THE FACT, MYTH AND FALSEHOOD OF EKU DEITY: A DISCOURSE

Abdussalam Umar Abedo, Ph.D

Faculty of Humanities
Nigeria Police Academy, Wudil Kano

Abstract
Pre-colonial traditional Africa society evolves a masquerade for social
interaction, oath- taking, as well as linking the living with the ancestral
spirit- an oracle for consultation, and execution of justice. For the
people of Ebiratao of north- central Nigeria, masquerade costume is in
two parts: facekuerade (non – mask masquerade) and the mask
masquerade. The two served as an agent of social order, a fortified
phenomenon against the evil of witches through incantation, also
enacted for entertainment and disciplinary figure meant to reform
wayward children. Generally speaking, the institution of masquerade,
leadership by elders, custodians of the people's traditional culture
served as a pivot in guiding the traditional set- up of the Ebira people.
The status and roles of masquerade as arbiter was truncated by the
British colonialist but the custodians of Eku (masquerade) hold
tenacious to Eku practices as a culture of the people long after the
departure of the British and the antagonism from the Orthodox Islamic
revivalist (Sheick Ahmad Rufai of the Tijaniyyah brotherhood sect) and
the Young Muslim scholars did not perish the outing of masquerade.
This study therefore; aims to discuss the origin, myth and false belief in
the origin of the masquerade and its function as an agent of ancestors to
discipline offenders in the pre-colonial Ebira society.

Keynotes:-Facekuerade, (non - mask masquerade), Mask Masquerade, Incarnation,

Ancestral Messenger

Introduction
Before the advent of Islamic and Christian faiths or rather the incursion of the imperial
colonialist, Africa society used masquerades largely as a symbol of culture and customs. In
Nigeria, the Igbo of Southeast modernised it for tourist attraction and entertainment, it
sometimes came out in animal forms signifying peace or in frightened nature. It also
symbolised an act of social control where different cultural segments are held
together.Masquerades are associated with a spiritual element, to the Igbo; it represents a
deity or spirit of a dead man. Its identity is kept secret and is mostly performed by men.1 To
the Esan, the Erinni (Masquerades) are organic to their myth of creation and act as major
stabilisers of the people's destiny. As far as the people are concerned, they are ancestral

NIGERIA POLICE ACADEMY JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES VOL. 3 NO. 1 JUNE 2023 - 66 -

 The Fact, Myth and Falsehood of Eku Deity: A Discourse

spirits who periodically visit their living in forms of masquerade. Their visits are regarded
as spiritual interventions to the world of the living and as a result, are highly venerated.
2
They are a symbolic resurrection of the ancestors. To the Ifeku-Ibaji, Egwu (masquerade)
symbolised both the ancestral shrine as well as a figure of the resurrected spirit of a dead
elder, whose appearance and performance played a protective and regulatory role in the
affairs of the living. In the Ejaghain society of Cross - River, the task of detecting witches
3
and wizards rested with the Echi-Obasi-njom (the masquerade). In the entire Yoruba land
Egungun represent the spirit of the ancestors who have descended from heaven/mountain.
It celebrates a period when the dead interact with the living, as it is their responsibility to
4
compel the living to uphold the ethical standards of past generations. Finally, the Ebira tao
sees the Eku as an ancestral spirit designed to strengthen the power of men against women
folks and to uphold social order in the entire Ebira domain.

Brief History of Ebira Tao People

Ohiare has observed that the history of the Ebira, from the context of the various struggles
which are preserved in their tradition can be divided into four periods.5The first period
started in the Gongola basin and ended with their migration to the Lower Benue valley.
According to the tradition, the Ebira in this period were found in Wukari (in the present -
day Taraba State) and formed part and parcel of the Apa group who founded the Kwararafa
confederacy consisting of Pindiga Kona and Kwararafa. This was the time they were
located in (E)bira a name they came to be known and identified by this period, nothing of
proper historical, social and political materials could be reconstructed, some have even
th th
called it a pre-history of the Ebira. A date between 12 and 14 centuries has been
6
suggested.

The second period was the Lower-Benue Valley when the Ebira took their name by
describing themselves as people from E(bira) i.e., Anebira. The exact place of settlement
here is still obscure. But some guesses had been made from the tradition collected among
Idoma which claim that the Ebira had been living in the area of Ahinse down to the area of
7 th th
the modern Agatu district where Idoma ancestors met them. A date between 15 and 16
centuries has been suggested for the earliest Idoma migration into the area. This means that
th 8
the Ebira might be present in the lower Benue close tothe 14 century.

Ohiare saw the migration of the Ebira across the right bank of the Niger around the present
location of Ajaokuta often known as Ebira-Opete (i.e., old Ebira) as marking the third
period in the Ebira historical developments. The time of this migration is said to be during
9
the reign of the second Atta of Igala. Ohiare, relying on “tie reference” and “cross-
th th 10
references” chronological systems, has suggested 15 and 16 centuries. Here,
settlements like Ukpake, Ohuruku, Egodo, Ochiobayin and Obangede were founded.11The
fourth stage according to the division of Ohiare was when the Ebira were forced on a

NIGERIA POLICE ACADEMY JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES VOL. 3 NO. 1 JUNE 2023 - 67 -

 The Fact, Myth and Falsehood of Eku Deity: A Discourse

gradual movement to inland and north-west, from Ebira-Opete in families, lineage and
even clans to their present location probably at about the late 17th Century.12

A. R. Mohammed suggested that since it was a series of migration, the movements might
th 13 th
have spanned the late 17 century A. D. and mid-18 century suggested by Y. A.
14
Ibrahim. While some families, groups, lineages and even hunting parties moved to the
Ebira Okene area, others moved in the same period to form the Ebira Etuno within the
Akoko-Edo ethnic clusters. However, the mainstream of Ebira Etuno was said to have been
formed by those who migrated from the Okene area in the second wave to the hilly Akoko-
Edo neighbourhood. This latter group consisted of Ehimozoko, Akuta, Avaka, Ogu, Agada
and Idelle clans.15

The Origin of Eku Cult

The genesis or origin of the Eku cult continued to be a subject of controversy among
researchers in Ebira history. It was argued that theEku institution was with the Ebira before
the migration to their present location and an example of its antiquity could be seen in its
widespread practices among those communities like Nupe, Chamber, Igala, and Idoma.
This may point to a common source; Erim has shown in his book that Ebira had practised
Eku, especially Ekwu-Oba when in the Idoma area probably around the 16th century.17

Belief in the Eku phenomenon is held by many peoples, particularly those who have a
linguistic affinity with one another in the old kwararafa kingdom. The Jukun, the Alago, the
Ebira and many others believe in Ekuand have various names for them. They practice it in
18
different fashions. We may ask this question, what is Eku? Eku as a form of primitive
culture has a value which has been unanimously accepted by the Ebira people. It is a
cultural heritage connected with the spiritual and moral development of the people and has
become a way of life generally, at least in the recent past.19

The Eku phenomenon has so many interpretations by so many people in various

communities. The people of Koton-karfe, Umaish, Toto, Abaji, Mozum have various
interpretations of it. 20The people of Okene, Okehi and Ebira-Igara conceptualized it to be
some kind of spirit. To others it is an idol or even a shrine or an oracle containing the idol
while others accord it with the same divinity accorded to God. It is also thought to be an
“ori” in the Ebira tao dialect. To some communities Ekuis a demi-god or a dead relative
living in Heaven.21 Ebira regarded Eku as masquerade or Facekurade (unmasked
22
masquerade) or a derivation from the Yoruba dialect Ojuju, meaning charm. Eku could
also be used for protection on the farm against stealing farm products or in a mystical form
23
planted on the wife to forestall adultery; here it is referred to as Atu'reku. The belief in Eku
was traditionally adheres to because it provide Ebira with a means of sustaining life, natural
power and belief that can liberate them from uncertainties that characterise their life, and
this includes natural disasters, epidemics, fear of the unknown, and many of such beliefs
are strong.

NIGERIA POLICE ACADEMY JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES VOL. 3 NO. 1 JUNE 2023 - 68 -

 The Fact, Myth and Falsehood of Eku Deity: A Discourse

A masquerade can be completely covered by a costume. These may assume tall shapes like
the ndakogboya or gunnu of the Nupe, they may display features of non-human beings –
such as crocodiles, bush-cows, snakes etc in their dress. Most masquerades in these
categories also wear 'leggings' or rattles of metal objects. 24 In the formation of the Eku-cult
among the Ebira TaoY. A. Ibrahim explicitly describes it in these few words:

“... Ododo of Okehi and Obaje of Eika...were brothers and one day
quarrelled over age seniority. The other elders established that Obaji
was the senior of the two. One day Obaji fell seriously ill and an Onoku
(a woman in who was confided the secret of the masquerade cult) went to
inform Ododo. Thereupon, Ododo arranged for his own death
immediately and instructed his son to embody his spirit in a masquerade
that very day so that he could take precedence over Obaji in the hereafter
25
and in masquerade matters...”

In the evolution of Eku, it can be used to swear by, or invoke spirits or jinns against a person.
Eku is applied as a kind of charm to harm people, prevent witchcraft, or used to protect
oneself from spirits and evils of all kinds. It is even practised as a religion or cult as some
believe it has magical powers, and, therefore uses the phenomenon for various savage
26
tricks. In fact; Eku has been given various descriptions and superstitious beliefs. For
instance, Eku is, accepted as a way of life, the value of which has been regarded with deep
affection, by generation after generation. The Eku can be the soul of a dead person believed
27
to be active in heaven, known as Indaneku in Ebiraland and Igarra. Masquerades still
reflect the elements of continuity in our traditional cultures. As conspicuous participants in
the festivals of the Arts and other government 'occasion' in which they are caused to
function out of context, they demonstrate their enduring Artistic merit. Their increasing use
by playwrights in modern dramatic performances is a mark of their adaptability.28

Myth and Falsehood in the Formation of Eku Cult

There is this belief in reincarnation among the Ebira in their local parlance, AneEkuanave
which is the person who was the dead person that came back. Sometimes, it is said to be
Ozavouhi ve that is, a person who reincarnated. Ebira also believes in the efficacy of Ekuas
eku o gwumi meaning Ekusave me. One of the falsehoods in the Eku could be clearly
obvious in the Eku'echi festival that deprived the women folks of coming out in the night.
The women were made to believe that the dancing and singing crowds are those of spirits.
But, in rear sense they are not; but men who wear their normal dresses and are singing or
dancing together with masquerades. The night masquerade is unmasked and can only be
seen by a spiritual woman called Onoku whose birth witnessed some mysterious
29
occurrence.

Some babies are named after dead relations, in order to retain the name in the family. These

NIGERIA POLICE ACADEMY JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES VOL. 3 NO. 1 JUNE 2023 - 69 -

 The Fact, Myth and Falsehood of Eku Deity: A Discourse

are generally practiced by the Muslim and Christian faiths. But an Ebira tradition of eva,
divination to know who the new birth baby reincarnates was determined by the oracle. For
instance, a girl can reincarnate in the form of her grandfather the entire households would
called her Adami Obanyi despite her feministic nature. In some cases: two names are
given, one being the Islamic or Christian name, and the other either the title or greeting of
the dead relation. This method of naming exists in Okene, Okehi, Igarra, Koton-karfi,
Umaisha, Toto, Abaji, Mozun and other areas where the Ebira communities are found.In
Igara, as in Okene and Okehi areas, the naming of children to indicate the belief in
incarnation is not any mark difference. In Igarra, a sick person who has died will
reincarnate and the new baby who thus emerges will receive the same name as that of the
dead person. It could be the name of a late father, uncle or any distant or near relative.
However, some household naturally named children after their dead families for the
30
simple act of love or just to remind them of their late loved ones. This phenomenon is
sometimes monopolized to costume the new born baby as Eku in the representation of the
dead elder.

The dead great -grandfather of a person is called Ohiku even after his death but the
grandfather is called adamiOgbain. The soul of the Ohiku was naturally referred to
ancestors that later transform into Eku which further signifies the annual celebrations of
Eku-ahire, Eku'echi and many other festivals celebrated to mark his decent echi or his
ascent ahire. The word Idaneku, meaning heaven, appears to have a link to Eku, where the
spirit of the dead lived. Before the festival begins the performers of the masquerade will go
to Iregba where the Ori was venerated and praised with offerings of native cola-nut for
protection and guidance. This particular deed is common during the night masquerade;
from Ori designation the masquerade proceeds to Uta, where a platform was mounted for
31
further entertainment. According to Sheick Ahmad Rufai, the Late Sir Ahmad Bello
Sardauna, the northern premier leader was bemused when on his visit to Ebiraland and was
told that the performing masquerade was a dead person. He thereafter, categorically stated
in his responses that he has never found conspicuous liars in a cultural heritage as
displayed before him.32

The Eku'oba described as the “chief eku” comes in the daytime like Ekuechichi, the
Akatapa are called EkuOdu (daytime eku), EkuOba is masked and attired in costly clothing
called ubaneto which is sewn in a tube-like form like the ones in Anowe and Ijumu of
kabba. He wears the costume from head to toe, such that his hands and arms are
concealed.33 The arms are held tight beside his body, making no movements such that the
Ekuhimself appears to be helpless. So he and his supporters don't bear whips like other
Eku. It is said to be a post-burial embodiment of the spirit of the deceased personage whose
sons and daughters can afford the cost of the ceremony. 34He performs as the last
masquerade before the Eku'echi masquerade comes out. Before appearing in public he
performs traditional rituals, and will not appear until chosen by divination to perform

NIGERIA POLICE ACADEMY JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES VOL. 3 NO. 1 JUNE 2023 - 70 -

 The Fact, Myth and Falsehood of Eku Deity: A Discourse

certain rites on behalf of the clan group or village during Eku'ahire period which leads to
Eku'echi festival. As the Eku'Oba represents an important personage, all his/her sons and
daughters wait and settle disputes. He, the Eku'oba, and his followers do not sing. He talks
through an instrument and in a strange voice, during which he forecast the future as he goes
35
from place to place, meeting elderly people. Very few strong men accompany him and he
is seen by women. One strange physical feature of the Eku'oba masquerade is that he
reduces as well as increases his height at will. Some people say that Eku'oba increases his
height through some instruments or objects which he can project upwards but whether or
not this assertion is true, nobody can tell. An Eku'Echichi masquerade appears as a sweeper-
Eku for Eku'oba clearing up his path of all obstacles on his way including people who must
be kept at a distance.36

In the Echeane festival, the Eku that features in day-light, generally, are sometimes called
Eku'odu which women can see or follow during the celebration. The Eku masquerade wears
a costume from head to feet, with the feet, arms and hands wrapped up, wear trousers, and
on the face is a mask, but some simply have holes in the mask cloth through which they can
see.37 The masquerade bears whips or long sticks used in beating up people, even including
sometimes misbehaving with women. Elderly people such as landlords and title-holders
are not beaten up; as the Ekugo about from place to place he received tokens from admirers.
Before the Eku'echichi came out, the masquerade needs to showcase his preparedness at
Iregba where he displays spiritual prowess. The festival usually takesup to ten days and
finally rounds up at a designated place called Orere where each Eku display final
entertainment. The Eku'echichi does not sing but the followers do sing while the Eku dance
for the admirer of the public. Funny enough after the whole scenario the Ekuwent back to
his family instead of the Iregba.38 The next year the Eche'ane will be staged to initiate a new
yams festival or for fertility. Most of the masquerade bears animal names, for example in
the Okene area we have Irezi, dog, Evu, goat, Uva, alligator, Upa, skin or Akoko, pepper of
Ihima and so on. During the Eku'echi festival, Eku'echichi does perform to entertain the
audience but this time around without the usual costume. The Akatapa warned the women
folks to desist from evils and the co-wife's need to live as one family.39

Islamic and Christian religious convert sees the masquerade as a manifestation of the devil,
and a fraud to deceive the ignorant community. These religions do not merely dissociate
themselves from this African institution: they preach against the practitioners. Violent
clashes between the Muslim and masquerade parties are not rare. Often too, both on
religious grounds and fear for public disorder, the policy makers enact laws and byelaws
restricting or proscribing masquerade festivals and functions are not unknown.40One
observer sees masquerade as a liar from the pit of hell-fire where women are meant to
believe that their dead families reincarnate to eat apapaEkuor Ebankoko whereas it was the
living that usually eat this food.41

NIGERIA POLICE ACADEMY JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES VOL. 3 NO. 1 JUNE 2023 - 71 -

 The Fact, Myth and Falsehood of Eku Deity: A Discourse

The Masquerade and the Muslim Ummah

As a result of the obvious deception embedded in the formation and outing of the
masquerade, some zealous Muslim youths wage a vicious attack against the Eku cult.
Their mission failed woefully as the practitioner reacted to preserve the Eku heritage. In
the Okene area particularly, the Muslim Ummah constantly fought the masquerades, for
instance, the Muslim brothers fought with Evu Masquerade from the Inike community on
rd
the 3 March, 1991, Ondu Masquerade of Idozumi and Anchi Masquerade of Ozuwaya
respectively.42In most of the encounters the Muslim brothers gained upper hand and
repelled the Masquerades. However, the victory did not last long when in 1993 a
Masquerade named Asiri confronted the Muslim brothers at Bata shop which led to the
death of Salawudeen Ayubi Ahmed and Abdullahi Zubair Anavami at the frontage of
43
Obansa house adjacent to the old Okene prison.

However, the police played their part to prevent violence when they warned against any
group intending to showcase Masquerade on the 18thof April, 1994. According to Jaffaru
44
Otaru, (the Chairman of the lion heart club) the custodian of Ubazi Masquerade defiled
the order and decided to consult the seer before embarking on the Masquerade display
schedule for 11thMay, 1994. The diviner (father of Hassan Ochebira) recommended the
sacrifices of a cock and other spiritual cleanliness to ward off any intending evil as he
forecast that the outing of the Masquerade will attract wide popularity. Going by this
prediction those assigned the responsibilities to enter the Masquerade costume like
Abdullahi Spy was nowhere to be found, Hassan Orlando and Jaffaru Otaru systematically
45
stepped aside from entering the costume of Ubazi Masquerade.

Unfortunately, an outsider who was not a member of the Eku club called Musa tailor
volunteered to enter the Masquerade costume around 12:00-1:00 pm. The majority of the
Ubazi followers engaged in serious disagreement on the premise that it was an aberration
of their stated law not to allow an outsider to enter their Masquerade. It was eventually
settled when Aminu Opadi the son of Ozi Oporo intervened to allow Musa tailor to enter
the costume of the Masquerade.46One Aminu Ozi Momoh and Jaffaru Otaru escorted the
Masquerade from Idagidibo primary school and came out at Iduka. Immediately the
Masquerade came out one of the Muslim brothers, Ibrahim Sani shot a gun into the air to
draw the attention of the Muslim from Idozumi, Idoji, and Iduka. They responded
immediately to chase the followers of Ubazi away. The only two strong members Aminu
Momoh and Jaffaru Otaru sustained bullets wound and could not do much to help the
Masquerade, they advised the Eku to go through Ahademi and possibly ran down to
47
Badoko while the two followers scammed for their safety. The Masquerade was not lucky
as he tripped and fell at the Ori dagidibo tree where the Muslim brothers met him. He
48
quickly removed the head costume begging for his life. The Eku pleading fell on the deaf
ears of the Muslim brothers as they were determined on revenging the deaths of their
members in 1993 when they confronted Asiri Masquerade at the Bata shop. One of the

NIGERIA POLICE ACADEMY JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES VOL. 3 NO. 1 JUNE 2023 - 72 -

 The Fact, Myth and Falsehood of Eku Deity: A Discourse

Muslim brothers chopped off the head of the Masquerade on that ill-fatedof day 11th May,
1994 and the news went around the town that the dead Masquerade was disturbing school
pupils on their way to school and the community people also claimed to have heard voices
of the Masquerade calling for revenge.49

Following this development, three Muslim brothers were mercilessly killed on the 15thof
June, 1994 at Ozuwaya including Brother Ismail Lagos in retaliation for the killing of the
Masquerade.50An attempt to avenge the killing of Muslim brothers led to another round of
bloodshed as the supporters of Masquerades mobilized to chase out the Muslim brothers
from their homes. As the Masquerade performance gained an advantage, the houses and
51
properties belonging to the Muslim youths were burnt down. The menace of masquerade
today tainted the image of Ebira at home and Diaspora, hence, many are of the opinion that
there is a need for modification. Perhaps, the masquerade can be modified for tourism like
that of Argungu festival in Kebbi State.

The Function of the Masquerade

One prominent function of the masquerade derives from the concept that it is the
“personification” of a natural spirit, a patron deity or an ancestor. In this context, the
masquerade is a father figure and a patron before whom complaints are laid, to whom
thank-offerings and soliciting presents are offered, from whom chastisement maybe
expected by erring offspring and through whom messages can be sent to the departed soul.
As beings that see both 'heaven and earth', the masquerade may be sought for its prophetic
prediction or forth-telling of the coming agricultural year. 52Since it comes from the active
world of the dead, the masquerade plays significant roles in the mortuary and funerary rites
which usually culminate in its coming to fetch and escort the deceased on its perilous
journey to the world of the ancestors. In Ebira tao tradition, they have Ogugu for the demise
of the male and Onyimiruweyi for the female departed soul. The masquerade usually
escorted the funeral processes of the male but not the same with female.53

The verdict of masquerades in inter-settlement or inter-state disputes was sought by some

Nigerian communities in the pre-colonial past. Of great interest also is the function of the
masquerade in public entertainment. The drumming, the songs and chats, the dance steps
and the costumes are specially reserved for those festival occasions when the masquerade
performs. It is because of the veneration of these that literature; iconography, music and
dance of the masquerades remain in the most archaic least contaminated areas of African
54
culture.

The institution of Eku served as an institution of discipline for wayward children. Should
any matter be so serious as to defy solution, an appeal or reference could be made to the
ancestral temple covering the group. Any decisions taken there through divination and
experience of elders as officiating priests would be regarded as final when conveyed by

NIGERIA POLICE ACADEMY JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES VOL. 3 NO. 1 JUNE 2023 - 73 -

 The Fact, Myth and Falsehood of Eku Deity: A Discourse

55
Eku-Oba (conveyance of Masquerade order). In their tradition and customs, offenders
were usually presented to this Masquerade to pronounce a verdict based on the nature of
56
the crime committed. The legal system as operated by Ebira Tao, therefore, was based on
Eku (Masquerade, the ancestral spiritual messenger and executioner of justice based on
findings from the seers i.e. divination of oracle), and variegated forms of ritual
observances including trial by ordeal. Though there was no clear distinction between the
judiciary, legislative and executive aspects of pre-colonial Ebira society, decisions were
arrived at by the collective resolutions of the heads of each clan. Such actions were in most
cases sanctioned and executed by the Eku.57

The belief in the Eku institution as an agent for discipline, punishment, execution and
deterrence was highly upheld by the Ebira society. The Iregba (ancestral temple) served as
a place for the Eku to carry out any injunction as might be directed by the chief priest of the
58
ancestral temple, Ohireba. The pre-colonial Ebira society also believed strongly in the
power of the masquerade as an ancestor incarnate. Any vices like witchcraft practices and
murder of an innocent person would attract the judgement of the Masquerade. For
example, a Masquerade called Adiyaya owned by the Esusu clan usually came out by the
order of Ohindase (High Priest) to avert any serious allegation of witchcraft affliction. He
did this by first detecting who was wrong before taking any action known as Oyi-Jote, a
process of visiting a house confirmed for the crime. Such visit sometimes has led to the
total destruction of some family compound in the past, or the confirmed witches could be
banished to a nearby hill or forest. The procession which was usually accompanied by
blowing of Okokoro (a curved hollow stick) or even a horn to warn everyone on their way
to stay clear or the beat of Opo drum to depict sorrow and sadness for the departing
59
witch. If the offence committed was of great consequence, a highly consultative council
of elders converged for consultation and deliberated on the issue before ordering the
execution of the witch if guilty. The masquerade acting on the order of the gods went ahead
with a sharp edge knife to narrate the victim's offence(s) in accordance with the
confirmation made through Eva(seer) divination. Thereafter, the masquerade beheaded
the witch to appease the god at Iregba. This act was popularly known in the local dialect as
Eku'aguoza which implies a process of beheading offenders, staking them at the cross road
(T-junction). After the burial, a special tree called Okumaba would be hoisted on their
grave as an insignia for a passerby to notice. This phenomenon was described in Ebira oral
tradition as Oyi-ja'aba (heap as tomb). 60. The power of the Masquerade as an agent of
traditional law enforcement (dispenser of justice) was reduced by the British, as they made
it an offence for any Masquerade to kill or punish an offender. Any act of killing by a
Masquerade was charged as an act of murder.61

Another significant function of the Eku culture was during the Eku'echi festival usually
celebrated with pomp and pageantry, with a dynamic integration of poetry, chants,
mimicry, mime, dance 'mask' and significant cultural symbols.62The period serves as a

NIGERIA POLICE ACADEMY JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES VOL. 3 NO. 1 JUNE 2023 - 74 -

 The Fact, Myth and Falsehood of Eku Deity: A Discourse

thanksgiving feast for the bountiful co-existence and honors of the deities where people
seized the occasions to solicit blessings from God or the departed soul. It thus brings people
together as a group or individual, strengthening their unity and cohesions and the link
between human beings and spirits is renewed despite the two worlds being kept at a healthy
distance from each other. 63It was also a period during which the family members that
breaches the traditional laws were punished byOhi- Ohuoje (the compound head) along
with his male relation, at the Ete-Ohuoje (sacred land in the compound), with the belief that
the presence of the ancestor would guide them to arrive at the correct decision to be
implemented.64

An afternoon masquerade called akatapa performs during the night masquerade festival to
admonish women for their transgression against their ancestors. They usually prescribed
sacrifice where necessary to appease the ancestors.65Akatapa is both masquerade and
facekuerade.66 It is known as famine ancestral spirit said to be the female slaves of the
domain of the dead and terrible liars. It creates fun through jests and satirical abuses such as
67
prostitution, adultery, vanity, greed, quarrels, theft and soothsaying.

In the case ofan accused murderer, his clan might hand him/her to another party to die a
68
compensatory death known as UsuOpo'onu to avert war. A good instance was when Onipe
one of the children of AttahOmadivi claimed to be spiritually endowed with power
committed murder and yet attempted to kill his father with a poisonous arrow that was
averted through the prompt intervention of other children like; Pa Onuja, Animoku and
Eyitere who jointly fought Onipe and dislodged him. In the end, he was presented for public
69
execution by his father Omadivi. Similarly, compensation might also be accepted to avert
war in case of adultery. Offenders who indulged in such abomination were usually
discovered when a woman found it difficult to deliver her baby. With due consultation
among the elders, she would be questioned to confess if she had indulged in any adulterous
acts with any of her husband's immediate family members. If she confessed her sin, the
70
perpetrator was to be presented to a masquerade for execution as deterrence.

Y.A. Ibrahim asserted that the masquerade function as exhibited byOdodo and Obaji
(ancestral fathers of Ebira people) was to reform the Eku institution that seems to be
degenerating. They entrenched the ideas of reform and implement them. The two
established ancestral temple Iregba in Eika and Okehi are for governance, checking
7
witchcraft, murder and immoral acts.

Following this concept of masquerade, Ododo Sunday,72posited that masquerades are the
embodiment of spirits of the human performers through whom the spirits access the human
world. They derive their strength from the supernatural ordinance and the sacredness that
surrounds the mask, the masker and the masquerade. The masquerade, as an entity, is a
visual mediation between the mundane world and the ancestral world, the figure fleeting

NIGERIA POLICE ACADEMY JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES VOL. 3 NO. 1 JUNE 2023 - 75 -

 The Fact, Myth and Falsehood of Eku Deity: A Discourse

boundary-crossing between normally distinct categories being.73

The Eku-ahire was the ascension of the spirits of the ancestor (from the underworld) to visit
descendants on earth. It was the occasion for the 'risen father' eku-oba to deliver messages
of the ancestor, give words of wisdom, history and philosophy and settle disputes. The
order of staging was Okehi, Eika, Adavi, Okengwe, Ihima, and so on. The Eku-ahire
ceremony in Eika was accompanied by the outing of Ochi'eku, the ancestral staff of
authority of Obaji okutewhich was taken around in Obangede and some other parts of
Eikaland on a visit to homes of descendants.74Once Eku-ahire had taken place in Eika-
Okehi, all 'child knowing' ceremonies (including divination connected with these), elder's
funeral obsequies and all other matters involving the outing of masquerades (as ancestral
representatives) were suspended throughout Ebiraland until after the Eku'echi had been
stage.75

Y. A. Ibrahim recognized the function of the masquerade in the past especially the
Ekue'echi festivals which seek to settle quarrels, or punishment to offenders. This action he
contended usually emanated from Eku'oba who delivered the verdicts to the hearing of
women confined to their rooms. They were regarded as beyond question. At individual
compound levels throughout eku'echi night, the akatapa (masquerades personating the
spirits of deceased women who thereby referred to one another as 'co-wife' ohini) were
normally virulent against erring women who were called to order and made to pay fines.
The Eku'echi was the occasion to sing against misfits in the society as a deterrent and every
masquerade ensured through all means possible that a prima-facie was established before
singing against the accused. This was because ancestors were credited with the knowledge
of secrets of people on earth and masquerades were regarded as above 'slip of tongue'. In
this way masquerade served as an 'infallible press' that enjoyed absolute immunity since
whoever challenged anyone in any way over a masquerade song was automatically guilty
of a grave offence against the ancestral cult. He concluded that the era of British
colonialism degenerated the masquerade press into a state that enable some to sing out
76
malice or at mere prompting by some politicians using them against an opponent.

In essence, the Ebira - Tao instinctively conceptualized masquerade as an ancestral

incarnate that served as the source and guardians of the people's ideals and values, which
were guided by a set of laws and orders to be kept very strictly by the members of the
community. Violation by any member was considered a threat to the harmony between the
77
living society and the ancestors. As similar to many African beliefs, Ebira considered God
too removed physically to cater for their immediate interest and needs. Thus, He was
worshipped through the intermediary of the mother earth, ete, spirits, Ori and the ancestors,
Ohiku. Empirically this constituted the point of duality and ascription of associates to God.
Ete, earth, was considered next to God because it was cultivated for livelihood and was the
lasting place for everybody. Earth in Ebira traditional religion was considered
compassionate, the mother of life and the cause of fortune and misfortune.78

NIGERIA POLICE ACADEMY JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES VOL. 3 NO. 1 JUNE 2023 - 76 -

 The Fact, Myth and Falsehood of Eku Deity: A Discourse

Ori, spirit, occupied an important position in the religious life of the Ebira. While Eganyi
79
and Ihima clan groups considered ori equal to earth, other clan groups considered ori
intermediary, the middle point between god and earth. The homes of ori were usually the
rocks, streams, and the big trees like the silk cotton tree ucheba and Mahogany trees.
According to Y. A. Ibrahim, people believed that ori could do many things including
bringing peace, good luck, rain, good harvest and prosperity. They could also bring fertility
to the women and soil; they could ward off epidemics, untimely deaths and foreign
invasions. It can prevent witches from dispatching their victims, for it is believed that
before the witches dispatch their victim they must first take him before the ori as a matter of
80
course. The people monitored the moods of ori usually through divination, eva. The
scorers, ovavo prescribed and sometimes accepted sacrifices, isovo from the consulters on
behalf of ori.81

The ancestors, Ohiku were not worshipped parse; they were venerated and invoked in
order to attract their constant cooperation and favour. The Ebira cosmology did not deny
the participation of the dead in the world of the ancestral spirit. The living had a sense of
dependence on their ancestors. It was believed that the ancestors were constantly watching
over their relatives still alive and punishing those who abuse customs. In most cases, heads
of families, lineages and kindred imposed sanctions and adjudicate on both spiritual and
secular affairs only on behalf of the ancestors. 82

Conclusion
The masquerade has been around us for a long time. They are still very much with us. Thus,
either from the point of view of their modern adaptations, or of their ancient roles in the
cultural life and social history of Nigerian populations they do not go away. The historical
interest in the masquerade springs from the reality of its belongingness to the indigenous
socio-political systems, of which it is often chosen as a symbol. In its surviving aspects we
can still see the complexity of the role the masquerade plays in society and thus note the
reality of these functions which are cited in specific traditional historical contexts.

Endnotes
1. A.A. Abraham, “Nigeria: masquerades and festivals-giving way to
modernisation?” https://www.pulse Nig.life style, Ijele, Eyo Types of Eku in Ibo,
9thMarch, 2014 in Leadership. Retrieved 28th April, 2020, p.1Also see; Osadebe, O.
O, 'The development of the Ibo Masquerade as a Dramatic Character' unpublished
PhD Thesis, Evanston, Illinois, North-western University, 1981, p. 23
2. E. O. Akubor, “Africans concept of masquerades and their role in societal control
and stability: some notes on the Esan people of southern Nigeria”,
https//www.sav.sk uploads in Asia and African Studies, vol.25, number 1, 2016.
Retrieved 28th April, 2020, p.32
3. W. Ogunyemi, 'Egungun Cult in some parts of Western Yorubaland: Origin and

NIGERIA POLICE ACADEMY JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES VOL. 3 NO. 1 JUNE 2023 - 77 -

 The Fact, Myth and Falsehood of Eku Deity: A Discourse

Functions' Africa Notes 21(1&2): 1997, p. 95

4. Ibid
5. J .A. Ohiare, “Ebira History: Need for proper Documentation…”Pp.60-61
6. Ibid
7. E. O. Erim, Idoma Nationality 1600-1900, Fourth dimension: Britain, 1981,
Pp.31-32
8. A. R. Mohammed, History of the Spread of Islam in the Niger-Benue Confluence
Area: Igalaland, Ebiraland and Lokoja c.1900-1960, Ibadan: Ibadan University
Press, 2014, p.17
9. J. A. Ohiare, “Ebira History: Need for proper Documentation…”p.63
10. Ibid, p.64
11. Y. A. Ibrahim. “The Search for Leadership in a Nigeria Community, the Igbirra-
Tao (1865-1954)” unpublished, M.A. Dissertation, Ahmadu Bello University,
Zaria,1968, Pp.16-18
12. J.A. Ohiare, “Ebira History: Need for proper Documentation…”p.64
13. A. R. Mohammed, History of the Spread of Islam in the Niger-Confluence
Area...p.17
14. Y. A. Ibrahim, “The Search for Leadership...Pp.16-17
th
15. A. O. Ahmed, 51yrs, interview, Kano, 11 February, 2015
th
16. Musa Galadima, 80yrs, interview, Uruvucheba, 10 January, 2010
17. E. O. Erim, Idoma Nationality 1600-1900, Britain:Fourth Dimension, 1981,
Pp.31-32
18. Y. A. Ibrahim, 'Igbirra Traditional Institutions', Paper at A.B.U. Niger-Benue
Seminar, Ilorin session, p.18
19. A. Seriya, “The Significance of Eku' echi festival in Ebiraland: A Case Study of
Okene, Central Senatorial District in Kogi State” National Diploma in Cultural
Administration Project, National Institute for cultural Orientation Training
School, Lagos; 2012, p.27
20. A. Obayemi, The Masquerade in Nigeria's Cultural- History, Centre for Nigerian
Cultural Studies: Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, 22nd Annual Congress, The
Historical Society of Nigeria n.d,…p.10
21. See Account of the Kagoma in Temple, O, 'Notes on Tribes, Provinces, Emirates
and States of the Northern Provinces of Nigeria Compiled from Official Reports',
Lagos, 1922, p.183
22. E. O. Akubor, “Africns concept of masquerades and their role in societal
control…”Pp.32-33
th
23. Abdullahi Adeguihi, 56yrs, interview, Okene, 6 February, 2012
24. Some ndako gboya gunnu figures are over 3 to 5m tall. See Nadel, S. F. (1955),
Nupe Religion, London, Plates 21 and 24 facing Pp.134-214

NIGERIA POLICE ACADEMY JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES VOL. 3 NO. 1 JUNE 2023 - 78 -

 The Fact, Myth and Falsehood of Eku Deity: A Discourse

25. Y. A. Ibrahim, Ebira-Tao Lessons from History (1): The Need for a Strong Central
organization In Ebiraland , Mumanrak (Nig) Enterprises, Zaria, 2000, Pp.9-1
26. W. Ogunyemi, 'Egungun Cult in some parts of Western Yorubaland...p.28
27. Muhammed Otu, 65yrs, interview, Idiche, 2012
28. A. Obayemi, The Masquerade in Nigeria's Cultural-History…p.4
29. Salami Ajokini, 55yrs, interview, Idoji, 1998
30. Yahaya Karaku, 52yrs, interview, Lafia, 2017
31. Ibid
32. Ahmad Rufai,(A staunch Islamic cleric thatcriticizes the peoples masquerade in
one of his Quran lectures in 1989)
th
33. Audu Amuda, 67yrs, interview, Okengwe,8 September, 2014
34 .Ibid
35 .Benedict Ojia, 88yrs, interview, Lafia-Obessa,20th January, 2007
36. Isah Oziede, 60yrs, interview, Idoji, 4th January, 2014
th
37. Ibrahim Anakobe,65yrs, interview, Idapokiti, 30 August, 2012
th
38. Benedict Ojia, 88yrs, interview, Lafia-Obessa,20 January, 2007
39. Ibid
40. Z. Sofola, “The Theartre in the search for African Authenticity” in Africa Theology
En Route, Kofi Appiah-Kubi and Sergio Torres (eds), 1979, Orbis Book, New
York, p.127
41. Y. S. Umoru, 'For Ebira and all Lovers of Truth', in The Graphic Newspaper Vol.15
No. 802, 7th October, 2009, p.7
42. Abdullahi Ahmed, 52yrs, interview, Abuja, 9th February, 2017
43. Ibid
th
44. Jaffaru Otaru, 40yrs, interview, Idiche, 25 February, 2017
45. Abdullahi jolly, 40yrs, interview, Idoji, 10th February, 2017
46. Aminu Opadi, 37yrs, interview, Uruvukura, 1st March, 2017
th
47. Jaffaru Otaru, 40yrs, interview, Idiche, 25 February, 2017
48. Ibid
49. Adam Abdullahi, 45yrs, interview, Ukowa, 14th, February, 2017
50. Ibid
th
51. Abdullahi Adeguihi, 56yrs, interview, Okene, 6 February, 2012
52. Y.A. Ibrahim, Ebira-Tao Lesson from History (1) The Need for a Strong Central
Organization in Ebiraland, Zaria:Mumanrak Enterprises, 2000,p.18
53. Benedict Ojia, 88yrs, interview, Lafia, 20th January, 2007
54. Ibid
55. Y.A. Ibrahim, Ebira-Tao Lesson from History (1) The Need for a Strong Central
Organization in Ebiraland, Zaria:Mumanrak Enterprises, 2000,p.18
56. Benedict Ojia, 88yrs, interview, Lafia, 20th January, 2007
57. Ibid

NIGERIA POLICE ACADEMY JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES VOL. 3 NO. 1 JUNE 2023 - 79 -

 The Fact, Myth and Falsehood of Eku Deity: A Discourse

58. Y.A. Ibrahim, “The Search for Leadership in a Nigeria Community, the Igbirra-Tao
… p.56
59. A. U. Abedo, “The Evolution and Development of Prison Administration in Okene
Town: C, 1917-2000” unpublished M.A. History Dissertation, Usmanu
Danfodiyo University, Sokoto, 2011, p.19
60. Isah Oziede, 60yrs, interview, Idoji, 4th January, 2014
61. Ibid
62. S. E. Ododo, Facekuerade Theatre: A performance model from Ebira-
Ekuechi,Maiduguri: A publication of Sonta. 2015. p. 18
63. A. Seriya., “The Significance of Eku' echi festival in Ebiraland: A Case Study of
Okene, Central Senatorial District in Kogi State” National Diploma in Cultural
Administration Project, National Institute for cultural Orientation Training
School, Lagos, 2012, p.27
64. Y. A. Ibrahim, “The Search for Leadership…”p.16
65. Ibid
66. Ibid
st
67. A. Onogo, 111 yrs, Interview, 1 January, 2007
68 Ibid
69. Ibid
70. Ibid
71. Y.A. Ibrahim, Ebira-Tao Lesson …Pp.9-14
72. E. Ododo, Facekuerade Theatre: A performance model from Ebira-Ekuechi,... p.
30
73. Ibid
74. Y.A. Ibrahim, Ebira-Tao Lesson…Pp.20
75. Benedict Ojia, 88yrs, interview, Lafia, 20th January, 2007
76. Y.A. Ibrahim, Ebira-Tao Lesson…Pp.21
th
77. Benedict Ojia, 88yrs, interview, Lafia, 20 January, 2007
th
78. A. O. Ahmed, 51yrs, interview, Kano, 11 February, 2015
79. Y. A. Ibrahim, “The Search for Leadership...p.37
80. Ibid, p.36
th
81. Benedict Ojia, 88yrs, interview, Lafia, 20 January, 2007

NIGERIA POLICE ACADEMY JOURNAL OF HUMANITIES VOL. 3 NO. 1 JUNE 2023 - 80 -