“Track ID anyone?

” – Vinyl as a medium of (sub)cultural

capital

Supervisor: Dr. phil. S. Krebs Name: Julius Sundermann

ID: 6036928

Bachelor thesis Arts & Culture 2013/2014

Bachelor thesis (final draft)

Date: 20.06.14

Words: 10570
 Table of contents

Introduction 3

1. The history of the phonograph 5

1.1 From the talking machine to the phonograph 7

1.1.1 Marketing musical performance as a product 8

1.1.2 The commodification of musical culture 9

1.2 Sound reproduction and the auratic artwork 10

2. Sound reproduction in contemporary music culture 12

2.1 Fidelity as a fluid concept 13

2.2 The question of originality and the migration of aura 15

2.2.1 The vinyl record as a listening experience 16

2.2.2 Tangibility and performance 18

3. The iconicity of the vinyl record in Electronic Music 19

3.1 The vinyl record as a representation of subcultural values 21

3.2 The vinyl record as a form of subcultural capital 24

Conclusion 25

References 27

2
Introduction
Every fan of Electronic Music knows these moments. You listen to a DJ set and there is
that particular track that catches your attention immediately. This is why in a club you
often witness a scene of circling heads desperately trying to grasp the track name of a
rotating vinyl record, which the handiwork of the DJ is not facilitating as he already
spins the next disc in search of the matching bass drum. While this fleeting moment
passes by you want to hold on to that track, repeat it and listen to it whenever you feel
like recalling that particular feeling of it. Music fans do not have to break their neck to do
so, since the ways of consuming and securing music nowadays are so wide-ranging. The
increasing digitilization has changed musical life drastically in terms of consumption
and distribution. Streaming, file sharing and downloading have become regular practices
for the access and exchange of music data and transformed both the musical culture and
the music industry. Despite this development it is interesting to see that in particular
music communities, older forms of music production and consumption still persist.
Analog recordings and formats still maintain a considerable relevance in contemporary
musical culture. The process of digitization stands in contrast to the accompanying re-
evaluation of once disappearing analog media. Exemplary for the continuity of previous
forms of production and consumption is the vinyl record, which according to researches
has received intensified attention and even increased in sales (Styvén, 2010). This first
impression led me to take a deeper look in the status of the vinyl record as a
technological, social and cultural artifact, in order to see what kind of characteristics
determine its persistence. What factors actually play into the appreciation of the vinyl
record in an increasingly digitized music environment? This initial question is
approached by means of a case study that investigates the persistence of the vinyl
record in contemporary music consumption, specifically in the realm of Electronic
Music. In this configuration this study is embedded in the framework of the Major in
Media Culture, as it examines the relation of the media industry and its users.
The study will draw on sociological literature derived from Walter Benjamin,
Theodor Adorno and Bruno Latour in order to discuss the “authenticity” of the vinyl
record. As a starting point serves Walter Benjamin’s essay “The Work of Art in the Age
of Mechanical Reproduction” published in 1935. His conception of an auratic artwork
stands in contrast to the often-held notion of music enthusiasts that the vinyl record is
the most authentic and original medium to render music. For Benjamin the essential
element of an artwork is its particular presence in time and space. The unique aura

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ascribed to a music piece only comes into existence in the context of a live-performance.
Although the vinyl record’s status as a copy represesents an abstraction of those
elements, it is often considered more authentic and original than other formats of sound
reproduction. How come that people tend to ascribe those values to the vinyl record and
in what way are they culturally constructed?
In this relation the first chapter will contextualize the vinyl record’s status as an
exceptional medium for sound reproduction. A brief history of the phonograph and
recording practices until the 1960s shows how the development of recording
technologies have changed habits of listening and musical performance. Whereas
previously musical life was based upon live performance, the phonograph enabled a
domestication of music as a commodity. This relation has itself provoked criticism as
exemplified by Theodor Adorno’s essay “The Curves of the Needle”, which questions the
commodification of musical culture. Whereas chapter one discusses the phonograph
with the help of secondary literature, chapter two and three present an empirical study
of contemporary musical culture. Excerpts of interviews from the music magazines
Stereo and Debug will be used in order to juxtapose contemporary conceptions of
authenticity with regard to recording practices and music formats, with Benjamin’s
conception of an auratic artwork.
Especially in the field of audiophile recording, artists and sound engineers try to
compensate for the demand for originality articulated by Benjamin. Some of the
interviewees for instance pursue a form of auratic recording by locating the live-
performance in their traditional environment. Moreover they favor lesser technological
interference and post-production, in order to generate an authentic capturing of the
original performance. In this relation Bruno Latour’s essay “The migration of the aura or
how to explore the original trough its fac simile” offers an alternative perspective
concerning the question of what constitutes an original artwork. For Latour the notion
of originality is made out of various components that can also be integrated in a
reproduction. The preference of vinyl records that is partly held by users can be related
to a more authentic participation with the medium itself. Its status as a physical object
presupposes a haptic connection with the user. This is also exemplified by the case study
on the subculture of Electronic Music, where the vinyl record is integrated into the
musical performance of the DJ.
The third chapter will specify the status of the vinyl record in Electronic Music.
Electronic Music is very much based on the format of vinyl, both in terms of distribution

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and live performance. It signifies more than a regular commodity and should rather be
understood as an iconic object whose value and meaning has become culturally
constructed. Music labels continue to release on vinyl, since it implies a more profound
involvement with the respective music culture. The performance of the DJ sets an
example for the participation with vinyl as a creative tool, which consequentially
promotes its status as an artistical medium. These cultural practices can be concretized
with Pierre Bourdieu’s concept of cultural capital. The incorporated skills of a DJ in this
sense can be regarded as a form of embodied capital, which forms a part in the
determination of the iconic status of vinyl. For the regular adherent of electronic music
the physical participation with vinyl is a means to measure up to the creative
performance of the DJ.
In broad terms this study represents an approach of science and technology
studies, as technological innovations and their relations to society are examined and
brought into discussion. As a method I have chosen to do a discourse analysis, in order
to take a look at the different views on recording practices and music formats. As
determined above, the data for the analysis is taken from the music magazines Stereo
and Debug. While the former can be regarded as a magazine for an audiophile audience,
the latter concerns itself with cultural connotation primarily in regard to Electronic
Music. In this relation this study is not classical discursive or ethnographic in character,
but instead uses music journals as mediators in order to define the relationship of artists
and music producers with recording technologies and formats. Covering data from the
past ten years, the articles and interviews filter out information about the revaluation of
the vinyl record in an increasing digitized music environment. Both sources are
geographically limited to the German-speaking world, which is why secondary literature
will integrate an American perspective on the involvement of users with the medium of
the vinyl record.

1. The History of the Phonograph

One of the essential episodes in the history of sound is the invention of the phonograph.
There is no sense in regarding a single model of historical causality or historical change
as the precise point of trigger for a cultural shift. It is however indisputable that the
technology of capturing sound “have encouraged new ways of listening to music, led
performers to change their practices, and allowed entirely new music genres to come
into existence”(Katz, 2004, p. 5). In this chapter I will explore the history of the

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phonograph and investigate how this new technology has shaped musical life. In this
relation I will not only approach the phonograph as a mere technology, but also as a
cultural artifact that firstly had to be transformed into a mass product. The advertising
industry for instance has played a fundamental role in embedding the phonograph in
everyday life and promoting it as a commodity that should be available in every
household. In a sense the phonograph incorporated a particular cultural quality that
“could be purchased and conspicuously displayed” (Siefert, 1995, p. 438). At the same
time this domestication of music had decisive consequences for other musical practices.
Where previously a band was invited to entertain people with music, a machine had
replaced it and enabled new ways of listening and playing. In this relation the
technological reproduction of music enabled by the phonograph has become a much
debated issue and triggered the discussion of the legitimacy of new technology in
musical culture. Nevertheless there seems to be little criticism concerning the potential
benefit of the phonograph for musical development and progress.
The invention of the phonograph has its origin in the attempt of Thomas Edison
to improve the telegraph in 1877. Without immediately knowing what kind of
consequences his investigation would bring, Thomas Edison made the first steps
towards the device of the phonograph. What was new about his attempt was that he
prerecorded Morse code messages as indentations on a strip of paper and thus replaced
the prevailing method of nonrecorded, manual keytapping (Thompson, 1995, p. 134).
The paper passing through a tracing point would open and close the telegraph circuit
and thus produce noises that resembled a musical and rhythmic sound, comparable to a
muffled human talk. With this basis in mind Edison undertook some smaller
modifications: “The long narrow strip had contracted into a continuous spiral arround a
cylinder, and tin foil now replaced the fragile paper” (Thompson, 1995, p. 135). The
connected amplifier would render his recorded voice in an audible range. The public
reaction towards this device, which enabled the preserving and reproducing of the
human voice triggered conceivable attention. During the beginning of its design and
development the phonograph was primarily referred to as a talking machine. However
no-one really knew what kind of purpose it would serve, which is why Edison proposed
different functions ranging from spoken letters and recorded telephone conversations to
musical toys and talking advertisements. In 1888 Edison suggested another purpose for
the device that concentrated on its establishment as a business machine. The recording
of speech would be used to communicate with business partners and facilitate an

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exchange. This established a completely new set of parameters for the talking machine:
“Fidelity now referred to the retrievable truth of the message; an oral contract or
agreement, committed to wax, was rendered permanent and therefore indisputable”
(Thompson, 1995, p. 137). These kinds of ideas were primarily related to the practical
functioning of the device and although the concept of fidelity had been an issue in the
reception of the talking machine, it was not the ultimate aim. In his book “The Audible
Past” Jonathan Sterne argues that fidelity was and still is a concept that is continually
redefined: “Sound fidelity was, thus, more about enacting, solidifying, and erasing the
relations of sound production than about reflecting on any particular characteristics of a
reproduced sound” (Sterne, 2003, p. 274). In this sense fidelity was rather used as a
rhetorical tool, in order to market the technological advancements occurring during the
transition of the talking machine to the phonograph.

1.1 From the Talking Machine to the Phonograph

The functionality of the phonograph was primarily progressed in the United States.
Although other countries had a decisive impact on the technical establishment of the
device, the United States represented the location where the phonograph established its
use value. Its proposed utility in the realm of business was a failure and people soon
started to search for new practices that would promote the machine as a useful
instrument. More and more the purpose of the phonograph crystallized to be a purveyor
of music that could be marketed and sold as an instrument. The function of the
phonograph as a music instrument was already exemplified by previous practices, such
as for instance its usage as a “nickel-in-the-slot” machine, which enabled people to listen
to music in saloons and hotel lobbies across the country. Nevertheless the disc-playing
gramophone, commercialized by the Victor Company became the most convenient
means for establishing a music industry. By separating the recording and the recording
apparatus the original act of recording became independent from the process of
manufacture (Siefert, 1995, p. 427). In this relation the technical as well as economic
approach of the Victor Company paved the way for the phonograph’s status as a
consumer good. In contrast to other companies, the Victor Company relied on the
technology of the disc-playing gramophone developed by a German engineer called Emil
Berliner. The disadvantage of the records in comparison to the cylinders employed by
Edison was that rotating at 150 cycles per minute they only had a running time of one
minute, whereas the cylinders were capable of rendering recordings of 3 minutes.

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However, in contrast to cylinders, records did not wear out that fast and most
importantly enabled mechanical duplication (Overbeck, 2006, p. 79). This fundamental
advantage of the disc playing gramophones soon led the Edison Company to release a
new Diamond Disc phonograph. The increasing competition determined a standardized
application of the phonograph, which in turn meant an increasing demand for
companies to market their product as the best one available. Consequently the different
companies did not only rely on purely technical and scientific characteristics, but also
attached cultural meanings to their product by recording particular artists. The Victor
Company, for instance, tried do highlight their distinct entrepreneurship by importing
European pressings to the United States, and turning these records into cultural capital
(Siefert, 1995, p. 437). Opera stars like Enrico Caruso were provided with exclusive
contracts, whose discs could only be played on a Victor machine. To the concept of
fidelity was thus added a cultural connotation: “During the process of repositioning
sound recording from a business extension of the telephone to a consumer item, what
was recorded became as important as the invention’s technological capabilitites”
(Siefert, 1995, p. 422). In this sense fidelity was not only based on the creation of faithful
reproduction, as intended by Edison’s business machine, but also integrated aesthetic
and cultural values by recording particular artists. In this relation the prospect of the
sound reproduction was to meaure up to the experience of a live-performance.

1.1.2 Marketing Musical Performance as a Product

Consumers became more and more attentive to the different features that constituted a
product as “they compared one phonograph to another to learn about and define for
themselves what constituted sound quality” (Thompson, 1995, p. 148). A common
strategy of companies to convince their customers of the quality of their product was to
present public tone tests. One of the first tone tests by the Edison Company took place in
Symphony Hall in Boston on 18 November 1915 (Thompson, 1995, p. 149). The tone
tests were attempts to deceive the acoustic sensibility of the audience, in order to prove
that the particular phonograph presented was rendering a sound that was
indistinguishable from a real music performance. To achieve this deception, a singer
would perform a musical piece on a stage alongside a recording on a phonograph. As
both the singer and the phonograph alternated with the musical performance it was
difficult for the recipient to distinguish what he or she was actually listening to. The
theatricality of the event was even increased with the employment of light, which at

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times went off so as to baffle the audience, since when the light went on again the
performer was gone, encouraging the impression that while it had been out they had
only been listening to the phonograph. In this sense Edison’s tone tests established a
scientific demonstration of the tension between hearing and believing. The dichotomy
between musical performance and phonographic reproduction had become blurred and
established different ideas of sonic reality. This culture of imitation exemplified by the
tone tests has also brought up questions about the respective consequences, since the
event itself had a considerable impact on how people conceptualized fidelity: “The tone
tests reinforced an aesthetic determined by technological reproduction” (Siefert, 1995,
p. 443). Whereas previously musical life was based on live entertainment by amateur
bands and singers, the recording industry strove to replace these practices and they
soon overtook the conception of domestic music. The attitude of consumers towards
music changed drastically since “their domestic music was no longer the individual
creation of a living musician in the home but a mass-produced mechanical reproduction”
(Thompson, 1995, p. 140). A considerable side effect of the tone test was that artists
were brought into places that, without the support of the phonograph company, they
might not have ever visited. In this sense the audience attended the tone tests not only
because of an interest for the new phonograph, quite the contrary the tone tests allowed
people “in small and big cities alike both to acquire and publicly display their musical
culture” (Thompson, 1995, p. 154). Therefore on the one hand people became
acquainted to new music that they may not have heard before. On the other hand people
were able to personalize the musicians that they used to hear in their personal
environment. Therefore the marketing of musical performance as a product had a
decisive impact of how people conceptualized sonic reality.

1.1.3 The Commodification of Music Culture

In his essay “The Curves of the Needle” written in 1927 Theodor Adorno takes a critical
approach concerning the influence of the phonograph as a new technology on musical
culture. For him the technological reproduction of music has in fact abstracted the
original value that the reproduced object used to possess. In his view the industrial
production of music has transformed the object’s traditional reality. With the record the
consumer is enabled to make the music his or her own subject, while the industry makes
a great effort to produce a standardized and rationalized product which is free of
disturbances for the consumer: “In its relative dimensions the work is retained and the

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obedient machine – which in no way dictates any formal principle of its own – follows
the interpreter in patient imitation of every nuance” (Adorno, 1990, p. 50). What Adorno
tries to underline here is that the phonograph has altered the way the recipient
perceives music; the dichotomy of copy and performance transforms music both
culturally and economically. In a sense the phonograph has abstracted music and made
it an industrial product that is consumed passively, whereas previous forms of musical
performance was based on live-music, which provided an immediate confrontation with
the recipient: “If the natural substance of the object is itself already permeated by
intentionality or mechanically fractured, then the record is no longer capable of grasping
it” (Adorno, 1990, p. 54). There is no doubt about the influence of recording on musical
activity, and Adorno is right to point out that recorded sound is technical mediation
(Katz, 2004, p. 2). Whether these effects are in fact counterproductive or not depends on
the point of view. For instance one could also argue that with the advent of recording,
music had become a new means for people to educate and express themselves. In the
United States the phonograph was regarded as a potential benefit to society and as a
machine that was able to “remove the roadblocks preventing America’s musical
development” (Katz, 2004, p. 51). Phonographic music could be heard at any place at
any time without being dependent on the physical presence of the artist anymore. As
prizes for the new technology decreased and production increased the phonograph
became a commodity available to people of all classes and means. This is also
exemplified by the growing interest in opera and classical music. Penniless people, who
were not able to visit the opera, could now listen to the music and get to know their
meanings. Significantly, phonographic music also had no racial boundaries. While
African Americans were not allowed to visit particular concerts of classical music or
operas, they were still able to access this music by means of their phonograph.
Consequently they perceived it as the high class or ‘good music’: “For many blacks early
in this century, classical music was seen as a tool for personal refinement” (Katz, 2004,
p. 52). In this sense the commodification of music inaugurated by the phonograph had a
democratizing effect.

1.2 Sound Reproduction and the Auratic Artwork

The legitimacy of new technologies has always been a debated issue in musical culture.
The opposition of Theodor Adorno towards recording practices is only one of the many
examples, which yielded criticism concerning the changing conventions in musical life.

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Until the 1950’s sound recording was aiming for capturing the fidelity of the live-
performance, meaning the direct interplay of musicians and its accompanying dynamics.
Walter Benjamin’s essay “The Work of Art in the Age of Mechanical Reproduction”,
published in 1935 can be regarded as a cornerstone in the debate over the influence of
new technologies on art. Although Benjamin’s essay primarily concerns art in the realm
of photography and film production there are still some important connotations that
also apply for music. For Benjamin the authority of an artwork lies in its original and
authentic value. Authenticity and originality are the essential elements of art,
constituted by its particular presence in time and space. Every piece of music
presupposes a unique existence, a proper place and time in which it happens to be,
which in turn constitutes its specific aura. With the influence of recording practices this
sense of aura is assumed to be diminishing, since the record is merely a reproduction or
imitation of the original performance. The slightest interference already implies an
abstraction from the original: “The situations into which the product of mechanical
reproduction can be brought may not touch the actual work of art, yet the quality of its
presence is always depreciated” (Benjamin, 1935, p. 3). In this sense recording practices,
although aiming for the authentic capturing of the performance are merely producing
copies that differ from the traditional notion of the original described by Benjamin.
The technical progress in music production starting with the invention of the
phonograph has passed through diverse phases. Minimal technical optimizations have
consequentially altered how music has been consumed, produced and distributed. New
ways of utilization emerged while older vanished. The introduction of the long-playing
record for instance enabled an increased running time up to 45 minutes. The possibility
of listening to a whole set of music without having to put on another record becomes
equivalent with the reception of a private concert. But technological progress did not
only affect the recipient. Growing technical quality generated by the introduction of
stereophony in 1958 and the emerging of multi-track recording during the 1960’s
increased the possibility of artificial interference and modification (Overbeck, 2006, p.
89). Whereas previously recording procedure was constituted by a direct and
continuous audio transmission on the medium, tape recording made it possible to
interfere in the temporal fixation of a music piece, to record particular segments
repeatedly and even to cut and manipulate their original position. The demand for
creating records, the purpose of which was to incorporate the fidelity of a performance,
became obsolete. In this sense a fundamental shift occurred concerning music

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production: “No longer was the musical performance simply captured and preserved by
recording technology; the recording technology itself had become integral to the
creative process” (Horning, 2000, p. 101). These kinds of technological progressions are
essentially a part of the musicians’ and engineers’ quest for better sound quality and
rendering music to the most authentic and natural extent. But new studio practices such
as multi-tracking were not only regarded as beneficial means for the production of a
good record. The fact that the recorded music could be modified afterwards eased the
excitement about the live performance and the uniqueness of the musician’s
participation in it. An increased control and diversified means to manipulate sound have
therefore decreased the sense for the actual performativity of music “to such an extent
that listeners were more likely to judge the live performance based on how closely it
resembled the records, rather than the other way around” (Horning, 2000, p. 115).
From a contemporary perspective Benjamin’s conception of an auratic artwork
seems almost impossible to apply, since means of producing, consuming and
distributing have advanced drastically. In musical life the artwork has moved from the
era of technical reproducability to the era of digital hyper-reproducability (Bartmanski
& Woodward, 2013, p. 16). In this sense the understanding of aura has been further
developed and set in a whole new context. The notion of the original as articulated by
Benjamin does not exist anymore and rather has shifted towards the question of what
constitutes a good reproduction. The second chapter will address this change by taking a
look at how music connoisseurs react to changes in consumption. For some music
enthusiasts the demand for originality and authenticity has many different connotations
than the etymologies of the words themselves would allow one to infer.

2. Sound Reproduction in contemporary Music Culture

In the age of digital music production one has to ask whether the concept of an auratic
artwork is still relevant. The means of recording a music piece have changed drastically
as well as the means of playing music and distributing it. What goes in hand with these
changes is the auratic quality incorporated by music. The demand for originality and
exclusiveness expressed by Adorno and Benjamin have different connotations by now,
since the evolution of sound quality and listening formats has encouraged a tremendous
diversification. As the first chapter has shown, the historical development of music
recording has rapidly altered the perception of an auratic artwork - the experience of

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sound. What constitutes the aura of a piece of music thus depends on the expectation of
the consumer and his particular taste in sound. In this sense the debate over authentic
music is simultaneously one about the technical means and processes that are
influencing the production of music. This chapter will proceed to address the binary
influence of cultural and technological aspects on musical life. In the light of the
continuing evolution of how sound is conveyed it seems pertinent to analyse how
traditional recording practices and their respective formats manage to persist in an
increasingly digitalised environment, how these formats and practices now represent a
distinct form of participating with music. To this end I have chosen to study the music
magazines Stereo and Debug, in order to see what kind of discourses are evolving
around the debate of listening formats, in particular the perceived differences between
analog and digital media. What relation does the concept of an auratic artwork bear to
the contemporary processes of the production and consumption of music?

2.1 Fidelity as a fluid concept

The sound purist and baroque music enthusiast Giulio Cesare Ricci provides a good
example for the valuation of analog recording as the most authentic way for producing
music. His label “Foné” is releasing vinyl records of classical music and opera since 1983.
For the production of his music he turns to strictly selected technologies that fulfil his
expectation of an authentic sound and render the live-performance to what, with Ricci’s
method as the barometer, is the most natural extent. These involve almost ancient
devices like a tape recorder and condenser microphones of Neumann that used to be
produced until 1965. In this relation Giulio Cesare Ricci reveals his affiliation for a rather
traditional mode of recording and rejects the studio as the fundamental site of sound
design. The recordings are strictly limited to the live-playing orchestra and there is no
attempt at additional intervention in the original performance. Giulio Cesare Ricci does a
great effort to get around any sound manipulation that may abstract the artwork from
its original setting of time and space. With this precept in mind he prefers to turn to the
natural environment in which the music he is recording is usually performed: “Die
Musik, die wir aufnehmen, wurde in aller Regel für gewisse Aufführungssituation
komponiert… Denn auch ein Ort beziehungsweise eine gewisse Art von Umgebung ist
ein kultureller Bestandteil des Werks” (Böde, 2014, p. 34). Ricci often turns to particular
historical sites where the respective music genre is culturally embedded; many of his

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baroque music productions have therefore been recorded in specific halls of churches
and theatres. The puristic approach towards the recording process and the specific
selection of unique settings disclose Ricci’s very traditional understanding of music, in
which every aspect of the performance is synthesized into a dynamic whole. In this
sense Ricci’s view on music very much resembles the demands articulated by Benjamin,
since he is trying to grasp the aura that goes in hand with the live-performance of music:
“Die in Jahren eingeübte und verfeinerte Platzierung der Mikrofone ist Ricci ein heiliges
Ritual: Er weiß dass dieser eng umrissene Platz, der die ganze Aura erfahrbar macht,
existiert und gefunden werden muss” (Böde, 2014, p. 35). Benjamin presupposes the
elements of time and space as fundamental components for an auratic artwork. By
selecting very specific locations and recognizing their sonic particularities, Ricci
practices a form of auratic recording that comes close to the demands articulated by
Benjamin.
The exceptional approach towards music practised by Foné is not only reflected
in the recording process but also in the manufacturing of the final product. Giulio Cesare
Ricci owns his own vinyl-cutting machine, with which he crafts the records. In contrast
to the digital manufacturing of a music piece, vinyl cutting implies the possibility of
defectiveness. The audiophile adherents of Ricci’s label can therefore be sure to receive
an exclusive and original record that throughout its production is based on the precision
of a traditional music connoisseur. Ricci’s emphasis on analog means of production
suggests that an audiophile product has to be based on traditional recording practices
and techniques. Parallel to this, his interest is in capturing music in its respective
traditional environment. In this sense it is not only the analog means that determine the
record, but also the devotion to the musical culture that constitute a particular recording
process.
“Opus 3”, a label founded by the Swedish sound engineer Jan-Eric Persson in
1976 operates according to similar principles, which have had a significant influence on
the development of the audiophile album as a distinct genre. The dedication to capturing
authentic sound was an elementary component for the company, which is also
exemplified by the Opus 3-“Test Records” that were named “Timbre”, “Dynamics” and
“Depth of Image” (Böde, 2014, p. 48). However this precept does not presuppose the
limitation to particular kind of media: “Ob analog oder digital produziert – eine Opus 3-
Einspielung hat etwas Typisches, schwer Fassbares; eben eine bestimmte Balance aus
Klangfarben, Dynamik und Räumlichkeit” (Böde, 2014, p. 49). Nevertheless Opus 3

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shows that there is a particular intention to value the live-performance and decrease the
influence of post-production. For Persson a string quartet or jazz trio should not be
recorded in a studio, but should be embedded in their traditional performance
environment: “…die gehören in einen kleineren Konzertsaal beziehungsweise einen Club
mit entsprechender akustischer Aura” (Böde, 2014, p. 49). In this sense the relation
between music and space is of primary concern, alike to the approach taken by Giulio
Cesare Ricci. For both the recording of a live performance is very much based on its
space, since a particular location generates an individual accoustic signature, and
therefore influences the aura of the music piece.
Nevertheless Persson’s interest for other musical genres that include electronic
instruments causes him to apply different recording techniques than those that one
would, for instance, use for a string quartet. Since there is no traditional natural
environment for electronic music Persson sees no harm in multi-track recordings and
other technical devices like a mixer, equalizer and limiter. In his opinion these
technologies do not exclude the creation of an audiophile recording. Rather they can be
used as means to meet the requirements of the performativity of a respective music
genre: “Manche Musik lässt sich eben nicht mit nur zwei Mikrofonen einfangen” (Böde,
2014, p. 50). In this manner Persson tailors the production of a recording the particular
music being produced. For him fidelity works as a fluid concept that has different
connotations with relation to the performativity of a music piece. The technical
components used in a production of music define the authenticity of the music piece and
work as an accoustic signature. In this sense the utilization of analog media should not
be merely understood as a conscious return to obsolete media, but as an attempt to
grasp the depth of a particular moment, the hearing into the dynamic of the materiality
and the place where it comes into existence. Likewise these elements reflect the
understanding of the sound engineer as to what constitutes a true record. Therefore
Persson trusts a limited selection of devices that carry his vision of an accoustic pattern.
Nevertheless he always attempts to record with the least possible interference, meaning
that the connection between microphone and recording medium should not be
abstracted by too many factors.

2.2 The Question of Originality and the Migration of Aura

Both examples of the sound engineers show that they make a great effort to produce
authentic and original music. The means applied to that end are different, yet they both

15
work from the precept of creating a reproduction that is faithful to its original source. In
his essay “The migration of the aura or how to explore the original through its fac simile”
the sociologist Bruno Latour questions the obsession for the original evolving with the
evaluation and judging of artworks. For him a reproduction or a copy does not
necessarily imply a negative form of abstraction. Quite the contrary he regards the
contraposition of an original and a copy as being embedded in the context of a
trajectory, in which “a badly reproduced original risks disappearing while a well
accounted for original may continue to enhance its originality and to trigger new copies”
(Latour, 2010, p. 4). In his opinion the diverse reproductions or copies form a part of the
original’s history and have an impact on its continuing reception. Although the
reproduction may differ from its original it should be understood as an outcome of
different processes that stand in relation to the original: “Hidden behind the
commonsense distinction between original and mere copies lies a totally different
process that has to do with the technical equipment, the amount of care, and the
intensity of the search for the originality that goes from one version to the next” (Latour,
2010, p. 8). In this sense the different technologies used, and the particular
understanding of the original, in turn constitute the perception of an artwork as
authentic and original. The preference for analog recordings can be attributed to the fact
that “analog recording technologies have an authentic relation with the ‘original’ behind
the recording because sound bears a causal relation to the analog recording” (Sterne,
2002, p. 218). The question of originality should therefore be redirected to the question
of what constitutes a good reproduction. Accordingly, I would now like to shift the focus
from auratic recording to the cultural meaning of format, in order to specify the
conditions determining the preference for the vinyl record as a music medium.

2.3 The Vinyl record’s listening experience

There are various characteristics that define the originality of an artwork: “Originality
does not come to a work of art in bulk; it is rather made of different components, each of
which can be inter-related to produce a complex whole” (Latour, 2010, p. 11). In this
manner Latour argues that a reproduction can be made more authentic by integrating
particular components of the original, such as for instance its location. In the case of
Giulio Cesare Ricci and Jan-Eric Persson this is for instance approached by recording
particular music-genres in their traditional environment, preferable with analog

16
technologies. Their preference of vinyl as a music format is another way to achieve
originality, by paying tribute to music’s heritage: “Because of its figuring as the sonically
perfected, technologically hegemonic format of music listening up to the period of the
late 1980s, the vinyl record has an advantage of being perceived as the ‘classic’, or ‘real’
or ‘authentic format for certain, if not most types of musical listening experiences”
(Bartmanski & Woodward, 2013, p. 18). In his article ‘Take Those Old Records off the
Shelf: Youth and Music Consumption in the Postmodern Age” David Hayes has analyzed
various statements of young music enthusiasts concerning their particular listening
practices. Interestingly he observes that their reconsideration of vinyl as a more
authentic medium is in fact a reaction towards the contemporary practices of
consumption: “Faced with a constant barrage of new music produced for (and marketed
at) their demography, these young people attempt to mark themselves as different by
rejecting widespread practices of consumption maintained by the music industry’s
capitalistic framework (Hayes, 2007, p. 58). In this sense the vinyl record serves as a
medium that represents a deeper appreciation of art, a rejection of mainstream methods
of accessing and experiencing music. One of the factors that determine the preference of
vinyl is the sound of the medium itself, which some interviewees seemingly perceived as
more authentic: “It just makes me feel so complete listening to the LP. I love the
crackling. It just makes me feel that this is what music was when it was made. This is the
way it should be” (Val, cited from Hayes, 2007, p. 59). In this respect the inherent noise
of a vinyl record works as a sort of platonic idea of the original performance of music.
Therefore the format of music plays an important role in the reception of music:
“Because most of their favorite artists recorded the bulk of their work prior to the
ascension of the CD and decline of the LP, these listener understood vinyl recordings to
be inextricably linked to the original studio session, as close as a music fan could get to
the artist’s actual performance” (Hayes, 2007, p. 59). Similar to the introduction of the
LP, when people started to judge the live performance in accordance to the recording
rather than vice versa, these music enthusiasts tend to regard the vinyl record as a
faithful reproduction of preceding musical events: “They suggest that in both listening to
and holding records they feel linked to people, places and times of the past” (Yochim &
Biddinger, 2008, p. 188).
In addition to that the visual appeal of record sleeves represent indications of aesthetic
taste of both the musician and the consumer: “There’s something about having a piece of
vinyl because it’s a piece of art” (Alec, cited from Hayes, 2007, p. 58). The selection of a

17
format therefore not only depends on sonic preferences, but also is a means to grasp the
contextual framework of music culture. This also holds true in particular circles of
electronic music. Record sleeves seem to have a more profound impact on the
perception of the vinyl record as an authentic artwork, than for instance the format of
mp3 can generate. Phillip Sollmann, one of the four persons who runs the techno label
Dial highlights the importance of the aesthetics of record sleeves in terms of
distribution: „Ich war schon öfter davor, MP3s wieder abzuschaffen, weil die Cover
komplett flachfallen. Man hat ein Jpeg, aber das ist weg, wenn der Rechner abstürzt, die
Musik ist auch weg. Eine Platte hast du noch in fünfzig Jahren“ (Joswig, 2007, p. 26).
Although mp3 files imply a more practical approach for the distribution of music, this
format certainly lacks a crucial aesthetic and physical component that defines it as an
artwork.

2.4 Tangiblity and performance

Another important component that plays a part in the preference for vinyl records is the
listening experience itself. The fact that you have to turn the record, that you are able to
skip a part by manually moving the needle, or the mere fact that it is a fragile
commodity, increases the value of the medium for some users: “There’s something more
nice about putting the record on and having to do the whole thing. There’s something a
lot more interactive about it than just throwing a CD and skipping to the tracks” (Franny,
cited from Hayes, 2007, p. 60). In this sense the vinyl record represents a direct
involvement with the music that stands in “opposition to the relative ease of
programming CDs, selecting music files on home computers or portable digital music
players, and other dominant modes of consumption (Hayes, 2007, p. 61). The value
attached to the medium of vinyl is therefore also based on the factors of tangibility.
When playing an mp3 from the computer, the haptic experience that is accompanied by
putting on a vinyl record is missing. The emphasis on tangibility is of major importance
in music practices of Electronic Music, in which the vinyl record represents an important
medium relating to performativity. In his book “Mp3 – The Meaning of a Format”
Jonathan Sterne states that a “format denotes a whole range of decisions that affect the
look, feel, experience, and workings of a medium. It also names a set of rules according
to which a technology can operate” (Sterne, 2012, p. 7). These characteristics are all

18
essential in order to understand the preference for the vinyl record over the mp3 that is
prominently in Electronic Music circles.
The introduction of the software Final Scratch in 2001 is a good point to begin to
explore the effects of different formats on the musical performance of the DJ. Final
Scratch facilitates the work of the DJ enormously, since he or she is not forced anymore
to drag bags full of records to gigs. This process has for instance been embraced by the
Canadian DJ John Acquaviva: “In meinem Computer, da sind so viele Tracks wie in zehn
DJ Kisten” (Sascha Kösch, 2001, p. 2). Instead the files on his computer suffice while the
actual performance does not differ significantly from the traditional model of turntables
and a mixer. With Final Scratch, the DJ can draw on digital files while at the same time
mixing with specifically manufactured vinyl records, which are connected to a computer
and function as converting interfaces for mp3s. The mp3 is thus turned into a track and
can be cued up, mixed and scratched in the same way as a normal vinyl record (Farrugia
& Swiss, 2005, p. 32). Although the traditional performance of the DJ is remediated, this
process still means that particular established rituals no longer take place, as Sascha
Funke elucidates: „Was könnte das Gefühl ersetzen mit den Händen durch meine
angegrabbelten Platten zu gehen?“ (Debug, 2010, p. 35). In this sense the technology of
Final Scratch implies an absence of physical tangibility, a haptic connection with every
single record. Therefore the persistence of analog recordings can be attributed to the
precept of the above mentioned artists to generate an auratic artwork. Their authentic
valuation of analog recording results from its minimal interference in the actual
recording process. The technologies themselves generate an accoustic signature that in
relation to the space of performance, generate an auratic recording. The preference for
vinyl that is maintained by particular music enthusiasts partly results from sonic
preferences, performance and physical participation. In the realm of Electronic Music
there seems to be an even more profound commitment to the utilization of the vinyl
record. To a certain extent it can be regarded as a form of cultural capital that in relation
with the performance of the DJ constitutes an iconic status.

3 The iconicity of the vinyl record in Electronic Music

While the previous chapter has elaborated upon the concept of authenticity and the
original in terms of recording practices, formats and listening experiences, this chapter
will specify the medium of vinyl as an iconic object in the subculture of Electronic Music.
As previously indicated, the medium of the vinyl record signalizes a distinct

19
participation with musical culture. The interviewees of David Hayes article have shown
that the occupation with vinyl records is not merely engendered by the taste for a
particular music genre, but also serves as a response towards contemporary modes of
music consumption. While these preferences for vinyl are more or less freely developed,
in the genre of Electronic Music there are more profound connotations at work. Until
now, the term “Electronic Music” has been used quite broadly, but I intend to
understand it as an overarching term for a musical development that originates with
disco and dance culture in the 1970’s. The vinyl record has been an integral part in the
creating of this music genre itself, as it is incorporated in the live show and even in the
production of music. With the DJ-mix the convention of a discrete music piece is
recontextualized. The record as a temporally fixed aural reproduction is manipulated
and used as a fluid musical element: “For DJs, recorded songs are both finished products
and raw materials, building blocks that can be deployed to create new musical moments
in real time” (Borschke, 2010, p. 934). In this sense the vinyl record has been an
essential element both in the foundation and the development of the music genre. This is
not only represented by the musical performance of the DJ, but also in the production of
Electronic Music starting with the composition of disco edits in the 1970’s. Disco edits
can be understood as reworked compositions that are created by taking a pre-existing
recording and making a new version of the song. The vinyl record in its physical
existence as a copy is thus further transformed, for the sake of extending the ‘danceable’
part of a single record. By making use of certain fragments of the original the disco edit
represents a new interpretation while at the same time being faithful to its original:
“Edits also reveal a reverence for the recording, a migration of fixed points of views, an
object-oriented compositional technique that exists at the intersection of copies and
their paths of distribution and dissemination” (Borschke, 2010, p. 937). In this relation
the vinyl record serves as an iconic object in Electronic Music, as it is continually
embedded in the live performance while at the same time reflecting the genre’s cultural
history to which it is committed.
Emerging from a black urban and mostly gay environment that perceived itself
excluded by American society, Electronic Music has ever since continued to proclaim its
status as a distinct music culture with its own pertaining lifestyle (Rietveld, 2011, p. 6).
Consequently it becomes only self-evident that Electronic Music communities often
characterize themselves as one nation, family, or tribe, in order to articulate their
precept of a community without spiritual boundaries. The dance events, or raves as they

20
are often called, aimed for new and more just forms of communication (Weber, 1996, p.
47). In this sense the vinyl record has become a symbol for this new movement, since it
was the fundamental element in creating this new musical style. The vinyl record as a
regular mass-consumed object has been ascribed unconventional meanings, by the
different use inaugurated by disco edits and DJ-performances. According to Dick
Hebdige’s conceptualization of subculture this represents a common strategy, since a
subculture “communicates through commodities even if the meanings attached to those
commodities are purposefully distorted or overthrown” (Hebdige, 1979, p. 132). As
yesterday so today, in Electronic Music circles the vinyl record works as an iconic sign, a
commodity that is detached from its traditional use value. Broadly speaking, one could
argue that the vinyl record reflects, expresses and resonates aspects of group life in
Electronic Music. The musical performance of the DJ is traditionally based on the vinyl
record, which in turn incorporates the values held and shared as a collective self-image
of the subculture of Electronic Music (Hebdige, 1979, p. 137). As yesterday so today, in
Electronic Music circles the vinyl record works as an iconic sign, a commodity that is
detached from its traditional use value. Broadly speaking, one could argue that the vinyl
record reflects, expresses and resonates aspects of group life in Electronic Music. The
musical performance of the DJ is traditionally based on the vinyl record, which in turn
incorporates the values held and shared as a collective self-image of the subculture of
Electronic Music (Hebdige, 1979, p. 137).

3.1 The Vinyl Record as a representation of subcultural values

The vinyl record’s influence on social values is also represented by Electronic Music
labels, which still prefer to release music on vinyl records: “Es geht also um die
Übermittlung eines Gefühls … schließlich lebt doch auch die Techno-Kultur von den
großen Gefühlen, von der Gemeinschaft bei gleichbleibender Erhaltung der eigenen
Identität” (Kühl, 2009, p. 46). The founders of the label Freude am Tanzen also articulate
this: “Mit dem Plattenladen und dem Label haben wir hier auch etwas aufgebaut, ein
Umfeld, das uns hält. Das uns wichtig ist. Weil man auch irgendwie ein stabiles Umfeld
für die Leute schaffen muss. Und nicht nur für sich selbst, das ist das Wichtigste” (Waldt
& von Thülen, 2007, p. 16). Chris Hooson member of the instrumental band Dakota Suite
also highlights the significance that the vinyl record may exert on personal identity
formation: “Als Kind dauernd bedröhnter Eltern war ich ganz auf mich gestellt und die

21
drei Schallplattenläden der Stadt wurden meine Ersatzfamilie. So hatte ich schon als
Zehnjähriger Keith Jarrett und David Darling Platten in meiner Sammlung” (von
Schwerin, 2009, p. 57). Another example for the socially uniting potential of the vinyl
record is given by Bevan Smith, founder of the New Zealand label Involve Records, which
releases handcrafted vinyl records. Although Electronic Music is few and far in between
in New Zealand, the exchanges with other music lovers led him to build up his own
music label: “Der Vorteil von Neuseeland ist, dass man sich früher oder später über den
gleichen Musikgeschmack kennenlernt und die Platten entsprechend zirkulieren,
zusammen mit immer mindestens einer anderen Platte aus der eigenen Sammlung“
(Herrmann, 2001, p. 8). In this sense the vinyl record facilitates social bonding, and is a
means to unite people with similar interest.
With the introduction of web 2.0 and the diffusion of various digital formats and
DJ technologies, one could assume that the vinyl record has suffered a severe attack
concerning its iconic status. DJ practices as well as ways of accessing and distributing
music have increasingly become virtual; online platforms have rapidly become the main
points of access for the music lover and facilitators of distribution for music. A good
example for this shift in consumption and distribution is Beatport, an online music
platform which specializes in the niche product of Electronic Music. Founded in 2004
this platform has been tremendously successful in supplying adherents of Electronic
Music with a wide range of music files. Eloy Lopez, one of the founders of Beatport,
states in an interview with Debug in 2007 that the platform aims at generating a crucial
source for the Electronic Music community: „Zunächst einmal wollten und wollen wir
die bedeutsamste Quelle von elektronischer Tanzmusik in digitaler Form im Internet
sein. Und zwar sowohl für professionelle DJs als auch für Leute, die einfach diese Musik
lieben“ (Sievers, 2007 p. 22). With a platform such as Beatport the ordinary purchase of
music via the record store is voided. Nevertheless the Beatport platform is designed to
simulate the traditional record store, by providing recommendations that are adapted
for the respective user: „Aber dabei wollten wir auch traditionelle Plattenläden in einer
virtuellen Form nachempfinden“ (Sievers 115, 2007, p. 22). The experience of visiting a
record store and asking the dealer for advices or the latest releases is completely
absorbed by Beatport, in order to facilitate the user’s habituation with the platform.
Above that the platform does not impose any limitations on the people, who are not
familiar with Electronic Music. Eloy Lopez thinks that for particular people the
traditional exchange between record dealer and consumer is of an authoritarian nature:

22
„Ja, nur dass sich manche Menschen nie getraut haben, einfach in diese Läden zu gehen
und dem Typen hinter dem Tresen ein Lied vorzusingen, das sie gerade suchen. Das war
ihnen dann zu uncool“ (Sievers 115, 2007, p. 23). In this sense Beatport represents a
platform in which the user can educate and inform himself about the genre of Electronic
Music without being dependent on cultural and social conventions. This approach is also
validated by comments from the record label Dial, whose founders on the one hand
question the withdrawal into the virtual, in terms of social interaction, but on the other
hand acknowledge the advantages that come to exist for the individual: „Deswegen finde
ich Downloads und mp3 immer noch ein sehr wichtiges Medium. Menschen, die sich
noch nie in ihrem Leben eine Schallplatte gekauft haben, können sich die Musik jetzt
einfach irgendwo rauskopieren“ (Joswig, 2007, p. 27).
With this shift of distribution into online channels one could assume a serious
threat for record stores and small labels that prefer to release their music on vinyl
records. However, many advocates of vinyl records regard the online mode of
distribution as a potential extension of their musical outreach. The Berlin-based record
label Hard Wax for example does not demonize the increasing digitalization of
consumption and distribution, but instead considers it as an enhancement of their music
catalogue: „Das ist für uns überhaupt keine Abkehr von Vinyl, keine Exit-Strategie. Es ist
durchaus merkwürdig: Natürlich nehmen Digital Verkäufe und Laptop-Djiing überall zu,
aber gleichzeitig sehe ich in unserem Hard-Wax-Universum Vinyl nicht weniger werden.
Wir haben Downloads schon lange als logische Erweiterung für unseren Webshop
gesehen ... Viele wollen doch heute beides haben, digital und Vinyl“ (Herrmann, 2010,
p. 49). The co-existence of digital formats and vinyl records therefore appears to be a
fruitful combination. While an mp3 file can be purchased for less money than the record,
it can serve as a sort of appetizer, which the consumer after hearing it, might also
purchase as a physical copy. As already mentioned in chapter two, different formats
serve different functions. Therefore record labels have embraced this factor
strategically, by releasing vinyl records that are delivered with a download-code for an
mp3 file. However, to a certain extent the vinyl record still represents a more
meaningful participation with the music. This is why record labels such as Workshop
tend to release specific tracks that they themselves consider as proper artworks: „Ich
brauche immer sehr lange, bis ich mir bei einem Stück sicher bin, dass das jetzt wert ist,
auf Vinyl gepresst zu werden“ (von Thülen, 2008, p. 31). Most of the time the labels that
prefer to press releases on vinyl do so on the basis of a small number of copies. This can

23
also be understood as a reaction towards the overabundance of sources for accessing
music at any time and from any location. By releasing a small number of copies labels
found a strategy to reclaim a sense of exclusivity to their productions, but also for the
consumer who purchases the record. In Latour’s terms of the original the vinyl record is
thus strategically represented as a more authentic reproduction, since its little
circulation promotes its status as a unique and original product. Guy Monod from the
Dutch label Sleazy Beats states that: „Ein Grund, 12“ Records so limitiert zu
veröffentlichen, ist, einen Teil dieser Magie wiederherzustellen“ (Welz, 2011, p. 24). This
binary approach of first of all releasing music that is perceived as a valuable artwork,
and secondly releasing it on the basis of a limited number of copies, represents the vinyl
record’s exceptional status in the music industry: „Für mich ist ein Label auch ein wenig
wie das Kuratieren einer Sammelausstellung. Man muss immer darauf achten, wie es als
Ganzes funktioniert“ (Thüne, 2008, p. 37). In this sense the vinyl record both works as a
representation of an exclusive experience and, by extension, a more profound
commitment to music.

3.2 The vinyl record as a form of subcultural capital

The role of the vinyl record in the subculture of Electronic Music can be explained within
the context of Pierre Bourdieu’s conceptualization of cultural capital. For Bourdieu
capital should be regarded as accumulated work, either in form of substance or
incorporation (Bourdieu, 1983, p.183). In this respect the vinyl record can be
understood as an objectified cultural capital, which goes in hand with processes of
incorporation: “Das objektivierte Kulturkapital hat eine Reihe von Eigenschaften, die
sich nur durch seine Beziehung zum inkorporierten, verinnerlichten Kulturkapital
bestimmen lassen” (Bourdieu, 1983, p. 188). While the term incorporation may sound a
bit abstract in relation to the material purchase of vinyl records, it can be argued that the
extensive participation with music, as for example shown with the example of David
Hayes interviewees, results in a more profound understanding of a music genre. The
time invested in the listening practice determines a process of incorporation, a musical
education that becomes part of the individual’s identity. Marcel Dettmann, a collaborator
and employee of the Hard Wax label and shop, sees his work in the record store as a
fundamental activity that encourages his widespread knowledge about the subculture of
electronic music: „Wenn man seit den frühen neunziger Jahren dabei ist, bekommt man
einen Überblick. Man hat Genres kommen und wieder verschwinden sehen. Ich kann die

24
alle aufgrund meines Lebens hier im Hardwax unterscheiden“ (Herrmann, 2010, p. 49).
In this sense it is not only the material accumulation of records that is the matter at
hand, but the individual’s involvement with the music itself. This is also the reason why
Eloy Lopez from Beatport has argued that the authority of a record dealer, which is
based on the incorporated cultural capital and its respective objects, may appear
intimidating for a consumer who is not as much familiar with the subculture of
Electronic Music as his counterpart behind the counter. Likewise it can be argued that
the work of a DJ and his ability to create a musical event, is a form of cultural capital:
“Wer über eine bestimmte Kulturkompetenz verfügt … gewinnt aufgrund seiner
Position in der Verteilungsstruktur des kulturellen Kapitals einen Seltenheitswert, aus
dem sich Extraprofite ziehen lassen” (Bourdieu, 1983, p. 187). As the comment of Chris
Hooson, member of the instrumental band Dakota Suite makes clear, the vinyl record
has had a decisive impact on his musical education and identity formation in general. In
this respect the vinyl record works as a representation of incorporated cultural capital.
The abilities of a DJ to work with the medium of vinyl indicate a form of iconicity
in the realm of Electronic Music. His performance reflects the individual participation
with the vinyl as a music instrument and his embodied knowledge about the respective
music genre. In this sense the work of a DJ signifies a particular status within the
subculture; the same goes for the regular fan, whose record collection determines his
involvement with Electronic Music: “Collecting is often a gate-keeping act by which
“authentic insiders can differentiate themselves from commercial outsiders” (Farrugia &
Swiss, 2005, p. 34). It is in this way that the vinyl record becomes a means for social
differentiation that promotes individuation, but also organizes a form of social hierarchy
within the subculture. To a certain extent the participation with, and collecting of vinyl
records can therefore be regarded as a gate-keeping practice. This distinct form of
approaching music stands in strong opposition to regular music consumption and
participation. The cultural meaning attached to the vinyl record is therefore a means to
distinguish oneself from the “unsophisticated” music listener. The role of the vinyl as a
form of cultural capital enables on the one hand social positioning and distinction. On
the other hand it plays a crucial role in the live-performance of the DJ. Both factors
determine the iconicity of the vinyl record in the subculture of Electronic Music.

25
Conclusion
This study investigated the persistence of the vinyl record in contemporary music
industry. Although the increasing digitization assumes a fundamental shift in terms of
music consumption and distribution, the vinyl record still represents an important
medium for particular users. Their preference for vinyl results from many different
factors, ranging from sonic preferences to the comittment of music culture and heritage.
For many users the crackling noise of the record for instance suggests closeness to the
original recording session. Above that the physical participation with the medium
provides a more profound involvement with the materiality of music. Furthermore
many users consider the vinyl record as more convenient, because in contrast to other
music formats it implies tangibility. The mp3 as the dominant format of contemporary
music consumption facilitates exchange and circulation of music data, but does not
provide the same listening experience as the vinyl record. In this relation the latter one
allows the user to generate a distinct participation with music culture. The case study of
Electronic Music shows that the vinyl record is an important means for the definition of
a community. The participation with the vinyl record enables social distinction from
mainstream modes of consumption, as it represents an aesthetic countermovement
concerning the change of music conventions inaugurated by the process of digitization.
In this relation the collectively ascribed meaning of the vinyl record to generate a more
authentic participation with musical culture is a result of contemporary changes in
music reception. When the vinyl record as the dominant medium of music consumption
has been replaced by digital formats, the aura of mass-production once ascribed to
records shifted to sound technologies such as mp3. To a certain extent then, the
opposition towards new practices of music production represents a paradigm that also
evolves with the introduction of digital formats. In fact, the debate about technology and
its interference in music is a theme that in this discussion, as well as those outside of its
scope, continues to recurr.
All in all this study explained the persistence of analog technologies and formats
with the aspiration of users to differentiate from contemporary forms of music
consumption. In this relation the analytical part used music journals as filters in order to
define the relation of the vinyl record with its respective users. Music fans seem to
generate a stronger relationship with the vinyl record, since its form embodies distinct
material characteristics. Although other formats may facilitate the handling of music, the
vinyl record implies a form of physical participation with music. The case study of

26
Electronic Music has shown how the iconic value of vinyl is culturally constructed, as it
is used as an artistic instrument and a medium of social exchange. In the subculture of
Electronic Music cultural practices based on the vinyl record indicate a form of cultural
capital. In this relation a classical ethnographic study might concretize several questions
that have already been hinted at in this study. What functions of the vinyl record
contribute to the individual’s social relationships? How does the vinyl record transport
recollections and experiences? In this respect an ethnographic user study might help to
define the influence of the vinyl record on the individual, rather than its role in a
particular community.

27
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