or "undeveloped" as compared with Western societies. At its
core are the assumptions that scientific progress, technological development and rationality,
mobility, and economic growth are good things and are to be constantly aimed for.
Development as an evolutionary process
The leading modernization thinker, Bill Rostow, suggested that development should be seen as
an evolutionary process in which countries progress up a development ladder of five stages.
1 Undeveloped societies are ‘traditional societies’ dominated by institutions such as families,
tribes and clans, within which roles are ascribed (i.e. people are born into them) rather than
achieved. Production is agricultural.
2 The ‘pre-conditions for take-off’ stage involves the introduction of material factors such as
capital and technology from the West in the form of capital investment by Western companies
and official aid.
3 The ‘take-off stage’ is the most important and involves traditional attitudes and social
institutions being overcome and replaced with their Western equivalents. For example,
achievement replaces ascription and the nuclear family replaces the extended family or clan/tribe
as people become more geographically mobile in their search for work in the factories set up by
Western companies.
4 The ‘drive to maturity stage’ is marked by export of manufactured goods to the West as the
country takes its place in the international trading system.
5 Development is achieved in the final stage which Rostow calls ‘the age of high mass
consumption’. In this stage, the majority of citizens lives in urban rather than rural areas and
enjoys a comfortable lifestyle. Life expectancy is high and most citizens have access to health-
care and free education.
Modernization and cultural change
Other modernization writers such as Parsons have stressed the need for cultural change in the
LDCs if development is to come about. In particular, traditional religions such as Islam and
Hinduism are seen to be a problem because they are perceived to be:
 anti-science and anti-secular

 ascriptive and therefore an obstacle to both social and geographical mobility
 Responsible for ‘population explosions’.
Lerner suggests that cultural change could be encouraged by educating the children of LDC
élites in Western schools and universities.
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Criticisms of modernization theory
Modernization theory has been very influential, particularly on US foreign policy,
but it has attracted four key criticisms.
1. It implies that traditional values and institutions have little or no value compared with
their Western equivalents. However, there is evidence from Japan and the ‘Asian Tigers’
that the traditional (e.g. religion and extended family) can exist successfully alongside the
modern.
2. It assumes Western forms of capitalism to be the ideal and conveniently ignores the
social and economic problems that are common in those societies, e.g. high divorce-rates,
crime, poverty, suicide, etc.
3. Western encouragement of LDC élites has created inequalities in wealth and power
which have led to human-rights abuses. In particular, the USA has propped up abusive
right-wing regimes because they are anti-communist.
4. In its emphasis on internal obstacles, modernization theory underestimates the external
obstacles to development
More Criticism
Modernization theory has had its critics from the start. Many scholars, often people of color and
those from non-Western nations, have pointed out over the years that modernization theory fails
to account for the way Western reliance on colonization, slave labor, and theft of land and
resources provided the wealth and material resources necessary for the pace and scale of
development in the West (see postcolonial theory for extensive discussions of this). It cannot be
replicated in other places because of this, and it should not be replicated in this way.
Others, like critical theorists including members of the Frankfurt School, have pointed out that
Western modernization is premised on the extreme exploitation of workers within the capitalist
system, and that the toll of modernization on social relations has been great, leading to
widespread social alienation, a loss of community, and unhappiness.
Still, others critique modernization theory for failing to account for the unsustainability of the
project, in an environmental sense, and point out that pre-modern, traditional, and indigenous
cultures typically had much more environmentally conscious and symbiotic relationships
between people and the planet. Some point out that elements and values of traditional life need
not be completely erased in order to achieve a modern society, and point to Japan as an example.
Link(https://www.thoughtco.com/modernization-theory-3026419)
https://revisionworld.com/a2-level-level-revision/sociology/world-sociology/sociological-
explanations-development-under-development/modernisation-theory
https://jump.co.zm/academy-development-studies/d-s-lecture-4-theories-of-development-the-
modernization-theory
61
WORLD SYSTEMS THEORY
Outline:
Introduction
Four Principle of Theory
Evaluating World Systems Theory
Introduction
World systems theory is a response to the criticisms
of Dependency Theory (and for the purposes of the exam can
still be treated as part of Dependency Theory). World Systems Theory was developed by
Immanuel Wallerstein (1979).
Wallerstein accepts the fact ex-colonies are not doomed to be forever trapped in a state of
dependency; it is possible for them to climb the economic ladder of development, as many of
them have done. However, he also believes that the global capitalism system still requires some
countries, or at least regions within countries to be poor so they can be exploited by the wealthy
at the top.
Four Principle of Theory
Wallerstein’s theory has four underlying principles:
1. One must look at the world system as a whole, rather than just at individual countries.
Dependency Theory tended to argue that countries are poor because they used to be
exploited by other countries. However focusing on countries (or governments/ nation
states) is the wrong level of analysis – government today has declined in power, whereas
Corporations are more powerful than ever. Global Corporations, and global capital,
transcend national boundaries, and nation states (even wealthy ones) are relatively
powerless to control them, thus in order to understand why countries are rich or poor, we
should be looking at global economic institutions and corporations rather than countries.
Global Economic Institutions form what Wallerstein calls a Modern World System, and
all countries, rich and poor alike are caught up in it.
2. Wallerstein believes that the MWS is characterized by an labor consisting of a structured
set of relations between three types of capitalist zone:
 The core, or developed countries control world wages and monopolize the
production of manufactured goods.
 The semi-peripheral zone includes countries like South Africa or Brazil which
resemble the core in terms of their urban centers but also have areas of rural
poverty which resemble the peripheral countries. The core contracts work out to
these countries.
 Finally, there are the peripheral countries at the bottom, mainly in Africa, which
provide the raw materials such as cash crops to the core and semi periphery.
These are also the emerging markets in which the core attempts to market their
manufactured goods.
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NB ‘countries’ are used to illustrate the three different zones above, but technically you
could have all three zones within one country – China and India contain regions which fit
the descriptors for each of the three zones.
3. Countries can be upwardly or downwardly mobile in the world system. This is one of the
key differences between World System’s Theory and Frank’s Dependency Theory. Many
countries, such as the BRIC nations have moved up from being peripheral countries to
semi-peripheral countries. However, most countries do not move up and stay peripheral,
and the ex-colonial powers (the wealthy European countries) are very unlikely to slip
down the global order.
4. The Modern World System is dynamic – core countries are constantly evolving new
ways of extracting profit from poorer countries and regions. Three examples of new ways
of extracting profit from poor countries include:
 Unfair Trade Rules (we come back to this in the next topic) – World trade is not a level
playing field – The best example of this is in Agriculture – Agriculture is Africa’s biggest
economic sector. It has the capacity to produce a lot more food and export to Europe and
America but it can’t because the EU and America spend billions every year subsidizing
their farmers so imported African products seem more expensive
 Western Corporations sometimes use their economic power to negotiate favorable tax
deals in the developing world. A good case in point here is the mining Company
Glencore in Zambia – The company recently arranged a long term contract to mine
copper with the Zambian government – it exports $6 billion a year in copper from
Zambia, but pays only $50m in tax, while as part of the deal the Zambian government is
contractually obliged to pay for all the electricity costs of mining – a total of $150m a
year.
 Land Grabs – These are currently happening all over Africa – Where a western
government or company buys up thousands of hectares of land in Africa with the
intention of planting it with food or biofuel crops for export back to western markets. In
such cases the western companies take advantage of the cheap land and gain much more
than the African nations selling the land in the long term. In some case studies of land
grabs thousands of indigenous peoples are displaced.
Evaluating World Systems Theory
63
1. Wallerstein can also be criticized in the same way Dependency Theorists can be
criticized – there are more causes of underdevelopment than just Capitalism –
Such as cultural factors, corruption and ethnic conflict. Wallerstein puts too much
emphasis of economics and the dominance of Capitalism – There are other ways
people can be exploited and
oppressed – such as tyrannical
religious regimes for example.
Also, there are some areas are still
not included in the World System
– some tribal peoples in South
America and Bhutan for example
remain relatively unaffected by
global capitalism.
2. Finally, Wallerstein’s concepts of
Core, Semi-Periphery and
Periphery are vague and this
means his theory is difficult to test in practice.
Link(https://revisesociology.com/2015/12/05/world-systems-theory/)
DEPENDENCY THEORY
Outline:
Introduction
Colonialism and Neocolonialism
An Example of Dependency Theory
The Decline of Dependency Theory
The Solution
Introduction
Dependency theory, sometimes called foreign dependency, is used to explain the failure of non-
industrialized countries to develop economically despite investments made into them from
industrialized nations. The central argument of this theory is that the world economic system is
64
highly unequal in its distribution of power and resources due to factors like colonialism and
neocolonialism. This places many nations in a dependent position. The dependency theory states
that it's not a given that developing countries will eventually become industrialized if outside
forces and natures suppress them, effectively enforcing dependency on them for even the most
basic fundamentals of life.
Colonialism and Neocolonialism

Colonialism describes the ability and power of industrialized and advanced nations to effectively
rob their own colonies of valuable resources like labor or natural elements and minerals.
Neocolonialism refers to the overall domination of more advanced countries over those that are
less developed, including their own colonies, through economic pressure, and through oppressive
political regimes. Colonialism effectively ceased to exist after World War II, but this didn't
abolish dependency. Rather, neocolonialism took over, suppressing developing nations
through capitalism and finance. Many developing nations became so indebted to developed
nations they had no reasonable chance of escaping that debt and moving forward.
An Example of Dependency Theory
1. Africa received many billions of dollars in the form of loans from wealthy nations between the
early 1970s and 2002. Those loans compounded interest. Although Africa has effectively paid
off the initial investments into its land, it still owes billions of dollars in interest. Africa,
therefore, has little or no resources to invest in itself, in its own economy or human development.
It's unlikely that Africa will ever prosper unless that interest is forgiven by the more powerful
nations that lent the initial money, erasing the debt.
2. Few issues have been discussed so vague in the history of Latin America as the dependence
theory. For many, it was not a theory or a development strategy but a plain sociological and
political interpretation of the situation in Latin America. However, there are common grounds
between the interpretations.
First, the dependency theory is a characterization of the international system as comprising of a

dominant and a dependent state, where the dominant states are the industrialized nations
belonging to the OECD (Organization for Economic Co-operation and Development), and the
dependent states are the states of Latin America, Africa, and Asia, which rely on the export of
their commodities to the OECD nations to raise their GDP.
Second, unlike what many people believe, the dependency theory was not critical against
imperialism. Instead, it sought to find the connecting dots between the richer and the poorer
nations, so that the latter can improve their quality of living. To that end, the dependence theory
advocated an increased role of the state to promote the nationalization of domestic industries and
protect them from foreign competition.
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The Decline of Dependency Theory
The concept of the dependency theory rose in popularity and acceptance in the mid to late 20th
century as global marketing surged. Then, despite Africa's troubles, other countries thrived
despite the influence of foreign dependency. India and Thailand are two examples of nations that
should have remained depressed under the concept of the dependency theory, but, in fact, they
gained strength. Yet other countries have been depressed for centuries. Many Latin American
nations have been dominated by developed nations since the 16th century with no real indication
that that is about to change.
The Solution
A remedy for dependency theory or foreign dependency would likely require global coordination
and agreement. Assuming such a prohibition could be achieved, poor, undeveloped nations
would have to be banned from engaging in any sort of incoming economic exchanges with more
powerful nations. In other words, they could sell their resources to developed nations because
this would, in theory, bolster their economies.
However, they would not be able to purchase goods from wealthier countries. As the global
economy grows, the issue becomes more pressing.
Link(https://www.thoughtco.com/dependency-theory-definition-3026251)
https://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/intrel/depend.htm
http://www.economicsonline.co.uk/Global_economics/Dependency_theory.html
https://www.myaccountingcourse.com/accounting-dictionary/dependency-theory
STRUCTURAL-FUNCTIONALISM THEORY
Introduction
Functionalism, also called structural-functional theory, sees society as a structure with

interrelated parts designed to meet the biological and social needs of the individuals in that
society. Functionalism grew out of the writings of English philosopher and biologist, Hebert
Spencer (1820–1903), who saw similarities between society and the human body; he argued that
just as the various organs of the body work together to keep the body functioning, the various
parts of society work together to keep society functioning (Spencer 898). The parts of society
that Spencer referred to were the social institutions, or patterns of beliefs and behaviors focused
on meeting social needs, such as government, education, family, healthcare, religion, and the
economy.
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Émile Durkheim, another early sociologist, applied Spencer’s theory to explain how societies
change and survive over time. Durkheim believed that society is a complex system of
interrelated and interdependent parts that work together to maintain stability (Durkheim 1893),
and that society is held together by shared values, languages, and symbols. He believed that to
study society, a sociologist must look beyond individuals to social facts such as laws, morals,
values, religious beliefs, customs, fashion, and rituals, which all serve to govern social life.
Alfred Radcliff-Brown (1881–1955) defined the function of any recurrent activity as the part it
played in social life as a whole, and therefore the contribution it makes to social stability and
continuity (Radcliff-Brown 1952). In a healthy society, all parts work together to maintain
stability, a state called dynamic equilibrium by later sociologists such as Parsons (1961).
Durkheim believed that individuals may make up society, but in order to study society,
sociologists have to look beyond individuals to social facts. Social facts are the laws, morals,
values, religious beliefs, customs, fashions, rituals, and all of the cultural rules that govern social
life (Durkheim 1895). Each of these social facts serves one or more functions within a society.
For example, one function of a society’s laws may be to protect society from violence, while
another is to punish criminal behavior, while another is to preserve public health.
Another noted structural functionalist, Robert Merton (1910–2003), pointed out that social
processes often have many functions. Manifest functions are the consequences of a social
process that are sought or anticipated, while latent functions are the unsought consequences of a
social process. A manifest function of college education, for example, includes gaining
knowledge, preparing for a career, and finding a good job that utilizes that education. Latent
functions of your college years include meeting new people, participating in extracurricular
activities, or even finding a spouse or partner. Another latent function of education is creating a
hierarchy of employment based on the level of education attained. Latent functions can be
beneficial, neutral, or harmful. Social processes that have undesirable consequences for the
operation of society are called dysfunctions. In education, examples of dysfunction include
getting bad grades, truancy, dropping out, not graduating, and not finding suitable employment.
Criticism
One criticism of the structural-functional theory is that it can’t adequately explain social change.
Also problematic is the somewhat circular nature of this theory; repetitive behavior patterns are
assumed to have a function, yet we profess to know that they have a function only because they
are repeated. Furthermore, dysfunctions may continue, even though they don’t serve a function,
which seemingly contradicts the basic premise of the theory. Many sociologists now believe that
functionalism is no longer useful as a macro-level theory, but that it does serve a useful purpose
in some mid-level analyses.
Link(https://courses.lumenlearning.com/alamo-sociology/chapter/functionalism/_
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WOMEN IN DEVELOPMENT
Definition
A woman in development (WID) is an approach that calls for greater attention to women in
development policy and practice, and emphasizes the need to integrate them into the
development process.
Explanation
By the 1970s it had become very clear that women were being left out of development. They
were not benefiting significantly from it and in some instances their existing status and position
in society was actually being made worse by development. The WID approach saw the problem
as the exclusion of women from development programs and approaches. As a result, the solution
was seen as integrating women into such programs. WID saw women as a group being treated as
lacking opportunity to participate in development. The main task, therefore, was to improve
women’s access to resources and their participation in development The WID approach argued
for the integration of women into development programs and planning. This, it was argued, was
the best way to improve women’s position in society. There was, for instance, a major emphasis
on income-generating projects for women as a means of integration. Welfare oriented projects
dealing with small income-generating projects and activities mostly aimed at women’s
reproductive role, where nutrition education and family planning were a main feature. The WID
approach, although it had limitations,
increased the visibility of
women in development
issues. WID was successful in
helping secure a prominent place
for women’s issues at the United
Nations (UN) and other international
development agencies. The UN
declared 1975 to 1985 the Decade
for Women. One of the major
achievements of the decade was the
establishment of women in
development structures or
machineries. In Zambia, for
instance, it was during this time
that the Women’s League of the
then ruling political party United
National Independence Party (UNIP) was formed as the national machinery to address women’s
development issues. The Women’s League developed a programs of action and a campaign to
promote the integration of women in the development process at every level. Over time, it was
felt women’s integration into development was not taking place due to the lack of an established
structure within government to plan, coordinate and monitor the implementation of policy to
integrate women. A WID Unit was established in 1986 at the National Commission for
Development Planning, the central planning and coordinating body of government. The WID
unit was later elevated to a full department. Its focus was the integration of women in
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development and to ensure that ministries and other implementing bodies worked towards the
improvement of the socio-economic conditions of women as the way to ensure their total
integration in development.
SAARC and WID
In November 1990 the leaders of the South Asian Association for Regional
Cooperation (SAARC) countries endorsed recommendations of the second SAARC ministerial
meeting of Women in Development held in June 1990, agreeing that the years 1991–2000 should
be observed as the "SAARC Decade of the Girl Child". A wide range of recommendations for
improving the development of female children were accepted.
Criticism
Although the WID approach made demands for women’s inclusion in development, it did not
call for changes in the overall social structure or economic system in which women were to be
included. As such, WID concentrated narrowly on the inequalities between men and women and
ignored the social, cultural, legal and economic factors that give rise to those inequalities in
society. WID tended to focus on women almost exclusively and assumed that women were
outside the mainstream of development.
WOMEN AND DEVELOPMENT

Definition:
Women and development (WAD) is a theoretical and practical approach to development. It was
introduced into gender studies scholarship in the second half of the 1970s, following its origins,
which can be traced to the First World Conference on Women in Mexico City in 1975,[organized
by the UN. It is a departure from the previously predominant theory, WID (Women in
Development) and is often mistaken for WID, but has many distinct characteristics.
Explanation
69
As a result of criticisms of the WID approach, the Women and Development (WAD) approach
arose in the latter part of the 1970s. Adopting a Marxist feminist approach, the main argument of
WAD was that women had always been part of the development processes. WAD asserts that
women have always been important economic actors. The work they do both inside and outside
the household is critical to the maintenance of society. However, this integration has only served
to sustain global inequalities. Therefore the WID approach that placed emphasis on integrating
women into development was not correct. The main focus of WAD is on the interaction between
women and development processes rather than purely on strategies to integrate women into
development. WAD saw both women and men as not benefiting from the global economic
structures because of disadvantages due to class and the way wealth is distributed. WAD
therefore argued that the integration of women into development was to their disadvantage and
only made their inequality worse. WAD saw global inequalities as the main problem facing poor
countries and, therefore, the citizens of those countries. WAD was very persuasive in raising the
debate that women have a role not only in reproduction but in production as well. For
development to be meaningful for women both these roles have to be acknowledged. WAD has
been criticized for assuming that the position of women will improve if and when international
structures become more equitable. In so doing, it sees women’s positions as primarily within the
structure of international and class inequalities. It therefore underplays the role of patriarchy in
undermining women’s development and does not adequately address the question of social
relations between men and women and their impact on development. It has been argued that,
although at a theoretical level WAD recognizes and focuses strongly on class, in practical project
design and implementation, it tends like WID to group women together irrespective of other
considerations such as class divisions.
Practical approach
The WAD paradigm stresses
the relationship between women,
and the work that they perform
in their societies as economic
agents in both the public and
domestic spheres. It also
emphasizes the distinctive nature
of the roles women play in the
maintenance and development of
their societies, with the
understanding that purely the
integration of women into
development efforts would
serve to reinforce the
existing structures of
inequality present in societies
overrun by patriarchal
interests. In general, WAD is
thought to offer a more critical
conceptualization of women’s position that does WID. The WAD approach emphasizes the
distinctive nature of women’s knowledge, work, goals, and responsibilities, as well as advocating
for the recognition of their distinctiveness. This fact, combined with a recognized tendency for
70
development agencies to be dominated by patriarchal interests, is at the root of the women-only
initiatives introduced by WAD subscribers
Criticism
1. Some of the common critiques of the WAD approach include concerns that the women-
only development projects would struggle, or ultimately fail, due to their scale, and the
marginalized status of these women.
2. Furthermore, the WAD perspective suffers from a tendency to view women as a class,
and pay little attention to the differences among women (such as feminist concept
of intersectionality), including race and ethnicity, and prescribe development endeavors
that may only serve to address the needs of a particular group.
3. While an improvement on WID, WAD fails to fully consider the relationships
between patriarchy, modes of production, and the marginalization of women. It also
presumes that the position of women around the world will improve when international
conditions become more equitable.
4. Additionally, WAD has been criticized for its singular preoccupation with the productive
side of women’s work, while it ignores the reproductive aspect of women’s work and
lives. Value is placed on income-generating activities, and none is ascribed to social and
cultural reproduction.
GENDER AND DEVELOPMENT

Explanation
In the 1980s further
reflections on the
development
experiences of women
gave rise to Gender
and
Development (GAD).
GAD
represented a coming
together of many
feminist ideas. It sought
to bring together
both the lessons
learned from, and the
limitations of, the WID and WAD approaches. GAD looks at the impact of development on both
women and men. It seeks to ensure that both women and men participate in and benefit equally
from development and so emphasizes equality of benefit and control. It recognizes that women
may be involved in development, but not necessarily benefit from it. GAD is not concerned with
women exclusively, but with the way in which gender relations allot specific roles,
responsibilities and expectations between men and women, often to the detriment of women.
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Development, therefore, is about deep and important changes to relations dealing with gender
inequality within society. This approach also pays particular attention to the oppression of
women in the family or the ‘private sphere’ of women’s lives. As a result, we have seen projects
develop addressing issues such as violence against women. GAD focuses on the social or gender
relations (i.e. the division of labor) between men and women in society and seeks to address
issues of access and control over resources and power. The GAD approach has also helped us
understand that the gender division of labor gives “triple roles” to women in society. The gender
division of labor operates differently from one society and culture to another and it is also
dynamic. The way these roles are analyzed and valued affects the way development projects will
make certain things a priority or not. Provision for child-care for instance is not likely to be a
priority among men planning for development but it is a crucial factor in ensuring women may
take advantage of development opportunities for their benefit. GAD goes further than the other
approaches in emphasizing both the reproductive and productive role of women and argues that
it is the state’s responsibility to support the social reproduction role mostly played by women of
caring and nurturing of children. As such, it treats development as a complex process that is
influenced by political, social and economic factors rather than as a state or stage of
development. It therefore goes beyond seeing development as mainly economic well-being but
also that the social and mental wellbeing of a person is important. Arising from the GAD
analysis is the need for women to organize themselves into a more effective political voice in
order to strengthen their legal rights and increase the number of women in decision making. In
Zambia, the response of government in 1996 to these changes in approach was to elevate the
WID department to the Gender in Development Division (GIDD) at Cabinet Office, under the
Office of the President. These changes put GIDD in a stronger position as it was given its own
vote in the national budget and a better position from which to influence policy. Development
theory has also changed from a focus on needs to support for rights. Basic rights are those rights
which flow from people’s basic needs such as water, food and housing. This is in recognition of
the fact that WID interventions which focused on meeting the practical needs of women have not
been successful. This is because they did not challenge fundamentally the structures that come in
the way of women’s participation in society on an equal basis with men.
Criticisms
1. GAD has been criticized for emphasizing the social differences between men and women
while neglecting the bonds between them and also the potential for changes in roles.
2. Another criticism is that GAD does not dig deeply enough into social relations and so
may not explain how these relations can undermine programs directed at women.
3. It also does not uncover the types of trade-offs that women are prepared to make for the
sake of achieving their ideals of marriage or motherhood.
4. Another criticism is that the GAD perspective is theoretically distinct from WID, but in
practice, a program seems to have the element of the two.
5. Whilst many development agencies are now committed to a gender approach, in practice,
the primary institutional perspective remains focused on a WID approach. There is a
slippage in reality where gender mainstreaming is often based in a single normative
perspective as synonymous to women. Development agencies still advance gender
transformation to mean economic betterment for women.
72
Link(https://www.encyclopedia.com/social-sciences/applied-and-social-sciences-
magazines/gender-and-development
http://www.ilo.org/global/topics/economic-and-social-development/gender-and-
development/lang--en/index.htm
https://www.wikigender.org/wiki/gender-and-development/
http://eige.europa.eu/rdc/thesaurus/terms/1433
https://cn2collins.wordpress.com/2013/03/19/the-wid-wad-gad-approach-on-gender-
development/
http://wdd.punjab.gov.pk
https://prospectjournal.org/2011/12/12/women-in-development-a-summary-and-analysis/
https://www.slideshare.net/MuhammadUmairJaved1/wid-wad-gadlec3
Gender Development in Pakistan

Woman can do wonders for the betterment of her country and society. It is essential,
therefore, for her to be educated so that her faculties be activated and she can take
decisions based on good sense and not necessarily because men want things done in a
certain day.
(Madar-e-Millat, 10th March 1956)
Economic Initiatives:
Public Sector Employment
 Quota for women in public service employment for the posts in BS-1 to 15 has been
enhanced from 5% to 15%
 Relaxation of upper age limit up to 3 years across the board for female candidates has
been notified
 All women contractual employees have been allowed to avail one additional chance of
transfer to the place of residence of spouse in case of marriage,
 Appointment of 25% women as Members of the Punjab Public Service Commission is in

process in the S&GAD.
 Representation of 33% women in all Boards of statutory organizations, public sector
companies and committees as well as special purpose task force and committees is in
process.
 Government is taking action in accordance with law to radically increase women
representation in all administrative leadership positions (including departmental head
offices and key field offices).
 Amendments in relevant law to provide 33% female consultants in the office of
Provincial Ombudsman are also in process.
 Provincial Ombudsman has assured to appoint 33% women as Consultants in his Office
as soon as existing Consultants complete their tenure. Amendments in the relevant law to
provide 33% female consultants are also in process.
73
 Deduction of House rent of only one spouse if government accommodation is allotted
and both are government servants, is under consideration.
 All women contractual employees have been allowed to avail one additional chance of
transfer to the place of residence of spouse in case of marriage, by notification of
S&GAD.
 Deduction of House rent of only one spouse if government accommodation is allotted
and both are government servants, is under consideration with the Punjab Government.
Maternity Leave
 Application of maternity leave shall deem to be approved as soon as maternity leave

application is moved to the immediate superior.
 Women employees are not required now to provide fitness certificate on joining after
availing maternity leave.
 Maternity leave shall not be less than 90 days. Condition to avail 45 days before and 45
days after birth has been abolished.
 One week paternity leave is admissible for male employees for two children.
Day Care Centers

 Punjab Day Care Fund (PDCF) has been established to support working women to make
workplaces women friendly on a co-finance basis.
 An initial grant of Rs.100 million is being provided to the Fund for disbursement through
an open proposal mechanism from NPOs, NGOs/CBO and public organizations. The
board of the fund has been notified with Women Development Directorate working as its
Secretariat.
 The Chief Secretary has approved establishment of a Flagship Day Care Center in Punjab
Civil Secretariat. Contract has been awarded to service provider by S&GAD.
 Day Care Centers are mandatory in all public sector offices (including universities,
colleges, hospitals and other organizations) with five or more than five female employees
(in process).
 Amendment in appropriate laws will be enacted to make it mandatory for all
commercial/industrial establishments to have a Day Care in their premises. Amendments
in Shops and Establishment Ordinance, 1969 are on the agenda of cabinet for approval.
 Day Care shall also be an eligible category for finance out of the Worker’s Welfare Fund.
 Guidelines and standards for day care centers are being developed by Women
Development Department.
Women Entrepreneurs
The Bank of Punjab has announced Women Entrepreneurship Financing Scheme for loans for
commercial ventures by women for initiatives including:
 Day Care Centers

 Bakeries
 Eateries
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 Catering
 Furniture
 Interior Designing
 Boutiques
 Fitness Gyms
 Event Management
 Vocational Institutes
 Driving Schools
 Jewelry
 Clothing and Accessories
Rs. 2.00 billion has been allocated to this scheme. Business Development Services are extended
by Bank of Punjab. A panel of experts has been engaged for initial advice followed by feasibility
study and business plan preparation. Job creation is one of the criteria for approval of loan
application by the Bank of Punjab. Green field projects are also eligible under the scheme.
Other Measures
Gender Reform Action Plan
Project of Women
Development Department has
established Career
Development Centers in
Agriculture University
Faisalabad, University of
Sargodha, University of
Gujrat and Arid University
Rawalpindi. Instructions
have been issued to
establish these Centers in all
public sector Women Universities. Counseling facilities are being set up in post-graduate
colleges. Amenities for women have been provided in all Administrative Departments of
Government of Punjab. The same are also being provided in District Offices and Autonomous
bodies.
Communication & Works Department, Government of Punjab has issued instructions to Chief
Architect Punjab and all Chief and Executive Engineers of the Department for providing separate
washroom and prayer room in all future designs of public buildings.
Interest Free Loans for Women

Government of Punjab has allocated an amount of additional Rs.1.00 billion for the year 2012 –
2013 for disbursement of loans through Akhuwat with a target to support at least 33% women of
its total beneficiaries.
http://wdd.punjab.gov.pk/economic_initiatives
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STRUCTURAL ADJUSTMENT POLICIES

Structural Adjustment Policies The term ‘structural adjustment’ as defined by World Bank
(2001) is a set of policies directed by the IMF and the World Bank as primary conditions for
rescheduling the existing loans as well as granting further loans to debtor states of the Third
World countries, especially after the oil price shocks of the 1970s and the world recession of the
1980s. Structural Adjustment Policies (SAPs) are characterized by:
 an emphasis on economic growth;

 tight fiscal policies reducing the public budget deficit;
 tight monetary policies reducing the money supply;
 wage and price policy to control inflation
 wide-ranging privatization and liberalization;
 charging for basic services;
 withdrawal of the state from production and marketing;
 Exchange rate policies to reduce the balance-of-payments deficits.
file:///C:/Users/TAlha%20Ali/Downloads/Documents/669-694.pdf
Section VI: Status of Women in Pakistan

Women and Law in Pakistan
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Link (http://www.whiteribbon.org.pk/laws-remedies/
http://www.whiteribbon.org.pk/understand-domestic-
violence/statistics-of-vaw/
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WOMEN AND EMPLOYMENT
Outline:
Introduction
Status of women in employment sector
Women rights according to Constitution of Pakistan 1973
1. The difference in wages
2. Gender Bias
3. Sexual Harassment
4. Balancing work and personal life
5. In-office politics
6. Husband's insecurities
7. Log kia kahain ge
8. Male ego
9. Working late:
10. Maternity leave:
11. Education:
12. Security and Criminal Justice
13. Glass Ceiling
14. Stereotypes of Gender related jobs
Initiatives taken By Govt. of Pakistan
Recommendation for Enhancing the
Employment Opportunities for
Women
Introduction
The interest in elevation of women status in Pakistan is deep. One of the major public policy
concerns by the Government is to bring women in the main arena of development. The improved
women participation in labour markets has been considered a major policy option worldwide for
sustainable economic development. The main stream public policy officials acknowledged that
the key mechanism to pass on benefits of economic growth to disadvantaged group of society is
the labor markets. Improving inequality between women and men certainly requires more and
more access to decent and productive jobs. The women constitute half of the population of
Pakistan and increased labor force participation of women has great potential to contribute to
economic development of the country. In order to examine the women role in labor market, it is
important to analyze key labor market indicators such as labor force participation, educational
and employment status. These are important labor market determinants of the female status in a
country.
Women rights according to Constitution of Pakistan 1973
The Constitution of Pakistan asserts the protection of women’s rights under national legislation.
While human rights concepts can be found from the preamble onwards. Article 25 under the
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chapter of fundamental rights of citizens highlights the principles of women’s equality in the
Pakistani constitution. Article 25 clearly guarantees equality before the law and equal protection
of the law stating that there shall be no discrimination on the basis of sex. Furthermore, The
Chapter on Principles of Policy - Article 32 and 34 ensures full participation of women in all
spheres of national life.
Status of women in employment sector
Women’s employment is encouraged, and the government has announced a 10 percent quota for
women in public sector employment; Punjab raised this to 15 percent and Sindh to 25 percent.
Punjab has lifted the ban on recruitments and 25,000 posts for women have been created at
different tiers, and 70 percent of jobs in primary education have been earmarked for women.
Financial inclusion of women population with bank account has increased considerably from 4
percent in 2008 to 11 percent in 2015.
Female employment rate in Pakistan is the lowest in the world (4.3 percent). Pakistan’s women
labor force rate is 22.6 % (international labor organization) which is quite glooming figure. In
economic participation, Pakistani women ranked 126 out of 128 in the world, 123 out of 128 in
educational attainments, 121 out of 128 in health and 43 out of 128 in political empowerment.
Nearly 65% of female doctors do not work after marriage. 80% of business graduates sit at home
after marriage and less than 10 percent of educated and uneducated women are entrepreneurs.
However mostly Pakistani women’s occupations are normally constrained to teaching, designing,
call centers etc.
In 2014, 46.5% of total US women were part of the workforce whereas in the same year, only
22.3% of total Pakistani women figured in the labour force, thus contributing less than men over
the years. The Labour Force Survey of 1991-1992 showed that only 16% of women were part of
labour force, where as their participation indicated only 6.3% increase in over two decades.
1. The difference in wages
Numerous statistics claim there's a wage gap between men and women. In a more corporate
environment where both genders perform equally well, having such a differentiation happens to
be the biggest challenge for a woman. A women seeks to be recognized for her hard work and
talent, not for her gender. It's unfair if she doesn't earn as much as her respected opposite just
because she's a woman.
2. Gender Bias
Private as well as Government offices are still far behind on this issue as we see that men are
given unfair advantages over women under certain circumstances. An employer should not treat
men differently simply because they're men. Many employers have an unofficial policy not to
hire women because they'll either get married and leave or have babies and leave etc. This is
downright discrimination and robs women of many good opportunities.
3. Sexual Harassment
The most shameful challenge a woman faces when she leaves home in our society is sexual
harassment. Until and unless the working environment is safe and healthy, a Pakistani woman
cannot consider working anywhere. A lot of men are under the notion that a working woman is
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probably compromising in nature and they prey upon this factor for this cruel deed. Many awful
men consider such women an easy target.
4. Balancing work and personal life
The juggling act of personal and professional life is exhausting. Both your work and home have
various demands that need to be met. When you're from a Pakistani background, you're more
inclined to fulfill the demands of your home before anything else because you're always taught
'family first.' Making time for your ghar walay is a must. If you're leading the double life of a
professional in an office environment and a cook at home, let's just say things are not easy on
you.
5. In-office politics
Having been a victim of the worst and quite frankly most pathetic office politics in my previous
job, I can say this is hands-down the worst factor ever, specially when you're the sort of a person
who just keeps 'apney kaam sey kaam.' You don't care who's getting paid what more or what
less, you don't care who has a problem with who as long as everyone is fine with you and the list
goes on and on. The working environment needs to be healthy. Otherwise, it stresses you out and
makes you really unhappy just thinking of going to work.
6. Husband's insecurities
If you're a married working woman, you'll probably have to deal with your husband's insecurities
from time to time. Even if your husband is supportive and doesn't mind you working, there'll be
times when his ego will get the better of him. Some Pakistani men believe that men should be the
bread winners of the family and might see your achievements as threats. Others might not be
comfortable with your interaction with male colleagues. Rest assured, you'll have to be tactful
when talking to your husband about your work life. Don't make him feel threatened in any way,
because that could lead to a lot of problems.
7. Log kia kahain ge
This is one factor that's part of every Pakistani woman's life, whether you're a working woman or
a housewife. But the threat of 'log kia kahain ge' is much more severe on working
women. They'll assume that by working, you're neglecting your house, family, kids
etc. However, considering you don't live with them, their opinions certainly don't pay the bills, so
no need to pay heed to what 'log' will say regarding you.
8. Male ego
It's not a Pakistani office if it isn't full of men with ego issues. These are the types of men who
think a woman's place is in the kitchen and just can't seem to grasp why you're working. And
God forbid if you're placed above them in the hierarchy. They'll never take you seriously, will
probably interrupt you during meetings and rest assured, they'll talk about you in not-so-praising
terms with their male colleagues behind your back. All because you're a woman.
9. Working late: Under Pakistan’s Labor Laws if an employer does not arrange transport,
working hours must be between 6 am and 7 pm. However, in private organizations where ‘late
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sittings’ are the norm, women, especially working mothers, are discriminated against because of
their inability to conform. Leaving ‘early’ is even misconstrued as a lack of ambition in women.
10. Maternity leave: Under the Maternity Benefits Ordinance (1958), working mothers are
entitled to 12 weeks maternity leave with full pay. Employers cannot terminate women during
their maternity leave, however, some choose to use this as an excuse to derail career growth:
being asked to cut short their leave, having duties reassigned or being passed over for a
promotion due to an inability to cope with the immediate workload are common concerns.
11. Education:
Lower levels of education are also important and should continue to be an area of focus.
Education has many purposes beyond preparing people for the labor market, and attainment and
quality are also required at the primary and middle levels for young women to progress to higher
levels. In addition, education at any level may change the norms restricting women’s work and
mobility.
12. Security and Criminal Justice

Interventions focused on security, criminal justice, and crime and public safety are clearly
critical in determining female labor force participation. The issues of physical safety they address
are interlinked with norms that affect women’s mobility and labor force participation. Indeed, if
women are confident that they can travel to and from work safely, they may be much more likely
to consider taking up work outside the home.
13. Glass Ceiling

Glass ceiling" means an invisible upper limit in corporations and other organizations, above
which it is difficult or impossible for women to rise in the ranks. "Glass ceiling" is a metaphor
for the hard-to-see informal barriers that keep women from getting promotions, pay raises and
further opportunities. The "glass ceiling" metaphor has also been used to describe the limits and
barriers experienced by minority racial groups.
14. Stereotypes of Gender related jobs

In Pakistan Jobs are divided in between male and female oriented jobs. For instance, Women are
considered most suitable for jobs like teaching, medical, nursing, makeup artist etc. while hard
jobs like engineering, mining, driving are male oriented jobs. This stereotype is creating a hurdle
for women to get employment.
Initiatives taken By Govt. of Pakistan

 Punjab has lifted the ban on recruitments and 25,000 posts for women have been created
at different tiers, and 70 percent of jobs in primary education have been earmarked for
women.
 Moreover, Punjab Fair Representation of Women Act 2014 ensures 33 percent
representation of women on all boards of statutory bodies, public sector companies, etc.
 Pakistan Army started recruiting women officers. Pakistan Air Force also has women
fighter pilots on duty alongside their male counterparts.
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 Under the federal PSDP an amount of Rs.20.0 million was allocated for implementation
of project of human rights. Around Rs. 20 million is estimated to be utilized during the
year for the establishment of a “Helpline for legal advice on violations of human rights”
by the Ministry of Human Rights.
 Action Plan to improve the Human Rights Situation in Pakistan by the Ministry of
Human Rights has been approved and for establishment of the “National Institute of
Human Rights” Rs. 58.70 million was allocated, out of this Rs.10 million is expected to
be utilized.
 Prime Minister directed to ensure fifty percent (50 percent) participation of women in
PM’s Youth Loan Schemes for the empowerment of women.
 In order to promote innovative ideas based on business plans leading to solution of social
problems, the government has established a Centre for Social Entrepreneurship at a cost
of Rs.178.43 million. The project is unique in nature for addressing social issues through
innovative business plans and women are equally encouraged to grow as an entrepreneur.
 Benazir Income Support Program (BISP), a flagship social protection program of the
government is designed to provide social assistance to women. BISP also gives interest
free financial assistance to the female beneficiaries under their Waseela-eHaq (Micro-
finance) program to start their own business. Only the woman can be the recipient and
sole proprietor of the business but she can authorize any member of her family to run the
business on her behalf.
 Vocational and Technical Training of one month to a year’s duration, to the female
beneficiary or her nominee is provided under the Waseela-e-Rozgar (Technical &
Vocational Training) program (target is 150,000 beneficiaries) with a monthly stipend for
each trainee is Rs. 6,000.
 The women entrepreneurships have been encouraged and promoted by the Ministry of
Commerce with cooperation of US Government.
Recommendation for Enhancing the Employment Opportunities for Women

i. To encourage female employment, effective policies and programmes should be devised and
implemented.
ii. Appropriate laws and legislation should be enforced to improve the working conditions and
provision of support facilities for those women who are already in labor market.
iii. Furthermore, discrimination in the labor market in terms of wages and occupation segregation
should be eliminated through the strict enforcement of such laws.
iv. It has been observed that in the existing database the concepts underlying the definitions of
employment or unemployment are not entirely neutral. Rather they are gender-biased, as they do
not consider women’s work inside the household and domestic work is not considered inside the
labour force. In order to capture fully the role performed by women it is necessary to refine the
present definitions. It is also recommended that different approaches to data collection and the
access to employment opportunities to special groups, region and socio-economic strata should
also use.
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v. To increase female labor participation it is necessary that a long-term strategy be developed to
encourage the desired changes in the society and attitudes through mass media. 176 Pakistan
Journals of Social Sciences Vol. 33, No. 1
vi. The Ministry of Women’s Development should play its role in devising and implementing
various comprehensive programs for enhancing women’s employment.
vii. For the women who are already in the job market the provision of support facilities like,
childcare centers, working women’s hostels should be provided.
viii. The laws and legislations should be enforced strictly to improve the working conditions of
women, but also to provide them with the benefits to which they are entitled such as maternity
and sick leave etc.
ix. There is also a need to create awareness among women of their rights and the legislation
protecting them. For this purpose, effective trade unions for women should be formed.
x. Women should be provided with facilities for self-employment in the short term, and
increased opportunities in the formal sectors in the long term. Moreover, as the informal sector in
Pakistan is providing employment to two thirds of the total urban labor force including 70
percent of the total female workers.
xi. Social protection should be provided to women working in the informal sector by increasing
their wages, improving their working conditions and reducing exploitation by, and dependence
on, middlemen.
xii. Rural women which form the majority of total female labor force in the country must be
provided appropriate agriculture technology and agriculture extension training programs.
xiii. However, these agricultural and rural development programs should focus on lessening the
workload of already-overworked rural women before introducing any improved agricultural
technologies which require additional time and energy to learn, and ultimately use.
Link(file:///C:/Users/TAlha%20Ali/Downloads/Documents/12-Population.pdf)
https://fp.brecorder.com/2017/02/20170217142782/
https://nation.com.pk/22-Oct-2017/women-in-pakistan-s-workforce
https://www.dawn.com/news/1310070
http://labourwatchpakistan.com/gender-discrimination-at-workplaces/
http://www.pakistaneconomist.com/2017/09/25/womans-irreplaceable-contribution-pakistans-
economic-growth-women-empowerment-economic-development/
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WOMEN AND EDUCATION
Outline:
Introduction
Status of Women education in
Pakistan:
Article: 25A Right to Education
Parental Education
Age at Marriage
Increase In Population
Role of Cultural Norms
Domestic Violence
Decision Making
Poor Security
Family Economic Conditions
Initiatives taken by Government
Introduction
Education plays key and central role in the economic development of a nation by engineering
social development, economic prosperity and human resource development. The government
assigns a very high priority to developing a high quality, equitable, and widely accessible
education system in Pakistan.
Status of Women education in Pakistan:
1. Literacy remains much higher in urban areas (74 percent) than in rural cent), with male
(81 percent) and male (68 percent) in urban areas. Province that Punjab and Sindh leads
with 62 percent and 55 percent respectively Khyber Pakhtunkhwa with 53 percent and
Balochistan with 41 percent.
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2. Gross Enrolment Rates Gross Enrolment Rate (GER), is also the participation rate,
defined as the number children attending primary school the number of children with
specific age group (5 to 9 years) who ought to be attending school. GER for Female in
Pakistan is 79 and for Male is 94.
3. Net Enrolment Rate (NER) at the primary level refers to the number of stud primary
school of required primary school (5 to 9 years) divided by the number of children in the
same age group for that level of education. NER in Pakistan is for male is 56% and
female 51%.
4. According to the Household Integrated Income and Consumption Survey (HIICS)
National/Provincial levels with urban/rural breakdown, the literacy rate of the of Pakistan
is 58%.
“Seeking knowledge is mandatory for every Muslim.” (Al-Quran)
Article: 25A Right to Education
25A. Right to education.—The State shall provide free and compulsory education to all
children of the age of five to sixteen years in such manner as may be determined by law.
Parental Education
Parental education appeared a powerful analyst of their children’s education. In this way they
can easily support
their children. Educated parents give importance to their daughters as well as their educational
sketch .
Education of mother is more effective and essential for their children especially for their
daughters. Because in early age children spend much time with their mothers at home and this is
a time in which mothers can easily trained their children’son a right path.
Age at Marriage
Many studies have showed that early marriages of female, is one of the major constraints on their
schooling. In
Pakistani society, parents give more importance to marriages of their daughters than their
education and wish to marry them as early as possible.
INCREASE in POPULATION
Increase in population is a major cause of women illiteracy in the country. That is playing a
central role in low
literacy rate of female education. A family having a less income and the size of the family is
more will prefer to educate the boys of the family while girls will be given stitching skills. In
many families female’s stay at home and they just perform domestic work and take care of all
the family members.
Role of Cultural Norms

Socio-cultural values of the society also effects on female education from many aspects. Impact
of cultural norms
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and values of the society interact for determining the educational levels of females in the
developing countries all over the world. The way in which the family size affects the education
of children depends on the dominant cultural resources of the community.
Domestic Violence
There are many common factors which are responsible for domestic violence in Pakistan. Some
examples are like
domestic violence against women due to daily conflicts disagreements between men and women
on any decision family related problems, Conflicts of the two gender, choice preferences.
Furthermore, there are some distinguished factors which prone to domestic violence like female
low educational levels, existing misconceptions about Islamic thoughts and traditional cultural
norms, lack of awareness about female rights, falsified beliefs low socio-economic levels and
poverty.
Decision Making
In Pakistan this was a common perception is that females cannot take decision about their life.
The decisions may
be about their future, career and education. Females are silent person of society. Usually parents
and their brothers take decisions about female’s future life. Traditionally, Females are considered
as an asset of males in the family. So these males are responsible for taking decisions of their
future lives. In most cases, males do not allow their sisters or daughters to go to school or
universities. Some families do not like their daughters to study in co-education schools or
institutions thus depriving them of higher education. Parents do not want their daughters are
educated.
Poor Security
Because of the ongoing conflicts among the various groups in parts of Pakistan, the female
education is greatly
affected. Parents are less willing for their daughters to attend the school because of poor security.
And in some areas girl’s schools are destroyed by the fighting in conflict zones which further
restricted girl’s opportunities to access education.
Family Economic Conditions

Economic status of the family is also one of the major constraints on female education. When
family economic
conditions is not stat able people kept their daughters in home because they may not be able to
meet the cost of school uniforms, Fee , Stationary and other varied expenses.
Initiatives taken by Government

 Prime Minister’s Fee Reimbursement Scheme for less developed areas (selected regions)
was successfully executed and is continued during FY 2016-17. The scheme is focused
on building capacities and enabling them to compete in the normal course. And in future
it would provide manpower for public sector universities. Reimbursement to around
17,137 students of less developed areas is being carried out this year.
 “An Initiative of Aghaz-e-Haqooq-eBalochistan (Indigenous and Overseas)” is focused
towards providing scholarships in MS leading to PhD and PhD studies to less privileged
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areas of Balochistan, who despite possessing academic merit are unable to overcome the
financial difficulties. This project covers tuition, accommodation and living expenses as
well. In FY 2016-17, 31 candidates availed the overseas scholarships while 16 candidates
availed the indigenous scholarships.
 The concept has been realized on the directives of the Prime Minister of Islamic Republic
of Pakistan for the award of laptop computers amongst the talented students.
Accordingly, 500,000 laptops have been awarded amongst the students of all public
sector universities/ degree awarding institutes.
WOMEN AND HEALTH
Outline:
Introduction
Article: 25
Issues in women health
Irregular Periods
Infections
Cervical Cancer
Abortion:
Place of Delivery:
HIV/AIDS:
Food & Nutrition:
Steps taken by Government:
Introduction
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Human welfare and development is a basic right of every individual as enshrined in the
constitution of the Islamic Republic of Pakistan and the charter of the United Nations. However,
at the global level and within nation states, a tug of war has been on-going for decades whether
welfare or growth should be the barometer of real economic development. Health, education,
drinking water and sewerage was considered to be the main contributor of welfare of the citizens
of a country.
Article: 25 Equality of citizens. 25. Equality of citizens.— (1) All citizens are equal before law
and are entitled to equal protection of law. (2) There shall be no discrimination on the basis of
sex.
Problems faced by women in health sector

Many women have high risk of dying due to pregnancy and childbirth complications, especially
in rural areas. As such, maternal mortality rate remains high at 340 per 100,000 live births, but
other sources give estimates ranging from 286 in Karachi’s urban settlements to 756 in rural
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Balochistan [ADB (1997)]. Research evidence shows that almost 80 percent of maternal deaths
are due to direct obstetric causes resulting from antepartum and postpartum hemorrhage,
reproductive infections and edampsia, whereas hepatitis is the most frequently cited means of
maternal death from indirect causes.
Irregular Periods
From teenage girls to those who are married, irregularity in periods is very common. It could be
due to stress, various environmental factors, change in diet or medications. All of these factors
can cause an irregularity for a month or two but nothing that is something to be worried about,
mostly. However, hormonal imbalance is one factor which would require a proper medical
assessment and a follow through with the gynecologist. It is common for girls and women alike
and needs hormonal medications most of the time to reverse the effects.
Infections
Be it vaginal infections that affect the women in the postpartum period, uterine infections or the
infections that affect their reproductive tracts, gynecologists frequently come across a lot of cases
of women complaining of one of these. It is either because of poor hygiene conditions or the
inability to carry through the whole course of the prescribed medication. Women often associate
all the infections that they have to the use of contraceptives which is what causes the infections
to spread even more in their systems by the time they finally visit a gynecologist.
Cervical Cancer
It is the second most common cancer amongst the women of Pakistan after the breast cancer as
per the Society of Obstetrics & Gynecology, Pakistan (SOGP). Although women often fail to get
it checked on time and hence face complications. One can just not stress enough the importance
of a regular checkup with the gynecologists which is needed to ensure that all the girls and
women of our country are safe from this silent killer. The vaccines for this disease need to be
administered to all the growing girls to prevent increase their chances for cervical cancer.
the unmet need for family planning remains as high as 38 percent resulting in substantial number
of unwanted pregnancies and unsafe abortions with adverse implications for the health of
mothers and children. Infants also have high risks of death from birth related complications and
infections such as diarrhea, pneumonia and respiratory infections which are closely related to
mother’s health and quality of antenatal and postnatal care.
Abortion:
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Abortion Unwanted pregnancies and high unmet need among women in Pakistan lead many to
resort to unsafe and illegal abortions. Such practices are a cause of concern for reproductive
health of women due to increased risks of maternal morbidity and mortality. Being illegal
officially, except under certain medical conditions, untrained and unqualified people generally
carry out abortions, which are reflective of denying women their reproductive and sexual rights,
and high prevalence of unmet need in Pakistan.
Place of Delivery:
Place of Delivery Health of the mother and that of the newborn largely depends on the conditions
in which the birth is given. Lack of proper hygiene and medical care can give rise to
complications that could be life threatening for both. In Pakistan, the age old tradition of giving
birth at home is still strong as majority of the births take place there. The evidence shows that 83
percent of the births take place at home in the country, while only 8 and 9 percent of deliveries
occur in the government and private hospitals/centers, respectively (Table 4). In rural areas,
about 98 percent of deliveries occur at home compared with 45 percent in major urban and 78
percent in other urban areas. Age and education of the mother show a positive relationship with
the use of government or private hospitals and clinics showing lesser proportion of women
giving birth at home.
HIV/AIDS:
The prevalence of other reproductive health problems such as sexually transmitted diseases
(STDs) and HIV/AIDS is relatively low in Pakistan as compared to other countries in the world.
However, it is recognized that patterns of health behavior which can rapidly facilitate an
epidemic spread of HIV/AIDS infection are widespread among men. Most women have
problems in discussing the issue with their husbands due to social and cultural barriers and have
limited knowledge about the vulnerability of the problem.
Food & Nutrition:
Nutrition is a major component of human resource development. Malnutrition is a situation that

results from eating a diet in which nutrients are either not enough or too much that causes health
problems. It includes calories, protein, carbohydrates, vitamin Almost half of the population is
suffering from high rates of malnutrition particularly children and mothers. According to the
National Nutrition Survey (NNS) 2011 and Pakistan Demographic &Health Survey (PDHS)
2013 malnutrition in fewer than five children is prevalent; 44% children stunted, over 15% is the
wasting rate and 31.5% underweight. The incidence of stunting2 and malnutrition among
children varies across urban and rural areas. Stunted, wasted and underweighted children were
lower in urban areas than in rural areas.
Steps taken by Government:
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1. To achieve universal health coverage, a National Health Program has been launched
under the guidance of the Prime Minister by Ministry of National Health Services,
Regulations and Coordination (MoNHSRC). The program will help millions of poor to
access quality health care services.
2. The number of doctors, dentist, nurses and LHVs have increasedand availability of one
doctor, dentist, nurse and one hospital bed versus population has also improved.
3. EPI Program provides immunization to children against seven vaccine-preventable
diseases under one year of age i.e. childhood tuberculosis, poliomyelitis, diphtheria,
pertussis, neonatal tetanus, measles and hepatitis B.
4. The FP & PHC program so far has recruited more than 100,000 Lady Health Workers
(LHWs). LHWs services encompasses the health conditions of women and children
through improved sanitation, birth spacing, iron supplementation, larger vaccination
coverage and through Ante-natal and post-natal coverage of the pregnant women.
5. Malaria control Program has always been the main concern in Pakistan which is a
moderate endemic. The program targets are to reduce the malaria burden by 60% in high
and moderate endemic districts/agencies and eliminate malaria in low endemic districts
by the year 2017-18.
6. The government has declared tuberculosis a national emergency, and implementing the
directly observed treatment, short-course (DOTS) strategy followed by the Stop TB
Strategy, which includes universal access to quality tuberculosis care in the country.
Incidence of TB stands at 231 per 100,000 population. National TB Control Program
(NTP) has achieved over 85% Directly Observed Treatment System (DOTS) coverage in
public sector and in the last five years the program has provided care to more than half a
million TB patients in Pakistan. The program is moving steadily to achieve the global
targets of 90% case detection.
7. Maternal and Child Health (MCH) Program was initiated to improve women and children
health conditions through better service delivery and supported health systems. Mother
and Child healthcare is one of the most important areas of public health in Pakistan.
8. Prime Minister’s Program for Prevention and Control of Hepatitis in Pakistan The
program envisioned meeting the challenges caused by the elevated incidence of viral
hepatitis. The program was launched to bear treatment of hepatitis B and C for patients
who are unable to meet the expenses of the treatment due to high cost of medicines and
diagnostics along with promoting preventive interventions.
9. Cancer Treatment Program Cancer is a deadly disease. The increasing incidence of the
diseases is due to lack of public awareness, change in life style and environmental
factors. Pakistan Atomic Energy Commission’s Cancer Hospitals are providing diagnosis
and treatment facilities to cancer patients.
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Section VII: Gender and Governance
Concept of Governance
Governance has been defined to refer to structures and processes that are designed to ensure
accountability, transparency, responsiveness, rule of law, stability, equity and inclusiveness,
empowerment, and broad-based participation. Governance also represents the norms, values and
rules of the game through which public affairs are managed in a manner that is transparent,
participatory, inclusive and responsive. Governance therefore can be subtle and may not be
easily observable. In a broad sense, governance is about the culture and institutional
environment in which citizens and stakeholders interact among themselves and participate in
public affairs. It is more than the organs of the government.
International agencies such as UNDP, the World Bank, the OECD Development Assistance
Committee (DAC) and others define governance as the exercise of authority or power in order to
manage a country’s economic, political and administrative affairs. The 2009 Global Monitoring
Report sees governance as ‘power relationships,’ ‘formal and informal processes of formulating
policies and allocating resources,’ ‘processes of decision-making’ and ‘mechanisms for holding
governments accountable.’
Often there is a tendency to equate governance with management, the latter primarily referring to
the planning, implementation and monitoring functions in order to achieve pre-defined results.
Management encompasses processes, structures and arrangements that are designed to mobilize
and transform the available physical, human and financial resources to achieve concrete
outcomes. Management refers to individuals or groups of people who are given the authority to
achieve the desired results. Governance systems set the parameters under which management
and administrative systems will operate. Governance is about how power is distributed and
shared, how policies are formulated, priorities set and stakeholders made accountable. Table
below summarizes the difference between governance and management:
Governance Management
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-Set and norms, strategic vision and -Run the organization in line with the broad goals
direction and formulate high-level goals and direction set by the governing body
and policies
-Implement the decisions within the context of
-Oversee management and organizational the mission and strategic vision
performance to ensure that the organization
-Make operational decisions and policies, keep
is working in the best interests of the
the governance bodies informed and educated
public, and more specifically the
stakeholders who are served by the -Be responsive to requests for additional
organization’s mission information
-Direct and oversee the management to
ensure that the organization is achieving
the desired outcomes and to ensure that the
organization is acting prudently, ethically
and legally.
In the development literature, the term ‘good governance’ is frequently used. In particular, the
donors promote the notion of ‘good governance’ as a necessary pre-condition for creating an
enabling environment for poverty reduction and sustainable human development. Good
governance has also been accepted as one of the targets of the Millennium Development Goals
(MDGs). The good governance agenda stems from the donor concern with the effectiveness of
the development efforts. Good governance is expected to be participatory, transparent,
accountable, effective and equitable and promotes rule of law.
Governance challenges
 Effective representation of diverse population;
 Ageing citizens;
 Integrating transportation networks;
 Preparing for the effects of climate change;
 Everything is faster;
 New disruptive technologies are both driving and enabling change and everything from
policy making to service delivery to citizen activism;
 As expectations grow, the relationship between government and citizens is changing;
 Renewing our notions of privacy of openness;
 Control of government data;
 How to incorporate the direct involvement of citizens between elections while responding
to the newly empowered activist citizens.
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WOMEN’S SUFFRAGE MOVEMENT: THE STRUGGLE FOR THE

RIGHT OF WOMEN TO VOTE
Outline:
Introduction
Women’s Suffrage In Europe
Women’s Suffrage in the United States
The National Woman Suffrage Association
Ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment
Introduction
The women’s suffrage movement (aka woman suffrage) was thestruggle for the right of women
to vote and run for office and is part of the overall women’s rights movement. In the mid-19th
century, women in several countries—most notably, the U.S. and Britain—formed organizations
to fight for suffrage. In 1888, the first international women’s rights organization formed, the
International Council of Women (ICW). Because the ICW was reluctant to focus on suffrage, in
1904 the International Woman Suffrage Alliance (IWSA) was formed by British women’s rights
activist Millicent Fawcett, American activist Carrie Chapman Catt, and other leading women’s
rights activists.
Women’s Suffrage In Europe

The first country to grant national-level voting rights to women was the self-governing British
colony of New Zealand, which passed the Electoral Bill in September 1893. The British colony
of South Australia granted full suffrage in 1894, giving women the right to vote and to stand for
parliament. Australia federated in 1901 and country-wide women’s suffrage followed quickly in
1902; however, women of Australia’s indigenous people were specifically excluded until 1949,
when the right to vote in federal elections was granted to all indigenous people. Remaining
restrictions were abolished in 1962.
Other countries followed soon after New Zealand, with limited rights granted to women in
Sweden, Britain, Finland, and some U.S. states by the early 20th century. When World War I
began in 1914, many suffrage organizations shifted their focus to supporting the war effort,
although some activists continued to fight for suffrage. Because of manpower shortages in
warring countries, women took on many roles traditionally held by men and changed the
dominant idea of what women were capable of doing, giving further momentum to the suffrage
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movement. Britain’s Parliament passed the Eligibility of Women Act in November 1918, which
allowed women to be elected to Parliament. Ten years later, the Representation of the People Act
granted women the right to vote. Following a path similar to Britain’s, many countries—
Denmark, Iceland, the USSR, the Netherlands, Canada, Austria, Czechoslovakia, Poland,
Sweden, Germany, Luxembourg, the United States—had granted the vote to women by 1920.
Other European countries did not grant women the right to vote until much later—Spain in 1931,
France in 1944, and Belgium, Italy, Romania, and Yugoslavia in 1946. Later still were
Switzerland (1971) and Liechtenstein (1984). In Latin America, national suffrage was granted to
women between 1929 (Ecuador) and 1946 (Argentina). In Africa, the right to vote was generally
conferred on both men and women as colonial rule ended and nations became independent—the
same is true for India, which granted universal suffrage with its constitution in 1949. Middle
Eastern countries granted women the right to vote after World War II, although some countries,
such as Saudi Arabia, do not have suffrage at all or have limited suffrage and exclude women
completely (Kuwait).
Women’s Suffrage in the United States

The suffrage movement in the United States gained prominence with the first women’s rights
convention in the world: the Seneca Falls Convention in 1848. The convention was organized
by Lucretia Mott and Elizabeth Cady Stanton, active members of the abolitionist movement who
met in England in 1840 at the World Anti-Slavery Convention. In 1851, Stanton was introduced
by a mutual friend to Susan B. Anthony, who was most active in the temperance movement at
the time. The two would form a life-long friendship and collaboration focused on obtaining
suffrage. They formed the Woman’s National Loyal League in 1863 to support the Thirteenth
Amendment to abolish slavery and to campaign for full citizenship for blacks and women.
The National Woman Suffrage Association

In 1869, with slavery abolished, a rift developed in the suffrage movement over how to gain
suffrage. Anthony and Stanton founded the National Woman Suffrage Association (NWSA) and
campaigned for a constitutional amendment for universal suffrage in America, and for other
women’s rights, such as changes in divorce laws and an end to employment and pay
discrimination. Lucy Stone, Julia Ward Howe, and Josephine Ruffin formed the less-radical
American Woman Suffrage Association (AWSA) to focus on obtaining suffrage for black men
with the Fourteenth and Fifteenth Amendments and on winning women’s right to vote state-by-
state, ignoring the broader rights the NWSA was campaigning for.
By the 1880s, it became clear that the two organizations would be more effective if they merged
back into one group, so they formed the National American Women Suffrage Association
(NAWSA) in 1890, with Stanton as president and Anthony as vice president. Stanton’s position
was largely honorary—she departed on a 2-year European speaking tour shortly after being
elected, leaving Anthony as acting president. NAWSA was a national, parent organization to
hundreds of local groups that campaigned solely for women’s right to vote. However, NAWSA
alienated the more radical activists like Stanton, Matilda Joslyn Gage, and Olympia Brown who
were campaigning for broader rights along with the right to vote.
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In the early 20th century, NAWSA restructured itself and shifted it’s tactics, recruiting
celebrities to draw attention to the cause, allying with local women’s clubs and some labor
unions, and raising money to train and pay organizers to canvass for votes and enlist new
members. NAWSA held many parades and rallies to draw attention to their cause, with its
members wearing white uniforms and carrying banners to draw crowds and reporters.
In 1914, Alice Paul and Lucy Burns became dissatisfied with the leadership and direction of the
NWSA and formed the Congressional Union. Both women had assisted and learned from the
British suffrage movement, which was much more radicalized and militant than the NWSA.
England’s more militant suffragists faced violent confrontations with authorities and jail
sentences; some went on hunger strikes while imprisoned and were made to endure force-
feedings to prevent them from dying behind bars, which might increase public sympathy for their
cause.
The Congressional Union initially focused on putting pressure on the Democratic Party, which
controlled both houses of Congress and the White House. In 1916, the organization was renamed
the National Woman’s Party (NWP) and began a more militant campaign for suffrage, picketing
and holding demonstrations in front of the White House.
Carrie Chapman Catt, NAWSA president from 1900 to 1904 and 1915 to 1920, was Anthony’s
hand-picked successor as the driving force of the organization. She led the final push toward a
constitutional amendment, setting up a publicity bureau in Washington, D.C., in 1916 to exert
immediate, face-to-face pressure on Congressmen. At the beginning of World War I, the NWP
criticized the government for supporting democracy abroad while denying women the right to
vote at home—blatant hypocrisy, in their view. Chapman Catt publicly distanced herself and
NAWSA from the NWP, calling their behavior unladylike and disapproving of the bad publicity
they generated for the movement. In June 1917, NWP members were arrested on the technical
charge of obstructing traffic. Arrests and jail time, hunger strikes and force-feedings would
continue for activists until the Nineteenth Amendment was ratified.
Ratification of the Nineteenth Amendment

Tennessee became the last battleground state for ratification. There, as in other Southern states,
the woman’s suffrage movement was inextricably linked in the minds of many with the abolition
movement, and old animosities still simmered. In Dixie, even more than in other parts of the
country, feminism ran counter to a culture in which conservative religion, tradition, and respect
for the law was deeply engrained. Too, powerful lobbying groups including liquor distilleries—
the temperance movement and women’s rights movement had long been comrades in arms—
textile manufacturers and railroads opposed expanding women’s rights. Additional opposition
came from state’s rights advocates, some of whom wanted to see women get the right to vote but
felt that should be dealt with at the state level, not the national. On August 18, 1920, the
Tennessee legislature narrowly approved the 19th Amendment. On August 31, the Tennessee
House of Representatives voted to rescind their previous vote, but the U.S. Secretary of State had
already proclaimed the amendment ratified on August 26.
Women’s right to vote was achieved through the national and local efforts of both the NAWSA
and the NWP. The labor shortage caused by World War I that allowed women to move into roles
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traditionally held by men also made it increasingly difficult for opponents to argue that women
were unworthy of the vote on the grounds of physical and mental inferiority. With the ratification
of the Nineteenth Amendment in sight, Chapman Catt formed the League of Women Voters
during NAWSA’s last meeting on February 14, 1920, to help newly enfranchised women
exercise their right to vote.
Link for further study: http://www.tchevalier.com/fallingangels/bckgrnd/suffrage/
GENDER ISSUE IN WOMEN AS VOTERS
Outline:
Introduction:
Women Political rights according to 1973 constitution of Pakistan
Women issues as voters in Pakistan
Structural Obstacles
Under registration
Absence of CNIC
Passive system
Remote locations and limited hours
Socio-Economic and political Barriers
Lack of resources
Lack of education
Lack of Female separate polling stations
Religious hindrance
Security issues
Patriarchal Society
Internal displaced due to armed conflict
Steps Taken by Government of Pakistan
Conclusion
Introduction
“Freedom cannot be achieved unless the women have been emancipated from all forms of
oppression. All of us take this on board that the objective of reconstruction and development
programme will not have been realized unless we see in visible practical terms that the condition
of women in our country has radically changed for better and that they have been empowered to
intervene in all aspects of life equal with any other member of the society” Nelson Mandela.
Women’s exclusion in the formal arena of politics is a historic and global phenomenon.
Despite several international conventions, covenants and commitments to gender equality, the
gender gap with only 19 percent women in the world parliaments is stark and abysmal. The
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gender imbalance in democracies around the world is a continuing challenge for the international
community. In Pakistan, there is no constitutional bar on the political participation of women as
voters or as candidates. However, women’s representation in the national legislature has never
moved beyond 10% until 2001 when the gender quota was restored by the military regime at the
local, provincial and national level. Through a legislative provision 33 percent seats were
reserved for women in local government and 17 percent in the national and provincial assemblies
and senate.
Women Political rights according to 1973 constitution of Pakistan
Article 25 of Constitution of Pakistan ensures equality of all citizens without any discrimination.
Similarly, Article 32 ensures women participation in every sphere of national life. There already
exists a law (Representation of the People Act, 1976; Section 81 ‘Undue Influence’) which
makes it an offence to “compel any person to vote or refrain from voting”
Women Issues as a voters
There are cultural and structural factors serve to disenfranchise women voters and result in lower
turnout of female voters. A study of the 2008 general elections by the Pakistan Institute of
Legislative Development and Transparency (PILDAT) indicated a drastic reduction in the
number of women voters in Pakistan, especially in the Federally Administered Tribal Areas
(FATA)and areas more threatened by extremism. According to the report, the number was
reduced by approximately 45% in KP, and compared to 3.92 million women voters in 2002 there
were only 2.17 million women voters in 2008. The internal displacement in FATA due to
military operations following the 9/11 attackswas responsible for an alarming decline of 96% in
women voters. A host of factors, for example:insecurity, recession and,perhaps, disappointment
with the political system resulted in a decline in women voters in Sindh (41%), Punjab (37%)
and Islamabad Capital Territory (19%). The report showed an overall reduction of women voters
by39% as compared to 18% male voters. Women were 40% of the total voters in 2002, but came
down to 30% in 2008. With an overall national voter turnout of 55 per cent, the results were a
marked improvement over the country’s historically low turnout, which barely crosses 44 per
cent. The voter turnout for women was an unprecedented 40 per cent of all votes. The female
turnout is considered remarkable, although there are no comparative figures for previous
elections.
Structural Barriers:
Under Registration
Virtually all countries require citizens to be on a voters list as a prerequisite to voting. The
manner in which names are added and deleted and information such as residence changed from
such lists varies. For present purposes the most important differences among systems are 1) that
some voters lists are continuously updated, and a citizen or the government may register or
update registration information at any time while in other countries such activities are only
undertaken during specific, limited time periods and 2) some registration systems are “passive”
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while others are “active” – that is in the former the government takes responsibility for ensuring
citizens are accurately on the voter rolls, whereas in the latter the citizen has the responsibility
for taking affirmative steps to register to vote and stay on the list with accurate information. Over
a period of time and especially since the 2013 election, the registration of women voters should
have improved but alarmingly this percentage has further gone down in the latest tally. The
current percentage (43.73pc) of registered women voters compares very unfavorably with the
percentage of registered women voters in India which is 47.78pc according to their 2016
electoral rolls. According to the current voters list, Pakistan has 54.57 million male and only
42.42 million female voters. This shows a huge gap of unregistered female voters in the
country.
Absence of CNIC
One must have a national identification card in order to register and vote. Large numbers of
women lack these cards. The most basic identifying document that is usually necessary to obtain
additional forms of identification that must be presented to register is the birth certificate, which
women also often do not have. It is estimated that more than 12.17 million women of 18 years
or above – who are otherwise eligible to be registered as voters – are not included in the
voters list. The prime reason is that they do not have the Computerized National Identity
Cards [CNICs] needed to enlist them in the electoral lists. In some Muslim countries, requiring
a photo identification has been problematic where women are not allowed to be photographed
wearing the veil.
Passive Systems
“Passive” systems whereby the government, usually an interior ministry, formulates the voter’s
list based on the civil registry or some other database of citizen information, are generally less
problematic. However, even in passive systems, errors can be made. In particular, women who
have married and changed their names and addresses may be inadvertently disenfranchised if
their records are not automatically updated or if they have not reported their change of status to
the appropriate authorities.
Remote locations and limited hours
In a voter registration system in which citizens must personally report to an office somewhere
and apply with accompanying documentation, the location of and the hours available at that
office are critical to whether citizens have a full and fair opportunity to register to vote. Sparse
locations, especially in rural areas, and limited times of opening hours present particular
obstacles for women given their role in society.
Socio-Economic and Political barriers
Lack of Resources
105
Obstacles due to time and travel limitations are in part due to women’s lack of resources,
including relative to men. Women don’t have resources to travel and cast a vote. Large distances
from polling stations with no transportation facilities hinder women ability to cast votes.
Lack of Education
There are other social issues that impact women’s ability to register to vote. One of these is lack
of education and high rates of illiteracy. People with little education and/or who are unable to
read or write, disproportionately women in many places, may be unaware of the registration
process or be unable to read, fill in or sign the necessary forms. Lack of education and illiteracy
can mean women are not conscious of their voting rights, do not have access to information
about candidates and issues, and do not understand the political system or how elections and
public policy affect their lives. Often, voter education campaigns regarding registration to the
extent they are conducted in some countries cannot or do not take into account low rates of
literacy or always sufficiently target poorly educated populations.
Lack of Female separate polling stations
Separate female polling stations are essential for women. Some conservative families in Pakistan
not allow their women to interact with male persons or go to joint polling station. So, it is
mandatory to have separate polling station.
Religious Hindrance
Religious customs, conservative interpretations of religious law, traditional cultural norms and
societies permeated with gender discrimination and gendered roles, both formal and informal
pose some of the biggest obstacles to women’s ability to participate in political life through
registering and voting among other activities. Voting rights for women have been prohibited
altogether in some Gulf States until very recently, and is some are still heavily circumscribed.
Security issues
Security of women due to growing talbanization is very vital. In KPK, talibans directly
threatened women to keep themselves away from voting or ready to face harsh consequences if
failed to fulfill the commands. Women voters are the second-most frequent type of female
victims of electoral violence (22 percent of all female victim types). These women were attacked
either at polling places, during voter registration or during other civic activities. Female voters
are victims at roughly four times the rate of male voters (6 percent of total male victims).
Patriarchal Society
the number of women who have been socialized to believe they should not participate in
elections, that the public sphere belongs to men, or lack confidence in their own ability to make
decisions, and hence do not register to vote. Prime role of Women is to take care of domestic life
rather than taking part in political process.
Internally displaced due to armed conflict
The internal displacement in FATA due to military operations following the 9/11 attackswas
responsible for an alarming decline of 96% in women voters.
Steps taken by Pakistan
106
1. The National Assembly, on the last day of its previous session ending on
Thursday, amended sections 78 and 103 AAA of the Representation of People
Act [RPA], 1976.
2. The amendment to section 78 ensures that a candidate or his supporters — if

found exerting influence to bar a woman from contesting an election or stop any
woman from casting vote, by any means — be deemed to have committed
corrupt practice which will lead to disqualification of such a candidate. the
amendment to section 103AAA has enhanced powers of the Election
Commission of Pakistan [ECP], enabling it to hold a summary inquiry if it gets
reports of irregularities in conduct of an election and declare the poll in such
constituency null and void. To make the law more stringent, appeals against the
ECP’s decisions could now be filed in the Supreme Court of Pakistan only.
Tagged as the Representation of the People [Amendment Bill, 2017].
3. The army has announced that troops will be deployed in the four provinces on
election day, along with thousands of police and other security forces.
4. The ECP has recently identified 26,000 block codes where there is a more than
12 per cent difference between male and female registered voters and they are
taking steps to minimize it.
5. Special measures should be instituted to prevent disenfranchisement of
women by communities, political parties or non-state actors from exercising
their constitutional right to vote. Results of a polling station that registers
less than 10 percent of female votes should be declared void.
6. Separate polling stations should be set up in areas where combined stations
deter women from voting and female trained polling staff should be
deployed at all polling stations and booths. Polling booths for women with
disabilities should be on the ground floor and enable wheel chair
accessibility.
7. NADRA registration should automatically lead to registration on the
electoral list.
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Links(https://aceproject.org/ace-en/focus/women-and-voter-registration
https://aceproject.org/ace-en/focus/women-and-voter-registration/major-obstacles-to-
women2019s-registration
https://aawaz.org.pk/index.php?action=program&id=1
http://www.pk.undp.org/content/pakistan/en/home/library/hiv_aids/development-advocate-
issue-4-english/opinion--electoral-reforms-in-pakistan---how-to-close-the-gender.html
http://www.unwomen.org/en/news/stories/2013/8/pakistan-elections-feature
https://tribune.com.pk/story/1415150/ecp-hold-re-election-women-barred-voting/
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2015/may/29/women-barred-voting-pakistan-khyber-
pakhtunkh
https://www.theguardian.com/world/2013/may/04/pakistan-women-right-to-vote
https://www.pakistangendernews.org/womens-votes/
GENDER ISSUE IN WOMEN AS CANDIDATES
Outline:
Introduction
Women Political rights according to Constitution of Pakistan 1973
The Convention of Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in 1996
National and Provincial Representation of women in Pakistan
Issues faced by women in Pakistan
Insecurity, lawlessness doesn’t permit women to venture out and be political
Women are not strong and cannot deal with prevailing vandalism in politics and law enforcing
agencies
Religious orientation
Women are not financially independent
Male chauvinism and their ego doesn’t permit women to enter politics
108
Women being mothers can contribute effectively in the fields of education, health and social
welfare
Class Issues and Discriminations
Political Parties are Not Women Friendly
Lack of Interest in Politics
Recommendations
Introduction
Women’s exclusion in the formal arena of
politics is a historic and global
phenomenon. Despite several
international conventions, covenants and
commitments to gender equality, the
gender gap with only 19 percent women in the world parliaments is stark and abysmal. The
gender imbalance in democracies around the world is a continuing challenge for the international
community. In Pakistan, there is no constitutional bar on the political participation of women as
voters or as candidates. However, women’s representation in the national legislature has never
moved beyond 10% until 2001 when the gender quota was restored by the military regime at the
local, provincial and national level. Through a legislative provision 33 percent seats were
reserved for women in local government and 17 percent in the national and provincial assemblies
and senate.
Women Political rights according to Constitution of Pakistan 1973
The Constitution of Pakistan asserts the protection of women’s rights under national legislation.
While human rights concepts can be found from the preamble onwards. Article 25 under the
chapter of fundamental rights of citizens highlights the principles of women’s equality in the
Pakistani constitution. Article 25 clearly guarantees equality before the law and equal protection
of the law stating that there shall be no discrimination on the basis of sex. Furthermore, The
Chapter on Principles of Policy - Article 32 and 34 ensures full participation of women in all
spheres of national life.
The Convention of Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW)
in 1996
Pakistan ratified The Convention of Elimination of Discrimination against Women (CEDAW) in
1996, with the condition that it will not draft any policy and/or law which is repugnant to
Islamic principles
National and Provincial Representation of women in Pakistan
60 seats reserved for women in National Assembly out 342 seats which is almost 17.5%. In
senate women have 17 seats. Seats in Punjab Assembly 66/371, in Sindh Assembly 29/168, in
KPK Assembly 22/124 and in Balochistan Assembly 11/65. Women’s overall representation is
19.5%.
Issues faced by women in Pakistan
109
Insecurity, lawlessness doesn’t permit women to venture out and be political
Concerns about lawlessness and the resulting insecurity are a big hurdle which withholds men
allowing their family women to participate in politics. The security situation of the country is not
well owing to rape cases, bombing and terrorism. This situation hinders the way of women
specifically to participate in politics as they face security issues such as extremism, often in the
name of religion; limited mobility; lack of resources and education and political experience.
Overall political parties’ environment too is not women friendly, they have to struggle hard and
face multi-dimensional issues to create space for them in the party When a woman enters
politics, she faces problems from the start. People create hurdles in her way, discourage her and
even do character assassination of her. Politics is the arena of those who are either very rich or
those who have no self-respect; it makes no difference to them what people are saying about
them. In our society there is sexual deprivation and fear of exploitation because of which males
over-protect their women-folk. There are so many social bindings regarding female protection.
Women are not strong and cannot deal with prevailing vandalism in politics and law
enforcing agencies
It was the general perception of voters and party workers that politics is a field for men where a
show of power is essential; mostly demonstrated and established by open display of arms.
Women obviously cannot match this show of strength. They also observed that an MNA or MPA
has to get work done for the people through law enforcing agencies and land/revenue
department. Women cannot go to police stations and katchehri and deal with SHO and patwari to
get things sorted out for the people of the constituency and thus fail to muster support from the
communities. A political party worker concluded that women cannot physically handle men in
such an environment. A woman cannot be expected to physically tackle a man (in a difficult
situation) because she is weak.
Religious orientation
Religious orientation or affiliation came up as a very strong determinant in restricting the women
from politics. Most of the respondents think that women should not allow participating in politics
because they cannot mingle with opposite sex openly, because religion does not allow or permit
them to do so. One of the respondents even quoted on very important and authentic Hadees. Holy
Prophet PBUH said: “That Nation can never make its mark which lets itself be reined by the
women (Bokhari, 4425). This signifies that the lack of participation of women in politics in
Pakistan is mainly due to the religious factors. People who are more religious tend to restrict and
oppose women participating in politics. This is the main factor that has shaped the perception of
the male in our society.
Women are not financially independent
Finance is a crucial issue that females encounter in politics as they are dependent to men. Since a
vast majority of the women is financially dependent to their males, they cannot contest elections
without the consent of their families. Majority of the voters in Lahore said that women need
financial support of family i.e. father, husband or brothers to contest elections. Women can
contribute in politics to a great extent but the basic hurdle in their way is dependency on males.
When they are financially independent, they can assert themselves as decision makers.
Male chauvinism and their ego doesn’t permit women to enter politics
Some participants in the voters’ group in Lahore admitted that it is hard for them to accept
women in a superior or managerial role. One of the participants commented that women need to
110
struggle far more than males but are appreciated less. Good performance and responsiveness can
do well for women to grow in politics. Males’ narrow perception about females’ qualities and
capabilities is a major hurdle for females’ progress and emancipation. A male, even if he is
qualified and manifests broadmindedness, does not allow a female the same space. Some women
are also engaged in leg pulling but men try to create such an environment that hampers a
woman’s progress. The macho male inside his self emerges when he realizes that a woman, who
entered politics after him, is “threatening” to take the lead.
Women being mothers can contribute effectively in the fields of education, health and
social welfare
The current study found that it is the general impression among the males of the society that
women are more appropriate to contribute in the fields of health and education rather than
politics. The female’s body structure and emotional placement make them unfit in the field of
politics. Being emotionally sensitive women can be tender and more contributing in the domain
of welfare and education in the form of teachers and mentors. Participants perceive that women
can talk freely to females on sensitive issues like health and contraception since they have access
to go inside the house and talk to women for counseling and guidance.
Class Issues and Discriminations
The participants said that women from families who have political background may still have
some opportunities to get information about the political and civic processes and get engaged in
the political processes, but women from families living in poverty aren't welcomed to join the
civic and political processes.
Political Parties are Not Women Friendly
The participants were of the opinion that the political parties are not women friendly, don't offer
opportunities to women, and often women are left out in the political campaigns. The political
parties are dominated by men, the leadership is controlled by men and often men makes the face
of the political parties. The political parties also do not talk about women rights and issues of
women.
Lack of Interest in Politics
Many women lack interest in politics either because of the gender roles assigned to them ,
because of little information about the political processes of their communities, or because of the
negative propaganda about the politicians and politics.
Recommendations
1. Women literacy rate should be increased through giving free quality education.
2. Training centers at the community level should be established to train women about the
skills required to take part in politics and elections and other legal documents required.
3. Female politicians should do frequent visits to their communities.
4. Women should be engaged while formulating the agenda and manifesto of the party
through discussions and organizing frequent meetings.
5. Laws that violate women’s rights should be revised regularly.
6. Committees for the implementation of the sexual harassment at work place should be
proactive and made at the community level.
7. Grievance system and mechanism should be made within the parties and communities to
address the issues.
8. The number of reserved seats should be increase.
9. The systematic marginalization of women in parties should be discouraged by facilitating
women’s equal participation in politics.
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10. The candidates’ recruitment system with in the political parties should be fair and on the
basis of merit and not on gender.
11. Specific budget should be allocated for development projects for women.
12. Parties should introduce provisions to ensure women representation of women at the
decision making levels.
13. It is important that the party mechanism and documents are written and implemented in a
gender sensitive manner.
14. Women should be members and part of all the committees, task forces and working
groups.
15. There should be gender mainstreaming of the party code of conducts.
16. Superficial practices to increase the number of women in parties should be avoided like
nominating women candidates in areas where it is difficult for them to win.
17. A gender action plan should be developed to prevent discrimination or harassment on the
basis of sex and gender, party codes of conduct should be introduced and informed along
with developing strategies for capacity building of women party members.
18. Gender equality should be institutionalized within the party structures, processes and
practices. A gender audit on yearly basis should be done to do the self-assessment.
Links (file:///C:/Users/TAlha%20Ali/Downloads/Documents/Survey-on-Challenges-to-
Womens-Political-Participation.pdf)
file:///C:/Users/TAlha%20Ali/Downloads/Documents/polpart-pakistan-awan.pdf
file:///C:/Users/TAlha%20Ali/Downloads/Documents/1390295273.pdf
file:///C:/Users/TAlha%20Ali/Downloads/Documents/1390295273.pdf
file:///C:/Users/TAlha%20Ali/Downloads/Documents/13%20Arfan%20Latif_30_2.pdf
file:///C:/Users/TAlha%20Ali/Downloads/Documents/36n3e_13_Driedger.pdf
http://iknowpolitics.org/en/discuss/opinion-pieces/womens-political-participation-
pakistan
https://aawaz.org.pk/index.php?action=program&id=1
Chart representing some facts
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IMPACT OF POLITICAL QUOTA IN PAKISTAN
Outline:
What is Quota?
Arguments against the quota system
Arguments in favor of the quota system
Types of quotas
Reserved seats (constitutional and/or legislative)
Legislated candidate quotas (constitutional and/or
legislative)
Political party quotas (voluntary)
Enhancement of women’s reserved seats since 2000
Situation in Pakistan
Quotas: Pros and Cons
What is Quota?
A quota is the limit established by the government to regulate the number and/or value of goods
and services that are imported from other countries or exported from a country in a designated
timeframe.
Arguments against the quota system
Those who oppose quota systems argue that quotas are against the principle of equal opportunity
for all. Since in these systems women are given preference over men, as such they are
undemocratic. Quotas are also called undemocratic, as they take away votersí right to decide who
is elected. It is also argued that quotas imply that politicians are elected because of their gender
and not because of their qualifications; and in this way more qualified candidates are pushed
aside. Thus quotas violate the principles of liberal democracy. One argument against this system
is that introducing quotas creates significant conflicts within the party organizations. But the
experience of many last decades shows that quotas are the most effective means to make
democracies more representative.
Arguments in favor of the quota system
Arguments in favour of quota system are more convincing than the ones against it. Proponents of
the quota system argue that quotas for women do not discriminate, but compensate for actual
barriers that prevent women from their fair share of the political seats. They say that quotas
imply that there are several women together in a committee or assembly, thus minimizing the
stress often experienced by the token women. It is also argued that quotas are justified as women
as citizens have the right to equal representation. Another argument is that women have their
own distinct experiences and those experiences are needed in political life. In response to the
arguments that women are generally less qualified and experienced in politics it is stated that
election is about representation and not educational qualifications. In response to the objection
that quotas are undemocratic, because voters do not decide who is elected, it is argued that in
actual practice the political parties control the nominations and they are not primarily the voters
who decide who gets elected; therefore quotas are not violations of voters' rights. It is now
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almost universally acknowledged that if properly implemented, quotas are an effective means of
fast tracking womenís access to decision-making bodies. In India, analysts have acknowledged
that the quota brought a critical mass of women to institutions, with nearly one million women
entering councils at the local government level. Similarly, in Pakistan, the 33 per cent quota
adopted by the government opened up the political space to women and provided them a
strategic opportunity to make a difference in setting and implementing the agenda of local
governments. In both the countries women from different socio-economic, political and religious
backgrounds took their places on local councils, demonstrating that the quota indeed opened the
door for disadvantaged groups.
Types of quotas
Reserved seats (constitutional and/or legislative)
Reserved seats regulate the number of women elected through party lists of nominations or direct
constituency-based elections. Such quota provisions are provided for in the Constitution. They
are generally in the form of reserved seats. Constitutional or legislative quotas normally try to
reserve a number of places on electoral lists for female candidates or reserve a number of seats in
an assembly for women. It is done through a clause in the constitution or by legislation which
stipulates that a certain percentage or number among those elected must be women. Increasingly,
gender quotas are being introduced using reserved seat systems.
Legislated candidate quotas (constitutional and/or legislative)
This type of quota set a minimum proportion of women on candidate lists, as a constitutional or
legal requirement. Such quota provisions are stipulated in the national legislation or electoral
laws of a country. It is done through a clause in the electoral law which states that a certain
percentage or number among those elected must be women. Nearly 33 countries are using this
type of quota in all continents, both in developing and developed world. Some of these are
Angola, Argentina, Belgium, Bolivia, Bosnia-Herzegovina, Brazil, France, Indonesia, Mexico,
Nepal, Spain, and Uzbekistan.
Political party quotas (voluntary)
This type of quota set a minimum proportion of women on candidate lists, as a measure written
into the statutes of individual political parties. These are quota provisions for the electoral lists
that are formulated in the political party statutes. 25 Political Party Quotas are rules or targets set
by political parties to include a certain percentage of women as election candidates. There are
several different examples of how a quota has been utilized in the political process. In total 108
political parties in 54 countries have introduced voluntary quotas for women with proportions
ranging from 20% to 50%.
Enhancement of women’s reserved seats since 2000
It was in this environment that the military government of General Pervez Musharraf agreed to
enhance womenís representation when it decided to restore elected institutions. Under the
Devolution of Power Plan the military regime introduced a new system of Local Government,
which consisted of three tiers, from top to bottom: District/City-District Administration,
Tehsil/Town Administration and Union Administration. At each level, there was a council: Zila,
Tehsil/Town, Union, each of which had 33 percent reserved seats for women. At the Union level
the women councillors on reserved seats were directly elected by a joint electorate of men and
women, while at the other two tiers they were indirectly elected by the elected councillors.
Almost all the major political parties rejected this reservation quota stating that there were not
enough women in the political arena to fill in these seats. However, the womenís rights groups
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welcomed the acceptance of their demand for a 33 percent representation of women in the local
councils and direct elections for the reserved seats in Union Councils, as they knew that there
were enough women in the political arena to fill in these seats who were ready to contest in the
direct elections. They also demanded that there should also be direct elections for women
members of Tehsil and District councils and 33 percent representation should also be given to
women in the parliament (National Assembly and Senate) and all the four provincial assemblies.
Later experience confirmed the womenís rights groupsí point of view as women in great numbers
participated in the local government elections on the reserved as well as general seats. Overall
almost 36,000 women came into political mainstream through the local councils. However,
womenís rights groups were disappointed when the military government unveiled its plan for the
elections of the Parliament and provincial assemblies. The government restored the 1973
constitution, after major amendments, through a ìLegal Framework Order 2002. Under this LFO,
although the long-standing popular demand of reserving seats for women was accepted in
principle, but instead of giving them a 33 percent representation the LFO allowed only a 17
percent representation; devoting 60 seats in a 342-Member National Assembly and for the first
time 17 seats in the 104 member Upper House or Senate to women; 17.6 percent seats were also
reserved for women in each of the provincial assemblies. Thus despite womenís overwhelming
participation in the Local Government Elections their representation in the provincial assemblies
and the parliament was slashed from 33 to 17 percent. Similarly, demands of womenís rights
groups vis-a-vis the mode of elections to the reserved seats were also not accommodated. A ìList
Systemî was introduced for election to these reserved seats under which the emerging
parliamentary groups were to get these seats in proportion to their general representation in the
House. The Article 51, sub article 6 (d) of the Chapter 2 of the amended Constitution says:
ìmembers to the seats reserved for women Ö shall be elected Ö through proportional
representation system of political parties' lists of candidates on the basis of total number of
general seats secured by each political party in the National Assembly. In the second general
elections held on 18 February 2008 under the amended Constitution, the same percentage of
women was again elected on the reserved seats. As already mentioned these reservations have
been provided for through a Constitutional amendment.
Situation in Pakistan
Pakistan The results of the general elections 2008 and the statutory quota of reserved seats
ensured a five-year berth for 216 women in the national and provincial legislatures. Of these, 205
were elected on reserved seats for women, one on reserved seat for non-Muslims and 27 came in
on the general seats. This brings the overall proportion of womenís legislative representation in
Pakistan to 19.9 percent, with the proportion even higher in the National Assembly (22.2%).
Although this falls far short of a minimum of 33% legislative representation through reservation,
as demanded by women members of political parties, womenís rights groups and activists, and
also as per the demands articulated in recommendations by several officially-appointed womenís
commissions, it is still the third highest proportion of womenís legislative representation in South
Asia, after 33.6% in Nepal, 27% in Afghanistan and followed by 9.1% in India and 5.8% in Sri
Lanka. Womenís presence in elected political institutions in Pakistan at the national and
provincial level in such a substantial number has had a hugely positive impact in transforming
the socio-political perceptions about recognizing and legitimizing womenís entitlement to
citizenship and governance, as well as their inclusion in the public domain. Moreover, it has also
resulted in unleashing a process to make women concerns a visible priority on the national
agenda. This place has been earned by women themselves, through a long hard struggle and
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through their collective, steady and patient journey to get organized, seen and heard, and
recognized while living under and constantly confronting the most oppressive patriarchal socio-
political and familial structures and shrunk spaces in society for almost three decades. Most
recently, the election of Dr. Fehmida Mirza as the Speaker of the National Assembly has
reinforced positive perceptions of women abilities, particularly the ability of decision-making.
Ms. Shahla Rizviís election as Deputy Speaker of the Sindh Provincial Assembly and the
appointment of several women Ministers in the federal and provincial cabinets and as Advisors,
will further strengthen the image of women ís being not only equally eligible and entitled to
these posts, but also, being equally capable to run these offices.
Quotas: Pros and Cons

Quotas are a controversial measure. Various arguments have been set forth for and against the
introduction of quotas as a means to increase the political presence of women. Some of the pros
and cons include:
Pros
 Quotas for women do not discriminate, but compensate for actual barriers that prevent
women from their fair share of the political seats.
 Quotas imply that there are several women together in a committee or assembly, thus
minimizing the stress often experienced by the token women.
 Women have the right as citizens to equal representation.
 Women's experiences are needed in political life.
 Election is about representation, not educational qualifications.
 Women are just as qualified as men, but women's qualifications are downgraded and
minimized in a male-dominated political system.
 It is in fact the political parties that control the nominations, not primarily the voters who
decide who gets elected; therefore quotas are not violations of voters' rights.
 Introducing quotas may cause conflicts, but may be only temporarily.
 Quotas can contribute to a process of democratisation by making the nomination process
more transparent and formalised.
Cons
 Quotas are against the principle of equal opportunity for all, since women are given
preference over men.
 Quotas are undemocratic, because voters should be able to decide who is elected.
 Quotas imply that politicians are elected because of their gender, not because of their
qualifications and that more qualified candidates are pushed aside.
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 Many women do not want to get elected just because they are women.
 Introducing quotas creates significant conflicts within the party organization.
 Quotas violate the principles of liberal democracy.
Link (file:///C:/Users/TAlha%20Ali/Downloads/Documents/1358744372.pdf)
https://www.idea.int/data-tools/data/gender-quotas/quotas
https://tribune.com.pk/story/1553353/6-quota-system-pakistan/
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Section VIII: Gender Based Violence
Outline:
Definition:
Forms of violence against women
 Domestic violence
 Physical violence
 Sexual violence
 Psychological violence
 Threats of violence and harm
 Emotional violence
 Isolation
 Use of children
 Economic Violence
Gender-based violence through
the lifecycle
Violence and the female lifecycle
Definition:
The UN Declaration on the Elimination of Violence against Women (DEVAW) adopted by
the UN General Assembly in 1993 has been influenced by CEDAW General Recommendation
No. 19. It defines VAW as: “Any act of gender-based violence that results in, or is likely to
result in, physical, sexual or psychological harm or suffering to women, including threats of such
acts, coercion or arbitrary deprivations of liberty, whether occurring in public or in private life.”
(Article 1) The declaration encompasses all forms of gender-based violence against women
(physical, sexual and psychological), no matter in which context or setting they occur:
 in the family (such as battery, marital rape; sexual abuse of female children; dowry-related
violence; ; female genital mutilation/cutting and other traditional practices harmful to women);
 in the general community (such as rape, sexual harassment and intimidation at work, in school
and elsewhere; trafficking in women; and forced prostitution), and
 Violence perpetrated or condoned by the state, wherever it occurs (Article 2).
Forms of violence against women
Domestic violence
Domestic violence is not an isolated, individual event, but rather a pattern of perpetrator
behaviors used against a survivor. The pattern consists of a variety of abusive acts, occurring in
multiple episodes over the course of the relationship. Some episodes consist of a sustained attack
with one tactic repeated many times (e.g., punching), combined with a variety of other tactics
(such as name calling, threats, or attacks against property). Other episodes consist of a single act
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(e.g., a slap, a “certain look”). One tactic (e.g., physical assault) may be used infrequently, while
other types of abuse (such as name calling or intimidating gestures) may be used daily. Some
parts of the pattern are crimes in most countries (e.g., physical assault, sexual assault, menacing,
arson, kidnapping, harassment) while other battering acts are not illegal (e.g., name calling,
interrogating children, denying the survivor access to the family automobile). All parts of the
pattern interact with each other and can have profound physical and emotional effects on
survivors. Survivors respond to the entire pattern of perpetrators’ abuse rather than simply to one
episode or one tactic.
Physical violence
Physical abuse may include spitting, scratching, biting, grabbing, shaking, shoving, pushing,
restraining, throwing, twisting, slapping (with open or closed hand), punching, choking, burning,
and/or use of weapons (e.g., household objects, knives, guns) against the survivor. The physical
assaults may or may not cause injuries.
Sexual violence
Sexual violence can take many forms and take place under very different circumstances. A
person can be sexually violated by one individual or several people (e.g. gang-rapes); the
incident may be planned or a surprise attack. Although sexual violence occurs most commonly in
the survivor's home (or in the perpetrator’s home), it also takes place in many other settings, such
as the workplace, at school, in prisons, cars, the streets or open spaces (e.g. parks, farmland). The
perpetrator of a sexual assault may be a date, an acquaintance, a friend, a family member, an
intimate partner or former intimate partner, or a complete stranger, but more often than not, is
someone known to the survivor. There is no stereotypical perpetrator; sexually violent men come
from all backgrounds, rich and poor, academic and uneducated, religious and non-religious.
Perpetrators may be persons in positions of authority who are respected and trusted (e.g. a
doctor, teacher, tourist guide, priest, police officer) and thus less likely to be suspected of sexual
violence. Sexual violence is common in situations of war and armed conflict. Specifically, rape
and sexual torture are frequently used as weapons to demoralize the enemy; women are
sometimes forced into “temporary marriages” with enemy soldiers. Women who are incarcerated
may be subjected to sexual violence by prison guards and police officers. Other forms of sexual
violence include, but are not limited to:
 sexual slavery
 sexual harassment (including demands for sex in exchange for job promotion or advancement or
higher school marks or grades)
 trafficking for the purpose of sexual exploitation
 forced exposure to pornography
 forced pregnancy
 forced sterilization
 forced abortion
 forced marriage
 female genital mutilation
 virginity tests
 incest
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(WHO Guidelines for Medico-legal care of victims of Sexual Violence)
Psychological violence
There are different types of psychological assaults.
Threats of violence and harm

The perpetrator’s threats of violence or harm may be directed against the survivor or others
important to the survivor or they may be suicide threats. Sometimes the threat includes killing
the victim and others and then committing suicide. The threats may be made directly with words
(e.g., “I’m going to kill you,” “No one is going to have you,” “Your mother is going to pay,” “I
cannot live without you”) or with actions (e.g., stalking, displaying weapons, hostage taking,
suicide attempts).
Emotional violence
Emotional abuse is a tactic of control that consists of a wide variety of verbal attacks and
humiliations, including repeated verbal attacks against the survivor’s worth as an individual or
role as a parent, family member, friend, co-worker, or community member. In domestic violence,
verbal attacks and other tactics of control are intertwined with the threat of harm in order to
maintain the perpetrator’s dominance through fear. While repeated verbal abuse is damaging to
partners and relationships over time, it alone does not establish the same climate of fear as verbal
abuse combined with the use or threat of physical harm. The presence of emotionally abusive
acts may indicate undisclosed use of physical force or it may indicate possible future domestic
violence.
Emotional abuse may also include humiliating the victim in front of family, friends or strangers.
Perpetrators may repeatedly claim that survivors are crazy, incompetent, and unable “to do
anything right.” Not all verbal insults between partners are acts of violence. In order for verbal
abuse to be considered domestic violence, it must be part of a pattern of coercive behaviours in
which the perpetrator uses or threatens to use physical force.
Isolation
Perpetrators often try to control survivors’ time, activities and contact with others. They gain
control over them through a combination of isolating and disinformation tactics. Isolating tactics
may become more overtly abusive over time. Through incremental isolation, some perpetrators
increase their psychological control to the point where they determine reality for the survivors.
Perpetrators’ use of disinformation tactics such as distorting what is real through lying, providing
contradictory information, or withholding information is compounded by the forced isolation of
the survivors. For example, perpetrators may lie to survivors about their legal rights or the
outcomes of medical interventions. While many survivors are able to maintain their independent
thoughts and actions, others believe what the perpetrators say because the survivors are isolated
from contrary information. Through his survivor’s isolation, the perpetrator prevents discovery
of the abuse and avoids being held responsible for it.
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Use of children
Some abusive acts are directed against or involve children in order to control or punish the adult
victim (e.g., physical attacks against a child, sexual use of children, forcing children to watch the
abuse of the survivor, engaging children in the abuse of the survivor). A perpetrator may use
children to maintain control over his partner by not paying child support, requiring the children
to spy, requiring that at least one child always be in the company of the survivor, threatening to
take children away from her, involving her in long legal fights over custody, or kidnapping or
taking the children hostage as a way to force the survivor’s compliance. Children are also drawn
into the assaults and are sometimes injured simply because they are present (e.g., the victim is
holding an infant when pushed against the wall) or because the child attempts to intervene in the
fight.
Economic Violence
Perpetrators control survivors by controlling their access to all of the family resources: time,
transportation, food, clothing, shelter, insurance, and money. It does not matter who the primary
provider is or if both partners contribute. He may actively resist the survivor becoming
financially self-sufficient as a way to maintain power and control. Conversely, he may refuse to
work and insist that she support the family. He may expect her to be the family “bookkeeper,”
requiring that she keep all records and write all checks, or he may keep financial information
away from her. In all instances he alone makes the decisions. Survivors are put in the position of
having to get “permission” to spend money on basic family needs. When the survivor leaves the
battering relationship, the perpetrator may use economics as a way to maintain control or force
her to return: refusing to pay bills, instituting legal procedures costly to the survivor, destroying
assets in which she has a share, or refusing to work “on the books” where there would be legal
access to his income. All of these tactics may be used regardless of the economic class of the
family.
Gender-based violence through the lifecycle

Violence against girls and women occurs at different points in their lifecycle. Many women
experience multiple episodes of violence that may start in the prenatal period and continue
through childhood to adulthood and old age. The table describes violence that may be
experienced at different points in a girl's/woman's lifecycle. The lifecycle approach to gender-
based violence helps one understand the cumulative impact of violence experienced by girls and
women, especially in terms of its physical and mental health consequences.
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Violence and the female lifecycle
THEORIES OF DOEMSTIC VIOLENCE
Outline:
1. Attachment Theory
2. Cycle of Violence
3. Exchange Theory
4. Identity Theory
5. Social Learning Theory
6. Victim-Blaming Theory
7. Psychological theories
1. Attachment Theory
Attachment theory is a useful lens through which to understand perpetrator behavior. It explains
how early childhood experiences have led to a particular way of experiencing close relationships.
It also helps therapists to see how, depending on the attachment status of the client, interventions
will need to be developed to address their specific needs and that cookie cutter approaches will
not advance the profession. The attachment findings make it clear that domestic violence is not
just a result of social conditioning; if anything, it is at least the interaction between psychological
conditioning and the social context. Therefore, while social changes are necessary, violence will
125
never stop as long as the psychological and biological factors are minimized or altogether
ignored.
2. Cycle of Violence
Since the late 1970s, researchers and theorists have focused increased attention on the
widespread problem of domestic violence in contemporary society. Research has shown that
domestic violence cuts across racial, ethnic, religious, and socioeconomic lines. In particular,
researchers have sought to identify the factors associated with intimate violence in an effort to
develop theories explaining the causes of battering. One of the most widely cited theories in the
domestic violence literature is Lenore Walker’s cycle of violence. According to Walker, the
cycle of violence is characterized by three distinct phases which are repeated over and over again
in the abusive relationship. As a result, domestic abuse rarely involves a single isolated incident
of violence. Rather, the abuse becomes a repetitive pattern in the relationship.
3. Exchange Theory
As with the general exchange theory, the key assumption of an exchange theory of family
violence is that human interaction is guided by the pursuit of rewards and the avoidance of
punishment and costs. Simply stated, individuals will use force and violence in their
relationships with intimates and family members if they believe that the rewards of force and
violence outweigh the costs of such behavior. A second assumption is that a person who supplies
reward services to another obliges the other to fulfill a reciprocal obligation; and thus, the second
individual must furnish benefits to the first. If reciprocal exchange occurs, the interaction
continues. However, if reciprocity is not received, the interaction will be broken off. Of course,
family relations, including partner relations, parent–child relations, and sibling relations, are
more complex and have a unique social structure compared with the exchanges that typically
exist outside of the family.
4. Identity Theory
Identity theory provides an important avenue for theoretical development in domestic violence
research because all behavior, including aggression, is rooted in issues of self and identity. To
understand aggression, we need to understand the meanings individuals attribute to themselves in
a situation, that is, their self-definitions or identities. In all interactions, the goal of individuals is
to confirm their identities. When their identities are not confirmed, persons may control others in
the situation to make them respond differently in order to confirm their identities. If control does
not work, aggression may be used as a last resort to obtain control and, in turn, confirmation of
identity. Thus, identity theory can help explain domestic violence by showing how a lack of
identity confirmation at the individual level is tied to the control process and aggression at the
interactive level.
5. Social Learning Theory

Social learning theory is one of the most popular explanatory perspectives in the marital violence
literature. Often conceptualized as the ‘‘cycle of violence’’ or ‘‘intergenerational transmission
theory’’ when applied to the family, the theory states that people model behavior that they have
been exposed to as children. Violence is learned through role models provided by the family
(parents, siblings, relatives, and boyfriends/girlfriends), either directly or indirectly (i.e.,
126
witnessing violence), is reinforced in childhood, and continues in adulthood as a coping response
to stress or as a method of conflict resolution. During childhood and adolescence, observations of
how parents and significant others behave in intimate relationships provide an initial learning of
behavioral alternatives which are ‘‘appropriate’’ for these relationships. Children infer rules or
principles through repeated exposure to a particular style of parenting. If the family of origin
handled stresses and frustrations with anger and aggression, the child who has grown up in such
an environment is at greater risk for exhibiting those same behaviors, witnessed or experienced,
as an adult. Gelles (1972) states that ‘‘not only does the family expose individuals to violence
and techniques of violence, the family teaches approval for the use of violence.’’ Children learn
that violence is acceptable within the home and is an effective method for solving problems or
changing the behavior of others.
6. Victim-Blaming Theory
Victim-blaming theory describes the practice of holding victims partly responsible for their
misfortune. It represents the faulting of individuals who have endured the suffering of crimes,
hardships, or other misfortunes with either part or whole responsibility for the event. Often,
victim-blaming theories rely on the premise that individuals should recognize the dangers that
exist in society and therefore should take the necessary precautions to maintain a certain level of
safety. Those who do not take such precautions are perceived as blameworthy for their demise
even if they have not acted carelessly. These perceptions in effect shift the culpability away from
the perpetrator of the crime onto the victim. When discussing issues of family violence, violence
against women, or sexual assault, one often hears victim-blaming statements such as, ‘‘Why
didn’t she leave?’’ or ‘‘She was asking for it.’’ Within the context of family violence, victim
blaming often includes condemnation of the victim for staying in an abusive relationship.
7. Psychological theories
It focuses on personality traits and mental characteristics of the offender. According to this
theoretical approach, characteristics associated with individuals who abuse their partners include
low self-esteem, isolation from social support, a manipulative nature, and a desire for power and
control. These individuals are likely to be unwilling to take responsibility for their own actions,
have extreme feelings of jealousy and possessiveness, be overly dependent on the victim, and/or
have certain mental or psychological disorders.
An important aspect in the psychological theory is power and control. In some relationships,
violence arises out of a perceived need for power and control. This is where the abuser may use
violence as a strategy to gain or maintain power and control over the victim. Abusers may feel
the need to control their partner because of difficulties in regulating anger and other strong
emotions, or when they feel inferior to the other partner in education and socioeconomic
background. For instance, in our society today, women have moved away from being just a
"housewife" and taken up the role as a "career woman". No longer are women staying home and
tending to the house while men go out and work. In fact, a lot of women have taken over jobs
that were previously held my men (women politicians). This has brought about a power struggle
in the family which often leads to domestic disputes and abuse: Some men with very traditional
beliefs still think they have the right to control women, and that women are not equal to men,
while women on the other hand, are vying for power and control.
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Stress
it may be increased when a person is living in a family situation, with increased pressures. Social
stresses, due to inadequate finances or other such problems in a family may further increase
tensions. Violence is not always caused by stress, but may be one way that some (but not all)
people respond to stress. Families and couples in poverty may be more likely to experience
domestic violence, due to increased stress and conflicts about finances and other aspects. Some
speculate that poverty may hinder a man's ability to live up to his idea of "successful manhood",
thus he fears losing honor and respect. As a result of him not being able to economically support
his wife, and maintain control, he may turn to violence as ways to express masculinity.
Link for Wheel of Violence

(https://nobullying.com/power-and-control-wheel/)
STRATEGIES TO STOP DOMESTIC

VIOLENCE
Outline:
 Know the signs.
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 Get your community educated!
 Get your community organized!
 Boost your community support network with technology!
 Stopping the violence is good for business.
 For Individuals
 Ring the bell
 Bring a back-up.
 BE the back-up.
 Make the call, NOW.
 Listen to empower.
 Be on standby
 Have an intervention plan.
 Provide some relief
 Check in regularly.
 Be a resource.
 Document! Document! Document!
1. Know the signs. The first step to action is to familiarize individuals and the community
with the possible signs and indicators of domestic violence. These signs can vary and do
not always come with physical symptoms because domestic violence is not just limited to
physical attacks such as beatings. It includes many forms of abusive behavior enacted to
control the victim in a myriad of ways including emotional abuse, verbal abuse and
economic abuse. Domestic violence also affects every level and demographic in society,
so there is no typical victim despite the stereotypes. Someone who may not appear to be a
victim of domestic violence may well be suffering in silence and it is important to
recognize the signs if this are the case.
2. Get your community educated! A good start to eradicating Domestic Violence from
your community or neighborhood is to start educating as many people as possible about
Domestic Violence, its impact and how to intervene safely. This can be done in
collaboration with your local Domestic Violence shelter or women’s organization or
police community outreach officers who can work with the community, local schools and
local companies to organize and implement talks, town hall meetings and other group
sessions to talk about this issue.
3. Get your community organized! There is safety and influence in numbers when
intervening to stop an abuser or making your community a place where Domestic
Violence will not be tolerated. So just as many neighborhoods have neighborhood watch
to stop crime, start organizing a network of folks who will commit to intervene in
Domestic Violence situations, help victims leave their abusers safely and provide a
communal support structure for survivors.
4. Boost your community support network with technology! If you have a smart phone
and the victim has a smart phone, consider downloading a safety app for women, many of
which have been designed to automatically alert your support network if you are in
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danger. If the victim does not have a smart phone, consider pooling money with a few
friends and neighbors to get her one and pre-load it with a safety app that is connected to
all your phones so you can become a de facto support net for her. Free safety apps
currently available include the award-winning Circle of 6 and the iAMDEFENDER app.
5. Stopping the violence is good for business. Domestic Violence has cost economies and
companies millions of dollars in lost time, medical care, productivity etc. In the U.S., the
cost of Domestic Violence to the economy is estimated at $8.3 billion a year. If you are a
business owner or a senior member of a company (e.g. a director, board member, senior
manager), be pro-active in getting educated about how to intervene if you suspect or
know that your employee or staff member is facing Domestic Violence because it will
have a knock-on effect on your company. Implement HR policies that make provisions
for the potential impact of Domestic Violence. For example, the National Bank of
Australia is currently offering paid Domestic Violence leave because the economic
freedom from remaining in paid work is regarded as vital in helping victims escape
violent relationships.
For Individuals
6. Ring the bell. If you are the neighbor of a family experiencing Domestic Violence,
please take the time to ring their bell when you hear a violent situation happening. You
could use the old neighborly approach of asking to borrow a cup of sugar or some milk as
an excuse. If you feel that it could get dangerous, bring another person with you so there
will be more than one witness.
7. Bring a back-up. Intervening with Domestic Violence situations can be dangerous
especially if the abuser has a weapon (e.g. a gun) and is intoxicated by drink or drugs. If
you are unable to get help from the local shelter or police, make sure to bring another
friend or family member along with you when you respond to the victim/survivor’s call
in person.
8. BE the back-up. If your neighbor, friend, co-worker, classmate, mother, sister, daughter,
daughter-in-law, niece or cousin is facing Domestic Violence at home, let them know that
you will be willing to be a witness or to intervene on their behalf while you are around.
Also let them know that they are welcome to take refuge in your home should they need
somewhere to go.
9. Make the call, NOW. If the situation is beyond simple neighborly intervention (e.g. the
abuser has a gun and uses it during the abuse), call the police or your local emergency
services (such as 911 in the U.S.) IMMEDIATELY. Provide critical information, such as
location, names, contact number, and whether or not you wish the remain anonymous. Do
NOT intervene personally in this scenario as it will be too dangerous to do so.
10. Listen to empower. If a victim of domestic violence reaches out to you, listen. Let her
know that you believe her and do not judge her choices. Victims often feel completely
isolated and are often belittled by their partner; it is important to enable her to feel safe
when confiding in you because eventually, she may well be able to gather enough
courage to tell you exactly what is happening and to ask for help. This intervention tip
may be particularly useful for hairdressers, nurses, human resource department personnel
and anyone working in professions that involve having to listen to clients, customers and
co-workers as part of the job.
11. Be on standby If you suspect your friend, co-worker, staff, or family member of
suffering from Domestic Violence, offer to be on standby for her text or call for
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emergencies. Have your phone on and fully charged at all times and keep it on you. If
you have a car and need to intervene immediately, make sure that the gas/petrol tank is
full so you can get in and drive to get the victim/survivor immediately if need be.
12. Have an intervention plan. Work out a plan to get an intervention operation in action –
have the following numbers on standby for your use:
 The national Domestic Violence helpline (if your country has it)
 The local Domestic Violence shelter helpline wherever the victim/survivor is located.
 The local police wherever the victim/survivor is located.
Make sure to contact all of these agencies immediately should you receive an urgent SOS from
the victim/survivor or if you hear or witness the violence begin and escalate (and in many cases,
it may escalate incredibly quickly).
13. Provide some relief. If you know a Domestic Violence victim/survivor who is being kept
at home without relief, do a random act of kindness for her: Offer to babysit the children
for a few hours while the abuser is out so she can have a breather; Offer to pick up
groceries for her on your grocery run. Every small gesture helps provide relieves and also
build the victim’s confidence in eventually reaching out to you for help (or accepting
your help).
14. Check in regularly. If you fear for your friend, co-worker, classmate, or family
member’s life, call or text her once a day at a random time to see if she is all right. If it’s
your neighbor, keep an eye out on the house and your ears pricked for any signs or
sounds of violence.
15. Be a resource. Help her find the assistance she needs, whether it is legal information,
local domestic violence programs, or finding a safe place through a battered women’s
shelter. The greatest danger women face in these situations is often the actual process of
leaving, so finding a safe place may be key. Knowing this information beforehand may
be helpful, but assisting her in the research and even making phone calls for her will also
help speed things up.
16. Document! Document! Document! Document any incidents that you witness. Take note
of dates, times, injuries, and any other observations. Your ongoing documentation can
help bolster a victim’s courage and credibility when they are finally willing to pursue
legal action against their partner.
DOMESTIC VIOLENCE IN PAKISTAN
Outline:
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Introduction
Types of domestic violence
 Acid throwing
 Bride burnings/"stove deaths
 Dowry death
 Honor killing
 Female genital mutilation
 Female Femicide & infanticide
 Foot binding
 Forced abortion
 Forced marriage
 Forced pregnancy
 Forced prostitution
 Human trafficking
 Murder of pregnant women
 Sati/Burning Alive
 Violence against prostitutes
 Sexual violence
 Sexual assault
 Campus sexual assault
 Rape/Gang Rape
 Sexual Slavery
Factors responsible for Domestic
Violence in Pakistan
Legislative Measures for curbing
the Domestic Violence
Recommendations
Domestic violence is an endemic social

problem in Pakistan. An estimated 5000
women are killed per year from domestic
violence, with thousands of others maimed or disabled. According to a study carried out in 2009
by Human Rights Watch, it is estimated that between 70 and 90 percent of women in Pakistan
have suffered some form of abuse. The majority of victims of violence have no legal recourse.
Law enforcement authorities do not view domestic violence as a crime and usually refuse to
register any cases brought to them. Given the very few women's shelters in the country, victims
have limited ability to escape from violent situations. The following acts are a common
phenomenon in our society:
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 Acid throwing
 Bride burnings/"stove deaths”
 Dowry death
 Honor killing
 Female genital mutilation
 Female Femicide & infanticide
 Foot binding
 Forced abortion
 Forced marriage
 Forced pregnancy
 Forced prostitution
 Human trafficking
 Murder of pregnant women
 Sati/Burning Alive
 Violence against prostitutes
 Sexual violence
 Sexual assault
 Campus sexual assault
 Rape/Gang Rape
 Sexual Slavery
Acid throwing, also called an acid attack, a vitriol attack or vitriolage, is a form
of violent assault defined as the act of throwing acid or a similarly corrosive substance onto the
body of another "with the intention to disfigure, maim, torture, or kill". Perpetrators of these
attacks throw corrosive liquids at their victims, usually at their faces, burning them, and
damaging skin tissue, often exposing and sometimes dissolving the bones.
Bride burning or bride-burning is a form of domestic violence practiced in countries located
on or around the Indian subcontinent. A category of dowry death, bride-burning occurs when a
young woman is murdered by her husband or his family for her family's refusal to pay additional
dowry. The wife is typically doused with kerosene, gasoline, or other flammable liquid, and set
alight, leading to death by fire.Kerosene is most often used as the fuel. It is most common in
India and has been a major problem there since at least 1993.
Dowry deaths are deaths of women who are murdered or driven to suicide by continuous
harassment and torture by husbands and in-laws in an effort to extort an increased dowry.
An honor killing or shame killing is the homicide of a member of a family, due to the
perpetrators' belief that the victim has brought shame or dishonor upon the family, or has
violated the principles of a community or a religion, usually for reasons such as refusing to enter
an arranged marriage, being in a relationship that is disapproved by their family, having sex
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outside marriage, becoming the victim of rape, dressing in ways which are deemed inappropriate,
engaging in non-heterosexual relations or renouncing a faith.
Female genital mutilation (FGM), also known as female genital cutting and female
circumcision, is the ritual cutting or removal of some or all of the external female genitalia. The
practice is found in Africa, Asia and the Middle East, and within communities from countries in
which FGM is common. UNICEF estimated in 2016 that 200 million women living today in 30
countries—27 African countries, Indonesia, Iraqi Kurdistan and Yemen—have undergone the
procedures.
Female infanticide is the deliberate killing of newborn female children. In countries with a
history of female infanticide, the modern practice of sex-selective abortion is often discussed as a
closely related issue. Female infanticide is a major cause of concern in several nations such
as China, India and Pakistan. It has been argued that the "low status" in which women are
viewed in patriarchal societies creates a bias against females
Forced abortion may occur when the perpetrator causes abortion by force, threat or coercion, or
by taking advantage of woman's incapability to give her consent, or where she gives her consent
under duress. This may also include the instances when the conduct was neither justified by
medical or hospital treatment. Like forced sterilization, forced abortion may include a physical
invasion of female reproductive organs.
Forced marriage is a marriage in which one or more of the parties is married without his or her
consent or against his or her will. A forced marriage differs from an arranged marriage, in which
both parties consent to the assistance of their parents or a third party (such as a matchmaker) in
choosing a spouse. There is often a continuum of coercion used to compel a marriage, ranging
from outright physical violence to subtle psychological pressure.
Forced pregnancy is the practice of forcing a woman to become pregnant, often as part of
a forced marriage, or as part of a programme of breeding slaves, or as part of a programme
of genocide. When a forced pregnancy leads to reproduction, it is a form of reproductive
coercion.
Forced pregnancy is the practice of forcing a woman to become pregnant, often as part of
a forced marriage, or as part of a programme of breeding slaves, or as part of a programme
of genocide. When a forced pregnancy leads to reproduction, it is a form of reproductive
coercion.
Forced prostitution, also known as involuntary prostitution, is prostitution or sexual
slavery that takes place as a result of coercion by a third party. The terms "forced prostitution" or
"enforced prostitution" appear in international and humanitarian conventions but have been
insufficiently understood and inconsistently applied. "Forced prostitution" refers to conditions of
control over a person who is coerced by another to engage in sexual activity.
Human trafficking is the trade of humans for the purpose of forced labor, sexual slavery,
or commercial sexual exploitation for the trafficker or others. This may encompass providing
a spouse in the context of forced marriage, or the extraction of organs or tissues, including
for surrogacy and ova removal. Human trafficking can occur within a country or trans-nationally.
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Human trafficking is a crime against the person because of the violation of the victim's rights of
movement through coercion and because of their commercial exploitation. Human trafficking is
the trade in people, especially women and children, and does not necessarily involve the
movement of the person from one place to another.
Murder of pregnant women is a type of homicide often resulting from domestic violence.
Domestic violence—or intimate partner violence (IPV)—is suffered by many, and when
analyzing cases in which victims came forward, majority of them are women. Many of these
women fear harm not just to themselves but also to their unborn children. Recently, more focus
has been placed on pregnancy-associated deaths due to violence. IPV may begin when the victim
becomes pregnant. Research has shown that abuse while pregnant is a red flag for pregnancy-
associated homicide.
Sati or suttee is an obsolete funeral custom where a widow immolates herself on her
husband's pyre or takes her own life in another fashion shortly after her husband's death.
Violence against prostitutes has been reported worldwide, both on a physical and psychological
level. The victims are predominantly women, including in extreme cases murder both inside and
outside the workplace.
Sexual violence is any sexual act or attempt to obtain a sexual act by violence or coercion, acts
to traffic a person or acts directed against a person's sexuality, regardless of the relationship to
the victim. It occurs in times of peace and armed conflict situations, is widespread and is
considered to be one of the most traumatic, pervasive, and most common human
rights violations.
Sexual assault is an act in which a person sexually touches another person without that person's
consent, or coerces or physically forces a person to engage in a sexual act against their will.[1] It
is a form of sexual violence which includes rape(forced vaginal, anal or oral penetration or drug
facilitated sexual assault), groping, child sexual abuse or the torture of the person in a sexual
manner.
Campus sexual assault is defined as the sexual assault of a student attending an institution of
higher learning, such as a college or university.
Despite the name, fewer than 40% of reported incidents occur on campus property.Sexual assault
is any type of sexual contact or behavior that occurs without the explicit consent of the recipient.
Falling under the definition of sexual assault are sexual activities as forced sexual intercourse,
forcible sodomy, child molestation, incest, fondling, and attempted rape.
Rape is a type of sexual assault usually involving sexual intercourse or other forms of sexual
penetration carried out against a person without that person's consent. The act may be carried out
by physical force, coercion, abuse of authority, or against a person who is incapable of giving
valid consent, such as one who is unconscious, incapacitated, has an intellectual disability or is
below the legal age of consent. The term rape is sometimes used interchangeably with the
term sexual assault.
Sexual slavery (sometimes known as sexual exploitation) is attaching the right of ownership
over one or more persons with the intent of coercing or otherwise forcing them to engage in one
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or more sexual activities. This includes forced labor, reducing a person to a servile status
(including forced marriage) and sex trafficking persons, such as the sexual trafficking of
children.
Factors responsible for Domestic Violence in Pakistan

Various factors are associated with domestic violence in Pakistan. Poverty, illiteracy and social
and economic taboos are considered the main reasons for domestic violence in the country. A
lack of awareness about women’s rights and a lack of support from the government are the other
two reasons. Another factor given for the rise in domestic violence has been due to increased
urbanization. As people move from villages and increasingly live apart from an extended family,
assaults are less likely to be prevented by the intervention of family members, who in past times
often intervened in domestic conflicts. Yet another reason given for abuses is patriarchalism in
Pakistani society, which marginalizes women’s role. In some traditional societies, a man is
considered to have the right to physically beat his spouse. In 1998 of 1974 reported murders the
majority of victims were killed by either family members or In-laws. A survey carried out by the
Thomson Reuters Foundation ranked Pakistan as the third most dangerous country in the world
for women, after Afghanistan and the Democratic Republic of Congo; it is followed by India and
Somalia. More than a thousand victims of honor crimes were recorded last year. The annual
report by the independent Human Rights Commission of Pakistan (HRCP) recorded gang rapes,
kidnapping, acid attacks, amputations, burnings and said almost 800 women killed themselves or
attempted suicide. The report warned that despite a series of landmarks in 2015, which saw the
first Pakistani female firefighter and rickshaw driver start work, exploitation and abuse remains
rife with little judicial recourse. The Human Rights Commission of Pakistan report said
prosecution rates for domestic violence and sexual offences were low, with women frequently
too afraid to report the crimes or being intimidated into withdrawing complaints. It recorded
more than 900 rapes and sexual assaults in 2015, 279 instances of domestic violence, 143 of
burning, 833 kidnappings and 777 suicides and attempted suicides. The HRCP reported 987
honor crimes in 2015, with 1,096 female victims and 88 male victims, including an unknown
number of children.
Legislative Measures for curbing the Domestic Violence

In 1976 the Pakistani government passed legislation on dowry and bridal gifts in an attempt to
eliminate the custom but, because of cultural and societal norms combined with government
ineffectiveness, such killings over inadequate dowries continue. In 1999 the Senate of Pakistan
rejected a resolution which would have condemned the practice of murdering women for the
sake of family honor. The following year, on 21 April 2000, the national government leader
Pervez Musharraf declared that honor killings were "vigorously condemned" by the government
and would be treated as murder. The Ministry of Women Development set up ten crisis centers
to help the victims of domestic violence and raise the awareness level of the people on this issue.
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In 2011 the Senate passed the Acid Control and Acid Crime Prevention Bill to repress acid
attacks in the country; the senate also passed the prevention of anti-women practices bill.
Recommendations
1. There is a need of recognition at the national level of the issue. Though government of
Pakistan has considered this issue but, consistent follow-up is mandatory.
2. There should be enough educational programs in all societies and cultures, both for women
and men at the same levels.
3. There should be enough opportunities of employments and participation in political parties
along with security and safety for women and the seat allocation for recruitments of both genders
should be considered on equality grounds. More funds should be allocated to women's
development in the country.
4. Government should make it compulsory to incorporate the programme in all health care
facilities of Pakistan for proper screening of all types of domestic violence and abuse. Adequate
emergency treatments with rehabilitative measures should be provided. All health professionals
should be made aware of domestic violence, its factors, possible treatment and moreover the
preventive measures. Along with medical facility, government also can have crisis centers for
violated women in the main health care centers like Rural Health Centers (RHC), Basic Health
Unites (BHU) and tertiary hospitals throughout the country. Furthermore, specialized health care
professionals should be introduced in the crisis centers who could easily handle any case. All of
the facilities should be easily accessible to all women in any setting throughout the country.
5. Awareness programmes should be conducted for both women and men. It should be done by
using the resources like nurses, doctors and psychologists, working under governmental and
nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). This could easily be done either by direct or indirect
teaching. The direct methods would include one to one teaching, counseling, or group based
teaching. Indirect methods would involve the use of media, pamphlets, role plays, drama and talk
shows.
6. There should be religious definitions of the basic rights of women like autonomy and freedom
in Pakistan on federal levels and the government needs to evaluate all of the basic rights of
women. For this a central committee can be made which should include religious leaders, Ulema,
and scholars who can consensually define the rights of women in the lights of Islamic teaching
and literature. But, for this the other ethnic and minority religious groups should be considered
when finalizing any package for basic rights of women. Government should also ensure that
every citizen of the country is following the main themes defined by the religious committee.
7. Government should make efforts to ensure that women have enough access to reach any
political opportunity and there should be a training programme available for their capacity
building on politics.
8. There is also a need of reforms in the police departments and judicial processes which place
constraints on women from accessing justice. Women police should be trained to deal with
women facing domestic violence so that women could feel safe and protected. Indeed the
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presence of a nurse or doctor in the police department team would facilitate a pleasant
environment for the sufferers. The prosecution rate for violence against women must be
increased to create a safer environment.
9. Alcohol production, transport and drinking should be banned as Pakistan is an Islamic country
and in Islam alcohol is strictly prohibited. Government can take help from social groups,
religious leaders and even they can strengthen their law and order situation to decrease alcohol
and other addictive material usage in the
country.
10. Exclusive celebrations of marriages were
banned in the country some years ago and that
worked very effectively through the country.
Similarly government can also ban weighty
dowry systems in different cultures, and fix
certain amount in the lights of Islamic religious
teachings which should be followed in any
culture and in any region of the country.
11. Government should develop recreational
programs like family parks, and other
entertaining places where women along with
their family can enjoy and relax.
Section IX: CASE STUDIES
CASE STUDY OF MUKHTARA MAI
Outline:
1. Introduction
2. Rape incident
3. Media coverage
4. Government Reactions
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5. Government reaction
6. Legal Case
6.1.Anti-Terrorist court
6.2.Appeal and Lahore High Court
6.3.Retrial of Rapist
7. Threats
8. Post Case
9. Awards and Acclaims
1. Introduction
Mukhtaran Bibi is a Pakistani woman from the village of Meerwala, in the rural tehsil (county)
of Jatoi of the Muzaffargarh District of Pakistan. In June 2002, Mukhtār Mā'ī was the survivor of
a gang rape as a form of honour revenge, on the orders of a tribal council of the local Mastoi
Baloch clan that was richer and more powerful as opposed to her Tatla clan in that region.
Although custom would expect her to commit suicide after being raped, Mukhtaran spoke up,
and pursued the case, which was picked up by both domestic and international media.
2. Rape Incident
Mukhtaran’s brother Abdul Shakoor, then 12 years old, had been raped by three men from the
Mastoi tribe, who then threatened the boy to keep his abuse quiet. When the boy refused, one
of the men accused him of having sexual relations with his sister, Salma, who was then at least
six years older than Shakoor.
Mukhtaran’s family at first tried to arrange a settlement of the dispute by asking that Shakoor
marry Salma and that one of the Mastoi tribe marry Mukhtaran. The Mastoi clan was initially
willing to accept the agreement but Salma’s brothers, including one of the men who raped
Shakoor, refused.
The Mastoi’s suggested that they would be willing to ‘forgive’ Mukhtaran’s family if she came
and apologised on behalf of her brother. However, when she arrived at the house of one of the
Mastoi men, she was dragged inside, gang raped by four men, and then paraded naked in the
village.
Initial media reports had suggested that Mukhtaran was ‘sentenced’ to gang rape by the jirga.
Later reports, however, corrected that account and showed that in fact there was no such
‘sentencing’ and the jirga was only involved in arranging for the settlement which was
ultimately rejected.
3. Media Coverage
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What made the incident a national story was a sermon the following Friday, six days later,
when the imam of the local mosque spoke against the rape in the Friday prayers and arranged
for journalists in the area to meet with Mukhtaran’s family.
The story spread like wildfire at a time when the Pakistani press was just beginning to gain
more freedom. The story became headline news in Pakistan, and remained so for months. By 3
July, the BBC had picked up on the story. Time magazine ran a story on the case in mid-July.
4. Government Reactions
The Government of Pakistan awarded Mukhtaran with a sum of 500,000 rupees (4518 U.S.
dollars) on 5 July 2002. Mukhtaran reportedly told Attiya Inayatullah, the Women’s
Development Minister who gave her the cheque that she "would have committed suicide if the
government had not come to her help.
5. Legal Case:
Anti-Terrorist Court
Mukhtaran's attackers, and the Mastoi of the so-called panchayat that conspired in her rape,
were sentenced to death by the Dera Ghazi Khan Anti-Terror Court (ATC) in 2002. The ATC
venue was ruled appropriate in this case because the Mastoi had intimidated and terrorized (and
continue to threaten) Mukhtaran's clan and the people of the area. The court convicted six men
(four rapists and two of the village jurors) and sentenced them to death on 1 September 2002.
Eight other accused men were released. Mai filed an appeal with the Multan bench of the Lahore
high court against the acquittal of the eight men set free on 3 September 2002.
Appeal and the Lahore High Court
On 3 March, the Lahore High Court reversed the judgment by the trial court on the basis of
"insufficient evidence" and subsequently five of the six men sentenced to death were
acquitted. The Pakistani government decided to appeal the acquittal, and Mukhtaran asked the
court not to order the release of the five men, who then remained in detention under a law that
allows for a 90-day detention without charges.
Legal representation
Mukhtaran has been represented by panels of lawyers. One such team is headed by Pakistan's
Attorney General, Makhdoom Ali Khan. Another panel is led by Aitzaz Ahsan, a lawyer and
politician belonging to the Pakistan Peoples Party, who has been representing Mukhtaran pro
bono. However, her rapists were found not guilty. Advocate Malik Muhammad Saleem won this
case against Mukhtaran and the accused were released. The Federal Sharia Court in Pakistan
decided to suspend this decision of Lahore High Court on 11 March, arguing that Mai's case
should have been tried under the Islamic Hudood laws. Three days later the Supreme Court ruled
that the Federal Sharia Court did not have the authority to overrule the decision and decided to
hear the case in the Supreme Court
140
Retrial of rapists
The Lahore high court ruled on 6 June 2005 that the accused men could be released on payment
of a 50,000 rupees ($840) bond. However, the men were unable to come up with the money, and
remained in jail while the prosecution appealed against their acquittal.[45] Just over two weeks
later, the Supreme Court intervened and suspended the acquittals of five men as well as the eight
who were acquitted at the original trial in 2002. All 14 were retried in the Supreme Court.
And on 21 April 2011, the Supreme Court set aside the Lahore High Court, Lahore's verdict of
acquitting A. Ditta, Ghulam Farid, Faiz Mastoi and Ramzan Parchar. However the Supreme
Court confirmed acquittal of Khalil Ahmad, Ghulam Hussain, Qasim Rasool, Hazoor and Nazar
Hussain for being falsely implicated by Mukhtar Mai. But the lawyer and supporters of
Mukhataran Bibi plan to file a review petition against this verdict.
6. Post-Case Work
Mukhtaran began to work to educate girls, and to promote education with a view towards raising
awareness to prevent future honour crimes. Out of this work grew the organization Mukhtar Mai
Women's Welfare Organization (MMWWO). The goals of MMWWO are to help the local
community, especially women, through education and other projects. The main focus of her
work is to educate young girls, and to educate the community about women’s rights and gender
issues. Her organization teaches young girls, and tries to make sure they stay in school, rather
than work or get married. In Fall 2007, a high school will be started by her group. The
MMWWO also provides shelter and legal help for people, often women, who are victims of
violence or injustice.
7. Awards and Acclaim
1. On 2 August 2005, the Pakistani government awarded Mukhtaran the Fatima Jinnah gold
medal for bravery and courage.[56]
2. On 2 November 2005, the US magazine Glamour named Mukhtaran as their Woman of
the Year.
3. On 2 May 2006, Mukhtaran spoke at the United Nations headquarters in New York. In an
interview with United Nations TV, Mai said that "she wanted to get the message across to
the world that one should fight for their rights and for the rights of the next generation."
4. On 31 October 2006, Mukhtaran's memoir was released in the United States as In the
Name of Honor: A Memoir.
5. In October 2010, Laurentian University of Canada decided to award an honorary
doctorate degree to Mukhtar Mai.
141
CASE STUDY OF MALALA YOUSUFZAI
1. Introduction
2. Early Life and Family
3. Education Activist
4. Shot by the Taliban
5. Malala Yousafzai’s Nobel Peace Prize
6. United Nations Speech
7. Malala Day
8. Feminist label
9. Works
9.1.School for Syrian refugee girls
9.2.Reaction to Rohingya persecution
9.3.'I Am Malala'
9.4.Documentary
10. Reception in Pakistan
Introduction
Malala Yousafzai is a Pakistani education advocate who, at the age of 17, became the youngest
person to win the Nobel Peace Prize after surviving an assassination attempt by the Taliban.
Born on July 12, 1997, Yousafzai became an advocate for girls' education when she herself was
still a child, which resulted in the Taliban issuing a death threat against her. On October 9, 2012,
a gunman shot Malala when she was traveling home from school. She survived and has
continued to speak out on the importance of education. In 2013, she gave a speech to the United
Nations and published her first book, I Am Malala. In 2014, she won the Nobel Peace Prize.
Early Life and Family

Malala Yousafzai was born in Mingora, Pakistan, located in the country's Swat Valley, on July
12, 1997. For the first few years of her life, her hometown remained a popular tourist spot that
was known for its summer festivals. However the area began to change as the Taliban tried to
take control.
Education Activist
Yousafzai attended a school that her father, Ziauddin Yousafzai, had founded. After the Taliban
began attacking girls' schools in Swat, Malala gave a speech in Peshawar, Pakistan, in September
2008. The title of her talk was, "How dare the Taliban take away my basic right to education?" In
142
early 2009, Yousafzai began blogging for the BBC about living under the Taliban's threats to
deny her an education. In order to hide her identity, she used the name Gul Makai. However she
was revealed to be the BBC blogger in December of that year. With a growing public platform,
Yousafzai continued to speak out about her right, and the right of all women, to an education.
Her activism resulted in a nomination for the International Children's Peace Prize in 2011. That
same year, she was awarded Pakistan's National Youth Peace Prize. Malala and her family
learned that the Taliban had issued a death threat against her because of her activism. Though
Malala was frightened for the safety of her father — an anti-Taliban activist — she and her
family initially felt that the fundamentalist group would not actually harm a child.
Shot by the Taliban

On October 9, 2012, when 15-year-old Malala was riding a bus with friends on their way home
from school, a masked gunman boarded the bus and demanded to know which girl was Malala.
When her friends looked toward Malala, her location was given away. The gunman fired at her,
hitting Malala in the left side of her head; the bullet then traveled down her neck. Two other girls
were also injured in the attack.
The shooting left Malala in critical condition, so she was flown to a military hospital in
Peshawar. A portion of her skull was removed to treat her swelling brain. To receive further care,
she was transferred to Birmingham, England. Once she was in the United Kingdom, Yousafzai
was taken out of a medically induced coma. Though she would require multiple surgeries—
including repair of a facial nerve to fix the paralyzed left side of her face — she had suffered no
major brain damage. In March 2013, she was able to begin attending school in Birmingham. The
shooting resulted in a massive outpouring of support for Yousafzai, which continued during her
recovery. Unfortunately, the Taliban still considers Yousafzai a target, although Yousafzai
remains a staunch advocate for the power of education.
Malala Yousafzai’s Nobel Peace Prize

In October 2014, at age 17 Malala Yousafzai became the youngest person to receive the Nobel
Peace Prize. She was awarded the Nobel along with Indian children's rights activist Kailash
Satyarthi. Malala was first nominated for the prize in 2013 but did not win; she was renominated
in March 2014. In congratulating Yousafzai, Pakistani Prime Minister Nawaz Sharif said: “She is
(the) pride of Pakistan, she has made her countrymen proud. Her achievement is unparalleled and
unequaled. Girls and boys of the world should take lead from her struggle and commitment."
Former U.N. Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon described Malala as "a brave and gentle advocate
of peace who, through the simple act of going to school, became a global teacher.”
United Nations Speech

Nine months after being shot by the Taliban, Malala Yousafzai gave a speech at the United
Nations on her 16th birthday in 2013. Yousafzai highlighted her focus on education and women's
rights, urging world leaders to change their policies. Yousafzai said that following the attack,
“the terrorists thought that they would change our aims and stop our ambitions, but nothing
changed in my life except this: weakness, fear and hopelessness died. Strength, power and
143
courage were born.” She also urged action against illiteracy, poverty and terrorism: “The
extremists were, and they are, afraid of books and pens. The power of education frightens them.
They are afraid of women... Let us pick up our books and pens. They are our most powerful
weapons.”
Malala Day
At Malala Yousafzai’s 2013 speech at the United Nations, Secretary-General Ban Ki-moon
pronounced July 12th – Yousafzai's birthday – 'Malala Day' in honor of the young leader’s
activism to ensure education for all children. “Malala chose to mark her 16th birthday with the
world,” said Ban. “No child should have to die for going to school. Nowhere should teachers fear
to teach or children fear to learn. Together, we can change the picture.”
Feminist label
Even though she was fighting for women's rights as well as children's rights, she did not describe
herself as a feminist when asked on Forbes Under 30 Summit in 2014. In 2015, however,
Yousafzai told Emma Watson she decided to call herself a feminist after hearing Watson's
speech at the UN launching the HeForShe campaign. In May 2014, Yousafzai was granted an
honorary doctorate by the University of King's College in Halifax, Nova Scotia.
School for Syrian refugee girls
On 12 July 2015, her 18th birthday, Yousafzai opened a school in the Bekaa Valley, Lebanon,
near the Syrian border, for Syrian refugees. The school, funded by the not-for-profit Malala
Fund, offers education and training to girls aged 14 to 18 years. Yousafzai called on world
leaders to invest in "books, not bullets".
Reaction to Rohingya persecution
Yousafzai has repeatedly condemned the Rohingya persecution in Myanmar. In June 2015, the
Malala Fund released a statement in which Yousafzai argues that the Rohingya people deserve
"citizenship in the country where they were born and have lived for generations" along with
"equal rights and opportunities." She urges world leaders, particularly in Myanmar, to "halt the
inhuman persecution of Burma's Muslim minority Rohingya people."In September 2017,
speaking in Oxford, Yousafzai said that "This should be a human rights issue. Governments
should react to it. People are being displaced, they're facing violence." Yousafzai also posted a
statement on Twitter calling for Nobel Peace Prize laureate Aung San Suu Kyi to condemn the
treatment of the Rohingya people in Myanmar. Suu Kyi has avoided taking sides in the conflict,
or condemning violence against the Rohingya people, leading to widespread criticism.
Works
'I Am Malala'
I Am Malala: The Girl Who Stood Up for Education and Was Shot by the Taliban is an
autobiography by Malala Yousafzai released in October 2013. It became an international
bestseller.
144
Documentary
In October 2015, a documentary about Yousafzai's life was released. HE NAMED ME
MALALA, directed by Davis Guggenheim (An Inconvenient Truth, Waiting for Superman),
gives viewers an intimate look into the life of Malala, her family, and her commitment to
supporting education for girls around the world.
Reception in Pakistan
Reception of Yousafzai is mixed in Pakistan. Dawn columnist Huma Yusuf summarized three
main complaints of Yousafzai's critics: "Her fame highlights Pakistan's most negative aspect
(rampant militancy); her education campaign echoes Western agendas; and the West's admiration
of her is hypocritical because it overlooks the plight of other innocent victims, like the casualties
of U.S. drone strikes." Another Dawn journalist, Cyril Almeida, addressed the public's lack of
rage against the Tehrik-i-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), blaming the failing state
government. Journalist Assed Baig described her as being used to justify Western imperialism as
"the perfect candidate for the white man to relieve his burden and save the native".Yousafzai was
also accused on social media of being a CIA spy.
However, Yousafzai does have some support in Pakistani media; Farman Nawaz argues that
Yousafzai would have gained more fame in Pakistan if she belonged to the province of Punjab.
His opinion was not given importance by the mainstream media of Pakistan but his views in this
regard were published by Daily Outlook Afghanistan.
CASE STUDY OF SHARMEEN OBAID CHINOY
Outline:
Introduction
Early life and Background
Documentaries
 Saving Face
 Children of Taliban
 Transgenders: Pakistan’s open secret
 Terror’s Children
 A girl in the River
The Citizens archives of Pakistan
Awards and Acclaim
Introduction
Sharmeen Obaid-Chinoy born 12 November 1978 is
a Pakistani journalist, filmmaker and activist.She is known for her work in films that highlight
the inequality with women. She is the recipient of two Academy Awards, six Emmy Awards and
145
a Lux Style Award. In 2012, the Government of Pakistan honoured her with the Hilal-i-Imtiaz,
the second highest civilian honour of the country, and Time magazine named her one of the 100
most influential people in the world.
Early Life and Background
Obaid-Chinoy was born on 12 November 1978 in Karachi, Sindh, Pakistan. Her father, Sheikh
Obaid, was a businessman, who died in 2010, and her mother, Saba Obaid, is a social worker.
She attended Convent of Jesus and Mary, followed by schooling at Karachi Grammar
School .Obaid-Chinoy then moved to the United States for higher education. Upon moving, she
studied at the Smith College, from where she completed her bachelor's degree in journalism in
2002. After graduating from the Smith College, she enrolled herself at the Stanford
University for a double master's degree in International Policy Studies and Communication,
which she received in 2004, during this period; she developed a passion for filmmaking, and
made two award-winning short films simultaneously.
Documentaries
Saving Face
SAVING FACE tells the stories of two acid-attack survivors: Zakia and Rukhsana, their arduous
attempts to bring their assailants to justice, and the charitable work of London-based, Pakistani-
born plastic surgeon Dr. Mohammad Jawad, who strives to help these women put this horrific act
behind them and move on with their lives. Directed by Oscar® and Emmy®-nominated
filmmaker Daniel Junge and Emmy®-winning Pakistani director Sharmeen Obaid-Chinoy,
SAVING FACE is an intimate look inside Pakistani society, illuminating each woman’s personal
journey while showing how reformers are tackling this vexing problem.
Transgenders: Pakistan’s Open secret
Flamboyant, colorful and eccentric, many among Pakistan's marginalized transgender
community scrape a living through dancing, singing and begging on the streets of the
country’s economic capital, Karachi. Many others, though, earn money catering for the
sexual needs of local men in the city's seedier districts.
Investigating a never-before-seen side of life in Pakistan, this film from Oscar and EMMY
award-winning director Sharmeen Obaid-Chinoy follows the stories of three transgender
people, who each represent a different way of life in the country. Maggie is a prostitute who
dreams of becoming an air hostess, while Chahat was abandoned by her middle-class
family to beg on the streets. Sana is Karachi's most sought-after transgender dancer,
desperate to give up the profession after a particularly gruesome gang rape. Is there any
hope for these courageous individuals who want to stand out on their own?
With exclusive access, this cutting-edge film goes behind the scenes of the transgender
community to uncover the truth behind Pakistan’s Open Secret.
Official Selection, United Nations Association Film Festival
Terror’s Children
146
Set in the summer of 2002, Terror’s Children follows the lives of eight Afghan refugee children
in the city of Karachi, who have been forced to flee their war ravaged homes in Afghanistan,
often alone, to face hunger, disease, illiteracy, servitude and even forced militancy. While many
of these children live in the Afghan refugee camp, some also live in illegal encroachments near
garbage dumps and become scavengers who sell paper and bottles that they have collected by
sifting through trash, others find refuge in religious schools (madrasas) that provide free food,
shelter and clothing to young boys in exchange for their allegiance to the cause of Islam.
A Girl in the River: The price of forgiveness

We first meet 19-year-old Saba, as she’s on an operating table, being treated for the gunshot
wounds to her face that were inflicted on her by her father and uncle. We learn that she earned
this punishment for leaving her father’s house to marry a man she’d already been engaged to for
four years, who her father had approved of initially. He bowed to the pressure of his own brother,
who announced that Saba should instead marry his brother-in-law, and forbade Saba from
meeting her fiancé, Qaisar.
Saba did not listen. She was firmly attached to Qaisar, and wanted to be with him – as is her right
according to the laws of Islam and of human rights. But tribalism and ‘honor’ reign supreme in
this backwards part of Gujranwala, where poverty doesn’t stop a neighborhood from being run
by its ‘influential’. Saba defied them all to marry Qaiser in a court of law. When her family
found out what she’d done, they swore they wouldn’t harm her if she returned home, so that she
could be then sent to her in-laws’ house in a respectable manner.
In the dark of night, her father and uncle took her from her in-laws’ house, to a nearby river.
They held her by the neck and put a gun to her head. Saba turned her head at the last minute,
which saved her life, but she was still grievously wounded when her uncle pulled the trigger.
Then they put her into a bag and threw her in the river.
Saba’s survival from this ordeal is incredible enough. But the journey that follows, to the courts,
where Saba wants to see her father and uncle jailed for the crime, is even more incredible.
Because in Pakistan, if a man murders a woman for ‘honor’, the victim’s heirs can ‘forgive’ him
and he will be set free. Saba is one of the rarest cases: a woman who survives an attempted
honor-killing. Her heirs cannot set her father and uncle free; only she can make the decision.
As family members pressure her and her husband’s family to set her relatives free, we get to
know Saba: a vivacious 19-year-old who is filled with courage and determination, and an
unshakeable belief in justice. Her young husband, Qaiser, is full of tenderness and love for his
wife, which provides a necessary counterpoint to the ugliness and hatred of Saba’s father and
uncle. These men insist they have done nothing wrong. Indeed, they have acted ‘honorably’ to
save their family’s pride. They insist, even from behind bars, that they would do it again, that
they would serve their lives in jail for having shown the community that they are men of honor.
The end of the film is a betrayal of Saba and everything that she is fighting for. But even in the
midst of this betrayal, there are seeds of hope; Saba is pregnant with her first child, who she
wishes to be a girl so that she can be brave, and stand up for herself. It makes one think
of Malala Yousafzai, who also survived being shot in the head by men who wanted to control
147
her, and brings up the question, why must Pakistani girls be so brave in the face of so much
hatred?
The Citizens archives of Pakistan
The Citizens Archive of Pakistan (CAP) is a non-profit organization dedicated to cultural and
historic preservation, operating in Karachi, Lahore and Islamabad. We seek to educate the
community, foster an awareness of our nation’s history and instill pride in Pakistani citizens
about their heritage.
CAP has focused its attention on the tradition of oral storytelling in Pakistan, emphasizing the
importance of such narratives in a dialogue on national identity. Our organization has three main
goals: to preserve and provide access to the archive, to build and support educational programs,
and to develop educational products based on the testimonies collected.
We are passionate about sharing Pakistan’s stories with the educational outreach programs and
the thousands of visitors who attend our festivals, and exhibitions. Our archives, exhibits and
galleries change and grow as our understanding grows, and we strive to share our knowledge in
original and exciting ways.
Awards and Acclaim
1. In 2016, the documentary earned Sharmeen her second Best Documentary Short
Oscar after she won Pakistan's first Academy Award for Saving Face in 2012.
2. In 2012, the Government of Pakistan honored her with the Hilal-i-Imtiaz, the second
highest civilian honor of the country
3. Time magazine named her one of the 100 most influential people in the world.
4. In 2017, Obaid-Chinoy became the first artist to co-chair the World Economic Forum.
148

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RIYAL INSTITUTE OF BUREAUCRACY

ROYAL INSTITUTE OF BUREAUCRACY

Section I: INTRODUCTION TO GENDER STUDIES

What is “gender studies”?

Gender studies emerged as a discipline of study in recent decades. It is important to get a

FOR WOMEN'S STUDIES

Gender Studies in Fatima Jinnah Women University

Major Areas for Research in GS

Strengths of Department of Gender Studies

Feminist criticism and women’s studies

Section II: FEMINIST THEORIES AND PRACTICE

The Social Construction of Heterosexuality

Social constructionist approaches to understanding the world challenge the essentialist or

Nature versus nurture

Theories of Types of Masculinity

Points to keep in mind:

Clothing and Appearance

Points to keep in mind:

Traits of Masculinity / Femininity

NATURE VS NURTURE : A DEBATE IN GENDER DEVELOPMENT

Discussion A Gender Debate on Gender Differences

Homosexuality and Gender

Section III: FEMINIST THEORIES AND PRACTICE

I believe there are five critical reasons behind this:

Goals of Liberal Feminism

Means and Methods

Roots of Radical Feminism

Key issues for radical feminists include:

 Understanding prostitution under patriarchy as oppression of women, sexually and

How Is Socialist Feminism Different?

Productive and Unproductive Labor

Wages for housework

Marxist-feminist critiques of other branches of Feminism

From 1953 the very influential French

Section IV: FEMINIST MOVEMENTS

The first wave

Characteristics of the first wave:

Landmark first wave moments:

Problems and limitations:

Suffragettes in the media

The second wave

Second wave characteristics

The feminist “sex wars”

The third wave

Third wave characteristics

Third wave feminism:

Third wave issues

New activist tactics

The radical cheerleaders

Women artists unite: the guerilla

Women in music: riot grrrls

Protest movements: slutwalk

Landmark moments for the

Three Waves of Feminism

THE FIRST WAVE

Characteristics of The First Wave:

SUFFRAGETTES IN THE MEDIA

THIRD WAVE CHARACTERISTICS

Third Wave Feminism:

THIRD WAVE ISSUES