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Historical Dic onary of
Chan Buddhism
Youru Wang

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Title: Historical dic onary of Chan Buddhism / Youru Wang.
Descrip on: Lanham, Maryland : Rowman & Li lefield Publishers, 2017. | Series:
Historical dic onaries of religions, philosophies, and movements | English and Chinese. |
Includes bibliographical references. | Iden fiers: LCCN 2017005949 (print) | LCCN
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Iden fiers: LCCN 2017005949 (print) | LCCN 2017012686 (ebook) | ISBN 9781538105528
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To Thomas Dean
 A

ABBOT’S QUARTERS
This is a modern English transla on of the Chinese term
fangzhang, referring to the specific buildings or rooms of a Chan
monastery, in which an abbot would live and conduct ac vi es.
Fangzhang, literally “ten foot square [room],” was derived from the
Vimalakīr Sūtra’s descrip on of the layman Vimalakīr ’s room, which
despite its small size was able to accommodate a great number of
Buddhas and Bodhisa vas and displayed various magical powers and
quali es.
According to some historical sources, the abbot’s quarters in
major public Chan monasteries star ng in the Song dynasty included a
recep on hall, a private room, and a medita on room. The recep on
hall was used for minor convoca ons or ceremonies, as opposed to
the major ones held in the dharma hall. In either type of convoca on,
the abbot played the role of a living Buddha or patriarch and was
worshiped with prostra ons and offerings of incense. The audience
could include many people, such as the great assembly of monks, the
monas c officers, and on occasion, government officials and lay
patrons. In most cases, when only monks were there, the abbot would
discuss ma ers of monas c discipline.
The abbot’s quarters were also used for the ritual of “entering
the [abbot’s] room (rushi),” in which the abbot’s personal disciples
came to see him one a er the other, each asking for instruc on in a
formal but semiprivate atmosphere. Taking turns, the disciples made
prostra ons and offered incense when approaching the abbot,
bowed, and stood at the southwest corner of his medita on seat. The
disciple then spoke his mind and the abbot would reply. The
conversa ons were similar to those that took place in the dharma
hall, a ritual reenactment of the rela onship or encounter between
Chan master and disciple, as prototyped by the transmission of the
lamp literature. The only difference is that these more private
 conversa ons were not included in the abbot’s recorded sayings (yulu)
for publica on.
ANBAN SHOUYI JING
Sutra of Maintaining the Awareness of Inhala on and Exhala on
(Ānāpānasmṛ Sūtra), an influen al Indian Buddhist scripture in the
early Chinese prac ce of Buddhist medita on, was compiled and
translated by An Shigao (d.u.), an early Buddhist missionary and
translator (from Arsakes of Parthia) in the 2nd century during the
Later Han dynasty. It is not exactly an original scripture, but rather a
compila on from earlier Indian sources on the method of medita on
that focuses on one’s inhala on and exhala on (shuxi guan). It
introduces, among other things, the six wondrous gates (liu miaomen)
of this medita on: coun ng inhala on and exhala on, following
inhala on and exhala on, calming the mind, contempla ng numerical
categories such as the five aggregates, turning to contempla ng four
noble truths, and purifica on. The text is intermixed with some
comments and explanatory notes. In transla ng Indian scriptural
materials into Chinese, An Shigao appealed to indigenous Chinese
terms, especially Daoist ones. The extant text also includes a preface
wri en by Kang Senghui (?–280), a Sogdian Buddhist missionary and
translator in China.
AUTHENTIC PERSON WITHOUT RANK (Ch. wuwei zhenren)
The no on of “authen c person without rank” is found in several
collec ons of the recorded sayings of Linji Yixuan, including the Linji
Lu and other earlier sources such as the Zutang Ji and Jingde
Chuangdeng Lu, and became one of Linji’s most famous sayings. The
use of the word zhenren (authen c person) can be found notably in
Daoist philosopher Zhuangzi’s wri ngs as well as in other Daoist texts.
Despite the source of the term, Linji uses “authen c person without
rank” in a Chan Buddhist context. As an expedient means, it
designates the poten al within every human being—that is, Buddha-
nature, self-nature, or simply Buddha within each individual—and the
goal of becoming an enlightened person who is able to transcend all
kinds of dis nc ons and achieve spiritual freedom while living
through daily ac vi es. It was taught to his students to realize the
possibility and necessity of the existen al transforma on of
personhood. The term does not denote the reality of any
metaphysical self or absolu zed subjec vity, since it does not
acknowledge any fixed differences between this “authen c person”
(whether it is a Buddha or patriarch) and any ordinary individual (yu
fozu bubie).
Contemporary scholars have debated Linji’s no on of authen c
person without rank. Some cri cize this no on as something
metaphysical, similar to the Hindu no on of ātman, which obviously
deviates from the Buddhist teaching of no-self (anātman). Others
argue that Linji used it as expedient means only and have pointed out
that Linji himself, in the same anecdote, even performed a
deconstruc ve opera on on this no on by telling his students clearly,
“What kind of shi y ass-wiper this authen c person without rank is!”
A recent study of the Linji Lu also reveals the evolving editorial change
in the rhetoric and details of the story from its ini al version to the
later ones by its Song compilers, which makes Linji’s image more lively,
shocking, and enigma c, to serve the Linji school’s need for
establishing its own iden ty and rising to prominence.
 B

BAIYUN SHOUDUAN (1025–1072)

A Chan master of the Yangqi lineage of the Linji school in the
Song dynasty, Shouduan was a na ve of Hengyang (in present-day
Hunan province). His family name was Zhou. He started his monas c
life with the Chan master Renyu in Chaling. A er studying with several
teachers, he became a disciple of Yangqi Fanghui and a ained
enlightenment under Fanghui’s instruc on. Inheri ng Fanghui’s
dharma lineage, he then took abbacy at a number of monasteries,
including Cheng an Temple in Jiangzhou, Zhengdao Temple at Mount
Fahua, Ganming Temple at Mount Longmen, and Haihui Temple at
Mount Baiyun. It was said that his preaching a racted huge crowds
and won him high regard. One of his great achievements was his
establishment of rules for the patriarch hall of a Chan monastery; for
example, he enshrined the ancient patriarchs Bodhidharma and
Baizhang Huaihai in the first place instead of just enshrining founding
abbots and their successors, which became the model for all Chan
monasteries throughout the Song and Yuan dynas es. Shouduan’s
teachings were preserved in the Baiyun Shouduan Chanshi Yulu (two
fascicles) and Baiyun Duan Heshang Guanglu (four fascicles). He had
many disciples, among whom Wuzu Fayan was the most famous. The
thriving of the Yangqi lineage is very much related to the success of
Shouduan and his disciples.
BAIZHANG GUANGLU
This tle means The Extensive Record of Baizhang. It records
Baizhang Huaihai’s sermons and short addresses. Historical materials
from the Tang dynasty show that soon a er Baizhang’s death, some of
his disciples compiled a record of their teacher’s oral instruc ons and
conversa ons and circulated it. The extant text, with its current tle
Baizhang Guanglu, was recompiled by Daochang (d. 991) at Baizhang
mountain in the early Song dynasty and was then included in the Song
literature of Chan recorded sayings (yulu) and in the transmission of
the lamp literature (denglu). Contemporary scholars acknowledge the
authen city of this text based on the evidence that ascertains its
older origin than its Song compila on. This evidence includes, first,
the omission of biographical outlines that characterize the standard
format of the Song recorded sayings literature, and second, the lack of
stories of the “encounter dialogues,” which are o en radical and
iconoclas c in nature, domina ng the Song recorded sayings
literature. Contemporary scholars thus dis nguish the Baizhang
Guanglu from the other Baizhang Yulu. The la er collects all dialogues
a ributed to Baizhang and is considered a Five Dynas es and Song
product, less reliable, and to be used with cau on.
Different from most texts of Chan recorded sayings popularized
in the Song, which are collec ons of short, eccentric dialogues, the
Baizhang Guanglu consists of Baizhang’s sermons—an early and
conserva ve form of Chan discourse—and short addresses answering
his students’ ques ons. He quotes and alludes to Buddhist scriptures,
elaborates on them in colloquial terms, and integrates them into his
pragma c concern with the students’ non-a achment. He does not
seek to break with tradi on or abolish tradi onal scriptures and
prac ces, nor is he constrained by the sudden-gradual dualism
promoted by the early Chan movement. However, these factors do
not prevent him from showing his crea ve insight. In addi on to
shedding light on such Hongzhou themes as no-seeking, no-
cul va on, and seeing all teachings/prac ces as expedient means,
Baizhang’s sermons skillfully weave tradi onal teachings and the
Hongzhou’s emphases into an organic whole by elabora ng on
“penetra ng three proposi ons or sentences (touguo sanjuwai).”
The slogan “penetra ng three proposi ons or sentences” advises
students to go beyond the limita on of, or detach from, three
different perspec ves taught by the Chan masters in different
situa ons, such as “mind is Buddha (posi ve proposi on)”; “no mind,
no Buddha (nega ve)”; and “not anything (nega ng either posi ve or
nega ve).” Each can be seen as an overcoming or superseding of the
previous proposi on(s). But even the last proposi on—no a achment
to “either posi ve or nega ve”—must be detached from as well, and
that is the highest spiritual level of Chan. Thus the cul va on and
prac ce of non-a achment is seen as processional, as a chain of
 con nuous deconstruc on. The influence of the Madyamaka
(zhongguan) dialec c is assimilated by Baizhang’s sermons but is also
ingeniously simplified and put into colloquial terms. It demonstrates
Baizhang’s teaching on how to use language while maintaining the
Chan cri que of language. The cri cal examina on of these important
contents of the Baizhang Guanglu has been largely neglected by
modern scholarship, and only recently have some scholars started to
pay a en on to it.
BAIZHANG HUAIHAI (749–814)
One of the greatest Chan masters of the Tang dynasty (618–907),
revered in China and East Asia throughout history, and a disciple of
Mazu Daoyi. Born in Fuzhou, he was a descendant of a powerful
aristocra c clan of Tang China. In his youth he entered monas c life
with a master called Huizhao (d.u.) at Xishan in Guangdong, and he
received his ordina on in 767 at Mount Heng with Vinaya teacher
Fazhao (d.u.). He spent some years in almost total isola on at Lujiang
(in present-day Anhui) to study Buddhist scriptures. Later he became a
disciple of Mazu. A er Mazu’s death in 788, he took up residence near
Mazu’s memorial pagoda at Mount Shimen and started to teach
disciples. He was then invited to take up residence at Mount Daoxiong
(later called Mount Baizhang).
Baizhang died on his medita on seat, according to his stūpa
inscrip on, at the age of 65. Some of his students later also became
great Chan masters. In 821, the imperial court posthumously named
him the Dazhi Chanshi (“Chan Teacher of Great Wisdom”). His oral
teachings had been recorded and collected by some of his students
and were preserved in some extant texts first published in the Five
Dynas es and Song periods. Among them, the Extensive Record of
Baizhang (Baizhang Guanglu) is considered reliable by contemporary
scholars.
The historical importance of Baizhang as defined by the later
Chan tradi on mainly refers to the following two points: he is the
originator of one of the earliest independent Chan monas c systems
and its dis nc ve rules, and he is among the earliest examples of a
radical Chan iconoclast (like his teacher Mazu). Both aspects have
been seriously challenged by contemporary scholarship. First, no
 historically reliable evidence supports the tradi onal claim that
Bazhang invented a wri en monas c “rules of purity” (qinggui) that
was lost. Some believe it never existed. Others think he may have
wri en a text on rules, just as many monks did before him, as a
collec on of customs. But a er a cri cal examina on of these qinggui,
scholars found that the legendary Baizhang Qinggui adopted by the
later Chan tradi on in fact followed the Vinaya rules and those of
early Chinese Buddhism, especially Lüzong (the school of precepts).
The regula ons that were a ributed to Baizhang for establishing
“Dharma hall (fatang),” “Sangha hall,” and communal labor (puqing)
all can be traced back to the Vinaya and other Chinese Buddhist texts,
although this fact does not negate the idea that there could have
been an evolu onary process toward the official profile of Chan
monas c rules, in which Baizhang played an inspira onal role.
Second, the image of Baizhang as a radical iconoclast portrayed
by the stories of Chan “encounter dialogues” was basically a Song
addi on to Baizhang’s recorded sayings. The more reliable text of the
Baizhang Guanglu presents an image far from that of a radical
iconoclast, but of one who is able to make use of tradi onal
teachings, scriptures, and prac ces while elabora ng on various
themes of Chan soteriology with his own style and formula on
adapted to his me and the environment.
BAIZHANG QINGGUI
“The Rules of Purity of Buzhang,” a text of wri en Chan monas c
rules a ributed to Baizhang Huaihai. Baizhang’s fame has much to do
with his authoring of this pioneering Chan monas c code, as is
recounted by the tradi onal Chan historiographers. However,
Baizhang’s authorship of such a monas c code and his alleged role in
establishing an independent Chan monas c system have been
challenged by modern scholarship. Scholars have argued that no solid
evidence from the Tang dynasty supports the view that Baizhang was
the author of the “rules of purity,” or even that this document truly
existed and was circulated. All references to it came from Song
historiographers’ statements, including those in the Song Gaoseng
Zhuan (The Song Edi on of Biographies of Eminent Monks) and the
Jingde Chuandeg Lu. The la er a aches a document of wri en Chan
 monas c code en tled Chanmen Guishi to Baizhang’s biography,
which has long been believed to be and been used as the extant
earliest version of Baizhang Qinggui, and its content was assimilated
by the Song dynasty’s Chanyuan Qinggui and the Yuan dynasty’s
Chixiu Baizhang Qinggui. In contrast to the view that the existence of
a par cular Baizhang Qinggui is a Song Chan inven on, others have
argued that despite the lack of strong evidence, it is s ll possible for
such a wri en document to have existed and then been lost, but
without having ever used the tle Baizhang Qinggui. Baizhang might
have wri en a monas c code as a collec on of customs for his own
temple, just as many monks did elsewhere before him.
Furthermore, if the authen city of Baizhang Qinggui is
ques onable, so is Baizhang’s central role in establishing an
independent Chan monas c system dis nguishable from all other
Buddhist schools. Recent cri cal studies of the Chan “rules of purity”
literature have shown that ac ons a ributed to Baizhang’s ini a ves,
such as establishing “Dharma hall (fatang),” “Sangha hall,” and
communal labor (puqing), all can be traced back to the Indian Vinaya
texts and the texts of the Chinese Lüzong (school of precepts). In
other words, the rules or customs ascribed to Baizhang mainly
adopted the tradi onal precepts and revolu onized nothing, although
this fact does not allow for the denial of any evolu onary process that
added indigenous elements to the Chan and other Chinese Buddhist
monas c system. Baizhang’s deep respect for monas c discipline,
including communal labor, may well have increased his fame and
contributed to the evolu onary process, but these things do not
prove his radical breaking with tradi on.
BAOLIN ZHUAN
The English transla on of this tle is Biographies from the
Treasure Groves [Temple]. It is a commonly used short tle for the
original full tle, Datang Shaozhou Shuangfeng Shan Caoxi Baolin
Zhuan (Biographies from the Treasure Groves [Temple] of Caoxi at
Mount Shuangfeng in Shaozhou of Great Tang). The compila on of
this book was completed in 801 by an obscure monk, Zhiju (or Huiju),
at the famous Baolin Temple (Baolin Si), where the sixth patriarch,
Huineng, transmi ed his dharma many years ago. The Baolin Zhuan
was prefaced by a popular literatus monk, Lingche (d.u.). Modern
scholars of Chan have connected the compila on of this book with
the rise of the Hongzhou school, seeing it as a reflec on of this new
school’s efforts to establish its legi macy through a new narra ve on
the lineage and origin of Chan.
Two major factors in this book’s hagiographical wri ng
dis nguish it from all early books about Chan history. First, it produces
a new list of 28 Indian patriarchs following the seven Buddhas of the
past, which is accepted as standard by all later Chan narra ves. The
culmina on of this long process of establishing an orthodox history of
Chan transmission was reached by correc ng errors and elimina ng
inconsistencies exis ng in earlier versions of patriarchal succession,
such as Shenhui’s list, and those in the Lidai Fabao Ji and the Pla orm
Sūtra. The new revision included correc ng wrong spellings and
dropping redundant and problema c names, using sources such as
the Fu Fazang Yinyuan Zhuan (Tradi ons of the Causes and Condi ons
of Transmission of the Dharma Treasury) and the Damoduoluo Chan
Jing (Scripture on Medita on A ributed to Dharmatrāta). It also
added new names to the list from Sengyou’s (445–518) Chu Sanzang Ji
Ji (Collec on of Notes on the Transla on of the Tripițaka).
Second, based on a large body of legend and numerous sources
available during that me (many are apocryphal and erroneous and
did not survive later), the Baolin Zhuan provides more informa on
and detailed stories about these Indian patriarchs. Most
conspicuously, a “verse of transmission of dharma (chuanfa ji)” is
supplied and integrated into the legend of each patriarch. These
verses represent the handing down of teachings from one patriarch to
the other and create a systema zed prac ce of quo ng chuanfa ji for
all later Chan transmission histories. The legends contributed to the
Chinese patriarchs in the Baolin Zhuan are substan al as well, even
though among the 10 fascicles of the book only the last 3 involve the
Chinese patriarchs. These legends were repeated by later Chan
narra ves, but modern scholars have pointed out their lack of
historical basis.
Despite its huge influence on later Chan transmission histories,
the book was lost a er the Song dynasty, for reasons unknown. One
 thing that could have accelerated its disappearance is that, along with
the Pla orm Sūtra, it was burned as a spurious work during the reign
of Liao by the emperor. When the compilers of the Jin Buddhist canon
(Jin Zang) reprinted it between 1149 and 1173, four fascicles were not
included. In 1932, Japanese scholar Tokiwa Daijō discovered the sixth
fascicle of the Baolin Zhuan in the Shōrenji in Kyoto. In 1935, the first
to fi h fascicles and the eighth fascicle of the Baolin Zhuan, found in a
copy of the Jin Buddhist canon discovered in the Guangsheng Temple
in Shanxi, China, and the sixth fascicle discovered in Japan, were
reprinted together in a collec on of missed works from the Song
canon (Songzang Yizhen) in Shanghai. Japanese and Chinese scholars
have done various cri cal studies on the recovered parts of this book,
including exegesis, modern transla on, and edi ng.
BAOTANG SCHOOL (Ch. Baotang zong)
A school of Chan Buddhism that existed in the 8th-century Tang
dynasty in the area of Jiannan (in present-day Chengdu, Sichuan
Province, and the surrounding area) in southwestern China. The
founder of this school was Wuzhu, a disciple of Wuxiang, the founder
of another Chan school, Jingzhong, in the same area of Sichuan. The
name of the Baotang (protec ng the Tang) school is probably related
to the Baotang Temple in Chengdu, in which the late Wuzhu taught
un l his death. The informa on about this school and its founder is
mainly included in a once-lost book, Lidai Fabao Ji (Record of the
Dharma-Jewel through the Genera ons), which was composed by an
anonymous disciple or disciples of Wuzhu at Baotang Temple a er
Wuzhu’s death and was rediscovered from the Dunhuang documents
in the early 20th century. Zongmi’s nine-century work on Chan
schools also provides some informa on about the Baotang school and
his cri cism of it.
The Baotang school was formed and ac ve a er Shenhui’s a ack
on Shenxiu and the split of the Northern and Southern schools. The
school’s connec on with the East Mountain teaching and Northern
school (Beizong) is preserved in its own lineage story, in which
Hongren’s disciple Zhishen (609–702) got Bodhidharma’s robe from
Empress Wu Ze an (r. 690–705), who received it from Huineng as a
gi , and Zhishen passed it to his disciple Chuji (669–736 or 648–734).
 Later Chuji passed it to Wexiang and then to Wuzhu, although Wuzhu
cri cized the Northern school’s approach of “contempla ng purity”
according to the Lidai Fabao Ji. The point of this lineage story is to
establish the school’s legi macy and orthopraxy through the claim of
receiving this robe and tracing its roots back to Bodhidharma, and
also to maintain its lineal independence from the Southern school
(Nanzong). But such a story has no historical basis.
Not denying that Huineng was a previous receiver of
Bodhidharma’s robe is the school’s posi ve gesture toward the
Southern school. Moreover, it seems clear that Wuzhu’s central
teaching of no-thought (wunian) is influenced by the Pla orm Sūtra
and Shenhui. However, Wuzhu’s interpreta on of no-thought is so
radical as to lose sight of the middle way or non-duality between the
ul mate and the conven onal and to reject formal precepts and other
monas c conven ons and prac ces, except asce c medita on. This
could be an important reason for the school’s short-lived history,
despite the fact that some valuable elements are s ll there in the
school and Wuzhu’s teaching.
BAOTANG ZONG
See .
BENJING (667–762)
A Chan master in the Tang dynasty and one of the sixth patriarch,
Huineng’s, disciples, Benjing was a na ve of Jiangzhou (in present-day
Shanxi). His family name was Zhang. In his youth he became a monk,
and later he was taught by Huineng. He preached at Wuxiang Temple
of Mount Sikong (in present-day Anhui). In 745, Benjing was invited by
Emperor Xuanzong (r. 712–756) to the capital, Chang’an, to debate
with some senior monks on the understanding of the dao. Benjing
eloquently defeated other monks’ challenges by explica ng the
no ons “the mind is Buddha,” “no-mind is the dao,” and that the dao
cannot be cul vated, in terms of the teaching of emp ness and the
theory of Buddha-nature. It was said that his speech impressed the
emperor and his ministers. A er his death, Benjing was honored as
“Chan Master of Great Knowledge” (Daxiao Chanshi).
BIYAN JI
See .
BIYAN LU
See .
BLUE CLIFF RECORD
This is the English transla on of the original tle Biyan Lu by the
Song Linji Chan master Yuanwu Keqin, which was based on his
commentaries on the Chan master Xuedou Chongxian’s Songgu Baize
(Verses on One Hundred Old Cases). It was also called Biyan Ji (Blue
Cliff Collec on). Keqin’s commentaries were first delivered as lectures
during his abbacy at Lingquan Monastery on Mount Jia in present-day
Hunan. They were collected and compiled into the book by Keqin’s
disciples and circulated quite a few years before Keqin’s death in
1135. The book was quite popular and even became an object of
obsession among Chan students. Keqin’s disciple Dahui Zonggao was
so concerned with the consequences of relying on such a book that he
destroyed the woodblocks for this work, to stop the obsession, during
the me when he was preaching at Fuzhou. Despite that, some copies
of the book were s ll circulated in China, and one of them was first
brought to Japan by the Japanese monk Dōgen in the 13th century.
A er 1300, the lay Chan Buddhist Zhangwei, in Yuzhong (in present-
day Huzhou, Zhejiang), discovered several edi ons of the book’s
copies and reprinted the book a er comple ng some editorial work.
The reprinted edi on of the Biyan Lu by Zhangwei in the Yuan dynasty
was the basis for the Taishō edi on and many other modern exege c
works by Japanese scholars, although edi ons other than that of
Zhangwei s ll existed in China and Japan.
The format of Keqin’s commentaries on Xuedou’s 100 gong’an is
unique. Each of 100 cases starts with “pointer (chuishi),” a brief
sugges on of what a student shoud pay a en on to in the study of
this gong’an. Next is the original case itself (benze), picked up (ju) by
Xuedou, occasionally with a very brief comment by Xuedou. To each
case, Keqin adds his brief notes (zhuyu), which are sugges ve,
some mes sarcas c, comments. Next is Keqin’s pingchang, the major
part of his commentaries, providing longer explana ons and
background informa on for the gong’an, including his cri cisms of
other masters’ commentaries. Following the pingchang is Xuedou’s
original verse (songgu), which was his poe c commentary on the
 gong’an, and also the summary of his understanding of the gong’an.
Keqin adds further comments on the verse and on its rela on to the
case.
In general, Keqin’s commentaries a empt to help students
understand the central Chan teaching. He elaborates on the correct
Chan view of language. The highest dharma goes beyond any
language, but language cannot be abandoned. The skillful way of
using language is able to help students understand the dharma
outside the language that is used, without being misled by language.
That is what he means by “living words” in contrast to “dead words”
and by the “sword that saves people (huoren jian)” in contrast to the
“knife that kills people (sharen dao)”—two different ways of using
gong’an. The Biyan Lu had a great impact on the development of the
gong’an literature. In the early Yuan dynasty, the Caodong master
Wansong Xingxiu, under Keqin’s influence, compiled the Congrong Lu
(Record of Equanamity) around 1222, which was Xingxiu’s
commentary on Hongzhi Zhengjue’s Verses on One Hundred Old Cases
(Songgu Baize), among other examples. The study of the literary style
and linguis c strategy of the Biyan Lu has been carried out in modern
mes by some Japanese and Chinese scholars.
BODHIDHARMA (Ch. Pu damo)
The legendary first patriarch and founder of Chinese Chan
Buddhism. The stories about his interview with Emperor Wu (r. 502–
549) of the Liang dynasty, his dialogue with his successor Huike and
other disciples, and the nine-year-long medita on of facing wall
(biguan) in Shaolin Temple (Shaolin Si) were reiterated throughout
the history of Chan. However, a historical picture about a real
Bodhidharma is very difficult to draw due to the lack of reliable
historical documents other than hagiographical wri ngs about him by
Chan followers in medieval China. Very li le informa on is available
from early sources that are considered rela vely reliable by
contemporary historians. A na ve of south India and from a family of
priestly class, Bodhidharma went to south China in or before 479. He
taught medita on with Mahayana orienta on. During 480–495 he
moved to north China, then stayed in the area of Luoyang and Mount
Song. He died around 530. The early sources men oned only a small
 number of known students of his, including Huike, who was regarded
as his dharma heir and the second patriarch of Chan by the tradi on.
Very li le was known about what Bodhidharma taught, except
for a text called Trea se on the Two Entrances and Four Prac ces (Erru
Sixing Lun), which was a ributed to him and had a preface by a lay
follower, Tanlin (not iden cal with Monk Lin). The text, probably
wri en by Tanlin, summarized the doctrines taught by Bodhidharma
as remembered by the disciples. The doctrines involve two major
aspects: to realize enlightenment through principle (liru) and through
prac ces (xingru). The first aspect teaches a student to experience
one’s true nature through medita on and go beyond wri en
teachings. The second aspect involves the prac ces of accep ng past
karma, non-a achment, the cessa on of craving, and the six
perfec ons in daily ac vi es. Both aspects lead to the final awakening
to principle (li), which equals one’s true or pure nature. In elabora ng
on these approaches, the text used the teachings of emp ness, non-
duality, and Buddha-nature from the perfec on of wisdom literature,
Madhyamaka philosophy, and the tathāgatagarbha tradi on of Indian
Buddhism.
BUDDHA-DHARMA (Ch. fofa)
This Sanskrit term designates the en rety of Buddhist teachings
or Buddhist truths.
See also .
BUDDHA-NATURE (Ch. foxing)
In its original Chinese form, this term is equivalent to the Sanskrit
term tathāgatagarbha. Another Chinese transla on of
tathāgatagarbha is rulaizang (the embryo container of Buddha).
Rulaizang and foxing (Buddha-nature) are synonyms, mutually
exchangeable, and o en used together in Chinese Buddhist texts.
The tathāgatagarbha thought of Indian Mahayana Buddhism
was developed, in some connec on with the Yogācāra school, to
affirm the possibility and poten al of a aining enlightenment by
revealing the intrinsic link between sen ent beings wandering in the
samsaric world and their soteriological goal of becoming Buddha. This
intrinsic link is the Buddha-nature within sen ent beings themselves,
which is originally pure but is unfortunately covered by defilements.
 The use of the term tathāgatagarbha in Indian Mahayana
Buddhist texts o en involves two basic meanings: the cause (hetu) of
Buddha and the nature (dhātu/svabhāva) of Buddha. On the one
hand, this Buddha-nature is considered the cause for sen ent beings
to long for enlightenment and to avoid suffering and ignorance. On
the other hand, this Buddha-nature is described as something like the
“essence” of Buddha and as ul mate reality, which is permanent,
responsible not only for the final libera on, but also for samsaric lives.
Different Indian tathāgatagarbha texts emphasize different
meanings of Buddha-nature. Some texts interpret Buddha-nature as
iden cal with emp ness, with the causal chain of interdependent
arising, and with the Middle Way. Others explain the no on of
Buddha-nature as a temporary expedient. These views reflect the
efforts of desubstan alizing Buddha-nature. However, some texts of
tathāgatagarbha thought assert that Buddha-nature has the virtues
or characteris cs of permanence, happiness, self-existence, and
purity, which are both empty and not empty in terms of the Middle
Way.
Chinese Buddhism, including Chan, embraces and assimilates
Indian tathāgatagarbha thought through its inherited belief from
Confucianism that every human being can be a sage. Among the
influen al texts of tathāgatagarbha thought, an apocryphal trea se,
The Awakening of Faith in the Mahayana (Dasheng Qixin Lun), plays a
central role. This trea se describes Buddha-nature as “one mind
(yixin)” with two differen ated aspects of the true and the deluded.
Although this one mind is the overall condi on and source of all
things and beings, it is iden fied with the mind of the sen ent being.
This no on provides Chan with the inspira on that the realiza on of
Buddha-nature be seen as the existen al transforma on of the
human mind in everyday situa ons.
Chan no ons such as self-nature (zixing), original mind (benxin),
and original nature (benxing) can all be regarded as varia ons on the
teaching of Buddha-nature. A dis nc ve Chan contribu on to the
understanding of Buddha-nature is the Chan elabora on on the
inseparableness of the realiza on of Buddha-nature and everyday
ac vi es. While using various no ons of Buddha-nature, classical
 Chan also showed that Buddha-nature, like all other soteriological
terms, is an expedient means only and cannot be substan alized.
See also .
BU’ER
See .
BULI WENZI
See .
BUSHUOPO
Literally “never tell too plainly” or “never explain things in too
plain language,” it is an important Chan strategy for master-student
communica ons and especially for edifying or instruc ng students.
The best-known reference to the strategy of bushuopo was made by
Dongshan Liangjie and recorded in the Zutang Ji and Jingde
Chuandeng Lu. Dongshan highly praised his teacher, not for the
teacher’s virtue or teaching, but for his strategy of bushuopo, which
contributed to Dongshan’s enlightenment. A similar praise for this
kind of strategy can be found in the biography of Xiangyan Zhixian, a
disciple of Guishan Lingyou. In modern mes, Hu Shi a empted to
call a en on to this peculiar method of Chan instruc on. However,
bushuopo as a pedagogical method was dismissed by other modern
scholars, such as D. T. Suzuki (1870–1966), to focus on the unique
Chan experience of enlightenment itself. Recent studies of Chan have
revisited this Hu Shi–Suzuki debate. Although Suzuki’s point that there
is no fixed method for Chan has been well received, his understanding
of Chan experience as self-iden cal and his dismissal of the study of
Chan linguis c strategies have been cri cally ques oned.
In terms of contemporary studies of Chan, bushuopo involves
insight into the indirectness of communica on in Chan prac ce, which
differs significantly from the “direct” conveyance of informa on or
objec ve knowledge. The existen al-prac cal goal of transforming
personhood determines that the experience, realiza on, or resonance
of enlightenment is called transmission or communica on (yiqi
weichuan) in Chan. This defini on of Chan communica on requires
the subversion of conven onal hierarchy between speaker and
listener, transmi er and receiver. The Chan teacher must “listen” and
respond to the different situa ons of the students. The master must
avoid sa sfying himself or herself with simply giving lectures,
describing things, or explaining principles to students and avoid
misleading them or hindering their realiza ons by offering unified,
straigh orward advice. The master must inspire or arouse the
students’ own ac ons. In this sense even plain words func on
indirectly, although various indirect strategies serve the purpose of
Chan prac ce be er. That explains why many Chan masters prefer
using indirect words: they fit the deep structure of bushuopo,
instruc ng or helping students to search their own enlightenment
only indirectly, although plain words are not excluded from use.
 C

CAODONG SCHOOL (Ch. Caodong zong)

One of the major schools of Chan, which emerged in the late
Tang dynasty and became one of the two dominant schools of Chan in
China a er the Song dynasty. The name of this school is o en
understood as deriving from the first character of the names of its two
founders: Dongshan Liangjie and his disciple, Caoshan Benji.
However, the character “Cao” prior to “Dong” does not mean that
Caoshan was more important than Dongshan. Rather, the “Cao”
designates “Caoxi,” a name being used for the sixth patriarch,
Huineng, which is also the origin of the name “Caoshan” itself, as the
Chan legend tells that Benji changed Mount Heyu, where he resided,
to Mount Cao when memorizing Huineng. The name “Coadong” thus
could refer to the lineage from Huineng to Dongshan, including
Qingyuan Xingsi, Shitou Siqian, Yaoshan Weiyan, and Yunyan
Tansheng (782–841), dis nguished from other Chan lineages. One
important dis nc on of this early Caodong lineage, made by
Dongshan and his disciples, was to associate the sect with the line of
Shitou Siqian rather than Mazu Daoyi in such a way as to be er serve
the sect’s legi macy and its independence from other established
schools, despite the fact that Dongshan studied with Mazu’s several
disciples. It also helped to form the tradi onal narra ve on the “two
main lines” of Mazu and Shitou in the development of the Southern
school of Chan.
In addi on to the establishment of a new lineage, Dongshan and
his disciples demonstrated some form of “house style (jiafeng)”
different from other masters and schools. For example, unlike Linji’s
famous use of shock methods including shou ng and hi ng,
Dongshan’s style was gentler and subtler, more wi y and dexterous in
using a few words to hint at the reality of suchness and inspire
students. One of the principles of these methods in his
responsiveness to situa ons, as Dongshan himself called it, was
“never tell too plainly (bushuopo)”—the indirect way of
communica on and instruc on. The methods were based on the
understanding that although the reality of suchness manifests itself
through all things, including non-sen ent beings, it can only be
experienced in person and beyond objec fica on and
conceptualiza on. The other well-known means a ributed to
Dongshan and characterized the Caodong house (men ng shishe) was
the “five ranks (wuwei),” which introduced five kinds of
interrela onship between the correct (zheng) and the par al (pian),
or principle (li) and phenomena (shi), as five perspec ves to guide
students in experiencing reality.
The Caodong lineage con nued with the line of Dongshan’s
disciple Yunju Daoying, according to the orthodox Song narra ve on
the Caodong transmission. However, in the early 11th century, with
Dayang Jingxuan, the fourth-genera on descendant of Yunju, the
Caodong lineage underwent a severe crisis a er years of declining.
Dayang had to ask Linji master Fayuan (991–1067) to find an heir for
Caodong from his able disciples. Thus Fayuan’s disciple Touzi Yiqing
later became the legi mate receiver of Dayang’s dharma and the
sixth-genera on descendant of Dongshan in the rewri en narra ve of
the Caodong lineage created by Yiqing’s disciples.
Star ng with Furong Daokai, the next genera on, and within the
two genera ons of his disciples, the Caodong school achieved a
remarkable revival, which involved its success in elite circles in the
12th-century Song, and therefore became a major force in Chan
monas c communi es. The culmina on of this prominence came with
several of Daokai’s second-genera on disciples, including the well-
known Hongzhi Zhengjue and Zhenxie Qingliao, whose third-
genera on disciple Tiantong Rujing was the teacher of the Japanese
Sōtō Zen founder Dōgen Kigen.
The 12th-century Caodong tradi on not only produced the
orthodox narra ve on its lineage, but also invented a new approach of
“silent illumina on Chan (mozhao Chan)” with its dis nc ve
vocabulary. The new approach started with Furong Daokai and his
disciples and culminated in Hongzhi Zengjie. Recent study of this silent
illumina on Chan indicates that the medita on technique this new
approach used and its doctrinal founda on of inherent Buddha-
 nature are all familiar things that have existed within the Chan
tradi on. What makes this approach unique is its new stress on
s llness and si ng medita on as the manifesta on of inherent
Buddha-nature or as an end in itself; its de-emphasis on
enlightenment as a sudden and crucial moment of experience; and its
thorough deconstruc on of dualism between prac ce and
enlightenment, or means and goal.
The new Caodong approach is quite successful in a rac ng
elites, and this might be one of the reasons for the Linji Chan master
Dahui Zonggao’s a ack on it and for the further development of
Dahui’s own approach—kanhua Chan (literally “Chan of observing the
key phrase”). Because Dahui’s a ack has considerable influence, the
silent illumina on approach has o en been seen as less orthodox
than the Linji school’s kanhua prac ce. Nevertheless, this Caodong
legacy is s ll preserved in many ways in present-day East Asia.
CAODONG ZONG
See .
CAOSHAN BENJI (840–901)
A Chan master of the Tang dynasty, a disciple of Dongshan
Liangjie and considered the second founder of the Caodong school.
Born into a Huang family in the area of Quanzhou in present-day
Fujian province, China, he became a monk at the age of 19 in Fuzhou
and was officially ordained at the age of 25. He studied with
Dongshan for about 10 years. When he was leaving, according to a
12th-century text and texts published a erward, Dongshan secretly
transmi ed to him a number of works that Dongshan had received
from his own teacher, Yunyan Tansheng (782–841), including “The
Jewel Mirror Samadhi,” “Verses on the Five Ranks of Lord and Vassal,”
and others. The story signifies the tradi onal acknowledgment of
Caoshan as Dongshan’s legi mate dharma heir. Caoshan visited Caoxi
(in Guangdong) to pay respect to the sixth patriarch, Huineng’s,
pagoda. He then started to teach students in Fuzhou, Jiangxi, se ling
on Mount Heyu and changing its name to Mount Cao when
memorizing Huineng (hence people called him Caoshan Benji).
Caoshan had about 14 disciples in his life me, but a er four
genera ons, his lineage was ended. Although the Caodong school
 con nued with the line of Dongshan’s senior disciple Yunju Daoying,
Caoshan was seen by the tradi on as the cofounder with Dongshan.
Caoshan’s authority in explaining Dongshan’s doctrine of five
ranks is demonstrated by a number of his commentaries, including
“The Essen als of the Five Ranks of Lord and Vassal” (Wuwei Junchen
Zhijue), “Explana ons of Dongshan’s Essen als of Five Ranks” (Jieshi
Dongshan Wuwei Xianjue), and others. However, these works, along
with Dongshan’s own works on the five ranks, were introduced much
later by a text of the early 12th century. There are no other earlier
reliable sources to verify what was wri en by Caoshan and Dongshan
themselves. The numerous dialogues between Caoshan and his
students preserved in the earlier transmission of the lamp
anthologies, such as the Zutang Ji and the Jingde Chuandeng Lu,
rather than in the Ming edi on of Caoshan Yulu, are rela vely more
reliable for the study of Caoshan’s teachings. They illustrate a kind of
subtle and wi y style that he inherited from his teacher Dongshan in
responding to situa ons and inspiring students to realize self-nature
or experience suchness.
CAOXI DASHI ZHUAN
Translated into English as the Biography of the Great Master of
Caoxi, the Caoxi Dashi Zhuan is one of the hagiographies about the
sixth patriarch, Huineng, produced in the early history of Chan
Buddhism. Contemporary scholars have generally agreed on the date
of its composi on as 781, about 70 years a er Huineng’s death.
However, there is no plain evidence for the exact author of this text,
so contemporary historians can only speculate about its possible
authorship. A rela vely convincing theory is that it was produced by a
member of, or someone connected to, the Baolin Temple (Baolin Si)
community at Caoxi, in the area of Shaozhou (in present-day
Guangdong province), where Huineng preached and the lineage of his
disciples con nued. The text adds new materials about Huineng to
the early hagiographical composi ons by Shenhui and the Lidai Fabao
Ji and influences the ensuing Dunhuang edi on of the Pla orm Sūtra
and the Baolin Zhuan. However, the Caoxi Dashi Zhuan’s contribu on
does not help to make Huineng’s biographical informa on any less
 conflic ng. It instead demonstrates the compe ng stories about
Huineng from different groups of his followers.
Contemporary scholars have analyzed a number of crucial
differences between the Caoxi Dashi Zhuan and the stories about
Huineng offered by the other texts. First, the verse compe on
between Huineng and Shenxiu, and its role in Huineng’s being chosen
as the sixth patriarch, so popular with the Pla orm Sūtra and
endorsed by Chan tradi on, is absent from this biography of Huineng.
Second, although the texts of Shenhui and the Pla orm Sūtra
emphasize the central role of the Diamond Sūtra in Huineng’s
enlightenment, the Caoxi Dashi Zhuan depicts Huineng as a master of
the Nirvana Sūtra, through the stories about Huineng’s mee ng with
the nun Wujincang and the master Yinzong’s (627–713) a es ng to
Huineng’s perfect understanding of the Nirvana Sūtra. Third, the
Caoxi Dashi Zhuan presents, for the first me, the full story of
Huineng’s conversa on about the banner and the wind, and his
mee ng with and later official ordina on by Yinzong, which is not
included in the Dunhuang edi on of the Pla orm Sūtra but is
absorbed by the later versions of the Pla orm Sūtra and the
transmission of the lamp literature. Fourth, the Caoxi Dashi Zhuan
rejects the relevance of Empress Wu (r. 690–705) to the transmission
of Bodhidharma’s robe and the claim made by the Lidai Fabao Ji that
the robe was given by Huineng to Empress Wu and was further passed
to Wuzhu through Zhishen (609–702), Chuji (669–736 or 648–734),
and Wuxiang. By asser ng that only Baolin Temple holds the mummy
of Huineng and the robe of transmission, and by men oning imperial
decrees as proof of recogni on from the imperial court, the Caoxi
Dashi Zhuan promotes the orthodoxy of the lineage at Baolin Temple.
This limi ng of the Chan heritage of Huineng to one single place
seems different from the more ecumenical a tude adopted by the
Dunhuang edi on of the Pla orm Sūtra, especially the Baolin Zhuan.
Despite these and other differences, the basic teachings of Huineng
contained in this text do not run counter to those in the more popular
Pla orm Sūtra.
CHAN
 The word chan is o en confused with the word Chanzong, which
means “the school of Chan” or “Chan Buddhism.” Under many
circumstance, people do use “Chan” to designate the Chan school in
Chinese Buddhism. In such usage, “Chan” becomes an abbreviated
form of Chanzong. However, chan was used before the advent of the
Chan school. “Chan” could denote the prac ce of medita on (xichan),
such as si ng medita on (zuochan), or the study of medita on
(chanxue), apart from the school of Chan. The fact that Buddhist
schools other than the Chan school prac ce medita on is also
evident. Obviously, the term chan can be discussed separately from
the term Chanzong.
Chan is a shortened form of the Chinese word channa, rendered
from the Sanskrit word dhyāna, which denotes prac ces of the
concentra on of the mind through medita on or contempla on.
Although rooted in the Indian tradi on of yoga, which aims at the
unifica on of the individual being with the divine, medita ve
concentra on became integrated into the Buddhist path to
enlightenment as one of the three learnings (sanxue) of Buddhism.
Early Buddhist (or Hinayana Buddhist) scriptures include the teachings
on forty objects of medita on, four founda ons of mindfulness, four
stages of medita on, four divine abodes, four formless medita ons,
the tranquility (samatha) and insight (vipassanā) medita ons, and so
forth. Buddhist communi es commonly prac ced these medita ons,
along with the moral disciplines and the study of the scriptures and
doctrines to acquire wisdom. In this general context, some eminent
monks might have composed scriptures/trea ses for the training of
medita on or have become more famous for medita on. Mahayana
Buddhism con nued the prac ce of medita on as one of the six
perfec ons (or virtues) of the bodhisa va path. It inherited the
essen al methods of medita on from early Buddhism while at the
same me diversifying them, a emp ng to overcome the tendency of
escapism or quie sm, and basing medita ons on the Mahayana
doctrines of emp ness, mind-only, non-duality, and Buddha-nature.
From the 2nd to 5th centuries CE, several Buddhist missionaries,
such as An Shigao (d.u.) and Kumārajīva (344–413) (Ch. Jiumoluoshi),
translated some Indian Buddhist scriptures and trea ses on
medita on into Chinese. Eminent Chinese monks, such as Dao’an
(312–385) and Huiyuan (344–416), showed great enthusiasm for
these works and wrote prefaces to the transla ons. Among the most
influen al of the scriptures are the Anban Shouyi Jing, translated by
An Shigao; the Zuochan Sanmei Jing by Kumārajīva; and the
Damoduoluo Chan Jing by Buddhabhadra (359–429). However, what
these texts taught were basically Hinayana-oriented methods of
medita on with a dualis c emphasis on the purifica on of the mind,
even though some translators, such as Kumārajīva, interpreted these
methods in terms of major Mahayana doctrines. More substan ally,
Mahayana-style medita on gradually became prominent in Chinese
Buddhism, as more Mahayana scriptures were translated into
Chinese. Some of these scriptures did not limit themselves to the
theme of medita on, but nonetheless involved important Mahayana
instruc ons on the prac ce of medita on and the cri que of
Hinayana-oriented medita on, such as those in the Vimalakīr Sūtra.
Not only did the eminent missionaries and translators from India
and central Asia play a crucial role during the early period of Chinese
Buddhism, but their transla ons and interpreta ons also
demonstrated a dual root of the Chinese Buddhist prac ce of
medita on. The translators were hard-working students of Chinese
language and culture, surrounded by some eminent Chinese monks
who were also highly knowledgeable in the works of Laozi and
Zhuangzi, which were extremely popular through the so-called dark
learning (xuanxue) of the Wei Jin period (220–420). Daoist-style si ng
medita on was prac ced long before Buddhism spread to China. The
translated Buddhist scriptures on medita on and their interpreta on
o en adopted available Daoist vocabularies. For example, Dao’an’s
and Huiyuan’s prefaces to the scriptures clearly used Daoist concepts
such as wuwei (non-ac on) and wang (forge ulness) to describe the
levels of medita on. Although Chinese Buddhism soon le behind the
prac ce of matching up Buddhist meanings (geyi) with Daoist terms,
the Daoist wisdom of achieving joy and equanimity in ordinary
ac vi es through the realiza on of the way of the universe con nued
to pervade the mature Chinese Buddhist understanding of Mahayana
doctrines and prac ces, including medita on.
 Despite these developments, when Huijiao (497–554) presented
biographies of the eminent monks of 2nd- to 5th-century China, who
specialized in or became famous for medita on, in his Gaoseng
Zhuan, there were only about 20. This indicated that no independent
school of Chan was formed yet. Here we dis nguish between the
approach of medita on by separate individual monks (xichan) in
Buddhist history and the school of Chan (Chanzong) with its unique
ins tu onal history. As a component of the common Buddhist
prac ce, the approach of medita on could evolve and diversify
without establishing a school of Chan. However, the school of Chan is
obviously more than just a method or approach. As one of the
Sinicized Buddhist schools, different from others, it involves its own
ideology, community, and genealogical history, serving to establish its
own iden ty.
See also .
CHAN CHART
This is a short tle for Chart of the Master-Disciple Succession of
the Chan Gate That Transmits the Mind-Ground in China (Zhonghua
Chuanxindi Chanmen Shizi Chengxi Tu), wri en by Zongmi in the early
830s. An earlier version of the text discovered in Japan shows that its
original tle was Pei Xiu Shiyi Wen (Imperial Redactor Pei Xiu’s
Inquiry), which fits its form of a literary correspondence between
Zongmi and Pei Xiu. Scholars believe that the current tle was added
later. The text also has had many other tles in its history of
circula on in East Asia.
In his answers to Pei Xiu’s ques ons, Zongmi presents the earliest
extant Chan genealogical chart to trace all lineages descending from
Bodhidharma and subsequent patriarchs, including Heze Shenhui, the
seventh patriarch. Zongmi provides his cri cal examina on of the four
major Chan schools: the Northern school, the Hongzhou school, the
Ox-head school, and the Heze school. He uses the simile of the
brightness and blackness of a wishing jewel (moni zhu) to illustrate
these schools’ different a tudes toward the rela onship between the
mind or nature of true suchness and the deluded mind or ordinary
phenomena, with his preferred ranking of Heze at the top and
Northern at the bo om. Although his promo on of the Heze lineage
 had li le influence on the historical development of Chan, Zongmi’s
Chan Chart and other works are among the few invaluable Chan texts
of the 9th century that provide reliable sources for the study of Tang
Chan Buddhism. His characteriza on of the Hongzhou school is fair
and accurate, offering a different perspec ve on this leading Chan
movement. His elabora on on the doctrinal differences of Heze and
Hongzhou, regarding the intrinsic, original func oning (zixing
benyong) and the condi oned, responsive func oning (suiyuan
yingyong), is sophis cated and thought provoking. While he never
blames Hongzhou for breaking Buddhist precepts or for pursuing
an nomian consequnces, his ques oning of Hongzhou’s failure to
address the difference between perverted views of reality and correct
views, between merits ansd faults, reflects a legi mate concern.
CHANGLU ZONGZE (1056–?)
There is very li le informa on about Zongze’s life. According to
later sources, he was a na ve of Xiangyang (in present-day Hubei
province). His family name was Sun. At a very early age, he lost his
father; he and his mother had to live with his uncle. He studied
Confucian classics, but at the age of 29 he entered monas c life with
Fayun Faxiu (1027–1090), a Chan master of the Yunmen school, in
Changlu, Zhenzhou (in present-day Jiangsu province). When Changlu
Yingfu (d.u.), another Yunmen master, replaced Faxiu, Zongze became
his disciple, eventually succeeding to the abbacy. Zongze is famous for
his compila on of the Chanyuan Qinggui (Rules of Purity for the Chan
Monastery), the earliest extant text of a comprehensive Chan
monas c code. Its impact on the later compilers of similar regulatory
texts in the Song and Yuan dynas es was enormous. A short text
en tled Zuochan Yi (Principles of Seated Medita on), included in the
eighth fascicle of the Chanyuan Qinggui, though some mes used
separately, is also the earliest known work of its kind in the en re
Chan tradi on and became a popular medita on manual in East Asia.
Moreover, Zongze was exemplary in integra ng Confucian filial piety
(xiao) into Buddhist prac ce. Not only was it reported that he brought
his aged mother to the monastery to take care of her, but he also
wrote 120 short essays, all under the tle On Advising [People to
Prac ce] Filial Piety (Quanxiao Wen). In addi on, Zongze was one of
 the pioneers in reconciling the prac ces of medita on and reci ng the
Buddha’s name (nianfo). He established a community of reci ng the
Buddha’s name (nianfo she) in Changlu in 1089 and published papers
and poems to promote the prac ce and the idea of “the mind as the
only pure land (weixin jingtu).”
CHANGUAN CEJIN
Translated into English as Whip for Spurring Advancement
through the Chan Barrier, this is a concise collec on of recorded Chan
sayings and anecdotes compiled by the Chan master Yunqi Zhuhong
of the late Ming dynasty in 1600. It became quite popular in China,
Korea, and Japan a er its first prin ng. Zhuhong intended to use this
book as a guide to Chan students’ prac ce of the kanhua Chan (Chan
of observing key phrases), deliberately avoiding abstract discussions
of theory by selec ng extracts of sermons, exhorta ons,
authobiographical narra ves, le ers, and anecdotes that dealt directly
with issues of prac ce. The selec on was based on a survey of Chan
literature from the late Tang dynasty to the late Ming, but gave a
special place to those masters of the Linji school in the Song, Yuan,
and Ming dynas es. The anthology is divided into two parts. The first,
“Front Collec on,” occupies 80 percent of the book and includes two
sec ons: “Extracts from the Dharma Sayings of the Patriarchs,”
consis ng of excerpts from the public instruc ons of various masters,
and “Extracts from the Painful Prac ce of the Patriarchs,” consis ng of
short stories on arduous prac ces by various masters. The second
part, “Back Collec on,” occupies 20 percent of the book under the
tle “Extracts from the Sūtras to Authen cate [the Preceding
Selec ons],” consis ng of short passages from various scriptures.
Zhuhong’s own comments are appended to many selec ons in the
anthology.
CHANLIN BAOXUN
Treasured Instruc ons of the Chan Grove, a concise anthology of
the teachings and anecdotes of various Song Chan masters, was
compiled by the Chan monk Jingshan (d.u.) in the Song dynasty. It was
based on an original selc on made by Miaoxi Pujue (Dahui Zonggao)
and Zhu’an Shigui (d. 1149) at Yunmen Temple in Jiangxi. During
1174–1189, Jingshan acquired an incomplete copy of their selec on.
 By adding new materials taken from various texts of recorded sayings
(yulu), Jingshan expanded the collec on to over 300 short teachings
and anecdotes. It soon became a popular Chan text for beginners and
was included in the Ming and Qing Buddhist canons. Numerous
commentaries on this book were also produced during the Ming and
Qing dynas es and ensuing periods.
CHANLIN SENGBAO ZHUAN
Chronicles of Monk-Treasure in the Chan Grove, a book compiled
by the literatus-monk Juefan Huihong of the Northern Song dynasty
in 1119. It consists of 30 fascicles, collec ng the records of ac vi es,
stories, and sayings of 81 Chan masters from the late Tang and Five
Dynas es to the Northern Song. Following the style of the
transmission of the lamp literature, each biography of a Chan master
is followed by a brief comment summarizing the master’s life and
achievement. However, Huihong intended this book to supplement
the transmission of the lamp literature by paying closer a en on to
recording events and ac vi es of Chan masters rather than just
recording their sayings, and by collec ng materials that were not
included in the transmission of the lamp literature. He u lized various
neglected texts, records of ac vi es (xing lu or xing zhuang), and
epitaphs (beiming). As a result, his book presents a vivid picture of the
development of Chan in the Northern Song period, especially the
thriving of the Lingi school and the Yunmen school during that
period.
CHANMEN GUISHI
“Regula ons for the Chan School” was claimed to be an outline
of the alleged Chan monas c code Baizhang Qinggui. It was wri en
in 1004 as an appendix to the biography of Bizhang Huaihai in the
Jingde Chuandeng Lu. This outline has been seen as important
evidence for the existence of the original Baizhang Qinggui and, along
with other Song historiographers’ wri ngs, has contributed to
Baizhang’s fame as an inventor of the independent Chan monas c
system. Among the earliest documents, this Chanmen Guishi provides
some detailed descrip ons of Chan monas c life and informa on
about evolving Chan monas c rules. However, modern and
contemporary scholars have ques oned the reliance of this document
 and its claims about Baizhang’s role in crea ng an independent Chan
monas c code. Independent Chan monasteries were established long
before Baizhang’s me, while the majority of public Buddhist
monasteries were not exclusively for Chan un l the Song dynasty.
What is stated in this text about Baizhang’s ini a ves on Chan
monas c rules is not supported by any reliable historical documents
from the Tang era. Nor is Baizhang’s authorship of a wri en Chan
monas c code like this verified. The editor never explains why this
Chanmen Guishi does not even have the tle Baizhang Qinggui.
Moreover, a cri cal examina on of Buddhist texts about the
monas c code discloses that ac ons a ributed to Baizhang’s
ini a ves, such as establishing “Dharma hall (fatang),” “Sangha hall,”
and communal labor (puqing), can all be traced back to the Indian
Vinaya texts and the texts of the Chinese Lüzong (school of precepts).
The rules or customs ascribed to Baizhang in fact adopt the tradi onal
precepts and do nothing revolu onary, although this fact does not
allow for the denial of any evolu onary process that adds indigenous
elements to the Chan and other Chinese Buddhist monas c systems.
In addi on, the Chanmen Guishi’s claim about Baizhang’s
revolu onary role even runs ironically against what is recorded in this
same text about Baizhang’s view that the monas c rules should
include both the Hinayana and Mahayana ones in a harmonious way.
In other words, Baizhang’s point is not to break with the tradi on.
This point is indeed in accord with Baizhang’s prac ces, and it
subverts the text’s premature conclusion. A en on should also be
paid to the underlying power struggle between the Chan school and
the school of precepts (Lüzong) over the influence and control of
monasteries, which might be one of the hidden mo ves behind the
post-Tang Chan’s li ing and inven on of Baizhang’s legendary role to
serve its need for systema za on.
CHAN OF LETTERS AND WORDS
See
CHAN OF OBSERVING THE KEY PHRASE
See .
CHAN PORTRAITURE
 In medieval Chinese Buddhist language, the term xiang (“image”)
or zhen (“resemblance”) referred to formal portraits. Early Chinese
Buddhist use of portraits of eminent monks in the Tang and pre-Tang
periods was related to funerary, memorial, and devo onal rites,
parallel to the worship of relic and effigy, and accompanied Buddhist
a empts to maintain the remains of eminent monks. These portraits
and images were seen as sacred or spiritually alive. Chinese Buddhist
monasteries also started to build a separate portrait hall or patriarch
hall enshrining portraits of patriarchs and eminent monks. These
ritual uses of portraits and the construc on of portrait halls were not
exclusive to Chan Buddhism, however, and a unique Chan style of
portrait hall or patriarch hall only emerged from the end of the 7th
century to the 9th century.
Shenxiu’s leading disciple Puji was perhaps among the earliest to
build a hall of seven patriarchs of Chan at Shaolin Temple on Mount
Song. In terms of a different Chan lineage theory, Shenhui’s disciples
also established a hall of seven patriarchs. Such portrait halls or
patriarch halls became a common feature of Chan monasteries during
the Song dynasty. Star ng from the Song, portrait halls reduced the
number of enshrined portraits of ancient patriarchs and included
more portraits of the former abbots of each monastery. These
portraits were offered food and drink and worshiped on a daily basis.
During major memorial services for patriarchs and abbots, portraits
would be brought out of the portrait hall and set up in the dharma
hall to receive congrega onal offerings and prayers, then would be
returned to the portrait hall a er the ceremony.
Furthermore, during the Song dynasty, portraits of abbots began
to be used outside of these monas c rituals. Many abbots had
portraits made by and distributed to a variety of persons, including
individual monas c officers, lay followers, and patrons. The abbots
were also asked to write self-eulogies, consis ng of verse inscrip ons,
for such portraits. By the mid-11th century, many abbots’ recorded
sayings had a common sec on of “portrait eulogies (zhen zan)” placed
at the end of the work. The most outstanding example of these
portrait inscrip ons is from the Hongzhi Lu or Hongzhi Chanshi
Guanglu. This text includes hundreds of such portrait inscrip ons
 spanning several fascicles. The personally autographed and eulogized
portrait of a Chan abbot thus became a treasure and an object of
reverence for many followers in medieval China. Although many
masters’ inscrip ons involve a warning that the true image of a
master cannot be mistaken for his physical form, this kind of warning
itself could not be signified without being parasi c on a certain form
—whether portrait or inscrip on.
CHAN PROLEGOMENON
This is a short tle for Zongmi’s Prolegomenon to the Collec on
of Expressions of the Chan Source (Chanyuan Zhuquanji Duxu), wri en
around 833. It is usually regarded as a preface to the Chan canon
Zongmi was edi ng. But more accurately, it is a theore cal trea se or
a cri cal discussion serving to introduce and interpret the extended
work, the Chan canon. Whether Zongmi completed this Chan canon
or whether it ever existed is a subject of ongoing scholarly debate,
although the ques on has never reduced the value of this
masterpiece alone. Its all-inclusiveness with regard to Chan has no
precedent in Chan literature, but it influenced many successors of
Chinese Buddhist syncre sm, star ng with Yongming Yanshou’s
Zongjing Lu (Records of the Source-Mirror) in the Song dynasty.
In this trea se, Zongmi con nues to elaborate on his no on of
“harmonizing various schools of Chan,” which he expressed earlier in
his Notes to the Great Commentary on the Perfect Awakening Sūtra
(Yuanjue Jing Dashu Chao) and in his Chan Chart. The underlying
assump on of this synthe c approach is that the various Chan
schools, when viewed in isola on from one another and outside the
overall Buddhist context, are wrong in their self-absolu za on. When
understood within this overall context, each will acquire its validity. To
ar culate a comprehensive framework in which every different
perspec ve of Chan could be harmoniously subsumed is thus the goal
of his cri cal examina on of Chan schools. The ra onale for this
inclusivism and syncre sm is made clearer in his elabora on on the
no on of the correspondence of scriptural teachings and Chan
(jiaochan yizhi). As scriptures are the Buddha’s words and Chan is the
Buddha’s intent, Zongmi argues, the two cannot be contradictory;
they share the same source. Zongmi shows how the principles of the
 different Chan tradi ons of his me correspond to the different
scriptural teachings through his doctrinal classifica on scheme. By this
no on of the correspondence of scriptural teachings and Chan,
Zongmi makes his posi on dis nct from both scholas c tendency
against Chan and iconoclast tendency within Chan.
CHAN SCHOOL
See .
CHANYUAN QINGGUI
Rules of Purity for the Chan Monastery, the earliest surviving text
of a comprehensive Chan monas c code compiled in 1103 during the
Northern Song dynasty (960–1127) by the Yunmen Chan abbot
Changlu Zongze. The code features a wide-ranging coverage of almost
every aspect of life in the large public monasteries of the me. For
example, it specifies guidelines for traveling monks, emphasizes the
importance of studying under masters at various monasteries,
prescribes the protocol for a ending retreats, and details the
procedure for reques ng an abbot’s instruc on. A considerable
por on of the code addresses the administra ve hierarchy within the
monastery, including the du es and powers of different monas c
officers. Many rules indicate proper social manners for the interac on
of monks of various ranks at a range of func ons from tea ceremonies
to chan ng rituals and monas c auc ons. The text even details the
proper procedures for mundane ac vi es such as packing one’s
belongings for travel or bathing. The impact of this comprehensive
monas c code on later compilers of regulatory texts in the Song and
Yuan dynas es was enormous. Prior to this text, all monas c codes
were very limited and sca ered, not intended to be defini ve codes
for Chan Buddhism. Other extensive codes that might have existed
had been lost. This text was also extremely influen al overseas; in
Japan, it served as the model for genera ons of monas c codes.
Dōgen (1200–1253), for instance, paraphrased many of its passages in
his works.
Notwithstanding its due place in the long evolu onary
progression of monas c regula ons, the contents of the Chanyuan
Qinggui do show numerous borrowings and assimila ons from many
earlier works on monas c regula ons. The most recent study of the
 Chanyuan Qinggui has traced these borrowings and assimila ons
directly back to the Indian Vinaya (jielü) texts and to the early Sangha
regula ons (senggui), compiled by Chinese monks such as the Vinaya
advocate Daoan (312–385) and the Lü master Daoxuan (596–667).
Although the Chanyuan Qinggui is s ll seen as the culmina on of
early endeavors in developing a monas c code, all these borrowings
and assimila ons have helped refute the tradi onal claim that this
kind of collec on of rules of purity is solely a Chan inven on by
Baizhang Huaihai’s groundbreaking work. In addi on, the Chanyuan
Qinggui includes elements incorporated from Chinese governmental
policies and from tradi onal cultural customs and prac ces. For
instance, the text conforms to state decrees concerning travel
permits, the sale of tonsure and tular cer ficates, the elec on of
abbots, the conversion of public monasteries into private ones, and so
forth. It also echoes court protocol in monas c ceremonies and
borrows popular and Confucian ritual customs.
CHANZONG
This term refers to “the school of Chan” in Chinese Buddhism,
but it is difficult to fully translate the meaning of zong in this context
as “school.” The Chinese character zong has a variety of connota ons
other than just “school” (or zongbai) that emphasize the prac ce of
medita on. The zong originally depicted an ancestral hall (zongmiao),
in which a clan’s ancestor, or ancestors, were enshrined and the
tablets for ancestors (zuzong paiwei) were kept. The zong involves the
meanings of “clan” (zongmen or zongzhu), “[the same] ancestor,”
“[the same] patriarch-predecessor” (zuxian), “origin,” “source”
(benyuan), and “revere” (zunchong). These meanings help reveal the
genealogical sense of the Chanzong in its Chinese context.
The ins tu on of Chanzong is precisely defined by its tradi on as
a genealogical system, a lineal succession of patriarchs and dharma
heirs (fasi), who transmit (chuan) enlightenmental experience or
engender the echoing (qihui) of this kind of experience between their
minds and the minds of their disciples (the so-called yixin chuanxin),
rather than transmi ng skills of medita on or scriptural teachings.
This lineage of patriarchs, masters, and dharma heirs is an elite core of
the Chan school. The great majority of the monks, nuns, lay followers,
and patrons who live and train in Chan monasteries are not members
of this lineage. They are members of the Chan school and could aspire
to succeed to the lineage, but only a select few eventually receive the
transmission. Thus, from an ins tu onal perspec ve, the Chan school
involves everyone who believes in the Chan lineage, acquires
inspira on from its stories, reveres its patriarchs, and follows the
masters or abbots who are the living Buddhas and patriarchs;
everything evolves from this live lineage.
Moreover, the func on of this lineal ins tu on is shaped by its
mythology about the lineage. The success and prosperity of various
Chan sects depends, to a great extent, on their contribu on to the
establishment of Chan narra ve on the legi ma on of the lineage
coming down to them. This narra ve becomes the source of authority
and iden ty needed for each rival fac on within Chan. The earliest
theories of the Chan lineal transmission were produced by the texts of
the Dongshan Famen, which constructed a six-genera on lineage of
Chan patriarchs. Shenhui, in se ng up the authority of his teacher
Huineng as the true sixth patriarch of Chan and overturning the
Dongshan Famen and the Northern school’s lineage theory, made a
new list of strict one-to-one patriarchal succession for Chan Buddhsm
and added a list of Indian patriarchs.
The parallel a empts made by other Chan sects culminated in
the Baolin Zhuan’s version of 28 Indian patriarchs in addi on to 6
Chinese patriarchs, which became an orthodox “history” of Chan
lineal transmission from India to China that was followed by all later
Chan texts. This and other texts of the Hongzhou school also created
a new tradi on of Chan ecumenism, opposing the divisive
sectarianism of separa ng the Southern and Northern schools, and
recognizing the Chan lineage a er Huineng as evolving from the
unilineal transmission to the mul lineal transmission. The various
lineages were accommodated and seen as belonging to the same
extended family. This huge Chan clan thus came to embody familial
rela onships. The masters and disciples in a lineage were related like
spiritual fathers and sons or grandfathers and grandsons. They were
also related to prac oners of the other Chan lineages like siblings,
cousins, uncles, and nephews.
 From a different, more doctrinal, perspec ve, the meaning of the
zong as source or origin (benyuan) lends itself to the explora on of
the source and principle (zongzhi) of the Chan school. For some, to
study the Chan school is to study this source and principle of Chan.
Any lineal transmission is the transmission of “something,” no ma er
how different the interpreta on of this “something” would be, and
the principle of Chan holds this family together. One prominent
example along this line of thinking is Yongming Yanshou’s Zongjing Lu
(Records of the Source-Mirror). In that book, he iden fies the one
mind as the underlying and universal principle that transcends and
unifies all sectarian divisions, all kinds of scriptural teachings and
spiritual prac ces, and all provisional ar cula ons of this principle
itself. It is the source and founda on of a myriad of things and beings,
of all existence, and of libera on and enlightenment. Yanshou’s view
is obviously based on the classical Chan no on of the one mind, which
assimilates the tathāgatagarbha/Buddha-nature theory and the
Yogācāra mind-only theory. One of the purposes of this metaphysical
explana on on the principle of Chan is to clarify Chan ideology and to
do away with a sectarian iden ty based on an esoteric transmission
between the minds. However, since this universal “one mind”
transcends all historical condi ons and is ineffable, it s ll leaves room
for esotericism.
CHIXIU BAIZHANG QINGGUI
“Imperial Edi on of the Baizhang Rules of Purity,” deemed the
most authorita ve text of Chan monas c code and compiled by the
Chan abbot Dongyang Dehui (d.u.) from Mount Baizhang in 1335–
1336, who was appointed by Emperor Huizong (r. 1333–1370) of the
Yuan dynasty to lead the compila on. The main mo ve was to unify
all exis ng Chan monas c regula ons and to reconcile the
discrepancies produced by different edi ons of the Chan rules of
purity that had come into existence a er the compila on of
Chanyuan Qinggui. Dehui based his compila on and revision of
exis ng regula ons on three major sources: the Conglin Jiaoding
Qinggui Zongyao (also called Jiaoding Qinggui, compiled by Jinhua
Weimian in 1274), the Chanlin Beiyong Qinggui (also called Beiyong
 Qinggui, compiled by Zeshan Yixian in 1311), and the Chanyuan
Qinggui.
The result was a more comprehensive collec on, with wider
establishment and elabora on of Chan monas c regula ons. The text
is divided into nine chapters: “Fes vi es and the Observance of Rites,”
“Discharging Indebtedness to the State,” “Discharging Indebtedness to
Buddha (the Root of Buddhism),” “Honoring the Patriarchs,” “The
Abbot,” “The Dual Order Offices,” “The Prac oners,” “The Annual
Celebra on Calendar,” and “The Monas c Sound Instruments.”
Because of this imperial edi on’s comprehensiveness and
defini veness, it had far-reaching effects in the subsequent Ming
(1368–1644) and Qing (1644–1912) dynas es. The Ming imperial
court repeatedly decreed that this text was the standard for all Chan
monasteries and must be strictly followed by all prac oners. In 1442,
the Ming imperial court authorized its reprint edi on, on which the
Taishō Tripitaka edi on relied while consul ng its Japanese Five
Monasteries Edi on (Gozanban), published in 1356. Despite the fact
that this comprehensive monas c code had gone far beyond its
alleged origin, the so-called ancient rules of purity (guquinggui) of
Baizhang, the imperial edi on restored the tle “Baizhang Rules of
Purity” to assert its lineage and authority. Baizhang was praised as
one of the greatest patriarchs of Chan; his image was ordered to be
placed just to the right of Bodhidharma—the founding patriarch of
Chan—and the conduc ng of a memorial ritual for him was also
prescribed.
CHUAN FABAO JI
The English transla on of this Chinese tle is Annals of the
Transmission of the Dharma Treasure. The Chuan Fabao Ji is an
important text for the study of early Chan Buddhism in general and
for the earliest theory about the transmission of dharma through
patriarchal succession in par cular. It is a short work authored by a
layman, Du Fei (d.u.), who is reported by another source to be an
early teacher of Shenxiu’s disciple Yifu (658–736), but whose other
biographical informa on is almost non-existent. However, from this
work and other limited informa on, one can see that Dufei had a
close associa on with Shenxiu’s disciples. The work was composed
 some me between 716 and 732 and was men oned by Shenhui in his
famous debate with Chongyuan (d.u.) of the Northern school in 732.
Beyond that, it was soon forgo en by all later Chan texts. In the
1930s, it was discovered among the Dunhuang documents and
published by Japanese scholars.
The Chuan Fabao Ji includes Du Fei’s preface and the biographies
of Bodhidharma, Huike, Sengcan, Daoxin, Hongren, Faru, and
Shenxiu. His preface is the first evidence of an a empt to trace the
origin of Chinese patriarchs back to India in early Chan Buddhism,
although the names of Indian patriarchs draw heavily on the Damo
Duoluo Chanjing (the Medita on Sutra of Dharmatrāta). The
biographies of Chinese patriarchs, on the other hand, draw largely on
Daoxuan’s Xu Gaoseng Zhuan (Supplements to Biographies of Eminent
Monks). However, one of the differences from the Xu Gaoseng Zhuan
is that the thread running through these biographies in the Chuan
Fabao Ji is a clear indica on of the lineal transmission of the teachings
from patriarch to patriarch from the perspec ve of the Northern
school, one of the earliest evidences of this kind in early Chan. It
accepts the posi on of Faru’s epitaph (“Tang Zhongyue Shamen Shi
Faru Chanshi Xingzhuang”)—seeing Faru as Hongren’s dharma heir
and placing him before Shenxiu, which is different from the other
early sources such as the Lengqie Shizi Ji—and shows different
perspec ves on the orthodox lineage within the Northern school. The
Chuan Fabao Ji is also the earliest work of hagiographical wri ng in
Chan Buddhism, establishing the images of ideal Chan masters for
religious prac oners.
CHUANFA ZHENGZONG JI
The English transla on of this tle is Record of the True Lineage
of Dharma Transmission. It is a book of nine fascicles, concerning the
genealogical history of Chan, wri en by the Song Chan master Qisong
in 1061. The biographical accounts of the Buddha, 28 Indian
patriarchs, and 6 Chinese patriarchs are included in the first six
fascicles. The seventh and eighth fascicles provide short biographies
of 1304 Chan masters who can track their lineages all the way back to
Huineng. The last fascicle offers biographies of those Indian and
Chinese masters before Huineng, who are not included in the
 aforemen oned orthodox lineage, such as some disciples of the fi h
patriarch, Hongren, and their descendants.
While maintaining the orthodox Chan lineage of 28 Indian
patriarchs and 6 Chinese patriarchs in terms of the Baolin Zhuan and
Jingde Chuandeng Lu, Qisong also a empted to correct as many
errors as he could through the exegesis of scriptural sources. He
acknowledged the lack of textual evidence in certain Chan
genealogical narra ves, and for that ma er expressed his reluctance
to accept some newly created accounts by the Tiansheng Guangdeng
Lu (Tiansheng Extensive Record of the Lamp), even though he s ll
believed that the in macy of the mind-to-mind transmission of the
dharma would not ensure the historical precision of all records. In his
own account, he opposed the literal understanding of the no on of “a
separate transmission from the scriptural teachings.” For Qisong, Chan
transmission works within the broader scriptural tradi on, and the
only difference Chan makes is to verify teachings through the
realiza on of the mind. In this respect, Qisong is in line with Guifeng
Zongmi and Yongming Yanshou. The purpose of his book is to refute
both the a ack on the legi macy of Chan lineage from the outside
and the misunderstanding of Chan as separate from the scriptural
teachings within the Chan circle. To serve this purpose, he also
composed the Chuanfa Zhengzong Lun (Trea se on the True Lineage
of Dharma Transmission) and the Chuanfa Zhengzong Dingzu Tu
(Portraits of the Established Patriarchs of the True Lineage of Dharma
Transmission).
CHUANXIN FAYAO
This is the first part of the recorded sayings of Huangbo Xiyun. Its
complete tle is “Essen al Teachings on the Transmission of Mind
from Chan Master Duanji at Mount Huangbo” (Huangboshan Duanji
Chanshi Chuanxin Fayao). It includes Huangbo’s sermons and his
answers to the disciple’s ques ons, recorded during the late 840s and
compiled with a preface by Pei Xiu, a high-ranking official and one of
Huagnbo’s important lay disciples, in 857. It is one of the most
influen al and earliest texts of Chan recorded sayings, despite the fact
that the text has no biographical summary and is therefore quite
different from standard Chan recorded sayings literature. Although
 the Chuanxin Fayao underwent a long editorial process, like all
collec ons of oral instruc ons in the genre of Chan recorded sayings
(yulu), and although what we see now as the standard edi on is from
the Song dynasty, contemporary scholars are convinced that this text
is more reliable than many other texts of Chan recorded sayings,
whose historical origins are more vague and problema c.
Acknowledging that, in many aspects, this text lays the
founda on for the further development of Chan, contemporary
scholars also dis nguish its use of the more tradi onal forms of
sermons, its quo ng and alluding to Buddhist scriptures, from the
later Chan’s more radical iconoclas c approaches. The Chuanxin Fayao
involves the most no ceable elabora ons on such classical Chan
teachings as the cri que of conceptual (or cogni ve) understanding
(zhijian or zhijie), the non-duality (bu’er) between realizing self-
nature (jianxing) and ordinary ac vi es, “doing nothing special
(wushi),” “no-seeking (wuqiu),” “no-mind (wuxin),” “forge ng mind
(wangxin),” “transmission from mind to mind (yixin chuanxin),”
“verifica on from mind to mind (yixin yinxin),” and “directly poin ng
to the human mind (zhizhi renxin), realizing one’s self-nature and
becoming a Buddha (jianxing chengfo).” These teachings played a
remarkable role in shaping the Chan tradi on.
CONGRONG LU
Record of Equanimity, one of the best-known collec ons of the
Chan gong’an, compiled by the early Yuan Chan master Wansong
Xingxiu of the Caodong school in 1223, is Xingxiu’s commentary on
the Song Caodong Chan master Hongzhi Zhengjue’s Songgu Baize
(Verses on One Hundred Old Cases). The full tle of this book is
Wansong Laoren Pingchang Tiantong Heshang Songgu Congrong-an
Lu (Record of Old Man Wansong’s Promo ng Commentary on Monk
Tiantong’s Verses on Old Cases from the Temple of Equanimity).
Basically following the format of the Song Linji Chan master Yuanwu
Keqin’s Blue Cliff Record (Biyan Lu), each of the 100 cases in this book
starts with a pointer (shizong similar to Biyan Lu’s chuishi), an overall
sugges on for the study of this gong’an case, followed by the original
case picked up (ju) by Zhengjue and his original verse. Xingxiu then
adds his own pingchang, the promo ng and guiding commentary, and
 inserts his zhuyu, the explanatory note to the sentences of the case
descrip on and its commen ng verse. The Congrong Lu also gives
each gong’an case a brief tle. A preface wri en by Xingxiu’s lay
disciple and the statesman Yelü Chucai (1190–1244), and a le er from
Xingxiu, are a ached to this book. The current version preserved in
the Taisho (volume 48) is a Ming dynasty edi on.
CUTTING OFF TWO OPPOSITES
The Baizhang Guanglu records Baizhang Huaihai’s teaching on
how to avoid opposite concepts in Chan language. Baizhang advises
his students that they must use a kind of sentence that cuts off two
opposites (geduan liangtou ju). Through this kind of language,
Baizhang suggests, one would not be caught on either side of
opposites. For example, one should assert neither existence nor non-
existence, neither profane nor holy, neither Buddha nor sen ent
beings, neither cul va on nor realiza on, and so forth. In this way,
one eschews the opposi onal way of thinking, follows the perspec ve
of non-duality, and prac ces non-a achment and the Middle Way.
Baizhang uses this kind of language as an example of “living words.”
Baizhang’s teaching demonstrates the Chan appropria on of the
paradoxical language of Mahayana Buddhism and the Chan
simplifica on of that language within ordinary prac cal contexts.
 D

DAGUAN ZHENKE (1543–1603)

Also called Zibo Zhenke. A Chan master and one of the most
eminent monks in the Ming dynasty, Zhenke was a na ve of Wujiang
(in present-day Jiangsu). His family name was Shen. He became a
monk at the age of 17 in Huqiu, Suzhou, and was ordained at the age
of 20. He then traveled to many places, including Mount Wutai and
the capital, to visit good teachers. One day he had great doubts about
his prac ce, when he heard a poem by Zhangzhuo (d.u.), the lay
disciple of the Tang master Shishuang Qingzhu (807–888), saying that
“cu ng off deluded thoughts extends sicknesses, and striving for true
suchness is also heresy.” A er working out his doubts, he a ained
awakening, and he was later verified by the Chan master Bianrong
(d.u.) in the capital. Zhenke resolved to revitalize Chan and involved
himself in fund-raising for the prin ng of a new Buddhist canon, which
was started in 1589 and was called Jiaxing Zang or Jingshan Zang. His
extensive connec on with litera and officials in the capital, as well as
his involvement in poli cs, did not come without trouble, however,
and he died in prison in 1603. Nevertheless, his followers, monas c or
lay, upper class or lower, were numerous, even though he never took
abbacy or gave sermons.
Like his contemporaries Hanshan Deqing and Yunqi Zhuhong,
Zhenke was syncre s c toward Chan and Pure Land, Chan and
Buddhist doctrines, and all three Chinese tradi ons. He pointed out
that, although the doors and walls of the three tradi ons are different
(menqiang suiyi), their grounds—namely, the learning of the mind
(xinxue)—are the same (ben xiangtong). However, he was most
empha c about the importance of le ers and words and a empts to
jus fy the wenzi Chan in terms of the non-dualis c rela on of Chan
and words. To some extent, Zhenke promoted social ac vism in Chan
and Chinese Buddhism through his interpreta ons and his ac ons. He
refuted the misunderstanding of Buddhism as the way of emp ness
by reemphasizing that the teaching of emp ness is only a medicine
 for curing a achment, and that the Chan no on of original no-
thingness (benlai wuyiwu) should not be understood as non-existence
of the world. In addi on, Zhenke clarified that his Buddhism could aid
the Confucian way of the sagely king. Based on this awareness, he was
determined to let himself face the ups and downs of the world (yushi
chenfu) rather than escaping and would even die for his poli cal
involvement. He le us with the 30-fascicle Zibo Zunzhe Quanji
(Complete Works of Worthy Zibo).
DAHONG BAO’EN (1058–1111)
A Chan master of the Caogong school in the Song dynasty,
Bao’en was born into a tradi onal Confucian family in Liyang (in
present-day Henan). His family name was Liu. At the age of 18, he was
appointed as an official, but his desire to study Buddhism grew
stronger, leading him to quit his job and become a monk a er the
court approved his resigna on. Having traveled to various places, he
heard of the fame of Touzi Yiqin and went to Shuzhou to study with
Yiqing. Under Yiqing’s instruc on, he a ained awakening. A er his
teacher’s death, he visited two Yumen Chan masters, Fayun Faxiu
(1027–1090) and Yuanzhao Zongben (1020–1099). In 1086, former
prime minister Hanzhen (1019–1097) invited Bao’en to be abbot at
Shaolin Temple. In 1095, Bao’en was appointed abbot of Lingfeng
Temple in Mount Dahong in Suizhou. Within nine years, Bao’en had
converted this Vinaya temple into a famous Chan temple. He invited
the statesman Zhang Shangying (1043–1121) to document this
accomplishment. In 1103, Bao’en was appointed by Emperor Huizong
(r. 1100–1126) to be abbot at Fayun Chan Monastery in the capital,
Kaifeng. His request for release from this post was approved the next
year. In 1106, he was appointed again as the abbot of Lingfeng Temple
at Mount Dahong. He died there in 1111. It was reported that he
ordained 131 people, and 13 of his dharma heirs served as abbots at
public monasteries. In addi on to his yulu, Bao’en compiled Caodong
Zongpai Lu (Record of the Caodong Lineages), as well as two other
texts regarding precepts and ceremonies, but none of them are
extant.
DAHUI ZONGGAO (1089–1163)
 One of the famous Chan masters in the Song dynasty, Zonggao
became a novice at the age of 16 and was ordained the next year.
A er consul ng several Chan masters, he became a disciple of the
Linji master Zhantang Wenzhun (1061–1115) in the lineage of
Huanglong Huinan. Dahui compiled Wenzhun’s recorded sayings
when he passed away and asked one of the famous litera , Zhang
Shangying (1043–1121, who gave Dahui the sobriquet “Miaoxi”), to
write an epitaph for his teacher. His next teacher was Yuanwu Keqin,
with whom he experienced his own enlightenment. As Keqin’s senior
assistant, he con nued to develop his connec on with many elites.
Even before taking any abbacy, he was given a purple robe and the
honor of Fori Dashi (“Great Master of Buddha-sun”) by the imperial
court in 1126.
His connec on with statesmen and litera such as Zhang Jun
(1097–1164) and Zhang Jiucheng (1092–1159) brought him the
abbacy at Jingshan Temple, one of the most pres gious monasteries
in the Southern Song, as well as poli cal troubles. He was defrocked
and exiled for 14 years when his associates’ pro-war ac vi es against
the Jin policy fell out of imperial grace. In 1156, he was appointed to
the abbacy at Ayuwang Temple in Zhejiang. A few years later, he
returned to his old seat at Jingshan Temple, eventually re ring in
1161. At the peak of his abbacy, the members of his monas c
community numbered more than 1,000, and es mated visitors
numbered over 10,000. The new emperor, Xiaozong (r. 1162–1189),
granted him the honorific name “Dahui” in 1162. When Zonggao died
at the age of 74, Xiaozong conferred the posthumous name “Pujue”
on him.
Dahui is best known for his advocacy of kanhua chan, a new
medita on technique simplifying the gong’an prac ce into observing
and inspec ng the key phrase (huatou) of a chosen gong’an. This
kanhua method has been adopted by the later genera ons of Chan
masters down to modern mes and throughout East Asia. In addi on,
his teaching enriches many subject areas of Chan soteriology. His
strong emphasis on integra ng Chan prac ce with secular ac vity
a racted many laypeople in his me and con nued to be influen al.
Unlike many other Chan masters, who tended to be elusive, Dahui
 o en gave clear, sharp, and on-the-mark advice to Chan prac oners.
He was unusually outspoken and cri cal of what he saw as here cal
approaches, most notably the silent illumina on Chan (mazhao chan)
of the Caodong school. He was also a prolific writer, penning
numerous le ers to his lay followers, including many litera and
elites. His success and the prosperity of his lineage (Dahui pai) have
been acclaimed as the renaissance of the Linji school in the Song. His
extant recorded sayings, sermons, commentaries on gong’an, and
personal le ers are extensive. They are included in the Dahui Pujue
Chanshi Yulu, the Dahui Pujue Chanshi Zongmen Wuku, the Dahui
Chanshi Chanzong Zaduhai, and the Zhengfayan Zang.
See also .
DAHUI YULU
This is an abbrevia on of the original Chinese tle Dahui Pujue
Chanshi Yulu for the 30-fascicle collec on of the recorded sayings of
the Chan master Dahui Zonggao. The collec on was compiled eight
years a er Dahui’s death and was included in one of the Song dynasty
Buddhist canons in 1172. The collec on includes Dahui’s recorded
sayings through extensive periods of his life, at various temples in
Jiangxi, Fujian, and Zhejiang, and even the me he spent assis ng his
teacher Yuanwu Keqin in instruc on. Many of his commentaries on
various gong’an stories and his poems (gāthā or ji) are also included.
The collec on also contains the Dahui Pushuo (General Sermons of
Dahui) and the Dahui Shu (Le ers of Dahui); the la er has been
circulated separately from me to me.
In contrast to many recorded sayings of Tang Chan masters that
were compiled or published during the Song dynasty, Dahui’s yulu was
directly completed by his students, and some of his yulu circulated
even before his death. A year-by-year chronological biography
(nianpu) of Dahui was a ached to this collec on in the Ming edi on,
which was compiled 20 years a er Dahui’s death; much of its detailed
informa on is confirmed by the stories that Dahui himself told
through his recorded sayings. The collec on is thus a reliable source
for the study of Dahui as an exemplary Song Chan master who
demonstrated a kind of refined manner and sophis ca on to which
his litera contemporaries aspired and whose teaching style made a
 path forward crystal clear, who championed the importance of
enlightenment experience, and who defined an orthopraxy of Chan.
His recorded sayings can also be found in three other collec ons
compiled by his students: the Dahui Pujue Chanshi Zongmen Wuku,
the Dahui Chanshi Chanzong Zaduhai, and the Zhengfayan Zang.
They can be found in several “lamp transmission” histories of the
Song dynasty as well.
See also .
DAMEI FACHAHG (?–839)
A Chan master of the Tang dynasty and a disciple of Mazu Daoyi,
he was born into a Zhen family in Xiangyang in present-day Hubei. He
became a novice monk at Yuquan Temple in his youth and was
ordained at the age of 20 in Longxing Temple. In 796, he moved to
Mount Damei in Yuyao of Mingzhou (in present-day Zhejiang), and he
spent the rest of his life there. In 836, he was able to build a large
temple on the mountain and enjoyed a community of several hundred
followers. His best-known disciple was Hangzhou Tianlong (d.u.). He
also taught a few monks from Korea. He died in 839. The story of his
enlightenment a er hearing Mazu’s teaching “mind is Buddha” is
popular in Chan literature, and so is the story about his refusal to
blindly follow Mazu’s later teaching “there is neither mind nor
Buddha.” However, the tradi onal sources never told when and how
long Damei studied with Mazu. The earliest source Song Gaoseng
Zhuan (The Song Edi on of Biographies of Eminent Monks) did not
even men on that Damei was Mazu’s disciple. Moreover, the versions
of the story about Damei’s refusal of Mazu’s later teaching vary
regarding whether the praise of “the plum (damei) is now ripe” was
spoken by Mazu or by another person. The story’s historicity is thus
open to doubt. There is a more comprehensive text, en tled
Mingzhou Dameishan Chang Chanshi Yulu, which was discovered in
Japan, but some scholars have shown that it includes traces of a later
crea on.
DAMODUOLUO CHAN JING
The Medita on (Dhyana) Sutra of Dharmatrāta, a scripture on
medita on accredited to Dharmatrāta (ca. 4th century CE), the
Kashmirian patriarch of the Sarvās vāda school of Indian Buddhism.
 The Indian monk Buddhabhadra (Ch. Fotuobatuoluo) (359–429), by
request of Lushan Huiyuan (334–416), translated this scripture into
Chinese around 413 CE while staying at Mount Lu. The scripture has
two fascicles and 17 chapters. It teaches a gradual process and various
methods of medita on, including the mindfulness of inhaling and
exhaling (ānāpānasmṛ ) and the contempla on on the impure
(aśubhabhāvanā), on the elements of existence (skandha, āyatana
and dhātu), and on the twelvefold chain of dependent origina on
(pra tya-samutpāda). This teaching demonstrates the Hinayana style
approach to medita on and was influen al in early Chinese prac ces
of dhyāna. The scripture also includes a genealogical list of Indian
dhyāna masters from Mahākāśyapa, Ānanda, Madhyān ka, Śaṇavāsa,
Upagupta, Vasumitra, Saṅgharakṣa, and Dharmatrāta to Puṇyamitra. It
lent the idea of Indian patriarchal transmission to the early Chinese
inven on of Chan genealogical history in an a empt to establish the
iden ty of Chan Buddhism and enhance its legi macy.
DANXIA TIANRAN (739–824)
A Chan master of the Tang dynasty, he is famous for his
iconoclas c behavior, reiterated by many Chan texts. No informa on
is available on his family name and his place of birth. The Song
Gaoseng Zhuan (The Song Edi on of Biographies of Eminent Monks)
reports that Tianran entered monas c life when he was just a child.
He first studied for three years with Shitou Xiqian, who named him
Tianran. A er receiving full ordina on from the Vinaya master Xi in
Mount Heng, Tianran visited Mazu Daoyi and then stayed at Mount
Tiantai for three years. He later visited Jingshan Faqin of the Ox-Head
school. From 806 to 820, Tianran stayed at Xiangshan Temple in
Luoyang and became a close friend of Funiu Zizai (741–821), another
disciple of Mazu. It is during this period that Tianran burned a wooden
Buddha statue to fight the cold weather in Huilin Temple and lay on a
bridge while saying, “I am a monk who has nothing to do,” refusing to
stay away from Regent Zheng (746–820) while Zheng was passing. In
820, he went to Mount Danxia in Nanyang (in present-day Henan). He
died at the age of 86. He was conferred the posthumous tle Zhitong
Chanshi (“Chan Master of Penetra ng Wisdom”).” The Song Gaoseng
Zhuan biography of Tianran was based on his epitaph, wri en by Liu
 Ke (d.u.), which is believed by modern scholars to be a reliable source.
However, later Chan texts such as the Zutang Ji and Jingde
Chuandeng Lu added more stories to Tianran’s biography, iden fied
him as the disciple of Shitou Xiqian exclusively, and a ributed six
poems to him. These materials are considered inauthen c by
contemporary scholars.
DANXIA ZICHUN (1054–1117)
A Chan master of the Caodong school in the Song dynasty,
Zichun was a na ve of Jianzhou (in present-day Sichuan). His family
name was Jia. He entered monas c life in his youth and was ordained
at the age of 27. On his pilgrimage, he visited two Linji Chan masters
—Zhenru Muji (?–1095) and Zhenjing Kewen—and the Caodong
master Dahong Bao’en. Finally, he became the disciple of Furong
Daokai and was enlightened under Daokai’s instruc on. In 1104,
Zichun was invited to be abbot at Tianran Temple on Mount Danxia (in
present-day Henan). Later he re red to West Hermitage (Xi An) on
Mount Dasheng in Tangzhou. In 1115, he was invited to take residence
at Baoshou Chan Temple on Mount Dahong. He died at the age of 54.
His teachings inherited Furong Daokai’s emphasis on res ng (xiuxie) in
si ng medita on, which pioneered the later development of the
silent illumina on Chan (mozhao Chan). Among his disciples, Hongzhi
Zhengjue and Zhenxie Qingliao were the most famous for their
teaching of the silent illumina on Chan. In addi on to his recorded
sayings, Zichun compiled his own Songgu Baize (Poe c Commentaries
on One Hundred Gongan Cases), which was further commented on by
the Yuan Caodong Master Linquan Conglun and became the Xutang Ji
(Anthology from Empty Hall) of six fascicles.
DAO
It literally means “way” or “path.” Although several Chinese, or
even East Asian, religions use this term, different religious tradi ons
use it in different contexts. For example, Confucianism and Daoism
have different concepts of dao. In the Chan Buddhist context, dao
designates both the path or prac ce of Buddhism and the goal of
Buddhism: enlightenment, the realiza on of Buddha-nature.
See also .
DAOISM AND CHAN
 The name “Daoism” can refer to two different kinds of Daoism.
One is philosophical Daoism, and the other is religious Daoism.
Religious Daoism (Daojiao) is a formally organized religion that existed
as early as the second century CE, and gradually developed its
pantheon, rituals, symbols, priests, prac ces of medita on, fas ng
and alchemy, and a huge body of sacred scriptures. It is a rival religion
to Chinese Buddhism, including Chan. Philosophical Daoism (Daojia)
emerged much earlier than religious Daoism. It provided much of the
founda on for religious Daoism, but itself involved no formal religious
organiza on. Philosophical Daoism is especially affiliated with two
famous texts—the Dao De Jing and the Zhuangzi—and the ensuing
commentaries on them, such as those of the neo-Daoism (Xin Daojia)
of the Wei Jin period (220–420). Compared to religious Daoism,
philosophical Daoism had a deeper, broader, and more enduring
impact on Chinese culture and Chinese people’s intellectual and
spiritual lives. Although Chan Buddhism historically received influence
from some texts of religious Daoism, such as the no on of “shouyi
(maintaining the one)” in the Taiping Jing (Scripture on Peace), it was
philosophical Daoism that offered the main inspira on to the
forma on of the ideology of Chan Buddhism.
The Daoist influence on Chan ideology involved at least the
following aspects. First, the philosophical category of the (the
whole) and the yong (func on), and the affirma on of their
unifica on, developed by the neo-Daoist Wang Bi’s (226–249) study of
Laozi, became a favorite theme and expression in numerous Chan
recorded sayings to explain the non-dualis c rela onship between
Buddha-nature, or true suchness, and everyday ac vi es and events.
The non-dualis c -yong rela onship was a useful tool, or a skillful
means, for mainstream Chan masters to teach their viewpoint that
Buddha-nature or the cannot be realized or experienced outside of
the func on or yong of Buddha-nature. Second, the no on of the dao
penetra ng into, or moving along with, the infinite interchange (tong)
of all opposite things and dis nc ons, in the Zhuangzi, fostered the
Chan understanding of enlightenment as unimpeded flowing together
with thoughts and things in all everyday circumstances. This kind of
understanding is best demonstrated in the no ons of free-flowing-
dao (dao xu tongliu) and non-abiding in the Pla orm Sūtra, and in
the no on of renyun (following along with the movement of all things
or circumstances), used by masters of the Hongzhou school.
Third, the classical Chan no on of no-mind (wuxin) as the
absence of any kind of discrimina ng mind or the absence of
a achment to any conceptual thought obviously benefited from the
earliest men on of no-mind and the cri cism of privileging mind
(chengxin) and calcula ve mind (jixin) in the Zhuangzi. Both the Chan
Buddhist and Zhuangzian views of no-mind cannot be confused with
the stopping of the func on of the ordinary mind, but are ways of
transforming the ordinary mind to the enlightened mind. A person
who accomplishes this kind of existen al-prac cal transforma on of
the mind and personhood is called “authen c person” (zhenren) in
the Zhuangzi. Linji Yixuan’s wuwei zhenren (authen c person without
rank) is the best example in Chan, reminiscent of Zhuangzi’s impact. It
is not an exaggera on to say that the Zhuangzian emphasis on the
existen al-prac cal transforma on of the mind and personhood
prefigured the Chan approach to the issue of enlightenment as the
transforma on of the human mind and the a ainment of
Buddhahood, despite their contextual differences.
Fourth, the Dao De Jing, the Zhuangzi, and the philosophy of
neo-Daoism provided Chan Buddhism not only with their profound
insights into the limits of language and the necessity of nego a ng
with them, but also with their exemplary strategies of “the teaching of
non-speaking (buyan zhijiao)” and “the speaking of non-speaking (yan
wuyan),” to perform linguis c twis ng and detouring as a way to play
at the boundaries of language, including the use of double nega on,
paradox, and irony. Chan Buddhism inherited these insights and
linguis c strategies, combined them with its own legacy of Mahayana
Buddhist insights and linguis c strategies, further developed the non-
dualis c perspec ve on the rela on between speaking and non-
speaking, and produced a vast body of texts that taught Chan by a
detour (raolu shuochan). Of these texts, the most illustra ve were the
texts of Chan gong’an, which o en employed shock effects on the
students’ conven onal ways of thinking in order to trigger their
awakening through the use of elusive, enigma c, or ironic language.
DAOXIN (580–651)
A Chan master in the Sui dynasty (581–618) and Tang dynasty
(618–907), he was considered the dharma heir to Sengcan and the
fourth patriarch of Chan Buddhism. He was born in Henei (in present-
day Qinyang, Henan). His family name was Sima. He entered monas c
life as a boy, disciplining himself with Buddhist precepts even though
his teacher was quite undisciplined. Around 590, he went to Mount
Wangong in Shuzhou (in present-day Anhui) and studied with Sengcan
for about 10 years. A er Sengcan le him for Mount Luofu, Daoxin
traveled around for some me, and started to teach people. In 607,
he was officially ordained as a monk. During the war at the end of the
Sui, Daoxin took residence in Dalin Temple on Mount Lu. In 624, he
arrived at Mount Shuangfeng in Huangmei (in present-day Hubei); he
taught there for about 27 years. He died in 651. He had about half a
dozen disciples. Some of them had biographies in the Xu Gaoseng
Zhuan. The most prominent among them was Hongren, who was
appointed by the dying Daoxin as his dharma heir. Contemporary
scholars generally agree that Daoxin and Hongren should be seen as
the real founders of early Chan Buddhism, in contrast to the proto-
Chan figures such as Bodhidharma and Huike.
Daoxin le behind a work called Rudao Anxin Yao Fangbian
Famen (The Expedient Teaching of the Essen als of Entering the Path
and Pacifying the Mind), which was included in his biography in the
Lengqie Shizi Ji by Jingjue. One of Daoxin’s main teachings on the
approach of medita on is the idea of “maintaining the one without
wavering (shouyi buyi).” Borrowing from Daoist terminology, this idea
instructs the student to contemplate on any individual thing, or any
single component of one’s mental and physical existence, as the
object of medita on with unfaltering a en on un l one realizes
emp ness or the true nature of things, which is the manifesta on of
the Buddha-mind. The idea is not very different from the insight-
oriented Mahayana medita on but possesses a simplified style and
less appeal to grada ons. It meets the expecta on of later
genera ons of Chan. However, a recent study on Daoxin and Hongren
has argued that Daoxin’s work was produced by followers of the East
Mountain teaching (Dongshan Famen), at a later me than Hongren’s
 Trea se on the Essen als of Cul va ng the Mind (Xiuxin Yaolun). Due
to the retrospec ve nature of these texts a ributed to the two Chan
masters, there is therefore no direct evolu on of ideas from Daoxin to
Hongren.
DASHENG QIXIN LUN AND CHAN
Dasheng Qixin Lun (The Awakening of Faith in the Mahayana) is a
short trea se elabora ng on Mahayana thought. It was a ributed to
the Indian Buddhist thinker and poet Aśvaghoṣa and rendered by the
then famous Indian translator Paramārtha from Sanskrit ( tle:
Mahāyāna-śraddhotpāda Śāstra) into Chinese in 550 CE. No Sanskrit
original was ever discovered. Many scholars believe it is an apocryphal
work, reflec ng the Chinese appropria on of the tathāgatagarbha
(rulaizang/Buddha-nature) thought. Ingeniously blending many of the
major Mahayana ideas together, the text makes dis nc ons between
“original enlightenment” and “acquired enlightenment,” the true and
the deluded aspects of the one mind, and assimilates the categories
of the (essence or the whole) and the yong (func on) into its
system. Some contemporary scholars have suggested that this text
contributed to the substan aliza on of Buddha-nature in East Asia.
Others have contended that by acknowledging the limits of all these
conceptual dis nc ons and iden fying the one mind of suchness with
“the mind of the sen ent being,” it has contributed to the de-
substan aliza on of Buddha-nature, although it does place emphasis
on the mind of suchness, the , and its purity.
The trea se brought enormous impetus as well as theore cal
problems to Chinese Buddhist schools and their doctrines, including
Chan schools and their ideologies. Not only did Shenxiu’s idea of
linian (being free from thoughts) and his privileging of the true mind,
of the mo onlessness and its purity, originate from the Awakening of
Faith, but Shenhui’s stress on the intui ve knowledge of the original
tranquility (the ) was also a varia on on the central theme of the
Awakening of Faith. However, the more radical movements within the
Hongzhou school and classical Chan began to deconstruct certain
influences of the Awakening of Faith, such as its privileging of the
over the yong, by emphasizing that outside of everyday ac vi es and
func ons there would be no Buddha-nature.
DAYANG JINGXUAN (943–1027)
A Chan master of the Caodong school in the Song dynasty,
Jingxuan was a na ve of Jiangxia (in present-day Wuchang of Hubei
Province). His family name was Zhang. He entered monas c life at
Chongxiao Temple in Nanjing and was ordained there at the age of 19,
under his uncle Zhitong, who was the abbot. He soon demonstrated a
thorough understanding of the emp ness and started to travel under
his uncle’s recommenda on. He studied with the Caodong master
Yuanguan (d.u.) at Liangshan Temple in Dingzhou and experienced
awakening. In 1000, he went to Dayang Temple in Hubei to study with
another Caodong master, Huijian (d.u.), and accepted an invita on to
succeed to Huijian’s abbacy. At the age of 80, he asked his friend, the
Linji Chan master Fushan Fayuan (991–1067), to find an heir for the
Caodong lineage, since he felt that no student of his own was eligible.
This anecdote reflects the crisis of the Caodong school during that
me. Jingxuan died at the age of 85. His posthumous tle was “Great
Master of Illumina ng Peace” (ming’an dashi), and his teachings were
preserved in his one-fascicle record of sayings, the Dayang Ming’an
Dashi Shibaban Miaoyu.
DAZHU HUIHAI (d.u.)
A Chan master in the Tang dynasty and one of the major disciples
of Mazu Daoyi, he was originally a disciple of master Daozhi (d.u.) at
Dayun Temple in Yuezhou (present-day Shaoxing of Zhejiang
province). He later went to Jiangxi and studied with Mazu. A er six
years, he went back to Yuezhou to help the aged Daozhi. A couple
texts of recorded sayings including the Dunwu Yaomen are a ributed
to him. His biography recounts that Mazu was very happy with his
Dunwu Yaomen, calling him the “great pearl (dazhu).” In terms of its
themes and literary and rhetorical style, contemporary scholars have
regarded the Dunwu Yaomen (especially the first part of the extant
version) as a transi onal text between early and classical Chan. The
influence of early Chan rhetoric such as Shenhui’s terminology is
clearly adopted, although some content does resonate with the
teachings of Mazu and his followers of the Hongzhou school. Thus,
with some reserva on, the Dunwu Yaomen is s ll considered an
important text for the study of the Hongzhou school. A different view
 on the Dunwu Yaomen is that, considering the early marks of its
themes and rhetoric, and based on the study of related historical
materials, the extant version of Dunwu Yaomen might be confused
with Dazhu’s early teacher Daozhi’s Dayun Yaofa, which could possibly
have been edited by Dazhu. The original version of the Dunwu
Yaomen could be those sermons and dialogues s ll preserved in
fascicle 28—Yuezhou Dazhu Huihai Heshang Yu—of the Jingde
Chuandeng Lu, the contents of which are more in accord with Mazu’s
sermons and other reliable Hongzhou texts.
DEAD WORDS
This is an English transla on of the Chinese words siju
(alterna ve transla on, “dead sentences”) or siyu (alterna ve
transla on, “dead speech”). The Chan no on of dead words is
opposed to the Chan no on of living words (huoju or shengyu).
When words cannot help to eschew fixed binary dis nc ons, cannot
open the mind to flowing reality and unique situa ons, and cannot
serve Chan soteriological purposes well, they are considered dead
words. Therefore, living words are those that can help to shock Chan
students away from conven onal ways of thinking, to be responsive to
or in tune with flowing reality, and to trigger enlightenment. Living
words are those that can point to what is outside language or what is
not spoken. Chan texts involve numerous examples of using living
words, including poe c words, paradoxical words, and even
tautological expressions.
DESHAN XUANJIAN (782–865)
A Chan master of the Tang dynasty, Xuanjian was a na ve of
Jiannan in present-day Sichuan. His family name was Zhou. He started
monas c life when he was a boy and studied Buddhist precepts,
scriptures, and trea ses extensively and deeply. O en expounding on
the Diamond Sūtra, he was known as “Diamond Zhou.” He later met
Longtan Chongxin (d.u.), the disciple of Tianhuang Daowu, in Lizhou,
Hunan, and it was with Chongxin that he achieved awakening. He
stayed with Chongxin for about 30 years. In 860, the governor of
Langzhou invited him to be abbot at Gude Monastery on Mount De.
He had about 1,000 students. Among his disciples, Xuefeng Yichun
was the most prominent. Xuanjian died in 865 at the age of 84. His
 posthumous tle was Jianxing Chanshi (“Chan Master of Realizing
[Self] Nature”). One of Xuanjian’s famous styles of instruc on was his
use of the s ck as a means for shock therapy. The Chan tradi on
usually compared Xuanjian with Linji by the juxtaposi on of “Deshan’s
s ck” and “Linji’s shout.” Xuanjian’s emphasis on “wushi (having
nothing special to do)” and “wuqiu (no-seeking)” is indeed very close
to Linji’s teaching. Besides that, they both used iconoclas c
expressions in the context of helping students’ detachment. Before
the designa on of the “five houses” became popular in the mid-
Northern Song, Deshan Xuanjian was seen as one of the emerging
houses of Chan with its own dis nguished house style (jiafeng).
DHARMA (Ch. fa)
This Sanskrit term in its Buddhist use involves two basic
meanings. One designates the en rety of Buddhist teachings or
Buddhist truths, as is some mes more clearly used in a compound
“Buddha-dharma.” The other designates individual things, elements,
or phenomena, either material or mental. Chan Buddhist texts inherit
these two tradi onal uses of the term.
DHARMA HALL
See .
DONGLIN CHANGZONG (1025–1091)
A Chan master of the Huanglong lineage of the Linji school in the
Song dynasty, Changzong was a na ve of Jianzhou in present-day
Fujian province. His family name was Shi. He entered monas c life at
the age of 11 and received his official ordina on eight years later with
the preceptor Qisi at Dazhong Temple. Being a racted by Huanglong
Huinan’s great fame, he went to Guizong Temple at Mount Lu to study
with Huinan. A er about 20 years, Changzong became the closest
disciple of Huinan and gained his own fame. A er Huinan’s death, he
was invited to take up residence at Letan Temple. In 1080, the
governor Wang Shao (1030–1081) requested Changzong to be the
abbot of Donglin Temple at Mount Lu. In 1083, despite Changzong’s
rejec on of the imperial invita on to the abbacy at Zhihai Temple,
Emperor Shenzong (r. 1067–1085) granted him the tle “Chan Master
of Extensive Benefit” (Guanghui Chanshi). In 1084, the famous
literatus Su Shi (1037–1101) visited Donglin Temple and consulted
 Changzong for Buddhist dharma. In 1088, Emperor Zhezong (r. 1085–
1100) granted Changzong the tle “Chan Master of Illumina ng
Awakening” (Zhaojue Chanshi). During the 12 years of his abbacy at
Dongli, he had more than 700 followers and many disciples. His
teaching method inherited Huinan’s style of “ordinary and genuine
Chan (pingshi Chan),” which originated from Linji’s emphasis on
“doing nothing (wushi)” and “being just ordinary.” However, a er
Changzong’s dharma brother Zhenjing Kewen launched an influen al
cri cism of wushi Chan, Changzong’s prominence declined in Chan
history.
DONGSHAN FAMEN
See .
DONGSHAN LIANGJIE (807–869)
One of the most prominent Chan masters of the Tang dynasty,
Liangjie is regarded as the founder of the Caodong school of Chan.
Born in a place near Shaoxing in present-day Zhejiang Province of
southern China, he became a novice in the local village’s Buddhist
monastery at a very young age and soon le his family to study with a
number of Chan masters. He first studied with Mazu Daoyi’s disciples
Wuxie Lingmo (747–818), Nanquan Puyuan, and another Hongzhou
master, Guishan Lingyou, and reached enlightenment a er studying
with Yunyan Tansheng (782–841), who was in the lineage of Shitou
Siqian and Yaoshan Weiyan, according to the tradi on. At the age of
53, he established his own temple on Cave Mountain (dongshan) in
the area of Hongzhou (or Ruizhou in Song) in Jiangxi Province. Among
his disciples, the two most famous were Yunju Daoying and Caoshan
Benji. The la er is considered the second founder of the Caodong
school, although Dongshan’s lineage only con nues further with the
branch of Yunju. Dongshan died at the age of 63 and was honored by
the imperial court with the tle of “Chan Master of Awakening to the
Origin” (Wuben Chanshi).
Dongshan’s teachings and style are demonstrated in his
numerous encounter dialogues with his teachers and students. These
dialogues are preserved (or believed to be so) in the “transmission of
the lamp” anthologies such as the Zutang Ji and Jingde Chuandeng
Lu, which are among the earliest records and rela vely more reliable.
The extant Ming Dynasty edi on of The Recorded Sayings of
Dongshan Liangjie (Dongshan Yulu) is tradi onally authorita ve and
includes some long poe c wri ngs of Dongshan, such as “The Jewel
Mirror Samadhi” (Baojing Sanmei). However, these added documents
were never men oned by any earlier sources other than an early 12th
century text, and their origins are not clearly iden fiable despite the
fact that they have long been used as Dongshan’s own works.
Many of his dialogues and stories are related to the
understanding and experience of reality, the suchness of the universal
interconnec on/interpenetra on of things, or Buddha-nature. The
central point of many dialogues is that this reality or suchness is
everyone’s authen c being; “it” could be met everywhere and in
everything due to its inherent closeness and in macy to everyone, yet
“it” also turns one farther away if one externalizes, objec fies, or
conceptualizes “it.” Much of Dongshan’s a en on is thus focused on
how to convey the subtlety of this experience and how to inspire the
students to realize suchness through their own experience in
prac cing non-a achment and overcoming the limita on of the
conven onal way of thinking and using language.
Although Dongshan shares with many other Chan masters the
tradi onal teaching that suchness cannot be constructed by words, he
makes it very clear that suchness is not the absence of words (fei
wuyan). His strategy is dis nc vely summarized as “never tell too
plainly (bushuopo)”—the strategy of indirect communica on aiming
only at edifying and provoking by using few words but extraordinary
wit and mental dexterity. Dis nguished from Linji’s shou ng or
Deshan’s hi ng, Dongshan’s style is gentler and subtler, less
disrup ve but no less challenging, making skillful use of hin ng and
poe c words (“use drumming [on the side] and singing together”) to
accommodate different people and situa ons.
The Caodoing tradi on also a ributes the doctrine of five ranks
(wuwei) to Dongshan, based on “The Jewel Mirror Samadhi” and
other documents. It is a doctrine about five kinds of interrela onship
between the right/true (zheng) and the par al (pian), between
universal and par cular, or ul mate and apparent reality, and so forth,
in the experience of the world, which could be seen as a Chan
 varia on on Huayan Buddhism’s four rela onships between principle
(li) and phenomena/events (shi). This doctrine a racted many
commentaries and exege cal works from later genera ons of Chan.
Modern scholars have argued that it is just an expedient means or
pedagogical schemata and should not hold central importance in his
teachings. Furthermore, Dongshan’s teachings on suchness, its
subtlety, and his unique approach can be well presented without
resort to this doctrine of five ranks.
DONGSHAN SHOUCHU (910–990)
A Chan master of the Yunmen school of the Northern Song
dynasty and the disciple of Yunmen Wenyan, Shouchu was a na ve of
Fengxiang (in present-day Shaanxi province). His family name was Fu.
At the age of 16, he entered his monas c life at Mount Kongtong in
Weizhou (in present-day Gansu province); he later received official
ordina on at Sheli Temple in Jingzhou. He was not interested in the
study of the precepts there and traveled from the North to the South.
At Yunmen Temple in Shaozhou (in present-day Guangdong province),
he studied with Yunmen Wenyan and a ained awakening. In 948,
Shouchu was invited to be abbot at Dongshan Temple in Xiangzhou (in
present-day Hubei province), where he taught for more than 40 years.
In 981, Emperor Taizong (r. 976–997) granted him a purple robe and
the tle “Great Master of Source Wisdom” (Zonghui Dashi). His
teaching was preserved in the Xiangzhou Dongshan Dierdai Chu
Chanshi Yulu, which could be found in the collec on of the Guzunsu
Yulu. Following his teacher Wenyan, Shouchu taught his students to
experience and realize the dao through all everyday things and
ac vi es (suiwu tongzhen), and used obscure, extravagant, or even
vulgar language to shock students away from conceptual reasoning
while hin ng at the point of his teaching. His answer, “Three pounds
of hemp (ma sanjin),” to the ques on “What is Buddha,” became a
famous gong’an and appeared in Chan gong’an anthologies. Shouchu
was also the first to elucidate on the difference between huoju (“living
words”) and siju (“dead words”),” which summarized the Yunmen
teaching on the use of language and influenced the subsequent
development of Song Chan Buddhism.
DONGSHAN YULU
 This is an abbrevia on of the full Chinese tle Ruizhou Dongshan
Liangjie Chanshi Yulu for the earliest extant edi on of The Recorded
Sayings of Dongshan Liangjie. This Dongshan Yulu belongs to the
genre of “recorded sayings” (yulu) in Chan literature, which differs
from the “transmission of the lamp” genre in ways more suitable to
educated elites and more a en ve to individual masters’ style, among
other things. The Dongshan Yulu was compiled by Yufeng Yuanxin
(1571–1647) and Guo Ningzhi (d.u.) (though some believe it was
actually compiled by Guo Ningzhi alone) in 1632, about 800 years
a er Dongshan’s death, as part of a collec on of the recorded sayings
of five houses (Wujia Yulu). Although many recorded stories of
encounter dialogues between Dongshan and his teachers and
students in this text have appeared in various forms in the Zutang Ji
and Jingde Chuandeng Lu, the earliest “transmission of the lamp”
anthologies, this edi on includes some materials, specifically many
verses (or gāthās), that could not be found within those early
anthologies. These verses include “The Jewel Mirror Samadhi,” the
longest poe c wri ng a ributed to Dongshan and the most famous,
due to its reference to the doctrine of five ranks, which is regarded by
the Caodong school and other Chan schools as representa ve of
Dongshan’s unique teaching and his house style (jiafeng).
Contemporary scholars tend to agree that no transmi ed records
of oral teachings could possibly be free from the compilers’
perspec ves. Nevertheless, those stories and dialogues that have
already appeared in the Zutang Ji, Jingde Chuandeng Lu, or Song
Gaoseng Zhuan are rela vely more reliable, whereas the materials of
later addi ons should be used with more cau on. “The Jewel Mirror
Samadhi” and other documents on the doctrine of five ranks are
never men oned by any earlier sources before Juefan Huihong’s
Chanlin Sengbao Zhuan (Biographies of the Monk Treasure of Chan
Grove, compiled in 1119). Dongshan’s authorship of “The Jewel Mirror
Samadhi” is also doubted by Juefan Huihong himself. These concerns
raise inevitable ques ons about the historicity of the documents.
However, the added materials, along with the whole edi on, have
long been used as Dongshan’s authen c work by the Chan tradi on.
Whether they are historically true or not, a different treatment of this
 text and other similar ones is to see them as narra ves transmi ed
and shaped by the tradi on exemplary of Chan lore.
DUNHUANG
A world-renowned place for Buddhist cave temples, the “Caves
of the Thousand Buddhas,” enshrining numerous murals and statues
in the desert area of northwestern China. The biggest and most
famous one is the Mogao Cave, a group of 492 caves, located
southeast of present-day Dunhuang County, Gansu Province. The
excava on of the extant caves began as early as the 5th century and
con nued throughout the Wei Jin, Sui, Tang, Song, and Yuan
dynas es. Dunhuang was at the terminal point of the Silk Road and
became prosperous as a center for economic and cultural exchanges
on the northwestern fron er of China. During the me when
Buddhism flourished, many Buddhists contributed their wealth to the
excava on of these caves. These surviving caves provide invaluable
sources for the study of ancient arts, literature, religions, and so forth.
In 1900, a cave (now registered as number 17) storing tons of wri en
manuscripts, mostly Buddhist texts, was discovered by a Daoist monk,
Wang Yuanlu. Western scholars later took many of these texts to the
Bri sh Museum and the Bibliotheque Na onale in Paris, leaving
behind only a small por on for the Na onal Library in Peking. Among
the numerous manuscripts discovered in Dunhuang are a large
number of early Chan Buddhist texts, including the Chuan Fabao Ji,
Lengjia Shizi Ji, Lidai Fabao Ji, and the extant earliest copy of the
Pla orm Sūtra. These newly discovered Chan texts have shed light on
many parts of the early history of Chan, which has been obscured for
a long me.
DUNJIAO
See .
DUNWU
See .
DUNWU YAOMEN
A text of recorded sayings a ributed to Dazhu Huihai, a senior
disciple of Mazu Daoyi, the complete tle of this work is Dunwu
Rudao Yaomen Lun (“Essen al Teachings of Sudden Enlightenment
and Entering into the Dao”). Dazhu’s biography tells that when Mazu
read the Dunwu Yaomen, he praised Dazhu as “a great pearl (dazhu).”
Contemporary scholars have regarded the Dunwu Yaomen (especially
the first part of the extant version) as a transi onal text between early
and classical Chan in terms of its themes and its literary and rhetorical
style. The influence of early Chan expressions such as no-thought,
terms frequently used by Shenhui and other early texts, is clearly
adopted, but some content does resonate with the teachings of Mazu
and his followers of the Hongzhou school. Thus, with some
reserva ons, the Dunwu Yaomen is s ll considered an important text
for the study of the Hongzhou school. A different view on the Dunwu
Yaomen is that, considering the early marks of its themes and
rhetoric, and based on the study of related historical materials, the
extant version might be confused with Dazhu’s early teacher Daozhi’s
text Dayun Yaofa, which could possibly have been edited by Dazhu.
The original version of the Dunwu Yaomen could be those sermons
and dialogues preserved in fascicle 28—Yuezhou Dazhu Huihai
Heshang Yu—of the Jingde Chuandeng Lu, the contents of which are
more in accord with Mazu’s sermons and other reliable Hongzhou
texts. For example, Dazhu’s teachings on the non-a achment to the
concept of karma, on the no on of no-cul va on (wuxiu), and on the
non-duality of speech and silence are excellent and influen al
elabora ons on Hongzhou and classical Chan thought.
 E

EAST MOUNTAIN TEACHING

This is the English transla on of the original Chinese words
Dongshan Famen. Dongshan (“East Mountain”) refers to one of the
two mountains (or two peaks) of Mount Shuangfeng at Huangmei (in
present-day Hubei province), on which Hongren established the first
Chan Buddhist community in the history of China during the 7th
century. The term Dongshan Famen was used in two related senses.
One refers to the East Mountain teaching, namely, the Chan teaching
of Hongren, and also of his teacher Daoxin. The other refers to the
East Mountain lineage or community, namely, the lineage of Daoxin
and Hongren. Since Shenxiu was Hongren’s disciple and iden fied his
own teaching as the transmission of the East Mountain teaching, it
would be legi mate to include Shenxiu and his teaching in the
Dongshan Famen. However, the qualita ve development of Shenxiu’s
teaching from the Dongshan Famen is also commonly acknowledged.
Although Shenxiu never regarded himself as an ini ator of the
Northern school of Chan, and the demarca on between the East
Mountain teaching and the Northern school can never be clear-cut,
scholars have generally agreed to borrow the conven on and treat
Shenxiu as the leading figure of the Northern school for reasons of
convenience.
EHU DAYI (749–818)
A Chan master of the Tang dynasty and a disciple of Mazu Daoyi,
Dayi was born into a family of Xu in Xujiang of Quzhou (in present-day
Zhejiang). At the age of 20, he received the monas c precepts.
Around 770, he joined Mazu’s monastery. Before 779, the end of the
Dali era, he moved to Mount Ehu in Xinzhou (in present-day Shangrao,
Jiangxi). During his stay at Mount Ehu, he met many officials and
litera . One was Liu Taizhen (?–789), who invited Dayi to come down
from the mountain to teach in the nearby city. Due to his fame, the
imperial court invited Dayi to the capital. Dayi arraived in Changan in
803 and took up residence at Cien Temple. He lectured to Emperor
 Dezong (r. 779–805) and a ended Dezong’s birthday celebra on to
debate with other religious scholars. His lucid expression of the non-
dualis c perspec ve of Chan won great respect from the royal court
and from monks and ordinary people alike. When the next emperor,
Shunzong (r. 805–806), was just a crown prince, Dayi lectured to him
and impressed him by defea ng a dharma teacher’s cri cism of the
southern Chan. Dayi retured to Mount Ehu in 805 and remained there
un l his death. Dayi’s preaching at the capital and his success helped
the Hongzhou school to be recognized na onally as orthodox Chan.
EMPEROR YONGZHENG (r. 1723–1735)
The fourth son of Emperor Kangxi (r. 1661–1722), Yongzheng was
chosen by his father to be the third emperor of the Qing dynasty. A
strong and diligent emperor, he ruled the empire for 13 years. His
interest in Buddhism started in his youth. He had a close rela onship
with Buddhist monks such as the Tibetan master Zhangjia Hutuketu
(1642–1714) and the Linji Chan master Jialing Xingyin (1671–1726).
Even when he was just a prince, he sponsored Chan temples like the
Bailin monastery, where he par cipated in the prac ce of medita on.
His support of Buddhism during his reign included ordering the
compila on of the Dragon Edi on of the Buddhist canon (longzang)
and loosening of policy on official ordina ons. However, what is most
interes ng about Yongzheng is that he was perhaps the only Chinese
emperor in history who claimed to have a ained enlightenment. It
was said that his teacher, the Tibetan master Zhangjia Hutuketu,
confirmed his enlightenment. Yongzheng also led a small group of
prac oners to study Chan in the imperial court, where he acted like
a Chan master to help others a ain enlightenment.
Yongzheng compiled the Yuxuan Yulu (Imperial Selec on of
Recorded Sayings) in 1733. It demonstrated his confidence in his own
authority to rewrite the history of Chan Buddhism in accordance with
his own criteria, a emp ng to go beyond sectarian biases by
remaking the list of Chan masters and reselec ng the Chan yulu. For
example, the Chinese Madhyamaka master Sengzhao was selected as
the first Chan master; Danxia Tianran and Deshan Xuanjian, on the
other hand, were excluded because of their iconoclas c behavior;
Yunqi Zhuhong was included, even though Zhuhong’s lineage and
 dharma transmission was not so clear in the eyes of many of
Yongzheng’s contemporaries; and the Daoist master Zhang Boduan
(987–1082) made the list as well, under the terms of Yongzheng’s
syncre s c perspec ve. In 1734, Yongzheng compiled the Yulu
Zongjing Dagang (Imperially Recorded Essen als of Records of the
Source Mirror) to condense Yongming Yanshou’s Zongjing Lu into 20
fascicles. In 1735, Yongzheng compiled the Yulu Jinghai Yidi (Imperially
Recorded One Drop from the Sea of Scriptures). He thus aligned
himself with Yanshou’s syncre s c posi on on uni ng Chan and
scriptural teachings. However, the combina on of poli cal power and
religious authority that Yongzheng believed he rightly had led to his
unnessary interference in the Chan sectarian polemic between
disciples of Miyun Yuanwu and Hanyue Fazang, and he sided with
one sect and severely condemned the other with the imperial order.
ENCOUNTER DIALOGUES
This is a special form of pracrice that helps to inspire, trigger, and
verify a student’s enlightment through conversa ons or ques ons and
answers between a master and a student. It gradually developed and
became a famous expedient means characteris c of Chan Buddhism.
“Encounter dialogue” is an English transla on of the modern Japanese
phrase kien mondo (Chinese: jiyuan wenda), derived from ancient
Chinese words such as yingji (“responding to opportuni es”), linji
wenda (“ques ons and answers at the opportunity of encounter”),
and jiyuan yuju (“words and sentences u ered in terms of
opportuni es and condi ons”). It appeared in the 9th-century text of
the Beishan Lu and in the later texts of the Zutang Ji and the Jingde
Chuandeng Lu. O en Chan encounter dialogues are seen as
equivalent to, or representa ve of, Chan yulu (recorded sayings). It is
true that the nature of the encounter dialogue texts is recorded
sayings or transcribed oral teachings; however, the concept of yulu as
a Chan literary genre involves the collec on of public sermons
(shangtang shuofa, or shizhong), poe c wri ngs (jisong), and records
of ac vi es and biographies (xinglu or xingzhuang), more than just
encounter dialogues.
Contemporary scholars have pointed out the antecedents of
Chan encounter dialogues in the early phase of Chan and in the early
years of the middle phase of Chan. Chan encounter dialogues did not
fall from the sky suddenly in mature form. They were the result of an
evolving process in the search for a new rhetorical style, a new
heuris c means, and a new form of religious prac ce within Chan
Buddhism. The early Chan texts already involved the image of the
master responding spontaneously to his students, the prac ce of
“poin ng at things and asking the meanings,” the use of metaphorical
explana ons, the jus fica on for the social and interpersonal
dimension of Chan prac ce, the ritual use of dialogues between
teachers and students, the widespread employment of anecdotal
materials and dialogue transcrip ons, the fabrica on of
enlightenment narra ves, and the genealogical structure making
possible the transcrip on of both teachers’ and students’ sides of
dialogue. All these antecedents paved the way for the advent of
formal encounter dialogues.
The development of formal encounter dialogues underwent two
stages. The first was the emergence of formal encounter dialogues in
the mid-Tang period, roughly from the mid-8th to the mid-9th
centuries, a period during which Mazu Daoyi, Shitou Xiqian, and their
immediate disciples were ac ve. This stage was marked by the fashion
of using wi y, indirect, paradoxical, and abrupt phrases in the
dialogues of teachers and students. Zongmi’s Chan Prolegomenon
(Chanyuan Zhuquanji Duxu), wri en around 833, clearly confirmed
the popularity of this type of encounter dialogue and offered typical
examples of how the masters followed the condi ons and responded
to the encounters at the given moment to clear the la er’s
a achments: when someone asked how to cul vate the way, the
master answered that there was no need for cul va on; when
someone sought libera on, the master asked who bound him. At this
stage, the fic onalized accounts of enlightenment experiences also
started to develop, as witnessed by the Baolin Zhuan and other texts,
in which one could find such made-up stories as Mazu’s awakening by
Huairang through an encounter dialogue. They are the forerunners of
the later mature encounter dialogues.
The second stage occurred during the late Tang and Five
Dynas es, roughly from the mid-9th to the mid-10th centuries, a
 period during which encounter dialogues reached their full maturity.
This maturity was marked by the emergence and development of
diverse forms of formal encounter dialogues, especially those using
absurd, illogical, and iconoclas c language; non-verbal, graphic
symbols such as drawing circles; and physical gestures/ac ons, such
as shou ng and hi ng. Beginning with Mazu’s third-genera on
disciples, such as Yangshan Huiji, and becoming influen al in the
hands of masters such as Linji Yixuan, Deshan Xuanjian, Xuefeng
Yicun, and their disciples, these mature dialogues tended to create
shock effects and served to interrupt the students’ procession of
thought or their conven onal way of thinking. It was also during this
period that crea ng fic onal, mature encounter dialogues and
a ribu ng them retrospec vely to the mid-Tang or even earlier
masters became a fashion. Thus both lively oral encounter dialogues
and retrospec vely created encounter anecdotes were mixed up and
transcribed in various kinds of texts, including the Xuanmen
Shengzhou Ji (Collec on of the Sacred Heir of the Mysterious School),
compiled in 898–901, and the Xu Baolin Zhuan (Supplement to the
Biographies from the Treasure Groves [Temple]), compiled in 907–910,
and some of them were preserved in various epitaphs wri en by
litera and officials. The compila on of these transcribed and created
mature encounter dialogues from the late Tang and Five Dynas es
culminated in the Zutang Ji, produced in 952, and later became the
essen al cons nuents of all three genres of Chan literature: the
transmission of the lamp history, the yulu collec on, and the gong’an
literature.
ENLIGHTENMENT
This is the English transla on of the Chinese term wu (Jap.
satori). It is also rendered as awakening. Chan enlightenment models
the Buddha, who a ained nirvana under the bodhi tree. It is a
synonym for the a ainment of Buddha-hood in Mahayana Buddhism.
However, in the Chan Buddhist context, enlightenment also means the
realiza on of one’s own Buddha-nature (jianxing). It marks a
successful transforma on of the human mind and personhood and is
considered the goal of all Chan soteriological prac ces. Chan
tradi ons also believe that many Buddhas, patriarchs, and masters
 achieved this goal. Although enlightenment is o en described as
ineffable, many Chan texts are Chan discourses on enlightenment and
have been seen by the Chan followers as the records of
enlightenment.
ERRU SIXING LUN
The English transla on of this original Chinese tle is Trea se on
the Two Entrances and Four Prac ces. It is a work a ributed to
Bodhidharma, who was considered the first patriarch and founder of
Chinese Chan Buddhism. The Con nued Biographies of Eminent
Monks (Xu Gaoseng Zhuan), which was first completed in 645 by
Daoxuan (596–667), was the earliest source to men on and quote this
work of Bodhidharma. Among the Dunhuang documents discovered
in the 20th century, the Records of the Masters and Disciples of the
Laṅkā[vatāra] (Lengqie Shizi Ji), by Jingjue (683–ca. 750), completed
during 713–716, also contained a longer version of this work with a
preface by Tanlin (a lay follower, not synonymous with Monk Lin, the
friend of the second patriarch, Huike). A more complete version of the
Erru Sixing Lun was later recovered from the Dunhuang documents by
D. T. Suzuki and published in 1935.
This newly discovered version includes not only the trea se itself
and Tanlin’s preface, similar to the version included in the Lengqie
Shizi Ji, but also two parts of the record of dialogues. The first part
involves some lecture materials and anonymous dialogues between
master and student. The second part involves both named and
anonymous dialogues, many of which are a ributed to an otherwise
unknown master, Yuan, and to Huike. Scholars have debated the
authorship of these two parts. A leading view is that the first part is
the sayings of Bodhidharma, recorded probably by Tanlin, and the
second part is likely a product of Huike and his disciples. The
colloquial language used has made these two parts significantly
different from the literary style of the trea se itself. A en on has
been called to the importance of these records of dialogues as the
precursor for the Chan yulu genre.
Needless to say, much of the study of Bodhidharma has been
focused on the trea se itself. The text, probably wri en by Tanlin,
summarizes the doctrines taught by Bodhidharma as remembered by
 the disciples. His doctrines involve two major aspects: to enter into or
realize enlightenment through principle (liru) and through prac ce
(xingru). The first aspect teaches a student to experience one’s true
nature through medita on and to go beyond wri en teachings. The
second aspect involves four types of prac ce: to accept suffering as
past karma without complaint, to remain unmoved while going
through all circumstances, to stop craving, and to follow the dharma
and perform the six perfec ons. Both aspects lead to the final
awakening to principle (li), which equals one’s true or pure nature.
The text obviously u lizes the teachings of emp ness, non-duality,
and Buddha-nature from the Perfec on of Wisdom literature,
Madhyamika philosophy, and the tathāgatagarbha tradi on of Indian
Buddhism. Its emphasis on the transforma on of the mind and on the
correla on between enlightenment and the samsaric world captures
well the imagina on of later genera ons of Chan.
EXPEDIENT MEANS
The English transla on of the Sanskrit term upāya-kauśalya and
its Chinese equivalent, fangbian or shishe. Upāya-kauśalya has also
been translated in English as “skillful means” or “skill in means.” It is
an extremely important concept in Mahayana and East Asian Buddhist
tradi ons. The concept of expedient means originated in early
Mahayana texts such as the Lotus Sūtra. It is said that the Buddha
introduced the idea and demonstrated how he skillfully used various
expedient means to lure unenlightened people onto the path to
libera on. The no on of expedient means reveals the provisional
nature of the Buddha’s teachings. Although Mahayana Buddhism uses
this no on to legi mize its intended changes to Theravada Buddhist
doctrines and considers it to be a prac cal virtue and stage of
bodhisa va, the philosophical meanings underlying this concept and
their influence are more profound than that.
The no on of expedient means presupposes that all Buddhas,
bodhisa vas, or the dharma teachers’ instruc ons must adapt
themselves to different environments, to different mes, loca ons,
and capaci es of people. It regards all Buddhist teachings as student-
or audience-oriented, and as situa onal and contextual. As a result, it
allows for change and variety in Buddhist teachings. What stands
behind such a liberal a tude toward the teachings is the ethical and
pragma c concern that all teachings must aim at effec vely and
flexibly helping other people to liberate themselves from suffering. It
is only for this ethical and pragma c purpose that all teachings,
doctrines, or moral precepts are used as means. Once libera on is
a ained, there is no use for any teaching. The no on of expedient
means thus gives a hand up to the liberal side in its ba le against any
fundamentalism. All teachings, no ma er how great, have no ul mate
legi macy.
Chan Buddhism further develops this Mahayana trend. Despite
the fact that many Chan masters use the teaching of emp ness or
Buddha-nature, they assert that either emp ness or non-emp ness,
Buddha-nature or no-Buddha-nature, are all but expedient means.
They call these teachings, including their own, fangbian or shishe at
the very moment they are using them, reminding their students to
see these teachings as expedient means only. Some mes they also
use the expression yaofang (“medical prescrip on”) to describe the
expedient nature of their various teachings. In prac ce, Chan
Buddhism invents a lot of new teaching devices, such as gong’an
(public cases of encounter dialogue), riddles, paradoxes, tautology,
unconven onal behavior, poetry, and so forth, offering great examples
of using expedient means.
 F

FA
Chinese transla on of the Sanskrit word dharma.
FANGBIAN
One of the Chinese expressions for the Mahayana Buddhist
concept of expedient means.
FANGZHANG
This Chinese term refers to the specific buildings or rooms in
which an abbot of a Chan temple or monastery would live and
conduct ac vi es. In its extended usage, fangzhang also simply
designates an abbot.
See also .
FARU (638–689)
A Chan master of the Tang dynasty, Faru was a na ve of
Shangdang (in present-day Shanxi province). His family name was
Wang. He first studied with the master Huiming (d.u.) (also called
Qingbu Ming) and became a monk at the age of 19. While learning
extensively from Buddhist scriptures and trea ses, he also traveled to
seek the way. Finally, he went to study with Hongreng for 16 years at
the Twin Peaks and became his dharma heir. For the ensuing eight or
nine years, Faru’s whereabouts are uniden fied, but one source
reported that he avoided official appointment by moving to Shaolin
Temple at Mount Song, despite his increasing influence at the capitals.
In 686, Faru started to teach the dharma at Shaolin Temple a er
failing to turn down the invita on by the master Huiduan (d.u.) of
Luoyang and the community of Shaolin Temple. It was reported that
Faru recommended Shenxiu to his students for furthering their
studies before his death in 689.
The main sources for Faru’s life and teachings are his epitaph
(“Tang Zhongyue Shamen Shi Faru Chanshi Xingzhuang”), wri en
shortly a er Faru’s death by anonymous disciples, and the Chuan
Fabao Ji (Annals of the Transmission of the Dharma Treasure). Faru’s
epitaph contains the earliest Chan theory of the six genera ons of
 lineal transmission from Bodhidharma, thourgh Huike, Sengcan,
Daoxin, and Hongreng, to Faru. This transmission is considered by the
text as the transmission of the mind without words. It also men ons
the teaching of suddenly entering into the one vehicle, a prototype of
the later Chan emphasis on sudden enlightenment. The Chuan Fabao
Ji extends the lineal transmission to Shenxiu, but s ll places Faru
before Shenxiu. However, Faru’s prominence soon faded away, and
the Lengqie Shizi Ji only lists Faru as a master of local influence. The
later Chan history texts did not even include him. No texts have ever
told whether Faru had his dharma heir. A few of his disciples can be
traced through sca ered texts.
FASHUO BU’ER
A much neglected classical Chan no on on the use of language,
as found in Huangbo Xiyun’s Wanling Lu. This Chinese term translates
as “Buddha-dharma and speaking are non-dualis c.” This no on is in
sharp contrast with the more one-sided but orthodox Song dynasty
Chan emphasis on the inadequacy of language and the ineffability of
Buddha-dharma as promoted by the transmission of the lamp
literature. The transmission of the lamp literature canonizes the
legend that the Buddha transmits the wordless dharma, simply by
holding a flower without speaking, to a smiling and understanding
disciple, Mahākāśyapa. This canonized legend and its generalized
interpreta on establish a privileged hierarchy of silence over speaking
and iden fy the true dharma with the nega on of language. Such an
oversight contradicts the classical Chan Buddhist, especially Huangbo
Xiyun and Hongzhou school’s, perspec ve of non-duality and their
advocacy of the inseparableness between Buddha-dharma and
everyday ac vi es. For these Chan masters, everyday ac vi es,
including speaking, are necessary condi ons and could be skillful
means for triggering enlightenment. Furthermore, enlightenment can
be verified in all everyday ac vi es, including speaking. There is no
impassable gap between Buddha-dharma (or enlightenment) and
speaking. The non-duality between Buddha-dharma and speaking, or
between silence and speaking, avoids seeing these opposites as
isolated, independent, and exclusive of each other, seeing them
instead in a dynamic interrela onship, as mutually condi oned,
 involved, and exchangeable. As a result, Chan masters are able to use
language more differently, more crea vely, and more effec vely
rather than simply abandoning language or staying in silence forever.
The inadequacy of language is acknowledged by these masters in its
rela ve context as the inadequacy of the conven onal, purely
cogni ve, or descrip ve use of language. Silence is regarded as
silencing or nega on of all dualis c pairs, including silence and
speaking themselves.
FATANG
The Chinese word here means “dharma hall.” Dharma hall is a
kind of building in Chan monasteries for major assembly; for Chan
masters’ sermons, including ensuing ques on and answer sessions;
and for performances of Chan rituals such as ordaining novices and
sūtra chan ng prayers. In the Chanmen Guishi (“Rules for the Chan
School”)—a document that appeared in the Jingde Chuandeng Lu as
the outline of the alleged Baizhang Qinggui—dharma hall is opposed
to the tradi onal Buddha hall (fodian). Whereas in a Buddha hall a
Buddha statue is enshrined for reverence and ritual services, dharma
hall altars bear only high lecture seats used by abbots for preaching
dharma. The Chanmen Guishi and other Chan texts stated that
Baizhang Huaihai started one of the new rules for Chan monasteries
that established only dharma hall instead of Buddha hall, to
emphasize the direct transmission of the dharma from Chan masters’
minds that represent all Buddhas and patriarchs to the students’
minds. This direct transmission went beyond all appearances, icons,
and language. “Establishing dharma hall only” is thus regarded by the
Chan tradi on as revolu onary, as one of the features that mark the
independence of Chan monasteries from the other Buddhist schools.
Recent scholarship in Chan has challenged this long-standing view and
has found that the establishment of dharma hall can be traced even
back to the Indian Vinaya tradi on. Despite a few extreme cases of
dismantling the Buddha hall shrine, Buddha shrines were never
abandoned in Chan monasteries. Buddha halls con nued to be built in
the central loca on along with dharma hall in Chan monasteries.
FAYAN SCHOOL (Ch. Fayan zong)
 Of the five houses of the Southern school of Chan, the Fayan
school was the last to emerge during the Five Dynas es. It was named
a er its founder, Fayan Wenyi. The teaching and prac ce of this
school shares many similari es with the other four houses, such as
“directly poin ng to the human mind,” “seeing into one’s self-nature
and becoming Buddha,” enlightenment not being sought outside
everyday ac vi es, and skillful adapta on to the different
circumstances of students. What makes this school unique is its more
prominent integra on of the Huayan philosophy of the harmonious
coexistence and non-duality of principle/events (li/shi) into its own
teaching of Chan. The philosophy of harmony even facilitated the
school’s good rela onship with the local authori es, including the
school’s influence on and receiving support from the emperors of the
Southern Tang and the Wuyue. As far as the style of teaching is
concerned, Fayan Wenyi is not famous for shou ng at his students or
hi ng them with his staff, but he is exemplary in using paradox and
tautology, responding to his students with the power of insight and
challenge.
Among Wenyi’s 63 direct dharma heirs, Tiantai Deshao is the
most outstanding. He was invited to the capital by the emperor of the
Wuyue and respected as the Na onal Teacher. He also had about 49
dharma heirs of his own. Among them, Yongming Yanshou is best
known, due to his 100-fascicle, monumental work Zongjing Lu
(Records of the Source-Mirror), which promotes the unifica on
between Chan and other schools of theore cal teachings (Chanjioa
yizhi). Yanshou was also the precursor for the syncre cism of Chan
and Pure Land. Another disciple of Deshao was Yong’an Daoyuan
(d.u.), the compiler of the 30-fascicle Jingde Chuandeng Lu. The
teaching of the Fayan school even spread to Korea. Although this
school was quite prosperous in the early Song, its lineage stopped in
the mid-Song.
FAYAN WENYI (885–958)
A Chan master of the Five Dynas es and the founder of the
Fayan school, Wenyi was born in Zhejiang. His family name was Lu. He
started his monas c life at the age of 7 and was officially ordained at
age 20 at Kaiyuan Temple in Yuezhou. He studied Buddhist precepts
with Xijue (864–948), a Vinaya master, at Yuwang Temple, and
excelled in the Buddhist scriptures and Confucian classics. He was very
soon a racted to Chan. On his pilgrimage, he first studied with
Changqing Huileng (854–932), a disciple of Xuefeng Yichun. Later, he
met Luohan Guichen (869–928), another disciple of Xuefeng Yichun.
With Guichen, Wenyi a ained enlightenment and became his dharma
heir. A er a period of wandering, he was invited to preside at
Chongshou Temple in Fuzhou, Jiangxi. Due to his growing fame,
Emperor Lijing (r. 943–961) of the Southern Tang invited him to the
capital, Jinling, to be abbot at Baoen Monastery and later at Qingliang
Monastery. Wenyi had more than 1,000 students there, including
monks from Korea. When he died at the age of 74, Lijing granted him
the tle “Great Chan Master of Dharma Eye” (Dafayan Chanshi).
Wenyi had more than 60 direct dharma heirs from his students.
Among them, Tiantai Deshao was the most eminent, even becoming
respected by the emperor of the Wuyue as the Na onal Teacher.
Deshao himself had about 49 dharma heirs. Among them, Yongming
Yanshou is most famous for authoring the 100-fascicle, monumental
work Zongjing Lu (Records of the Source-Mirror). Another disciple of
Deshao was Yong’an Daoyuan (d.u.), the compiler of the 30-fascicle
Jingde Chuandeng Lu. As Daoyuan was from the Fayan school, three
fascicles of the Jingde Chuandeng Lu included a considerable amount
of informa on and recorded sayings on Fayan Wenyi and his disciples.
Compared to the masters of other Chan schools, Wenyi integrated the
Huayan doctrine of the harmonious rela onship between principle (li)
and events (shi) into the teachings of Chan more prominently. His
renowned use of tautological answers to his students’ ques ons is
one of the examples of how he skillfully invented unconven onal
expedient means to help students realize the harmonious, and non-
dualis c, rela onship of all things in the universe without being
hindered by any conceptual words. Placed among the best of all Chan
teachers, Wenyi even won high praise from the great neo-Confucian
philosopher Zhu Xi (1130–1200).
There are many recorded sayings of Wenyi. Recorded Sayings of
the Chan Master Wenyi from Qingliang Monastery in Jinling (Jinling
Qingliang Yuan Wenyi Chanshi Yulu), compiled by Yufeng Yuanxin
 (1571–1647) and Guo Ningzhi (d.u.), and included in the Wujia Yulu
(Recorded Sayings of Five Houses) in the Ming dynasty, is the most
extensive record of Wenyi’s yulu. It is a collec on of Wenyi’s sayings
from all previously published records, including the Jingde Chuandeng
Lu, the Chanlin Sengbao Zhuan, the Liandeng Huiyao, and the
Wudeng Huiyuan. Moreover, an important work, Zongmen Shigui Lun
(Trea se on the Ten Regula ons of the [Chan] School), is a ributed to
Fayan Wenyi. It focuses on the cri cism of various perverse conduct in
the compe on among different Chan lineages with each other, even
though the forma on of different lineages is not seen as completely
nega ve. The text is usually regarded as the earliest source for
differen a ng the teaching styles and methods of the other four
schools and for acknowledging the “five houses” of Chan.
FAYAN ZONG
See .
FEIYIN TONGRONG (1593–1661)
A Chan master of the Linji school in the end of the Ming dynasty
and the beginning of the Qing dynasty, Tongrong was born into a
family of He in Fuqing (present-day Fujian province). He became a
monk at the age of 14. During a period of about 10 years, he studied,
respec vely, with the Caodong masters Zhanran Yuancheng, Wuming
Huijing, and Wuyi Yuanlai. However, he was s ll interested in the
teaching and method of the Linji school. Eventually, he went to study
with the Linji master Miyun Yuanwu and became his dharma heir. In
1633, Tongrong took up residence at Wanfu Temple on Mount
Huangbo. In the ensuing years, he served as abbot at many Chan
temples or monasteries, including Tianning Temple in Zhejiang, Fuyan
Temple in Jiangsu, and Xingsheng Wanshou Temple on Mount Jing. He
authored several books, including the Zu ng Qianchui Lu and the
Wuden Yantong. The la er was very controversial regarding the
history of Chan lineal transmission and was condemned by local
government a er a lawsuit. His teachings were preserved in the Feiyin
Chanshi Yulu of 14 fascicles. He had 64 cer fied dharma heirs.
Because his dharma heir Yinyuan Longqi went to Japan and became
the founder of the Japanese Obaku school, Tongrong was also revered
by the followers of this Japanese Zen school.
FENGXUE YANZHAO (896–973)
A Chan master of the Linji school in the late Tang dynasty, Five
Dynas es, and early Song dynasty, Yanzhao was a na ve of Zhejiang
Province. His original name was Kuangzhao. His family name was Liu.
Although he was extensively learned, he was not interested in passing
the civil examina on and instead became a monk. A er studying the
Lotus Sutra and the Tiantai medita on and consul ng the Chan
master Jingqing Daofu (868–937), a disciple of Xuefeng Yicun,
Yanzhao went to Baoying Temple in Ruzhou to study with Nanyuan
Huiyong (860–930), the disciple of Xinghua Cunjiang of the Linjin
school. In six years, Yanzhao became the sole dharma heir of Huiyong;
he subsequently prac ced alone at the abandoned Fengxue Temple
on Mount Qianfeng. Over about seven years, he and his followers
renovated and enlarged this temple. In 951, under local patronage, he
moved to Guanghui Temple. He lived there for 22 years and died at
the age of 78. Among his many disciples, the most famous is
Shoushan Shengnian. Among his teachings, his subversion of the
absolute dis nc on of ques oning and answering to inspire students
is noteworthy.
FENYANG SHANZHAO (947–1024)
A Chan master of the Linji school in the Song dynasty, Shanzhao
was a na ve of Taiyuan (in present-day Shanxi). His family name was
Yu. At the age of 14, he lost his parents and became a monk. He
traveled to many places; it was said that he visited 71 Chan masters.
Among the different styles and methods of Chan, the Caogdong
school’s expedient of “five ranks” was his favorite. He went to Shimen
Temple in Xiangzhou, Hubei, to study with the Caodong master Huiche
(d.u.). Shanzhao’s Poem on the Five Ranks won Huiche’s praise, but
Shanzhao was s ll not sa sfied. He eventually turned to study with
the Linji Chan master Shoushan Shengnian and became Shengnian’s
dharma heir. A er leaving his teacher, Shanzhao con nued to travel in
the south. He finally accepted an invita on to take up residence at
Taizi Chan Monastery in Fenzhou (later called Fenyang, in present-day
Shanxi). He taught there for about 30 years, un l his death. His
preaching won support from local officials and a racted many
 followers. Among his disciples, the most famous was Shishuang
Chuyuan, who successfully spread the Linji school to the south.
Shanzhao’s teachings were preserved in the Fenyang Wude
Chanshi Yulu, edited by his disciple Shishuang Chuyuan. This yulu
includes Shanzhao’s sermons, his Songgu Baize (Verses [or Poe c
Commentaries] on One Hundred Old Cases), collec ons of his daiyu
(his own answers to the ques ons he raised for others) and bieyu (his
alterna ve answers to the previous ques ons raised and answered in
the Buddhist texts), short essays, and other poems. His Songgu Baize
is o en considered the earliest example of the new Chan genre—the
gong’an literature—and the Song “Chan of le ers and words (wenzi
Chan).” Shanzhao’s further use of Linji’s didac c formulas, such as
“three mysteries and essen als (sanxuan sanyao)” and “four
encounters of guest-host (sibinzhu)”; his use of the Caodong school’s
“five ranks”; and the inven on of his own formulas, most notably
“four turning phrases (si zhuanyu)” and “ten all-true wisdoms (shizhi
tongzhen),” helped to develop the unique teaching style and method
of the Linji school.
FIVE EXPEDIENT MEANS
The original Chinese term for this is Wu Fangbian. It is an
abbreviated tle, referring to a handful of Dunhuang documents that
contain similar material under different tles, especially Dasheng
Wusheng Fangbian Men (The Expedient Means of [A aining] Birthless
in the Mahayana) and Dasheng Wu Fangbian Beizong (The Five
Expedienct Means of the Mahayana—Northern School). Scholars
believe it is a lost work of the Northen school, most likely a teachers’
manual that was compiled by Shenxiu’s disciples, and reflects
Shenxiu’s teaching, although it was never preserved in any East Asian
Buddhist canon. In the 20th century, Japanese scholars did editorial
work on the discovered copies, published them, and then included
this work in the Taishō.
The five expedient means or methods include the following:
1. Comprehensive manifesta on of the substance of
Buddhahood (zongzhang fo ), also called the teaching of the
transcendence of thoughts (linian), in terms of the Awakening of
Faith in Mahayana (Dasheng Qixin Lun).
 2. Opening the gates of wisdom and sagacity (kai zhihui men),
also called the teaching of mo onlessness, in terms of the Lotus
Sutra.
3. Manifesta on of inconceivable freedom (xian busiyi jietuo),
in terms of the Vimalakīr Sūtra.
4. Elucida on of the true nature of all dharmas (ming zhufa
zhengxing), in terms of the Sūtra of Ques oning by the God of
Thinking-about-Goodness (Siyi Fan an Suowen Jing).
5. Realizing non-differen ated, natural, and unobstructed
freedom (liao wuyi ziran wuai jietuo), in terms of the
Avatamsaka Sutra (Huayan Jing).
The prac ce of these expedient means highlights Shenxiu and his
followers’ flexible interpreta on of scriptures and skillful use of
conven onal Buddhist terms, as well as their focus on contempla ng
the mind and purity, which unavoidably involves a privileged
conceptual hierarchy of the pure and defiled mind, mo onlessness
and mo on, interior and exterior. Nothing sounds non-Buddhist, but
the later schools tended to take a turn away from such rhetoric.
FIVE HOUSES
See .
FIVE HOUSES AND SEVEN SCHOOLS (Ch. wujia qizong)
“Five houses” (wujia) refers to the thriving of Chan schools with
diverse teaching styles (jiafeng) and methods (men ng shishe) during
the late Tang dynasty and the Five Dynas es. Although different Chan
schools all claim lineage to Huineng and the Southern school, a er
two genera ons the Southern school had evolved into two main lines,
Mazu Daoyi and Shitou Xiqian, according to Chan tradi on. From
these two lines emerged the five schools, or main lineages, of Chan.
From the line of Mazu Daoyi emerged (1) Guiyang school, which was
named a er the Gui and Yang mountains where its headquarter
temples were built, and was founded by Guishan Lingyou and
Yangshan Huiji; and (2) Linji school, founded by Linji Yixuan. From the
line of Shitou Xiqian emerged addi onal schools: (3) Caodong school,
founded by Dongshan Liangjie and Caoshan Benji; (4) Yunmen
school, founded by Yunmen Wenyan; and (5) Fayan school, founded
by Fayan Wenyi.
 The Guiyang school was formed first among these five, but
declined in the early Song. The Fayan school was the last to come into
existence and disappeared in the middle of the Song. The Yunmen
school did not survive a er the Song. Only the Linji and Caodong
schools con nued a er the Song and spread their lineages to Japan
during the Song period. The Linji school developed into two main
branches, or subschools, during the Song dynasty, one called
Huanglong school (or Huanglong pai), founded by Huanglong Huinan,
the other Yangqi school (or Yangqi pai), founded by Yangqi Fanghui.
They were added to the original “five houses.” Thus the phrase “five
houses and seven schools” is used to designate all these schools that
appeared in the late Tang, Five Dynas es, and Song.
Scholars have recently ques oned the historical accuracy of
describing the Chan movements of the mid- to late Tang and Five
Dynas es as “two main lines” and “five houses.” The mid-Tang
sources do not regard the Shitou line as a major branch from
Huineng’s Southern school or as opposed to the Hongzhou school.
The asser on of a separate lineage of Shitou from Mazu was later
made retrospec vely by a number of Chan masters who broke away
from the Hongzhou line and a ached themselves to the Shitou line
exclusively. Moreover, the division of Chan from the late Tang to the
Five Dynas es involved eight major houses. In addi on to the “five
houses,” there were the houses of Deshan, Xuefeng, and Shishuang.
The use of the phrase “five houses” was not fixed un l the mid-
Northern Song. Recent study also points out the overes ma on of the
significance of five houses and seven schools. The compe on among
these schools was not based on substan al differences of doctrines
and prac ces, but rather on lineage rela onships or loyal es.
FIVE RANKS
The English transla on of the Chinese word wuwei here refers to
the teaching or doctrine of “five ranks” a ributed to the Tang dynasty
Chan master Dongshan Liangjie, the founder of the Caodong school.
Influenced by Huayan Buddhism’s four kinds of rela onships between
principle (li) and phenomena (shi), this teaching describes five kinds of
rela onships between the categories zheng and pian, namely,
between the correct and the par al, but the categories could also be
the real and the apparent, the universal and the par cular, oneness
and many, the whole ( ) and the func on (yong), or emp ness (kong)
and form (se). Two more categories are some mes added by the
metaphors of lord (jun) and vassal (chen), or host (zhu) and guest
(bin). The formula on of these five rela onships could be regarded as
a dialec cal philosophy, or ontology, underlying Dongshan and the
Caodong school’s understanding of reality. Some scholars also see
these five rela onships as five perspec ves about the world or five
modes of experience with the world. They are basically used by the
Caodong school as a set of temporary expedients, or skillful means
(shishe), to accommodate different student abili es and situa ons
and lead them on to the realiza on of suchness (zhenru). They should
not be understood as a series of stages of development.
The first kind of rela onship is “the par al within the correct
(zheng zhong pian),” which points to the tradi onal Mahayana
Buddhist teaching that all forms or phenomena are empty of their
own existence, and hence helps students realize that all forms and
phenomena rely on emp ness. The second kind of rela onship is
called “the correct within the par al (pian zhong zheng),” which
points to the other perspec ve that emp ness is just the nature of all
forms and phenomena: it manifests itself through all forms and
phenomena but not apart from them. Despite this point, the third
rela onship—“coming from within the correct (zheng zhong lai)”—
teaches students that, s ll, a aining the perspec ve of emp ness and
understanding all phenomena in terms of emp ness, rather than
individual substan ality, is necessary. Thus far, all three rela onships
are based on dis nguishing the two sides of the polarity.
The fourth rela onship—“going within together (jian zhong
zhi)”—advises students to deconstruct this polarity or aspire to the
harmonizing of the two sides, based on the perspec ve that
emp ness and form are interconnec ng, interpenetra ng, and
ul mately one and the same. The fi h rela onship—“arriving within
together (jian zhong dao)”—brings up a perspec ve in terms of which
all separa on and sense of dis nc on are transcended while they are
present. Neither side func ons independently but rather in a
complete and wondrous harmony.
 Many of Dongshan’s encounter dialogues and poems are
considered to be references to this teaching of five ranks. The brief
formula on of this teaching could be found in a number of
documents, including “The Jewel Mirror Samadhi” (Baojing Sanmei),
and “Verses on the Five Ranks of Lord and Vassal” (Wuwei Junchen Ji),
a ributed to Dongshan. These documents on the five ranks are
commonly believed to be directly transmi ed from Dongshan to his
disciple Caoshan Benji, although a southern Song text claims that
“The Jewel Mirror Samadhi” was first transmi ed from Yunyan
Tansheng (782–841) to Dongshan. A number of commentaries on this
teaching are also a ributed to Caoshan and considered to be among
the earliest and most authorita ve interpreta ons.
A great deal of Chinese Caodong, as well as Japanese Sōtō,
scholarship, has contributed to the exegesis of these works. However,
these works had never been men oned by the Zutang Ji and Jingde
Chuandeng Lu, which were among the earliest of the transmission of
the lamp literature. The earliest source that included these
documents of five ranks, before the extant Ming edi on of the
Dongshan Yulu, is Juefan Huihong’s Chanlin Sengbao Zhuan
(Biographies of the Monk Treasure of Chan Grove, compiled in 1119),
long a er the me of Dongshan and Caoshan. The historicity of these
documents has not been convincingly verified, even though the
Caodong tradi on has long believed that they are authen c works of
Dongshan and Caoshan. On the other hand, the importance of these
formula ons of five ranks has been de-emphasized by many Chan
Buddhists and scholars, both in ancient and modern mes. For
example, Japanese Sōtō Zen master Dōgen opposed seeing the five
ranks as fully representa ve of the Buddha-dharma that Dongshan
has transmi ed.
FOFA
The Chinese transla on of the Sanskrit word Buddha-dharma.
See also .
FORGETTING MIND
This is the English transla on of the Chinese word wangxin. Its
use in classical Chan is similar to the use of other apopha c terms,
such as wuxin (“no-mind”). For example, in addi on to Huangbo
 Xiyun’s well-known elabora ons on “no-mind” in his Chuanxin Fayao,
Huangbo also advises students that, if forge ng environment (jing) is
rela vely easy, it is most difficult to “forget mind.” The use of the term
wangxin indicates the Chan adop on of Daoist Zhuangzi’s influence.
Wang (“forge ng”) is a favorite term Zhuangzi uses in his philosophy
to describe the enlightened mind of a Daoist sage who is able to
transcend all kinds of dis nc ons, including self/other, subject/object,
individual/world, and speech/silence, while living in the world. It is
also a method related to Daoist medita on prac ces. However, the
Chan use of wangxin has its own Chinese Buddhist context. Wangxin
involves two basic meanings. First, it denotes the necessity to forget
(or to transcend and transform) the discrimina ve mind that is the
root cause of the human a achment to objects and environments.
Without this sense of “forge ng mind,” forge ng (or detaching
oneself from) objects or environments cannot be accomplished.
Second, it also denotes the necessity of transcending even the
dis nc on between the discrimina ve mind and the enlightened
Buddha-mind. This Buddha-mind cannot be sought or obtained
outside the ordinary human mind. In this sense, it must be forgo en.
Wangxin is thus used in rela on to the no on of “no-seeking”
(wuqiu).
See also .
FORI QISONG
See .
FORMLESS PRECEPTS
The English transla on of the Chinese words wuxiang jie. This
teaching of “formless precepts” is recorded in the Pla orm Sūtra and
a ributed to Huineng. Chan Buddhism inherits the prac ce of the
Mahayana bodhisa va precepts, including the common ceremony of
conferring the precepts on a gathering of monks and laypeople.
According to the sūtra, on such an occasion, Huineng confers the
“formless precepts” by performing repeated recita ons of taking
refuge in the threefold body of Buddha, the four bodhisa va vows,
the formless repentance, and taking refuge in the three treasures of
Buddhism, before giving his sermon to explain the dharma. The
teaching of the formless precepts does not mean to completely
 abolish the tradi onal precepts and prac ces, as contemporary
scholars have pointed out its similari es with those of the other
Chinese Buddhist schools, including the Tiantai school and the
Dongshan Famen, nor does this teaching mean to create totally new
precepts. It merely a empts to provide the tradi onal precepts with
refreshed understandings and interpreta ons.
One of the main points in the teaching of the formless precepts
is to relate the prac ce of the precepts to seeing or realizing one’s
own Buddha-nature (zixing). One’s own Buddha-nature is the formless
source for the unimpeded prac ce of the precepts in various forms,
and the prac ce of the precepts should not be separated from seeing
one’s own Buddha-nature. The teaching thus advises Chan Buddhists
to detach themselves from various forms of the precepts; not to see
the precepts as external moral codes or regula ons and rely on them
externally, but to look beyond them while prac cing them and to
realize their internal source, which is the founda onless founda on of
all ethical codes or regula ons. The ethical source and power, which
paradoxically goes beyond the merely ethical, lies within each human
being, not outside. This teaching is based on the combined
understanding of the tathāgatagabha (Buddha-nature) theory and
the philosophy of emp ness from the Prajñāpāramitā literature. As a
result, the conferral of the precepts and the performance of the
ceremony, in the se ng of an ordina on intended more for lay
believers (as presented in the sūtra or used by Shenhui), are more
simplified, and the dis nc on between lay and monas c was not
most important to Huineng (or Shenhui) and his followers.
FORMLESS REPENTANCE
The English transla on of the Chinese words wuxiang chan or
wuxiang chanhui. Formless repentance is a crucial part of the
formless precepts recorded in the Pla orm Sūtra and a ributed to
Huineng. Inheri ng the Mahayana perspec ves on emp ness, non-
duality, and the original purity of Buddha-nature, formless repentance
further develops the early Chan Buddhist and Tiantai approach of
uni ng the prac ce of repentance with the prac ce of medita on and
wisdom, denying the necessity of separa ng them with different
procedures and methods. That approach could be found in the fourth
 patriarch Daoxin’s Rudao Anxin Yao Fangbian Famen, in which he
expresses the view that a aining no-thought through medita on is
the most advanced repentance (diyi chanhui). The descendants of the
Dongshan Famen—Shenxiu and his followers—con nued Daosin’s
trend of seeing Buddha nature as the nature of all precepts, including
repentance (foxing wei jiexing). A similar a tude can be found in the
Tiantai master Zhiyi’s Mohe Zhiguan. Zhiyi iden fies repentance
prac ces as either “in form (youxiang)” or “formless (wuxiang),” but in
the la er, the sins are eliminated not by remorse but by the
realiza on of the mind that is free from any designa ons of sins or
merits. Despite all these precursors, the formless repentance in the
Pla orm Sūtra iden fies itself most clearly with the “zixing chanhui
(the repentance of self-nature).” Since the realiza on of self-nature is
true repentance (zhen chanhui), it is not necessary to even recite
verses of repentance or to cul vate merits and eliminate sins. This
teaching paved the way for Chan Buddhists to simplify the ritual
prac ce of repentance and other precepts, as illustrated in the
Pla orm Sūtra and other Chan texts.
FOUR ALTERNATIVES
The English transla on of the Chinese term siliaojian. It is one of
the formulas of the Linji school’s didac c expedients, which can be
found in the Linji Lu for its early elabora on. “Four alterna ves” are
the four ways of instruc ng students and helping them a ain the four
perspec ves of non-a achment. The first is “to take away the person
(ren) but not the environment (jing),” which means to help overcome
the a achment to the subjec ve self. The second is “to take away the
environment but not the person,” which means to overcome the
a achment to objects and their self-nature. The third is “to take away
both the person and the environment,” which means to overcome the
a achment to both, if the a achments have existed or have been
demonstrated. The fourth is “to take away neither the person nor the
environment,” which means to let the student experience reality as
such, if both a achments have gone, and object and subject
themselves do not need to be negated (the nega on of the previous
nega ons). Scholars have pointed out the influence of Indian
Madyamaka Buddhist philosophy’s fourfold logic (the nega on of self,
 other, both, and neither) on this formula of four alterna ves, as well
as its correspondence to the Chinese Huayan Buddhist no on of the
four realms of reality—the realms of facts (shi), principle (li), both
facts and principle, and neither. But all these philosophies are
expressed here in more simplified, vivid, pragma c, and heuris c
terms.
FOUR ENCOUNTERS OF GUEST-HOST
The English transla on of the Chinese term sibinzhu. It is one of
the formulas of the Linji school’s heuris c expedients, a ributed to
Linji, and can be found in the Linji Lu. “Four encounters of guest-host”
refers to the four situa ons of communica on between a student
(guest or visitor) and a teacher (host). The first is “the guest examines
the host (bin kan zhu),” in which situa on the guest’s or student’s
level of understanding seems higher than the host’s or teacher’s.
(Chan students are allowed to challenge teachers in verifying each
other’s enlightenment experience.) When the student gives a shout
and u ers a sentence to test the teacher, the teacher does not discern
the situa on but pretends to know and gives inadequate verbal
explana ons. The second is “the host examines the guest (zhu kan
bin),” in which situa on the teacher is superior. He allows the student
to raise ques ons and then undercuts whatever a achment the
student has right away. The third is “the host examines the host (zhu
kan zhu),” in which case both the student and the teacher stay on the
same level of understanding. The teacher would not be confused by
the student’s subtle ques on, and the student’s mind resonates with
the teacher’s. The fourth is “the guest examines the guest (bin kan
bin),” in which situa on both persons are misled by the ques on and
answer. Their minds are all fe ered. The point of these descrip ons is
to call a en on to the singularity of each situa on and to sensibility,
flexibility, and skillfulness in carrying out effec ve conversa on and
mind-to-mind transmission.
FOUR TYPES OF SHOUTING (Ch. sihe)
These include a shout that is (1) used like a sword, cu ng
through all false understandings; (2) like the lion crouched in ambush
before suddenly seizing upon the weak; (3) like a weed- pped pole
probing/tes ng for fish in the water; (4) and like something that is not
 shou ng. These four types indicate how the Chan master Linji u lized
shou ng, which became the unique style of the Linji Chan. Modern
scholars believe that this summary of four types of shou ng is a later
addi on to the Linji Lu. The interes ng part, however, is that these
uses demonstrate how non-verbal u erances or gestures signify
meaning in the context of Chan communica on.
FOXING
See .
FREE-FLOWING-DAO
This is the rephrasing of the teaching “Dao must flow freely (dao
xu tongliu),” a ributed to Huineng in the Pla orm Sūtra. In the sūtra,
Huineng elaborates on the reason that he opposes Chan quie sm, the
tendency to cut the prac ce of medita on from all daily ac vi es and
movements. This tendency obstructs the dao. Here, the popular
Chinese term dao is used in a Buddhist context, though nged with a
Daoist spirit, to designate enlightenment, the realiza on of Buddha-
nature, the ul mate reality, and the path or prac ce of Buddhism. For
the Pla orm Sūtra, enlightenment or the realiza on of Buddha-nature
should not impede the living flux of the everyday world.
Enlightenment or dao is rather the unimpeded, or straigh orward,
flowing (tongliu) together with thoughts and things in all everyday
circumstances. All Buddhist prac ces must follow this direc on and
avoid their own entanglements. This no on of free-flowing-dao was
very influen al on the later Chan tradi ons. It especially
foreshadowed the Hongzhou school’s no on of renyun (following
along with the movements of all things or circumstances).
FUJIAO BIAN
Essays on Assis ng the Teaching [of Buddhism], a book of three
fascicles, wri en by the Song Chan master Qisong. The book consists
of five essays: Yuanjiao (Inquiry into [the Essence of] the Teachings),
Quanshu (Wri ng of Advices), Guang Yuanjiao (Extensive Inquiry into
[the Essence of] the Teachings), Xiao Lun (Trea se on Filial Piety), and
Tanjing Zan (Praise for the Pla orm Sūtra), composed during the
1050s. In these essays, Qisong refutes Confucian scholars’ cri cisms of
Buddhism, emphasizing that both Buddhism and Confucianism come
out of the mind of sages. Buddhism’s prac ce of precepts and
 perfec ons is similar to Confucianism’s prac ce of five virtues.
Confucianism is the teaching of governing the world; Buddhist
teaching involves both governing the world and transcending the
world. Buddhism would help Confucianism achieve peace in the
world. Buddhism does not cancel out the filial piety taught by
Confucianism, but rather complements it with a greater filial piety to
all sen ent beings, even beyond one’s limited life. Qisong’s Tanjing
Zan (Praise for the Pla orm Sūtra) became an important source for
the study of the Pla orm Sūtra and later was a ached to the la er,
being widely read.
FURONG DAOKAI (1013–1118)
A Chan master of the Caodong school in the Song dynasty and
the most important figure in the historical Caodong revival, Daokai
was a na ve of Yizhou (in present-day Shandong). His family name
was Cui. During his youth, he learned Daoist prac ce. In 1073, he
became a monk by passing the examina on of the Lotus Sutra and
was ordained the next year. In search of good teachers, Daokai visited
Touzi Yiqing at Haihui Temple on Mount Baiyun in Shuzhou (in
present-day Anhui), and he a ained enlightenment under Yiqing’s
instruc on. In 1082, Daokai started preaching at Mount Ma’an. A er
that, he served as abbot at several temples, including Xiandong
Temple in Yizhou, Zhao Temple in Luoyang, Temple of Dayang
Mountain in Yingzhou, and Baoshou Chan Monastery on Mount
Dahong in Suizhou. In 1104, Daokai was appointed by Emperor
Huizong (r. 1100–1126) to be abbot at the Chan Temple of Shifang
Jingyin in the east capital Kaifeng, marking the prominence of the new
Caodong lineage. In 1107, a er rejec ng Huizong’s appointment to be
abbot at Tianning Wanshou Temple in Kaifeng, Daokai was jailed,
defrocked, and exiled in Zhizhou (in present-day Shandong). This exile
further raised Daokai’s popularity among monks and laypeople. His lay
follower Liu Fengshi (1041–1113) built a hermitage for him to live and
preach in, at Lake Furong in Zhizhou. In 1117, Huizong granted the
plaque “Huayan Chansi” to this hermitage. Daokai died at the age of
76. He had 93 disciples and 29 dharma heirs. Among them, the most
famous is Danxia Zichun. Daokai’s teachings were preserved in the
Furong Kai Chanshi Yuyao, which pioneered the silent illumina on
approach (mozhao Chan).
 G

GAOFENG YUANMIAO (1238–1298)

A Chan master of the Linji school in the Yuan Dynasty, Yuanmiao
was a na ve of Wujiang (in present-day Jiangsu). His family name was
Xu. At the age of 15, he entered his monas c life at Miyin Temple in
Xiuzhou (in present-day Zhejiang), and he was ordained two years
later, star ng his study of the Tiantai doctrine. At age 20, he went to
Jingci Temple in Hangzhou to study the medita on of contempla ng
key phrases (kanhua Chan) with Duanqiao Miaolun (1201–1261) and
Xueyan Zuqin (1215–1287), the disciples of Wuzhun Shifan (1177–
1240), who was the fourth-genera on disciple of Huqiu Shaolong in
the Linji school. In 1266, Yuanmiao went into retreat at Longxu Temple
in Lin’an (in present-day Zhejiang), where he achieved a great
awakening a er hearing the sound of a falling pillow. His retreat there
lasted for about eight years, and he con nued it at Shuangji Peak in
Wukang (in present Zhejiang). In 1279, Yuanmiao built a hermitage at
Shiziyan on the western peak of Mount Tianmu to live and prac ce in,
although he some mes gave sermons and taught students at Shizi
Temple. Later, he also taught at Dajue Chan Temple on Lianhua Peak.
He died at the age of 58.
Yuanmiao had several hundred disciples and ordained more than
10,000 people. Among his disciples, the most influen al was
Zhongfeng Mingben. Yuanmiao’s lineage con nued into the Ming and
Qing dynas es. His teachings were preserved in the Gaofeng
Yuanmiao Chanshi Chanyao and the Gaofeng Dashi Yulu. His most
important contribu ons include his development of the kanhua
medita on, which shi ed emphasis from contempla ng key phrases
to medita ng on ques ons or doubts such as, “To where does the
oneness return if myriad things return to oneness?” He was also well
known for his characteriza on of “three essen als of the kanhua
Chan”: great faith, great will, and great doubt. His posthumous tle
was Puming Guangji Chanshi (“Chan Master of Universal Illumina on
and Widespread Salva on”).
GATELESS BARRIER
This is the English transla on of the Chinese work Wumen Guan.
Compiled by the Song Linji Chan master Wumen Huikai, it is a
collec on of 48 gong’an cases, based on his lectures and published in
1229. Like many other gong’an collec ons, most of the stories in this
selec on involve the famous Tang Chan masters. However, here each
anecdote is presented with a concise four-character tle and with
Huikai’s prose commentary and his summary poem only,
dis nguishing it from the other, larger collec ons that present a
master’s secondary commentary on the primary commentary made
by another master. Recent studies of Chan texts have captured the
evolving process of Chan story making, and the Wumen Guan is no
excep on. Scholars have demonstrated traces of editorial change
from the sources it claims to have. They have also pointed out the
rela onship between the compiler’s hermeneu cal choice of gong’an
cases, such as the preference for the play of nega vity, and his
purpose to help establish a dis nc ve sectarian iden ty, in the
examina on of this gong’an collec on. The Wumen Guan was brought
to Japan by Huikai’s disciple Shinichi Kakushin and became one of the
most widely read texts in the Japanese Rinzai sect. However, it is s ll
puzzling why it was not read in China to the extent that it was in
Japan. A possible answer scholars have given is that texts other than
the Wumen Guan existed extensively during that me and were
already used by many Chinese prac oners.
GETENG
Literally deno ng “vine,” this Chinese word is used in Chan texts
to symbolize unskillful, unnecessary, or clinging uses of words or
concepts in conveying Buddhist dharma. It also generally refers to any
kind of reliance on words or concepts in expressing and exploring
dharma, which o en diverts people from the right path of Buddhism.
The Song Linji Chan master Dahui Zonggao, and some others as well,
cri cized those of the second genera on of the Yunmen school for
geteng Chan, a style of Chan prac ce that became obsessed with
certain forms of awkward or excessive language and in fact harmed
the goal of Chan Buddhism.
GONG’AN
 The Japanese transla on of this Chinese term as koan is very
popular in modern Western literature on Chan Buddhism. The most
common English literal transla on of the term is “public” (gong)
“case” (an). With the root meaning of “the table” (an) “of a judge”
(gong), this originally legal term in medieval China referred to a
wri en document si ng on a judge’s table, a case before a court, or
the record of a judge’s decision in a case. In Chan Buddhism, the term
was used to denote those brief sayings, dialogues, or anecdotes that
had been excerpted from the biographies and recorded sayings of
Chan patriarchs and held up for interpre ng and commen ng. These
extracted passages were seen as profound expressions or invaluable
demonstra ons of the awakened mind of the patriarchs, who lived in
the 8th to mid-10th centuries. They were typically quoted by Song
Chan masters in their sermons or in their exchanges with students, to
test student insight, or to offer their own comments. Similar terms to
the word gong’an in Song Chan texts include jugu and niangu, both
referring to “commen ng on an old case.”
It is not exactly clear how or when the prac ce of using gong’an
started. Various gong’an cases can be found in the materials
contained in the two earlier genres of Song Chan literature: the
transmission of the lamp literature (or the lamp histories, such as
Jingde Chuandeng Lu), and yulu literature (the recorded sayings of
individual Chan masters, such as Yunmen Guanglu). The earliest Chan
masters whose commentaries on old stories are included in the yulu
a ributed to them appear to be Yunmen Wenyan and Fenyang
Shanzhao. Contemporary scholars believe that from the Five
Dynas es, or at least from the beginning of the Song, Chan masters
increasingly quoted gong’an in their sermons, composed anthologies
of gong’an commentary, and used gong’an to challenge students to
see their own Buddha-nature. Chan texts offer numerous instances of
a student experiencing enlightenment when a master challenged his
understanding of a par cular gong’an. The use of gong’an was not
limited to any specific school of classical Chan, as some modern
studies of Chan have suggested. All schools of Chan used gong’an.
As the prac ce of commen ng on the gong’an stories of
patriarchs evolved, a whole independent genre of Chan literature
 emerged, dis nguished from other genres of Chan literature. Many
Song Chan masters involved themselves in the recording, compiling,
and even publishing of the collec ons of commentaries on the
gong’an. Recent study of the gong’an literature has revealed several
subcategories of the gong’an genre. The first is prose commentaries
versus poe c commentaries. The former gong’an collec ons were
called niangu (picking up old cases) when a prose commentary was
a ached, and the la er songgu (eulogizing old cases) when the
commentary was made in verse form. The second subcategory is
primary collec ons versus secondary collec ons. “Primary collec ons”
refer to those old cases that were selected and commented on by one
single Chan master. The most famous example is the Wumen Guan
(Gateless Barrier). “Secondary collec ons” are, in fact, those primary
collec ons that were taken up and further commented on by another
Chan master. A noteworthy example is the Biyan Lu (Blue Cliff Record)
by Yuanwu Keqin, which is Keqin’s systema c commentary on Xuedou
Chongxian’s Verses on One Hundred Old Cases (Songgu Baize). The
third subcategory is independent collec ons versus collec ons
a ached to the recorded sayings of individual masters. Some gong’an
collec ons were never circulated or published as independent texts
furnished with prefaces, but existed only as sec ons within the
recorded sayings (yulu) of individual masters, o en grouped under the
sub tles “picking up old cases (niangu)” and “eulogizing old cases
(songgu).”
GRADUAL CULTIVATION (Ch. jianxiu)
This term is used in opposi on to “sudden enlightenment” or
“sudden cul va on” (dunxiu). The Pla orm Sūtra imputed both
no ons of sudden enlightenment and sudden cul va on to Huineng.
One of the purposes of such rhetoric that privileges suddenness over
gradualness, used by the Pla orm Sūtra and its producers and
advocates, was to overturn the fixa on on the conven onal methods,
or procedures, in Chan prac ces and the belief that these prac ces
would gradually lead Buddhists to their goal. The teaching of
suddenness assumes that this kind of fixa on and belief is based on a
false dichotomy of cul va on and realiza on. This non-dualis c view
of cul va on and realiza on prevailed in classical Chan, as the later
 Chan masters o en made such nega ve statements as that there is
neither cul va on nor realiza on.
All these deconstruc ve discourses on cul va on/realiza on
make sense when they are applied to those Chan Buddhists who
commi ed themselves to the prac ces. These discourses could also
cause various misunderstandings and create new dichotomies when
read out of context. Probably addressing the same concern, the
Pla orm Sūtra had to acknowledge that there is no sudden or gradual
in Buddha-dharma itself. While making those deconstruc ve
discourses, the Pla orm Sūtra and later Chan texts never stopped
advising students to con nue their studies. To address the
contradic on and avoid misunderstandings, even Shenhui, the
greatest champion for the teaching of suddenness, allowed a kind of
gradual cul va on a er ini al awakening. Zongmi more clearly
proposed his synthesis that sudden enlightenment needs to be
followed by gradual cul va on.
GRADUAL ENLIGHTENMENT (Ch. jianwu)
The teaching that enlightenment could be achieved gradually
through a path of different stages and by increasing purity and
wisdom over different but con nuous periods of me is tradi onally
a ributed to Shenxiu and his Northern school in Chan history.
Allegedly, Huineng and his Southern school opposed this teaching of
gradual enlightenment by proposing the teaching of sudden
enlightenment, based on a radical non-duality between cul va on
and realiza on, means and goal, prior me and subsequent me, and
so forth. The later Chan schools almost all came to embrace the idea
of sudden enlightenment as they claimed to be followers of Huineng
and the Southern school. Contemporary historians have challenged
the historical accuracy of the tradi onal conclusion of Shenxiu’s
teaching on gradual enlightenment. Although some of Shenxiu’s and
his followers’ views could be interpreted as favoring a kind of
gradualism, Shenxiu himself never denied the instantaneity of
enlightenment, nor did he preach that enlightenment is gradual.
GUANGXIAO TEMPLE (Ch. Guangxiao Si)
Temple of “luminous filiality.” Located in the current city of
Guangzhou, it was formerly a residence used by the exiled Wu
 aristocrat Yu Fan, during the Three Kingdoms (220–265). A er Yu’s
death, his family donated it to the construc on of a temple called
Zhizhi Si. In 397, the Gandhāra monk Dharmayaśas (Ch. Tanmoyeshe)
arrived at Guangzhou, built a Buddha hall there, and named it
Wangyuan Temple. In 527, Bodhidharma arrived at Guangzhou and
was invited to this temple. During the Zhen’guan era (627–649) of the
Tang dynasty, it was renovated and renamed as Faxing Temple. Out of
all its related legends, the most popular was its connec on with the
sixth patriarch, Huineng. It was said that in 676, Huineng arrived here
a er secretly receiving the transmission of dharma from Hongreng.
Huineng was ordained by the masters Yinzong (627–712) in the
presence of several preceptors. Then under the bodhi tree, Huineng
gave his first sermon, and his cut hair from the ordina on was buried
under a pagoda. The Sixth Patriarch Hall and Banner Hall were later
built to memorialize Huineng. The place was thus seen as one of the
Chan temples of patriarchs (Chanzong zu ng). Several eminent monks
from India also visited and prac ced there. During the Song dynasty,
the temple was renamed Qianming Chan Monastery, Congning
Wanshou Temple, and Bao’en Guangxiao Chan Temple. In 1151, it was
named Guangxiao Temple once again. During the Yuan, Ming, and
Qing dynas es, the temple was enlarged and became very
prosperous.
GUANXIN LUN
The English transla on of this Chinese tle is Trea se on the
Contempla on of the Mind. Ini ally having different versions and
tles, and once a ributed to Bodhidharma, this text has finally been
iden fied by modern Japanese scholars as an authen c work of
Shenxiu, based on their studies of newly discovered manuscripts from
the Dunhuang documents and informa on from a reliable historical
source. Most scholars now believe that it was compiled during
Shenxiu’s residence at Yuquan Temple in the last quarter of the 7th
century.
In this trea se, Shenxiu elaborated on his teaching that
“contempla ng the mind (guanxin)” is the single most important
dharma encompassing all Buddhist prac ces. This “contempla ng the
mind” is to realize the pure mind, the mind of true suchness (zhenru),
 by penetra ng the nonsubstan ality of the defiled mind through
medita on. It is also called “cul va ng the mind (xiuxin).” Obviously
Shenxiu’s teaching evolved from his teacher Hongren’s no on of
“maintaining [the awareness of] the mind (shouxin).” But Shenxiu was
even less explicit than his teacher about the actual techniques of
“contempla ng the mind” and more interested in a unique
interpreta on of the original Buddhist intent expressed to his students
so as to facilitate their prac ces. Shenxiu also emphasized that the
prac ce of contempla ng the mind must be carried out constantly
during one’s ac vi es and acknowledged that the achievement of
enlightenment occurs instantaneously—a posi on that was developed
much further by his later opponents. The Guanxin Lun is a precious
document for restoring and cri cally examining Shenxiu’s religious
philosophy.
GUIFENG ZONGMI
See .
GUISHAN JINGCE
“Guishan’s Admoni ons,” a wri en text a ributed to Guishan
Lingyou. Recovered from the Dunhuang documents, the earliest
extant edi on of this text is dated 936, from the late Tang dynasty.
Although there is no conclusive historical evidence that Lingyou wrote
this text, scholars have found li le to doubt about its authen city. In
this text, Lingyou addressed his concern with the exis ng problems of
corrup on and lack of discipline among Chan monasteries. While
maintaining the highest Chan teaching of sudden enlightenment and
“going beyond expedient teachings,” Lingyou elaborated on the
necessity of studying scriptures, observing monas c precepts,
following mentors, and other tradi onal cul va on and prac ces for
those who had not been able to a ain sudden enlightenment.
Moreover, he made clear that cul va on and non-cul va on, which
usually means gradual prac ce and sudden realiza on, should not be
seen as separate or opposite. Cul va on is an ongoing process and, if
a student does not give up, it will help him a ain Buddhahood. The
text is an important document for studying the ethical stance of the
Hongzhou school and Guiyang school in par cular and of Tang Chan
in general. It reveals a truth about Chan: that although for Chan the
 detachment from conven onal moral norms seems indispensable for
the enlightened mind, it does not necessarily entail the rejec on or
abandonment of moral norms and their everyday func on. Rather,
the enlightened or transcendent perspec ve supplements the la er
and even makes their func on more effec ve. The transcendent
perspec ve presupposes the working of these moral norms. The
expression of the former is dependent on the la er.
GUISHAN LINGYOU (771–853)
A Chan master of the Tang dynasty and cofounder of the Guiyang
School, Lingyou was born in Changxi of Fuzhou, in present-day Fujian
Province. His family name was Zhao. At the age of 15, he entered his
monas c life and studied with Fachang, a master of precepts. At 23,
he went to Jiangxi to study with Baizhang Huaihai. With Baizhang, he
reached enlightenment and became Baizhang’s dharma heir. In about
820, Lingyou arrived at Mount Gui in Tanzhou of Hunan. He later built
Tongqing Temple there. His prac ce was supported by a number of
local officials, including Pei Xiu. With these supports, he survived the
Huichang persecu on, with his students numbering more than 1,500.
He died at the age of 83. His posthumous tle was Dayuan Chanshi
(“Chan Master of Great Circle”).
Lingyou had more than 40 direct dharma heirs, including
Yanshan Huiji, the cofounder of the Guiyang School. Lingyou inherited
the main teachings of the Hongzhou School, but he was known for his
mild and kindly personality. His rela onship with his heir Huiji
resembled that of father and son, and the emphasis on the harmony
of the minds without relying on words (moqi) was characterized as his
family style (jiafeng). Lingyou’s teaching on the non-duality of the
mind (xin) and form (se) also underlied Huiji’s pedagogical use of the
so-called circle-figures (yuanxiang), which became a unique
characteris c of the Guiyan school. An extant text called Guishan
Jingce (Admoni ons of Guishan)—an important document for the
study of the ethics of the Hongzhou school—was a ributed to
Lingyou and is considered rela vely reliable. Passages from his
sermons and many dialogues are preserved in the Tanzhou Guishan
Lingyou Chanshi Yulu (Recorded Sayings of the Chan Master Guishan
Lingyou of Tanzhou) as part of the Wujia Yulu (Recorded Sayings of
 the Five Houses), an edi on from the Ming dynasty. More reliable
informa on of this kind can be found in the earlier texts of the
transmission of the lamp literature, such as the Zutang Ji and the
Jingde Chuandeng Lu.
GUIYANG SCHOOL (Ch. Guiyang zong)
This school is one of the “five houses” of the Southern school of
Chan. It is named a er its cofounders, Guishan Lingyou and his
dharma heir Yangshan Huiji. Lingyou taught disciples at Mount Gui in
Hunan and had more than 40 direct dharma heirs, including Yangshan
Huiji and Xiangyan Zhixian. Xiangyan Zhixian’s enlightenment story is
ranked among the most famous Chan stories by later genera ons for
its iconoclas c element. Yangshan mainly taught at Mount Yang in
Jiangxi and had 10 dharma heirs. Both Lingyou and Huiji had influence
on and acquired support from many local high officials. Although this
school was the earliest to emerge among the five houses and spread
to both southern and northern areas of China, its lineage was also the
first to die out in the early Song. The teachings of this school kept its
legacy from the Hongzhou school. Lingyou and Huiji are not famous
for their shou ng or bea ng; they were more mild and calm teachers,
but no less prominent than others in using performa ve ac ons and
gestures of ordinary life to inspire students, with the emphasis on the
mutual accord of the minds and experiences beyond words (moqi).
Huiji’s use of circle-figure to indirectly convey the insights of Chan was
also a characteris c of the Guiyang school. In addi on, deconstruc ng
the tradi onal dis nc on between sudden enlightenment and gradual
cul va on in terms of non-duality is the school’s contribu on to the
development of Chan teachings.
GUIYANG ZONG
See .
GUZUNSU YULU
Records of Sayings of Ancient Worthies, a collec on of the
recorded sayings (yulu) of individual Chan masters, was compiled by
Ze Zangzhu of the Southern Song dynasty, also known as Shouze
Seng ng (d.u.), a Linji Chan master. The original text was called Fuzhou
Gushansi Guzunsu Yuyao (Essen al Sayings of Ancient Worthies from
Mount Gu Temple in Fuzhou) and was compiled by Shouze during the
Shaoxing era (1131–1138). This text has four fascicles and holds the
recorded sayings of 20 Chan masters. In 1267, during the Xianchun era
of the Southern Song dynasty, a reprint was issued under the
sponsorship of the lay Chan Buddhist Juexin, and the number of
collected sayings of the Chan masters was increased to 28. In 1414,
when it was included in the Ming Buddhist canon, the number of the
collected records of sayings was increased to 37, and the book to 48
fascicles. The current version included in the Xuzang Jing (Reprint of
Dai Nihon zokuzōkyō) is a Ming edi on of 1617. It involves five Chan
masters from the lineage of Qingyuan Xingsi and 32 masters from the
lineage of Nanyue Huairang. Most of the collected records are those
of the Linji school. The number of the collected Chan masters is much
smaller than those in the lamp histories, but it is an influen al
collec on of the texts of the yulu genre, many of which were not
included in the lamp history texts.
 H

HANSHAN DEQING (1546–1623)

Also called Chengyin. A Chan master of the Linji school and one
of the most eminent monks in the Ming dynasty, Deqing was a na ve
of Quanjiao (in present-day Anhui). His family name was Cai. At the
age of 12, he devoted himself to learning Buddhist scriptures and
Confucian classics with the master Xilin Yongning (1453–1535) at
Bao’en Temple. At the age of 19, he turned to the study of Chan with
the master Yungu Fahui (d.u.) at Mount Xixia, and he was officially
ordained. He also listened to the lecture on the Huayan texts by Wuji
Mingxin (1512–1574). At the age of 26, he started his pilgrimage. In
1573, he visited Mount Wutai. Impressed by the serenity of Mount
Han in northern Wutai, he gave himself the name Hanshan. In 1581,
he organized an “unrestricted dharma congrega on (wuzhe dahui)”
on Mount Wutai, which was also used to pray for the genealogical
prosperity of the royal family. In 1583, he moved to Mount Lao (in
present-day Shandong). The empress dowager provided patronage,
building Haiyin Temple for him. Due to losing favor with Emperor
Shenzong (r. 1572–1620), Deqing was put in jail and later exiled to
Laizhou (in present Guagndong) for about 20 years. Even during his
exile, he involved himself in restoring Huineng’s legacy, the Baolin
Temple in Caoxi. In 1616, he went to Wuru Peak on Mount Lu, then
returned to Caoxi in 1622. He died at the age of 78 and was
mummified at Caoxi.
Because of his prolific wri ng, his disciples collected all his works
into a 55-fascicle Hanshan Laoren Mengyou Quanji (Complete Works
of the Dream Journey of Old Man Hanshan). In his teaching, he used
the Chan no on of one mind to unify all three Chinese learnings of
Buddhism, Confucianism, and Daoism; to unify all Buddhist schools
and doctrines; and to reconcile Chan and Pure Land. He borrowed the
Tiantai no on of the three contempla ons of the empty, the
provisional, and the middle in one mind to interpret the nianfo Chan
(Chan of reci ng the Buddha’s name). In contrast to Zhuhong’s stress
 on the Pure Land prac ce, Deqing reemphasized the realiza on of the
pure mind through the nianfo as opposed to focusing on one’s future
life. His syncre sm of the three Chinese tradi ons displayed a
uniquely pragma c perspec ve of integra ng the prac ces of
different tradi ons to meet different human existen al needs. This
perspec ve was best expressed in Deqing’s famous dictum that one
must be equipped with all three teachings, since one cannot involve
oneself in the world without understanding Confucius’s Spring and
Autumn Annals, cannot be forge ul of the world without familiarizing
oneself with Laozi and Zhuangzi, and cannot transcend the world
without studying Chan.
HANSHAN TEMPLE (Ch. Hanshan Si)
Temple of “Cold Mountain.” Located at the town of Fengqiao
outside the Chang Gate of the city of Suzhou in Jiangsu Province in
China, it was also called Fengqiao Temple. Built during the Tianjian Era
(502–519) of the Liang dynasty, its original name was Miaoli Puming
Tayuan. It was said that during the Zhen’guan era (627–649) of the
Tang dynasty, the two famous iconoclast poet-monks, Hanshan and
Shide, came from Guoqing Temple of Mount Tiantai to live there,
causing it to be renamed Hanshan Temple. The Tang poet Zhangji’s
(ca. 715–779) poem Night Harboring in Fengqiao (Fengqiao Yepo),
depic ng the scenery and the sound of the bell at Hanshan Temple,
was one of the most popular Tang poems for genera ons. In 976, a
local official, Sun Chengyou (936–985), built a seven-floored pagoda
there. During the Jiayou era (1056–1063) of the Song dynasty, the
temple was renamed Puming Chan Monastery. During the Yuan, Ming,
and Qing dynas es, the temple was destroyed and rebuilt several
mes. Many calligraphical works and stone inscrip ons survived to
modern mes.
HANYUE FAZANG (1573–1635)
A Chan master of the Linji school in the Ming dynasty and a
disciple of Miyun Yuanwu, Fazang was born into the Su family in
Wuxi. At the age of nine, he decided to join the Buddhist order a er
reading Yunqi Zhuhong’s essay on releasing animals. At age 15, he
became a novice at Deqing Monastery, and at 29, he received
precepts from Zhuhong. When he was 37, he received full ordina on.
 He achieved enlightenment by himself through studying the recorded
sayings of Gaofeng Yuanmiao, and he claimed that it was verified by
his reading of Juefan Huihong. When he met with Miyun Yuanwu, he
was already an influen al master. Having agreed to recognize Fazang
as his dharma heir, Yuanwu let him be his assistant. Later, Fazang took
abbacy at Sanfeng Qingliang Temple in Suzhou. Fazang’s teaching was
quite heavily influenced by Dahui Zonggao’s kanhua Chan. In 1625,
Fazang wrote the Wuzong Yuan (Origins of the Five Chan Schools), in
which he argued that all five Chan schools had their dis nc ve
principles, and cri cized his teacher Miyun Yuanwu for reducing
principles into just bea ng and shou ng. This caused a public debate
between the two masters and their disciples. A er Fazang’s death, his
lineage con nued to grow. However, in the early 18th century, the
Qing emperor Yongzheng sided with Miyun Yuanwu and his disciples
and condemned Fazang’s lineage.
HEZE SCHOOL (Ch. Heze zong)
This name refers to the lineage of Heze Shenhui and his disciples
in the Tang dynasty. Shenhui studied with both Shenxiu and Huineng,
but later started a campaign against Shenxiu and the so-called
Northern school. This campaign helped legi mize Huineng as the
sixth patriarch and the founder of the Southern school, and Shenhui
as the dharma heir of Huineng and the Southern school. Shenhui had
many students; among them, more than 20 were his direct disciples.
His lineage con nued for five genera ons. The patriarchs for the
lineage a er Shenhui were Cizhou Zhiru (723–811), Yizhou Nanyin
(705–782), Suizhou Daoyuan (d.u.), and Guifeng Zongmi. None of
these disciples was renowned except for Zongmi. It was Zongmi who
called the lineage of Shenhui the Heze school and dis nguished it
from the Northern school, the Ox-Head school, and the Hongzhou
school. Zongmi saw his Heze school as more synthe c and perfect
than the other schools, although he did acknowledge the rela ve
value of the other schools’ approaches. He jus fied and developed
Shenhui’s view of sudden enlightenment followed by gradual
cul va on. He also summarized the “one word of intui ve cogni on
(zhizhi yizi)” as the key to the teaching of the Heze school. This aspect
of Shenhui’s teaching, in fact, invited cri cism from the other schools.
 Although Shenhui’s subi st rhetoric had a huge impact on the later
genera ons of the Southern school, the Heze school did not become
mainstream and in fact died out with Zongmi.
HEZE SHENHUI (684–758)
A Chinese Chan monk of the Tang dynasty, and the ini ator of
the Northern–Southern school controversy, Shenhui was regarded as
the dharma heir of the sixth patriarch Huineng and the founder of the
Heze school by his followers. He had a great impact on the rhetoric of
classical Chan Buddhism. According to some historical sources,
Shenhui was a racted to Buddhism from his very youth. He studied,
respec vely, with Shenxiu and Huineng in different periods of his
early years and went to Chang’an to take full ordina on at the age of
20. When Huineng died in 713 at Chaoxi, Shenhui was about 30 years
old and had been there for some years. The Pla orm Sūtra places
Shenhui among Huineng’s top 10 disciples. In 720, Shenhui started to
teach at Longxing Temple in Nanyang (in modern Hubei province).
Around 732, about two decades a er Huineng’s death, Shenhui
went to the north to wage his campaign against the Northern school
by publicly a acking the teachings and legi macy of Shenxiu and his
disciples. In his sermons, and in the many debates he par cipated in,
especially the famous debate at Huatai with the master Chongyuan
(d.u.), an influen al figure of the Northern school, Shenhui subverted
the Northern school’s establishment of Shenxiu as the sixth patriarch
of Chan and declared the supremacy of the Southern school and the
legi macy of Huineng as the true sixth patriarch. Shenhui provided
one of the jus fica ons for this asser on in a drama c and
unprecedented fashion by inven ng the story of the transmission of
Bodhidharma’s robe from Hongren to Huineng. He also revised the
early Chan theory of transmission by strictly limi ng it to a one-to-one
patriarchal succession from Bodhidharma to Huineng and making up a
list of Indian patriarchs. In 745, Shenhui was invited to take residence
at Heze Temple in Luoyang, but due to the influence of his opponents,
he was banished from the capital in 753. Because he had helped in
the Tang government’s fund-raising by selling cer ficates of
ordina on, to aid the military crackdown on the An Lushan rebellion,
Emperor Suzong (r. 756–762) awarded him imperial patronage and a
 special Chan building in his temple. A er his death, he was further
granted the tle of Na onal Teacher and made the seventh patriarch
of Chan.
However, his Heze school did not last long enough to become the
main line of classical Chan Buddhism. While it is true that Shenhui’s
legacy—his emphasis on sudden enlightenment, his use of apopha c
rhetoric, his cri cism of dualis c formula ons of the Northern school
and its sta c tendency, his inven on of a new theory of Chan
genealogy, and his claim for the orthodoxy of Huineng—was well
carried on by the later genera ons of Chan Buddhism, his a empt to
“establish awareness and cogni on (li zhijian)” in his teaching s ll le
room for privileging intui ve knowledge over ordinary ac vi es, the
(essence or the whole) over the yong (func on), and therefore invited
cri cism from the other Chan sects and individuals. As a central
controversial figure during his me, Shenhui was soon marginalized by
the development of classical Chan. The later genera ons of Chan were
not interested in following his sectarianism of separa ng the Northern
and Southern schools, and a form of Chan ecumenism and inclusivism
that tolerated mul lineal transmission emerged with the members of
the Hongzhou school.
Shenhui’s main works were recovered from the Dunhuang
documents in the 20th century, including the Nanyang Heshang
Wenda Zazhengyi (The Nanyang Monk’s Ques on-Answer
Examina on of Various Points of Doctrine), the Nanyang Heshang
Dunjiao Jietuo Chanmen Zhiliaoxing Tanyu (The Pla orm Sermon of
Nanyang Monk on the Chan Gate of Sudden Teaching and Libera on
and Directly Realizing the Nature), and the Pu damo Nanzong
Dingshifei Lun (Trea se on Establishing the True and False According
to the Southern school of Bodhidharma). Chinese and Japanese
scholars have completed extensive editorial work on these documents
of Shenhui discovered from Dunhuang, the most recent being Shenhui
Heshang Chanhua Lu by Yang Zengwen.
HEZE ZONG
See
HONGREN (601–674)
 A disciple of Daoxin and the fi h patriarch of Chan Buddhism,
Hongren was born in Huangmei (in present-day Hubei). His family
name was Zhou. At the age of 7, he started his monas c life, and at
the age of 12, he became Daoxin’s student. In 651, he took over
leadership of the Huangmei community following Daoxin’s death. No
details of his life are available for the me between his assump on of
this leadership and his death in 674. His biographies from the sources
of the early 8th century focused on his unusual personality: silent,
tolerant, hard working in menial labor and si ng medita on, and
never reading scriptures by himself. Once selected as the successor to
Daoxin, Hongren immediately demonstrated his profound
understanding of doctrine and his skillful and spontaneous style of
teaching—a prototype for the more popular story about Huineng later
in the Pla orm Sūtra.
It seems clear that Hongren’s personal brilliance is a determining
force behind the first Chan community at Huangmei—the East
Mountain tradi on (Dongshan Famen)—that he and his teacher
Daoxin established. The number of direct disciples increased from
Daoxin’s half-dozen to about 25, including the “ten great disciples.”
Among these, Shenxiu, Faru, Hui’an, and Xuanze (d.u.) are the most
prominent, according to the early sources. Faru’s epitaph indicates
that he may be the first in Chan history to formulate a Chan lineage
from Bodhidharma to Hongren and himself. Hui’an was among the
most influen al in the capitals and at the imperial court. Xuanze was
famous for authoring the Lengqie Renfa Zhi (Records of Men and
Methods [in the Transmission] of the Laṅkā[vatāra]). By the second
half of the 7th century, this community had gained na onal
recogni on as a center of medita on training.
Like his teacher Daoxin, Hongren taught his approach of
medita on without wri ng any words. It was his students who
recorded his teaching and created the basis for a text called Xiuxin
Yaolun (Trea se on the Essen als of Cul va ng the Mind), which is
a ributed to him. The text was discovered among the Dunhuang
documents in the 20th century. An important idea of this text is
“maintaining [the awareness of] the mind” (shouxin). It means to be
constantly aware of the true mind or Buddha-nature. By maintaining
 the awareness of the mind without false thoughts or illusions, this
true mind will, like the sun, shine forth naturally. To achieve shouxin
requires vigorous effort in medita on, involving the visualiza on of
the golden orb of the sun (the image of Buddha-nature or
enlightenment) and calmly observing the clouds, or dusts of
ignorance, that cover the sun un l they cease to func on.
HONGZHI LU
This is the Chinese tle of The Records of Hongzhi, the extant
Song edi on of the recorded sayings (yulu) of Chan master Hongzhi
Zhengjue, which was taken to Japan by Dōgen Kigen and became the
source for several later Japanese edi ons, including the widely used
Taishō version known as The Extensive Records of Chan Master
Hongzhi (Hongzhi Chanshi Guanglu). In China, only a Ming dynasty
edi on of Hongzhi’s yulu survived. The Hongzhi Lu is one of the largest
extant yulu collec ons of individual Chan masters, with a wide range
of texts, from shangtang (ascending the hall) sermons and informal
sermons (xiaocan) to commentaries on 100 gong’an cases, wri en
instruc ons (fayu), poems (jisong), and portrait inscrip ons from
various periods of Hongzhi’s career at different monasteries. These
texts were gathered in a loose collec on of six volumes, with no
division of fascicles. The collec on also involves a complete biography
of Hongzhi (xingyie ji) by his contemporary, Wang Boxiang (1106–
1173). Most interes ngly, this edi on includes several original
prefaces, pos aces, and publica on notes, which are quite rare in the
other extant Song yulu compila ons. These materials help to reveal
when and how the different parts of the yulu were first published, and
how they were later put together. It is therefore quite clear that much
of the material in this edi on was first published during Hongzhi’s
own life me.
HONGZHI ZHENGJUE (1091–1157)
One of the most influen al Chan masters of the Caodong school
in the Song dynasty. Born into a Buddhist family, Hongzhi became a
novice at the age of 11 and was officially ordained three years later.
He started to visit different Chan masters from the age of 18. With the
Caodong master Danxia Zichun, he reached enlightenment when he
was 23. In the following decade, he served in various administra ve
offices, assis ng the abbacies of different Caodong masters at a
number of monasteries while his fame grew. In 1124, he was
appointed the abbot of Puzhao Temple in Sizhou (in modern northern
Jiangsu) with the recommenda on of the official Xiang Zizhen (1085–
1152).
During the next few years he moved around, taking abbacies at
different monasteries, including the abbacy at Mount Changlu (in
Jiangsu) with the recommenda on of the Linji Chan master Yuanwu
Keqin and the official Zhao Lingjin (d.u.). In 1129, Hongzhi arrived in
the Zhejiang area, trying to evade the Jin army. When he passed by
the Tiantong Temple, the congrega on and local officials there
persuaded him to take up the abbacy. He stayed there for almost 30
years un l his death, with only a short break of being abbot at
Lingying Temple in present-day Hangzhou for several months. During
his final days in 1157, he asked the Linji master Dahui Zonggao to take
care of his a er-death affairs. The Southern Song emperor Gaozong (r.
1127–1162) granted him the posthumous tle “Chan Master of Vast
Wisdom” (Hongzhi Chanshi). It has been reported that he had about
280 official disciples, and that more than 20 of them were famous.
Hongzhi’s name is most closely related to the approach of “silent
illumina on Chan (mozhao chan),” which, as opposed to the kanhua
chan, has become one of the two dominant trainings of Song Chan.
His poe c wri ng, Mozhao Ming (“Guidepost of Silent Illumina on”),
is, among others, the most illustrious text for his silent illumina on
Chan. This approach simplifies Chan prac ce by placing the strongest
emphasis on quiet si ng medita on and teaches that one’s inherent
Buddha-nature will manifest itself naturally in this state of s llness.
The silent illumina on thought synthesizes several Mahayana
tradi ons with the Chinese no on of Buddha-nature func oning
through all things and the Caodong doctrine of the interac ng (huihu)
of the ul mate and phenomenal. It integrates these tradi onal
teachings into its sugges ve, figura ve, and poe c vocabulary,
including the skillful use of nature imagery.
The method and style of this silent illumina on approach was
highly effec ve in a rac ng litera and elites of Southern Song
society. Probably due to this success, the silent illumina on Chan
 received severe cri cism from the Linji master Dahui Zonggao, with
whom Hongzhi maintained a personal friendship. Hongzhi’s sermons,
informal talks, dialogues, and poems are preserved extensively in the
collec on of his recorded sayings, the extant Song edi on of which is
called Hongzhi Lu. Although his approach recommends quiet si ng in
s llness, throughout his life he frequently used gong’an and even
compiled the collec ons of gong’an with his own comments.
HONGZHOU SCHOOL (Ch. Hongzhou zong)
This was a very influen al sect of Chinese Chan Buddhism, which
started with Mazu Daoyi and was named a er the place where Mazu
taught before his death, in what is now Jiangxi province in southern
China. Throughout his teaching career spanning over four decades,
Mazu a racted and trained a great number of followers and led a
large Chan community. Many of Mazu’s disciples who themselves
were famous Chan masters are associated with this sect, including
Xitang Zhizang, Baizhang Huaihai, Dazhu Huihai, Ehu Dayi, Nanquan
Puyuan, and Xingshan Weikuan. Some of them have their own
famous disciples, such as Huangbo Xiyun and Guishan Lingyou, both
disciples of Baizhang Huaihai, and Zhaozhou Congshen, the disciple of
Nanquan Puyuan. These talented disciples spread the Hongzhou
teaching beyond Jiangxi and the south, to the central and northern
parts of China, including the two capitals, Chang’an and Luoyang.
Following in their teacher’s footsteps, they sustained a good
rela onship with litera and government officials. This helped the
Hongzhou school’s rise to na onal prominence, par cularly as other
schools of early Chan were in decline at the me.
Modern scholarship on the Hongzhou school, based on the Song
narra ves of classical Chan, has been dominated by two interrelated
perspec ves. First, it has seen Mazu and his Hongzhou school as a
revolu onary, or iconoclas c, movement that breaks away from
Buddhist tradi ons and subverts established norms and prac ces.
Second, it has regarded Mazu and his disciples as star ng a new and
independent religion and ini a ng a new form of prac ce widely
known as encounter dialogues. These two perspec ves have been
seriously challenged by contemporary scholarship on the Hongzhou
school. The radical iconoclas c image of the Hongzhou masters,
portrayed by the stories of Chan encounter dialogues, was basically a
Song editorial revision and addi on to the raw materials of the
“recorded saying (yulu)” texts originally circulated, many of which
could not be seen by later genera ons. By cri cally analyzing and
separa ng those more reliable parts of the Hongzhou texts, such as
Mazu’s sermons, Dazhu Huihai’s Dunwu Yaomen, the Baizhang
Guanglu, and the Guishan Jingce, from those later produced and less
reliable materials, especially those encounter dialogues a ributed to
these masters, contemporary scholars demonstrate that Mazu and his
major disciples are not radical enough to be called iconoclasts.
Rather than spontaneously reac ng and using unconven onal
rhetoric and pedagogical means, which characterize most mature
encounter dialogues that first emerged from the mid-9th to the mid-
10th centuries, in these early texts the Hongzhou masters
straigh orwardly instructed students, used rela vely conserva ve
rhetoric preexis ng in early Chan, and frequently quoted and alluded
to scriptural passages. They advised students to comply with monas c
precepts, follow mentors, accumulate good karma, and prac ce other
cul va ons, including medita on. In a word, their teachings and
prac ces operated within the broader tradi on of Chinese Buddhism.
Furthermore, the tradi onally claimed Hongzhou school’s
independent spirit, in contrast to the heavy reliance on imperial and
aristocra c patronage characteris c of early Chan and elite Chinese
Buddhism, is no longer convincing. From its very beginning, the
Hongzhou school was a recipient of strong support from local
government officials, and soon a erward it received state approval
and imperial patronage. Similarly, the legendary Baizhang “Rules of
Purity” (Baizhang Qinggui), adopted by the later Chan tradi on, in
fact followed the Vinaya rules and those of early Chinese Buddhism,
especially the school of precepts (Lüzong).
However, the Hongzhou school’s working within tradi on does
not mean that there was a lack of innova on or crea ve
reformula on of Buddhist teaching, in terms of prac cal needs in this
school. Mazu’s no ons “this mind is Buddha” and “the ordinary mind
is the way” had a wide appeal to Chan Buddhists and Chinese people,
which contributed to the popularity of this school. Through these
no ons, the school emphasized that enlightenment cannot be sought
outside the human mind and its everyday ac vi es. The everyday
ac vi es or func ons of the human mind, including its ignorance and
delusion, are necessary condi ons and presupposi ons for
enlightenment. This was a strictly rela onal perspec ve on
enlightenment, which could be jus fied by the teachings of Mahayana
scriptures, but was formulated in fresh idioma c terms. The masters
did employ more colloquial language and many simplified katapha c
expressions in their sermons and teachings that were synthe c to
Mahayana Buddhist doctrines and scriptures. The Hongzhou school as
such was neither merely a foreseeable con nua on of the received
tradi on nor a drama c shi ing of paradigm prompted by an
iconoclas c atmosphere, owing to the masters’ great capacity to carry
out the middle way as opposed to pursuing the extremes of either
conformism or iconoclasm.
The middle-way approach of the Hongzhou school is also
demonstrated in its a empt to balance between configuring the new
orthodoxy of Chan and the divisive sectarianism influenced by
Shenhui’s campaign against the Northern school. This balanced
a tude can be seen in Ehu Dayi and Xingshan Weikuan’s epitaphs,
produced in the early 9th century, and the Biographies from the
Treasure Groves [Temple] (Baolin Zhuan), compiled in 801. The Baolin
Zhuan adopted a pluralis c posi on, describing the Chan lineage a er
the sixth patriarch as having evolved from the unilinear transmission
to the mul linear transmission. Although the text ended with Mazu as
the leading master of his genera on, it simultaneously included
figures outside the Hongzhou lineage and those of the preceding
genera on, such as Shenhui, Nanyang Huizhong, and Shitou Xiqian.
The ecumenical and inclusive a tude is even clearer in Dayi and
Weikuan’s epitaphs. Although they acknowledged Huineng as the
major heir of Hongreng, they also recognized the lineages of Shenxiu
and Niutou Farong as authen c branches of Chan Buddhism, in
addi on to the Heze and the Hongzhou lineages, without asser ng
the superiority of Hongzhou. They cri cized the followers of Shenhui
for their divisive sectarianism and their a achment to the dis nc on
of the Southern and Northern schools. The various Chan lineages
 were seen as belonging to the same extended family, and each
dis nc ve group as being part of the larger Chan movement,
reflec ng the changing atmosphere of Chan ecumenism as the
Hongzhou school became widely accepted as the carrier of Chan
orthodoxy.
HONGZHOU ZONG
See .
HUANGBO XIYUN (?–855)
A very famous and influen al master of classical Chan Buddhism,
he started his monas c life at a very young age on Mount Huangbo in
Fujian province. A er traveling to several places to study Chan, he
became Baizhang Huihai’s disciple and was able to carry on the
lineage of Mazu Daoyi and Hongzhou school, as some biographical
wri ngs on Huangbo have tradi onally claimed. He then became a
Chan teacher in a temple on Mount Lingjiu in Jiangxi province, which
was also named Huangbo a er the one in Fujian where he took his
first vows. His fame rose rapidly, and he a racted a huge number of
followers. Soon a er his death in 855 (according to Fozu Tongji, but
there is no consensus among scholars), his lay disciple Pei Xiu edited
and published his recorded sayings, namely, the Chuanxin Fayao and
Wanling Lu, which became indispensable sources for the study of
classical Chan and was translated into Western languages in the late
1950s. Huangbo’s most well-known disciple is Linji Yixuan, the
founder of the Linji school. Huangbo’s unique teaching and language
style holds a special posi on in the transi on from Mazu and
Baizhang’s Hongzhou school to a more stylis c Linji school.
HUANGLONG HUINAN (1002–1069)
A Chan master of the Song dynasty and the founder of the
Huanglong branch (Huanglong pai) of the Linji school, Huinan was a
na ve of Xinzhou (in present-day Jiangxi). His family name was Zhang.
He became a monk at the age of 11 and was ordained at age 19. As a
student, he followed a master of the Yunmen school named
Huaicheng (d.u.), but later decided to change to Shishuang Chuyuan
of the Linji school. With the help of Chuyuan, he reached
enlightenment at the age of 35. He taught at a number of temples in
Jiangxi and eventually se led down on Mount Huanglong. He
 instructed many students, including 76 dharma heirs who carried his
teaching to many places and made his lineage a domina ng branch in
the Song Linji school, although this lineage only con nued for about
150 years. Huinan died at the age of 68. His posthumous tle was
Pujue Chanshi.
The style of the Huanglong branch is illustrated by the “three
gates of Huanglong (Huanglong sanguan).” This strategy uses three
kinds of “turning speech” (zhuanyu) or “living sentence” (huoju) to
test student understanding of the rela onships between life and
death, between ordinary persons and Buddhas, and between sen ent
beings and non-sen ent beings. It was influenced by the strategies of
Baizhang Huaihai and Yunmen Wenyan, but further developed
diverse use of language to overcome the “dead” limits of language in
Chan soteriological prac ce. The lineage of Huanglong was also the
first of the Chinese Chan lineages to be transmi ed to Japan by the
Japanese monk Myōan Eisai.
HUI’AN (582–709)
Also called Lao’an or Dao’an. A Chan master of the Sui and Tang
dynas es, Hui’an was a na ve of Zhijiang, Jingzhou (in present-day
Hubei). His family name was Wei. It was said that in 597 he went into
the forests to escape the Sui government’s campaign against those
without official ordina ons. During this me, as people were suffering
from canal construc on, he traveled around to beg food for the sick
and poor. To avoid being summoned to court, he hid himself on
Mount Taihe. In 616, he went to Mount Heng and prac ced asce cism
(toutuo) there. Between 627 and 649, he went to Huangmei to study
with Hongreng. According to some sources, Hongreng ranked him and
Shenxiu highest among his 10 great disciples. In 664, he took up
residence at Mount Zhongnan, and he moved to Huatai in 683. A er
an unknown period of wandering, he moved to Shaolin Temple.
Different sources give different dates for his first gaining access to the
imperial court. Later, he received gi s from Emperor Zhongzong (r.
684, 705–710) and was invited to court again. He died at Shaolin
Temple and le several successful disciples, who were acknowledged
by the later orthodox Chan lamp histories along with their teacher. An
epitaph for one of his disciples even elevated him as the sixth
 patriarch a er Hongren. His teachings were not recorded, but some
later Chan masters of the Southern school were reported to have
studied with him, for example, Nanyue Huairang.
HUICHANG PERSECUTION (Ch. Huichang paifo)
The worst persecu on of Buddhism in ancient Chinese history
happened during the Huichang period (841–846) of the Tang dynasty.
A er a number of years of an -Buddhist policies, Emperor Wuzong (r.
840–846) issued an imperial edict in 845 to abolish the prac ce of
Buddhism and its ins tu ons. This resulted in the destruc on of
numerous Buddhist temples, the confisca on of the money and
estates of the monasteries, and the forced return of the monks and
nuns to lay life. The unprecedented persecu on was ended in 846,
when Wuzong died and was succeeded by a more pro-Buddhist
emperor, Xuanzong (r. 846–859). The Huichang persecu on was
almost a fatal blow to those schools of Chinese Buddhism with more
intellectual and exege cal orienta ons, such as Tiantai, Huayan, and
Faxiang. However, the Chan lineages of Mazu Daoyi and Shitou Xiqian
in the south and in some less controlled areas of the north survived,
grew quickly, and developed into “five houses” in the late Tang and
Five Dynas es, occupying vacancies le by other Buddhist schools.
HUIKE (485–ca. 574)
A Chan master in the Northern Wei dynasty (439–534) and the
Northern Qi dynasty (552–577), he was considered the dharma heir to
Bodhidharma and the second patriarch of Chinese Chan Buddhism.
Several stories about Huike and his teacher Bodhidharma were very
popular throughout Chan history, but they have no historical basis. He
was a na ve of Hulao (in present-day Henan). His family name was Ji.
During his youth, he extensively studied the Chinese classics and
Buddhist scriptures. He a ained a certain level of enlightenment by
himself but was cri cized for having no teacher. At the age of 40,
Huike met Bodhidharma in the area of Mount Song and Luoyang and
studied with him for six years, coming to a deep understanding of the
teaching of “one vehicle (yisheng).” In 534–537, he moved to the
capital, Ye, where his prac ce encountered hos lity from those who
concentrated on scriptural exegesis. He later le the area of Ye and
became a mendicant. A loosely associated group of followers and
 prac oners surrounded him from me to me at various loca ons in
north China, as men oned in the early sources, and characterized this
stage of the “proto-Chan” movement. Among these followers,
Sengcan was later regarded as Huike’s dharma heir.
Very li le informa on has been passed down about what he
taught. It seems he emphasized medita on and affirmed those
teachings about Buddha-nature, emp ness, non-a achment to
words, and the non-duality between sen ent beings and Buddha.
These teachings are consistent with what Bodhidharma taught, as
recorded in the Erru Sixing Lun. However, the Xu Gaoseng Zhuan
claimed that Bodhidharma transmi ed the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra to
Huike, and Huike did the same to his students. Scholars have pointed
out that there is no direct evidence from any other early source to
support such a use of, or any emphasis on, the scripture by
Bodhidharma and Huike, despite the fact that later sources accept it
as truth.
HUINENG (ca. 638–713)
A Chan master of the Tang dynasty, Huineng was regarded as the
sixth patriarch of Chan Buddhism and the founder of the Southern
school by Chan tradi on. In 816, Emperor Xianzong (r. 805–820)
granted him the posthumous tle “Chan Master of Great Mirror”
(Dajian Chanshi). Many of his disciples, including Heze Shenhui,
Nanyang Huizong, Qingyuan Xingsi, and Nanyue Huairang, were
crucial figures in the development of Chan Buddhism. However,
historically Huineng is a very obscure figure. Li le can be found about
his life in the wri ngs of his contemporaries or any historical
documents. He was included in the list of Hongren’s 10 great disciples
by the texts of the Dongshan Famen. During that me, he was s ll a
marginal figure on the na onal stage and at most had only some local
influence, since he taught at Caoxi of Shaozhou (in modern
Guangdong province) in the remote south. What we now know about
the details of Huineng’s life comes almost en rely from the famous
Pla orm Sūtra.
According to the legends presented by the Sūtra, Huineng grew
up in poverty, living with his widowed mother, surviving by collec ng
firewood and selling it at the market. Despite his illiteracy and lack of
any social privileges, Huineng was endowed with very great ability to
understand Buddhist teachings. When he joined Hongren’s monastery
at Mount Huangmei, he was assigned to menial work as a layperson
there. Despite his juniority, Huineng won a verse compe on over the
senior monk Shenxiu by deconstruc ng the la er’s verse about
enlightenment. Impressed by Huineng’s radical non-dualis c
understanding of enlightenment, the fi h patriarch, Hongren, chose
him to be the heir; handed down the robe and bowl of Bodhidharma,
the founding patriarch of Chan; and secretly sent him south, away
from the poten al harm of rivals, to preserve and spread the true
dharma. Huineng then taught at Baolin Temple in Caoxi to the end of
his days.
These legends, supplemented by other hagiographical wri ngs
about Huineng outside the Pla orm Sūtra, vividly conveyed the
Buddhist message about virtue and insight in general and established
an ideal image of the enlightened Chan master in par cular. Although
the narra ve is charmingly instruc ve and pedagogically effec ve and
helps define the movements of Chan, many details are though ul
fabrica ons without historical basis. Contemporary scholars have
revealed that it was Shenhui who broke public silence about Huineng
in the two decades a er Huineng’s death; who named Huineng as the
true sixth patriarch of Chan, the founder of the Southern school, not
Shenxiu and the Northern school; and who made up stories about
Huineng, such as the receipt of Bodhidharma’s robe and bowl from
Hongren. The Pla orm Sūtra adopted the outline of Huineng’s
biography from Shenhui’s texts with addi onal informa on, including
Huineng’s winning over Shenxiu in that verse contest about the
understanding of enlightenment and other stories of a drama c
nature. The authen city of these stories about Huineng cannot be
verified by any historical documents. The only early text close to a
historical document is an epitaph for Huineng, wri en by the famous
Tang poet Wang Wei (701–761), commissioned by Shenhui, and even
this text shows important differences from Shenhui’s account of
Huineng and those in the Pla orm Sūtra.
Scholars have also cast doubt on the accuracy of Huineng’s
teaching, preserved only through Shenhui’s speech and the Pla orm
 Sūtra, since it is quite difficult to dis nguish between Huineng’s
original teaching and its representa on by Shenhui and his followers,
who greatly influenced the forma on of the Sūtra. The
acknowledgment of these problems is not to deny the existence of
Huineng and his teachings, but simply to admit that we have no way
to know exactly what Huineng taught through the currently available
documents. Despite these problems, the representa on of Huineng’s
teachings in the Pla orm Sūtra, such as the teaching of sudden
enlightenment, the no on of no-thought (wunian), and the non-
duality of concentra on and wisdom (dinghui bu’er), has had universal
significance for Chan prac oners throughout the ages.
HUOJU
“Living words” or “living sentences,” in contrast to “dead words”
or “dead sentences” (siju).
HUQIU SHAOLONG (1077–1136)
A Chan master of the Yangqi branch of the Linji school in the
Song dynasty, Shaolong was a na ve of Hezhou (in present-day
Anhui). His family name is unknown. At the age of nine, he entered his
monas c life, and he was ordained six years later. At the age of 21, he
started his pilgrimage. He studied, respec vely, with the Chan masters
Changlu Congxin (d.u.), Zhantang Wenzhun (1061–1115), and Sixin
Wuxin (1043–1115). Finally, he became the disciple of his desired
teacher, Yuanwu Keqin, for about 20 years. A er leaving Keqin, he
preached at Kaisheng Temple in Hezhou, Zhangjiao Temple in
Xuanzhou, and Yunyan Temple in Huqiu. His teachings at these three
temples were recorded and collected by his students into the Huqiu
Longheshang Yulu. He had more than 60 disciples, and his lineage was
called Huqiu pai, compe ng with the Dahui pai (the lineage of Dahui
Zonggao) within the Yangqi lineage. The later genera ons of his
lineage con nued to the modern age.
HU SHI (1891–1962)
A modern Chinese scholar, Hu Shi was a na ve of Jixi in Anhui. He
was admi ed into Cornell University in the United States in 1910 and
completed a PhD at Columbia University in 1917. Returning to China,
he became a professor at Beijing University and was ac ve in the new
cultural movement. His early study of Chan was driven by his interest
 in the reform of classical Chinese language. In 1926, he discovered
important Chan texts from the Dunhuang documents in the museums
of Paris and London. In 1938, the Chinese government appointed him
ambassador to the United States. In 1946, he became the president of
Beijing University. He later went to Taiwan and became the president
of the Academia Sinica. His contribu on to the modern study of Chan
lies not only in his rediscovery and redefining of Shenhui’s role in the
history of Chinese Chan, but also in his applica on of cri cal method
and relying on evidence in the study of Chan history. His cri cal and
scien fic method led to a famous debate with D. T. Suzuki, who
believed that Hu Shi’s method could not do jus ce to the irra onal
and illogical nature of Chan. While Suzuki’s view dominated for
several decades and was embraced by various Western scholars who
roman cized Chan, contemporary cri cal historians of Chan in the
West have revisited Hu Shi and favor his method, though not
necessarily his conclusions.
HUYIN DAOJI (1148–1209)
Also called Fangyuan Shou (Elder of Square-Circle), Daoji’s more
famous nicknames are Jigong (Sire Ji) and Jidian (Crazy Ji), as used by
popular folklore, but he himself is hardly men oned in Song and Yuan
Buddhist literature. According to the only Buddhist source from a
contemporary of Daoji, he was a na ve of Linhai (in present-day
Zhejiang province). His family name was Li. At Lingyin Temple in
Hangzhou, Daoji was ordained by the Chan master Xiatang Huiyuan
(1103–1176) of the Yangqi lineage of the Linji school. Although he
was a person of integrity and compassion, and outstanding in many
aspects, including his delicate poe c skill, he did not comply with the
accepted monas c norms. An eccentric personality, he was sharp,
wi y, unrestrained, and wild, and never stopped his habitual drinking.
For four decades, he lived as a wandering and reclusive monk, while
devo ng his me to the healing of others. He died at Jingci Temple
near West Lake. His behavioral transgressions alienated him from the
monas c establishment but did not decrease his holiness in the eyes
of laypeople. By the me of his death, he had become a renowned
holy man. It was the laypeople, rather than his fellow monks, who
stored his remains below the Twin Peak. The laypeople also
transformed Daoji into a literary and drama c hero, as well as a deity,
and only under lay pressure did the monas c establishment, centuries
later, accept him into its enshrinement.
 I

INDIAN PATRIARCHS OF CHAN

The ongoing awareness of the need to establish its own
legi macy or prove its authen city in a compe ve environment is a
major driving force behind the fascina on with the lineage and
patriarchal succession of Chan Buddhism. This lineage and patriarchal
succession must be traced back to Indian Buddhism to claim its
legi macy successfully. Tiantai Buddhism’s recogni on of 24 Indian
patriarchs to establish its lineal legi macy could be an inspiring and
challenging factor to Chan Buddhism. The earliest endeavor to
connect Chinese Chan masters with Indian patriarchs is reflected in
two early Chan texts in the late 7th and 8th centuries. One is Tang
Zhongyue Shamen Shi Faru Chanshi Xingzhuang (The Account of the
Ac vi es of the Monk, Chan Master Faru from Zhongyue of the Tang
Dynasty), an epitaph for Shenxiu’s disciple Faru. The other is Chuan
Fabao Ji (Annals of the Transmission of the Dharma Treasure) by Du
Fei (d.u.), a layman closely associated with Shenxiu’s disciples. Both
texts list several Indian patriarchs’ names before Bodhidharma, drawn
from the Damoduoluo Chan Jing (the Medita on Sutra of
Dharmatrāta), a Chinese transla on of Indian scripture of uncertain
origin. These two texts show that the earliest effort to establish a
patriarchal succession was made by the Dongshan Famen and the
Northern school. Through his a ack on the Northern school, Shenhui
later also presented his version of eight Indian patriarchs and six
Chinese patriarchs to legi mize Huineng and the Southern school.
The later Chan texts, however, were not sa sfied with this
version. The Lidai Fabao Ji used a version with 29 Indian patriarchs
a er the seven Buddhas of the past, which draws on informa on from
a puta ve 5th-century work, Fu Fazang Yinyuan Zhuan (Tradi ons of
the Causes and Condi ons of Transmission of the Dharma Treasury),
and the Pla orm Sūtra’s list of Indian patriarchs is largely based on
the Lidai Fabao Ji. It was not un l the advent of the Baolin Zhuan’s
version of 28 Indian patriarchs that an orthodox “history” of Chan
transmission from India to China was finally fabricated. Although this
version was based on a large body of legend, and many sources were
apocryphal or erroneous, all later Chan texts followed it. This is the list
of 28 Indian patriarchs a er the seven Buddhas of the past:
Mahākāśyapa, Ānanda, Śaṇavāsa, Upagupta, Dhṛtaka, Miccaka,
Vasumitra, Buddhanandi, Buddhamitra, Pārśva, Puṇyayśas, Aśvakhoṣa,
Kapimala, Nāgārjuna, Kāṇadeva, Rāhulata, Saṅghānandi, Gayaśāta,
Kumārata, Jayata, Vasubandhu, Manorhita, Haklenayaśas, Siṁha
bhikṣu, Basiasita, Puṇyamitra, Prajñātāra, and Bodhidharma (who is
also the first patriarch of Chinese Chan).
 J

JIANFU CHENGGU (970–1045)

Also called Gutazhu Chenggu. A Chan master of the Yunmen
school in the Song dynasty, he was a na ve of Xizhou (in present-day
Xinjiang). His family name is unknown. He became extensively learned
in his youth but eventually gave up the desire to be an official a er
being mistreated during a government examina on. He entered his
monas c life at Daguang Temple with the Chan master Jingxuan (d.u.)
in Tanzhou (in present-day Hunan). At Fuyan Temple on Mount Heng,
he became the disciple of the master Liangya (d.u.), the disciple of
Dongshan Shouchu of the Yunmen school. Chenggu later openly
stated that he was not sa sfied with his teachers. One day, when he
was reading Yunmen Wenyan’s recorded sayings, he suddenly
reached awakening. He then claimed that he was the direct disciple of
Yunmen Wenyan, not merely a disciple of the third genera on in the
Yunmen lineage. Chenggu moved to Mount Yunju and lived in the
pagoda in which the Tang Chan master Yunju Daoying was buried;
hence his other name, Gutazhu (host of ancient pagoda). He started
preaching on Mount Zhi and was invited by the literatus-official Fan
Zhongyan (989–1052) to be the abbot at Jianfu Temple in Raozhou (in
present-day Jiangxi). He died at the age of 76.
His teachings, including the dis nc on between the original self
and everyday self and the no on of res ng the mind (xiuxin), were
preserved in his Jianfu Chenggu Chanshi Yulu, compiled by his disciple,
Wenzhi (d.u.), but that text did not include his controversial
interpreta on of Linji’s teaching method of sanxuan sanyao (three
mysteries and three essen als). Chenggu proposed that the three
mysteries should be zhong xuan (mystery of the understanding of
the essence or true suchness), juzhong xuan (mystery of being flexible
with me, person, and situa on when speaking), and xuanzhong xuan
(mystery of the true mind itself which is beyond all words and forms).
This interpreta on was cri cized later by Juefan Huihong as distor ng
and complica ng Linji’s original saying.
JIANJIAO
This Chinese word literally means “gradual teaching.” It refers to
the teaching of gradual enlightenment.
JIANWU
See .
JIANXING
A Chan term and an important no on in Chan teachings. Literally,
it means “seeing (one’s authen c) nature.” This teaching was a
Chinese appropria on of Indian Mahayana tathāgatagarbha (Buddha-
nature) thought. The tathāgatagarbha tradi on teaches that every
human being has Buddha-nature within. This Buddha-nature is the
inner cause and condi on of enlightenment. Some texts of this
tradi on also teach that this Buddha-nature is the founda on of the
world.
In Chinese Chan tradi on, for example, in the Pla orm Sūtra
Buddha-nature is equivalent to the self-nature (zixing) in the sense
that Buddha-nature cannot be objec fied and realized outside each
person. Seeing or realizing the Buddha-nature is the existen al
transforma on of personhood, being able to understand and
appreciate what cons tutes a person—elements of impermanence
and non-abiding—and then ac ng accordingly. Jianxing is therefore
another term for enlightenment. The English transla on of xing here
as “nature” is somewhat misleading. The Buddha-nature or self-
nature in the above-men oned Chan soteriological context is not a
changeless essence deeply rooted in the human mind for one to
discover; rather, it refers to the changeability, transforma on, and
growth of personhood. Jianxing thus requires the accomplishment of
ac on, the prac cal-behavioral carrying out of non-a achment.
JIANXIU
See .
JIANZHONG JINGGUO XUDENG LU
Con nued Record of [the Transmission of] the Lamp from the
Jianzhong Jingguo Era, a book of 30 fascicles in the Chan “lamp
history” genre, was compiled by the Yunmen Chan master Foguo
Weibai (d.u.) of the Song dynasty in 1101, with imperial sanc on, and
eventually was included in the Song Buddhist canon. It con nued the
 tradi on of Chan hagiographical wri ng on Chan genealogical and
biographical history started by the Jingde Chuandeng Lu and
Tiansheng Guangdeng Lu. More than 1,700 masters of 48 genera ons
were included. The repeated stories of Chan lineages were made brief
and terse, but some refashionings can s ll be seen. One of the
examples is that the radical interpreta on of “a separate transmission
from the teachings (jiaowai biechuan)” was for the first me directly
linked to the story of Sākyamuni’s holding up a flower and
transmi ng the dharma to Mahākāśyapa. When adding new
materials and figures to the Chan genealogical history, those
neglected by previous lamp history books, and contemporary masters,
were included, with a preference for those in the Yunmen and Linji
schools, who occupy 25 fascicles of this book. Despite these aspects,
the book reflected the popularity and fortunes of five Chan schools in
the Northern Song, including the early signs of the Caodong revival
and the decline of the Guiyang school.
JIAOWAI BIECHUAN
See .
JIATAI PUDENG LU
Comprehensive Record of [the Transmission of] the Lamp from
the Jiatai Era, a book of 30 fascicles in the genre of the Chan lamp
history, was compiled in 1204 by the Yunmen Chan master Lei’an
Zhengshou (d.u.) of the Southern Song dynasty, who worked on it for
17 years. It received imperial approval and was included in the
Buddhist canon. The compiler a empted to combine all three
previous Chan lamp histories—the Jingde Chuandeng Lu, the
Tiansheng Guangdeng Lu, and the Jianzhong Jingguo Xudeng Lu—
without awareness of a similar compila on, the Liandeng Huiyao.
However, the compiler Zhengshou clearly stated that, although the
previous lamp histories con nued the tradi on, they were not
comprehensive since only records of monks were included. The Jiatai
Pudeng Lu instead supplemented the material of the previous lamp
histories with newly collected records on nuns, laypeople, emperors,
and minsters in rela on to the transmission of Chan, and included
various neglected sayings, poems, prosaic and poe c commentaries
 on the gong’an, and miscellaneous wri ngs, in addi on to sermons
and encounter dialogues.
JIETAN
See .
JIEYIN ZHICI
This Chinese term literally means “words for accommoda ng and
guiding people.” It refers to the Chan understanding of the necessity
of using words and the most significant func on of words in Chan
soteriological prac ces. Words do not func on as the cogni on or
representa on of objec ve truth. They do not correspond to a fixed
object or reality. Words are only expedient means, serving
soteriological and pragma c purposes—adap ng to the situa on of
ordinary people and helping them to a ain enlightenment.
JIGONG
See .
JING’AN (1851–1912)
A Chan master and poet of modern mes, Jing’an was a na ve of
Xiangtan in Hunan. He was born into a farmer’s family, living his youth
in poverty. At the age of 18, he entered his monas c life with the
monk Donglin (d.u.) at Fahua Temple in Xiangyin and was ordained by
the preceptor Xiankai (d.u.). Later, he went to Renrui Temple on
Mount Qi to study with the Chan master Hengzhi (d.u.). At the age of
23, he started to compose poems. Two years later, he made a
pilgrimage in southeast China. At the age of 27, he went to Ayuwang
Temple, offering a sacrifice to the Buddha’s relic by burning two of his
fingers. It was from this ac on that he received his famous nickname
“the eight finger asce c” (bazhi toutuo). At the age of 31, he
published the first anthology of his poems. In his 40s and 50s, he
successively took abbacy at seven different Chan temples. In 1908, he
took the ini a ve to organize an associa on for educa ng monks in
Nibo, Zhejiang. In 1912, he became the president of China’s first
na onal associa on of Buddhism. Not only did he engage himself in
saving Buddhism from declining in a modern, and then chao c,
environment by protec ng Buddhist temples, developing schools for
educa ng monks and laypeople, and establishing Buddhist
associa ons, but he was also ac vely involved in broader patrio c
 affairs, like helping in fights against foreign invasion and addressing
na onal poverty and injus ce. He was seen as the representa ve of a
new genera on of Chan ac vism, who prac ced Buddhism and Chan
without forge ng involvement in the world, and fully engaged
himself in crea ng pure land in the world with pure mind.
JINGDE CHUANDENG LU
Jingde Era Record of the Transmission of the Lamp, the most
famous and influen al book in the transmission of the lamp literature
of Chan Buddhism and the first comprehensive and imperially
sanc oned Chan transmission record published in the Song dynasty,
se ng the standard for all subsequent compila ons of Chan
transmission records (denglu). The book was compiled by Daoyuan
(d.u.), a disciple of Tiantai Deshao, who was a disciple of Fayan
Wenyi, the founder of the Fayan school. A er the comple on of the
compila on in 1004, it was subjected to an editorial process
conducted by a group of leading litera , headed by Yang Yi (974–
1020), and then was officially issued in 1011. In addi on to changing
confusing word order; removing coarse vocabulary; and checking on
tles, names, and dates, Yang Yi supposedly decided to append some
more material to enhance the work, but modern scholars know li le
about if and how Yang Yi altered its content. The only clue is the
comparison between Daoyuan’s interpreta on of the work, revealed
in his original preface (which has survived elsewhere), and Yang Yi’s.
Daoyuan’s original tle for this book, Fozu Tongcan Ji (Collec on of the
Common Prac ce of the Buddhas and Patriarchs), and his original
preface suggest harmony between Chan and conven onal Buddhist
prac ce. However, Yang Yi used the book not only to champion Chan
as the new style of Buddhism favored by the Song establishment, but
also to embrace its break with conven onal Buddhist approaches. His
preference reflects the preoccupa on of Song government officials
with a new iden ty of Chan in a newly united kingdom.
The Jingde Chuandeng Lu has 30 fascicles. Fascicles 1 and 2
mainly contain material about the seven Buddhas of the past and the
27 Indian Chan patriarchs a er Sākyamuni. Fascicles 3 and 4 contain
material about the five Chinese patriarchs before Huineng and the
disciples from Daoxin and Hongren, including Niutou Farong,
 Shenxiu, and their descendants. Fascicle 5 records Huineng and his
direct disciples. The next eight fascicles, fascicles 6 to 13, are mainly
occupied by records of the nine genera ons of Chan masters from the
lineage of Nanyue Huairang and Mazu Daoyi. Fascicles 14 to 26, the
next 13, are devoted to records of the 11 genera ons of masters from
the lineage of Qingyuan Xingsi and Shitou Xiqian. The last four
fascicles are miscellaneous. The number of masters acknowledged in
this book is 1,750, far more than the 256 of the Zutang Ji. The
orthodoxy of Chan established by the lineage of Nanyue Huairang and
Mazu Daoyi is clearly maintained, but a certain preference for
inclusion in the book is given to the lineage of Qingyuan Xingsi and
Shitou Xiqian, especially the descendants of Xuefeng Yichun, from
whom the compiler’s Fayan lineage is derived. Many of the stories and
dialogues included in this book formed the basis for the later gong’an
and yulu texts, although their historical reliability has been cri cally
ques oned in modern mes. Without denying its literary and didac c
values, contemporary scholars have increasingly agreed upon the
hagiographical and retrospec ve nature of the book’s narra ve as
reflec ng the perspec ve of the Song period on the masters of the
classical age.
JINGSHAN FAQIN (714–792)
Also called Daoqin. A Chan master of the Ox-Head school in the
Tang dynasty, Faqin was born into a family of Zhu in Kunshan (in
present-day Jiangsu province) and studied Confucian classics in his
youth. At the age of 28, when he met the Ox-Head Chan master
Xuansu (668–752), he decided to give up his opportunity to be
selected as an official and became an ordained monk instead, under
the instruc on of Xuansu at Helin Temple. Later, he went to Mount
Jing at Hangzhou to prac ce, gradually gained fame, and a racted
many students. In 768, Emperor Daizong (r. 762–779) invited Faqin to
the capital, consulted him on Buddhist dharma, and let him reside in
Zhangjing Temple. It was said that from the members of the royal
family to the commoners in the streets, all were eager to hear his
teaching. When Faqin decided to return to Mount Jin, Emperor
Daizong granted him the tle Na onal Teacher. In 780, Faqin took up
residence at Longxing Temple in Hangzhou. He died at the age of 79,
 and his posthumous tle, granted by Emperor Dezong (r. 779–805),
was “Chan Master of Great Awakening” (Dajue Chanshi). Faqing was
seen as the most influen al Ox-Head Chan master in the Tang a er
the founder, Farong. Among Faqin’s disciples, his dharma heir, Daolin
(741–824), was most famous. Faqin’s teaching of Chan focused on
transcending the limita on of words and par cular methods, and
deconstruc ng reified goals of prac ce.
JINGZHONG SCHOOL (Ch. Jingzhong zong)
A school of Chan Buddhism that existed in the 8th-century Tang
dynasty in the area of Jiannan (in present-day Chengdu, Sichun
Province, and surrounding areas), in southwestern China. The founder
of this school was Wuxiang, a disciple of Chuji (ca. 669–736), who was
the disciple of Zhishen (609–702) from the lineage of Hongren. The
name of the Jingzhong (“purifying masses”) school was derived from
the Jingzhong Temple in Chengdu, where Wuxiang and his disciples
taught and prac ced for several genera ons. Much of the reference to
the Jingzhong school in Chan history was made by another Sichuan
Chan master and scholar, Zongmi. In his 9th-century work on Chan
schools, Zongmi introduced the central tenet of the Jingzhong founder
Wuxiang’s teachings, known as “three phrases”: no-recollec on
(wuyi), no-thought (wunian), and no-forge ng (mowang). These
three phrases are Wuxiang’s understanding of how to prac ce the
tradi onal three learnings—precepts (jie), concentra on (ding), and
wisdom (hui). The last phrase was changed to no-delusion in the Lidai
Fabao Ji by the Baotang school and Wuxiang’s student, the Baotang
founder Wuzhu. This change and its new interpreta on did not
convince others such as Zongmi and Wuxiang’s other disciple,
Shenqing (?–820?). In his Beishan Lu (Record of North Mountain).
Shenqing refuted the Baotang school’s claim of lineage and the story
that Wuxiang transmi ed Bodhidharma’s robe to Wuzhu. Both
Shenqing and Zongmi cri cized the iconoclas c and an nomian
tendencies of the Baotang and emphasized the importance of
precepts and scriptural studies for Chan prac ce.
In addi on to the “three phrases,” Wuxiang taught reci ng
Buddha’s name (nianfo) with his own special style. The Jingzhong
Temple became associated with Pure Land prac ces of devo on in the
 9th century. Wuxiang and the Jingzhong school could thus be seen as
pioneers of the syncre s c approach to Chan and Pure Land prac ces.
Wuxiang’s dharma heir was Jingzhong Shenhui (720–794), who
became abbot at Jingzhong Temple a er Wuxiang’s death and
con nued his lineage. Both Wuxiang and Jingzhong Shenhui received
strong support from regional high officials. The Jingzhong school
existed much longer than its rival, the Baotang school.
JINGZHONG ZONG
See
JUEFAN HUIHONG (1071–1128)
A literatus-monk of the third genera on of the Huanglong
Huinan lineage in the Linji school of the Northern Song dynasty,
Huihong was a na ve of Xinchang in Junzhou (in present-day Jiangxi).
His family name was Yu. His original name was Dehong. He lost his
parents at the age of 14. At the age of 19, he passed the examina on
of scriptures in the eastern capital Kaifeng and was officially ordained
as the monk Huihong at Tianwang Temple. He studied the Yogācāra
doctrines and extensively read the Chinese classics for four years,
showing talent in wri ng poetry and prose, which impressed litera in
the capital. He then became Zhenjing Kewen’s disciple at Gueizong
Temple in Mount Lu, followed Kewen for seven years, and achieved
realiza on. At the age of 29, he started to travel to various temples.
He made friends with some famous litera and officials, including
Zhang Shangying (1043–1122), who became prime minister of China
in 1110. When these friends lost their poli cal ba les, Huihong also
suffered; due to these connec ons, he was imprisoned, defrocked,
and exiled several mes. Despite these personal sufferings, Huihong
con nued his monas c life and literary produc on whenever possible.
He died at the age of 58.
Huihong was a prolific author of more than 150 fascicles,
including books about Chan lineages and records of Chan masters,
such as the Chanlin Sengbao Zhuan (Chronicles of the Monk-Treasure
in the Chan Grove) and the Linjian Lu (Records from the Groves [of
Chan]), books on poe cs like the Lengzhai Yehua (Evening Discourses
from Cold Studio), and books of commentaries to Buddhist scriptures.
The Chanlin Sengbao Zhuan consists of 30 fascicles, collec ng records
 of the ac vi es, stories, and sayings of 81 Chan masters from different
lineages, who mostly lived during the Song dynasty. It is an important
source for the study of Chan Buddhism from the late Tang and Five
Dynas es to the Northern Song. The Linjian Lu compiles Huihong’s
notes from personal encounters with other Chan masters and litera
who were influenced by Chan. Many of these materials are not found
in other Chan texts, and his descrip ons of these encounters are vivid
and highly valuable. Huihong’s 30-fascicle Shimen Wenzi Chan (Chan
of Le ers and Words from Shimen [Temple]) assembles various literary
forms of Chan wri ngs, including different types of poems, prefaces,
a erwords, le ers, eulogies, epitaphs, and so forth, showing his
prac ce of “Chan with le ers and words.”
JUEGUAN LUN
Trea se on the Transcendence of Cogni on, which is a work
a ributed to Niutou Farong and discovered in several edi ons in the
Dunhuang documents in the 20th century. Most scholars have
deemed this work reliable. The trea se is wri en in the form of a
dialogue between a teacher and a student. Its significant contribu on
includes the remarkable integra on of the Mahayana philosophy of
emp ness and Daoist influence into Chan prac ce and the rejec on of
the conceptualized goals and techniques by the no on of no-mind
(wuxin). A recent study of the Jueguan Lun dis nguishes Farong’s
more sophis cated posi on of transcending all discrimina ve
cogni on (juenguan) from a simpler rejec on of medita ve
contempla on, in terms of its connec on with the Madhyamika
dialec cs. What Farong advocates is to achieve a breakthrough into
the pure, non-discrimina ng illumina on of śūnyatā (emp ness).
Thus, the Jueguan Lun does not stand in total opposi on to the East
Mountain teaching or Northern school, as some previous studies
have concluded. On the other hand, much of modern scholarship has
focused on Farong’s idea of no-mind in the Jueguan Lun, which has
become an ideological link between the Ox-Head school and the
Southern school. Historically, Zongmi cri cized Farong’s teaching for
being nihilis c and for not acknowledging the non-empty aspect of
the mind in terms of the tathāgatagarbha (rulaizang) tradi on.
Nevertheless, the no on of no-mind became quite popular and
eventually replaced the early no on of no-thought (wunian) in the
classical period of Chan.
 K

KANHUA CHAN
Literally, “Chan of observing the key phrase.” It is a form of
medita on prac ce that contemplates the crucial phrase or “punch
line” (huatou) of a gong’an, such as the “no” (wu) in the gong’an of
“Does a dog have Buddha-nature?” The most famous advocate of this
kanhua Chan was Dahui Zonggao, the Chan master of the Linji school
in the Song dynasty. Using the gong’an (“public cases”) or guze (“old
examples”) of encounter dialogues from the stories of those great
Chan masters of the Tang dynasty as a means to challenge students
and trigger their enlightenment became a fashion in various Chan
schools, even before the me of Dahui. From the early 11th century,
the Song Chan masters had already started to compile various
gong’an collec ons, or anthologies, with their own commentaries to
facilitate the use of gong’an for instruc ng students. While the
kanhua Chan could be seen as a further development of the Song
gong’an prac ce, and Dahui’s teacher Yuanwu Keqin might be
regarded as a precursor of the kanhua Chan, recent study of Dahui
reveals that his kanhua Chan was dis nc ve from all previous forms of
gong’an prac ce in a number of ways.
Dahui was the first Chan master to teach his students to
contemplate intensively a single word or phrase (huatou) of a gong’an
in kanhua prac ce. He also introduced a corresponding method of
contempla ng the huatou, which focuses on a student’s doubt
generated by the huatou and emphasizes that, by sha ering the
doubt, a person can be led to the great moment or experience of
enlightenment. Although Dahui’s kanhua Chan shared with his
precursors the intui ve and non-conceptualizing way of using gongan,
for Dahui, medita on on huatou had become the only prac ce that
could lead to enlightenment and therefore was almost exclusive to all
other Buddhist prac ces. Some scholars have seen Dahui’s kanhua
Chan as a reac on to the formalizing tendency of Chan in the Song. It
has also been viewed as the culmina on of a long process of evolu on
 in Chan, which extended Chan’s subi st rhetoric to pedagogy and
prac ce. Some more recent studies suggest, however, that the success
of the Caodong school’s silent illumina on approach in elite circles
presented a great challenge to the Linji school and became an
underlying cause for Dahui’s development of the kanhau Chan.
Dahui did express his cri cisms of several here cal tendencies in
Chan. Among them was his a ack on the silent illumina on Chan
(mozhao Chan) of the Caodong school, which culminated in Dahui’s
contemporary, Hongzhi Zhengjue. Dahui discredited the silent
illumina on Chan’s treatment of s llness and si ng medita on as an
end in itself, rather than a means, and held its de-emphasis on the
actualizing of inherent enlightenment (benjue) as simply canceling out
enlightenment. Many of Dahui’s cri cisms were eloquent and
influen al, but they were not all accurate or without exaggera on. For
instance, Dahui seemed right when he cri cized the tendency to
abandon all uses of words. However, the silent illumina on Chan did
not completely forsake all words. The fact that Hongzhi himself was
the author of poe c commentaries on 100 gong’an cases is just one of
the many no ceable examples showing the silent illumina on Chan’s
more sophis cated a tude toward the use of words. On the other
hand, not all historical materials confirm the sectarian-poli cal
reasons for Dahui’s a ack on the silent illumina on Chan. There were
reports of the good rela onship between Dahui and Hongzhi even
a er Dahui’s a ack, just as there were other reports of the good
rela onship between the masters of Caodong and Linji during the
Song, which limits poli cal interpreta ons about the compe ng
schools and masters.
KILLING THE BUDDHA
Many of the sayings of Linji Yixuan collected in the Linji Lu sound
very radical and iconoclas c if not blasphemous. The most famous
among these sayings is the following: “If you meet a Buddha, kill the
Buddha (fengfo shafo). If you meet a patriarch, kill the patriarch
(fengzu shazu). If you meet an arhat, kill the arhat. If you meet your
parents, kill your parents. If you meet your kinfolk, kill your kinfolk.
Then you will a ain libera on, being not entangled with things.” It is
common sense that killing is not ethical in the en re Buddhist
 tradi on. However, if the reader understands the context of this
saying, killing is symbolic and cannot be understood literally. It is a
kind of language that the figure Linji uses to shock his students away
from their unnecessary a achment to any external things, including
those things under names such as Buddha, patriarch, arhat, and so
forth. The purpose is to help students avoid being ed by new ropes
even if these ropes are from the teachings of Buddhas and patriarchs,
since the teachings are just provisional expedients and cannot be
substan alized and reified. Any a achment to them creates new
bondage and does not help to liberate. The students cannot realize
their enlightenment by seeking a er external things, including
Buddhas and patriarchs.
This is the tradi onal interpreta on. It cannot be ignored that
these sayings of Linji, and almost the en re Linji Lu, sound more
iconoclas c than many other Chan masters’ sayings in the Tang period
and became popular in Song Chan. The iconoclas c approach was too
radical for the Buddhist Middle Way even though it o en involved
correct cri cisms of ins tu ons. Chan iconoclas c sayings were in fact
parasi c on Chan ins tu ons, including all its teachings; this was
par cularly true of Linji Chan. The advantage of viewing these sayings
as a kind of linguis c strategy, as a kind of shock therapy, or as a kind
of innova ve rhetoric is that it could reconcile the use of these sayings
with the fact that the Linji school con nued to make use of its
ins tu ons and became stronger rather than demolishing them. A er
all, Linji himself did not call for the actual destruc on of Chan
ins tu ons.
KUANG CHAN
See .
 L

LAṄKĀVATĀRA SŪTRA AND CHAN

An influen al Indian Mahayana scripture, this Sūtra on the
Descent into Laṅkā was composed around the 4th century CE. It was
translated into Chinese three mes during the 5th to the 7th
centuries, and a Sanskrit recension was found in Nepal. The sūtra is a
blending of the major teachings of the Yogācāra school with the
tathāgatagarbha thought. It introduces the mind- (or consciousness-)
only doctrine, the theory of eigh old consciousness with the
storehouse consciousness as the base of ordinary discrimina ve
mental func on shaping the world of objects, and the equivalence of
the storehouse consciousness with the womb of tathāgata
(rulaizang)—the intrinsic possibility of being enlightened. This unique
blending perspec ve could be one of the reasons the sūtra was very
popular in China. The early Chan texts of hagiographical wri ng, such
as the Lengqie Shizi Ji, retrospec vely connected this sūtra to the first
patriarch, Bodhidharma’s preaching and iden fied it as the most
important source of the Chan school. The cri cal examina on of
various Chan texts reveals that the Chan ideology is syncre c to the
teachings of different Mahayana schools, including Madhyamaka,
Yogācāra, and the tathāgatagarbha, and to different Mahayana
scriptures, including the Prajñāpāramitā Sūtras, the Vimalakīr Sūtra,
the Huayan Sūtra, and many others. This is true even of the early
patriarchs, such as Bodhidharma, Daoxin, and Hongren. Although the
Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra’s teaching on the limita on of discrimina ve
language and its focus on the transforma on of the mind through the
prac ce of medita on were well taken by Chan patriarchs, no specific
a en on was given to the major doctrines or theories dis nc ve to
this sūtra.
LAYMAN PANG (d. 808)
A famous Chan Buddhist layperson in the Tang dynasty and a
disciple of Mazu Daoyi, his full name was Pang Yun and his pen name
was Daoxuan. Very li le of his biographical informa on is known. The
 Zutang Ji and the Jingde Chuandeng Lu include very short sec ons on
him. He was born into a family of Confucian heritage in Hengyang (in
present-day Hunan). He married and had children. But he was
a racted to Chan Buddhism and could not remain content. On his
pilgrimage, he first visited Shitou Xiqian, then Mazu. With Mazu, he
a ained awakening, stayed there for two years and, following the
example of Vimalakīr , remained as a layman. A er that, he lived by
selling bamboo utensils, accompanied by his daughter, and con nued
his wandering life, exchanging his understanding of Chan with many
other masters and ordinary people. He le behind more than 300
verses, many of which were popular, such as “The magical power and
wonderful func on [of the mind] lies in carrying water and chopping
firewood,” best conveying the Hongzhou teaching of “the ordinary
mind is the way.” An extant text called Pangjushi Yulu (Recorded
Sayings of Layman Pang) collected about 20 encounter dialogues of
Pang Yun, including his use of physical ac on, such as holding up or
throwing something, bea ng, and shou ng. Although the compila on
of this yulu was a ributed to Pang’s contemporary, Yu Di (d. 818),
some scholars have recently proposed that it was a later crea on. His
verses, in contrast, did not include any iconoclas c theme or style of
the encounter dialogues of the late Tang and Five Dynas es. They are
regarded as more credible.
LENGQIE JING AND CHAN
See .
LENGQIE SHIZI JI
This Chinese tle is rendered in English as Records of the Masters
and Disciples of the Laṅkā[vatāra]. It is one of the earliest books of
hagiographical wri ng about the early history of Chinese Chan
Buddhism, which was long lost and then rediscovered from the
Dunhuang documents in the early 20th century by Chinese and
Japanese scholars. A cri cal edi on of the book, based on the
different extant copies from the Dunhuang documents, was published
by Yanagida Seizan in 1971.
The compiler of the Lengqie Shizi Ji was Jingjue (683–ca. 750). No
informa on is provided about his early years. He was a rela ve of
Weishi, the consort of Emperor Zhongzong (r. 684, 705–710), who
later became empress but whose poli cal career ended in misfortune.
Jingjue probably only survived because of his posi on as a monk. At
23, he went to live in a monastery at Mount Taihang, wri ng
commentary on the Diamond Sūtra. He studied with Hongren’s
disciples, Shenxiu and Hui’an. Finally, he became a student of
Hongren’s other disciple, Xuanze, a er the la er was invited to the
imperial court at the capital, Luoyang, in 708. Jingjue was under his
instruc on for about 10 years and eventually became his dharma heir.
The Lengqie Shizi Ji was based on Xuanze’s book, Lengqie Renfa Zhi
(Records of Men and Methods of the Laṅkā[vatāra]), which has since
been lost, and was only quoted in parts by this Lengqie Shizi Ji. The
Lengqie Shizi Ji was compiled during Jingjue’s retreat at Mount
Taihang, some me between 712 and 716.
The Lengqie Shizi Ji recorded the biographical informa on and
teachings for the eight genera ons of the earliest Chan masters in
their teacher-student succession, including Bodhidharma, Huike,
Sengcan, Daoxin, Hongren, Shenxiu, and some of their outstanding
disciples (24 men are men oned in total). The book focused on the
doctrines and teachings of these masters, and for that ma er
included some essen al texts of early Chan, for example,
Bodhidharma’s Erru Sixing Lun and Daoxin’s Rudao Anxin Yao
Fangbian Famen. It thus became a prototype for the later texts of
Chan recorded sayings (yulu) in general. The book a empted to
establish its own lineage pa ern for the transmission of the early
Chan. It placed Guṇabhadra, the India monk and translator of the
Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra, before Bodhidharma as the first patriarch of Chan
Buddhism, for the purpose of emphasizing the transmission of this
important scriptural tradi on. This a ribu on has no historical basis,
nor was it accepted by the later Chan texts. The recent cri cal study of
early Chan history has pointed out the misrepresenta on of the
importance of the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra to the masters and disciples in
Jingjue’s book. The book quoted heavily from different sūtras and
texts. Although it did quote from the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra, these
quota ons were all general slogans without any substan al reference
to the major doctrines of the scripture. No solid informa on was
provided by Jingjue to support the transmission of the scripture as
 one single focus of these masters. Despite these problems, the book
has become a significant source for the study of early Chan history,
especially religious ac vi es and doctrines of the East Mountain
teaching and Northern school before they were challenged by the
Southern school.
LENGYAN JING AND CHAN
Also called Shoulengyan Jing or Dafoding Shoulengyan Jing, the
Lengyan Jing’s complete Chinese tle is Dafoding Rulai Miyin Xiuzheng
Liaoyi Zhupusa Wanxing Shoulengyan Jing. The Sanskrit tle
reconstructed for it is Śūraṃgama Sūtra (Heroic March Sūtra). The
Chinese cataloguer Zhisheng (658–740), in the Kaiyuan Shijiao Lu,
indicated that Monk Huaidi cotranslated this scripture with an
unknown Western monk. However, in his Xu Gujin Yijing Tuji, Zhisheng
contradicted the Kaiyuan Shijiao Lu and recorded that the Indian
monk Pārami secretly carried this scripture to China and presided
over its transla on. The very obscure Pārami and other uncertain
details about its transla on have caused an ongoing debate about the
authen city of this scripture since the Tang dynasty. This debate has
also involved the ques oning of this scripture’s content, since some of
its ideas have not been seen in any other Indian Buddhist scriptures.
Besides, neither a Sanskrit original text nor a transla on from another
language was ever discovered. Some scholars regard it as a Chinese
apocryphon, while many others, including some Chinese Buddhist
masters, defend its authen city. Despite this long-las ng controversy,
the Lengyan Jing was very popular in Chinese Buddhism and became
the subject of numerous commentaries produced by many scholar-
monks, including famous Buddhist masters from the Song dynasty
down to modern me. It was reported that some Chan masters even
achieved enlightenment through the study of this scripture.
The syncre c Lengyan Jing integrated various doctrines from a
wide spectrum of Mahayana Buddhist thought, including the
prajñāpāramitā literature, the Yogācāra school, the tathāgatagarbha
thought, the Lotus Sūtra, and the Avataṃsaka Sūtra, and related
teachings on the prac ces of medita on, precepts, ritual, and
recita on of incanta ons. Because of this unique characteris c, it
became a useful source for all Chinese Buddhist schools, including the
 Tiantai, Huayan, Chan, Pure Land, Chinese Yogācāra, Lü, and esoteric
schools. It is no surprise that Chan Buddhism quite strongly favored
this scripture, since Chan Buddhism in general takes a typically
syncre c approach to various Buddhist teachings. This point also
explains, in par cular, why the Ming Chan masters, such as Yunqi
Zhuhong, Daguan Zhenke, and Hanshan Deqing, who were
unequivocally syncre s c, all wrote commentary on the scripture.
However, Chan did appropriate the sūtra in terms of its own need and
preference. Many of the sūtra’s teachings, such as the ever-abiding
true mind (changzhu zhenxin), freeing from cogni ve understanding
(zhijian wujian), returning to the non-dualis c original nature (gui
yuanxing wu’er) by varied expedients (fangbian you duomen), and
acquiring the dharma-body without experiencing [endless] prac ces
of monks (buli sengzhi huo fashen), helped to inspire and jus fy the
Chan ideology of sudden enlightenment and its emphasis on directly
poin ng to the human mind, seeing one’s own nature, and a aining
Buddhahood.
LIANDENG HUIYAO
“Essen als of the Linked [Records of] the Lamp [Transmission],”
also called Zongmen Liandeng Huiyao (“Essen als of the Linked
[Records of] the Lamp [Transmission] of the [Chan] School”). It was a
book of 30 fascicles in the Song genre of the Chan lamp history,
compiled by Huiweng Wuming (d.u.), a dharma heir in the lineage of
the Linji Chan master Dahui Zonggao, in 1183. This book a empted to
pull together all materials from the previous Jingde Chuandeng Lu,
Tiansheng Guangdeng Lu, and Jianzhong Jingguo Xudeng Lu, with its
own supplements, including new coverage of contemporary masters.
Although the book reiterates many previously published materials, it
does so some mes with bold reinven on. For example, in order to
further portray the Buddha as a Chan master, it goes so far as to
directly put into the mouth of the Buddha himself the famous Chan
slogans “a separate transmission apart from the teachings (jiaowai
biechuan)” and “not establishing le ers and words (buli wenzi),” a
reinven on that no other Chan text has ever done.
LIDAI FABAO JI
 The English transla on of this Chinese book tle is Records of the
Dharma-Jewel through the Genera ons. The book was composed by
an anonymous disciple, or disciples, of the Chan master Wuzhu, the
founder of the Baotang school, some me during 774 and 780 at the
Baotang Temple in Chengdu, Sichuan. Although the book was s ll read
and cri cized by masters of other schools decades later, for most of
the next part of history it was never men oned, and it was believed
lost un l its rediscovery among the Dunhuang documents in the early
20th century. The book can be roughly divided into two parts. The first
part is the narra ve on the history of the origins and lineage of
Chinese Chan Buddhism. It starts with a list of 37 tles of sources
(Buddhist scriptures, including apocryphal texts) for the authors’
wri ng and explains how Buddhism was introduced to China by telling
the two legends related to Emperor Ming (r. 57–75) of the Han
dynasty. It then focuses its narra ve on the 29 Indian patriarchs and
the 6 Chinese Chan patriarchs. The second part consists of
biographical stories about the master Wuzhu and a collec on of his
sermons and dialogues.
The Lidai Fabao Ji is the earliest extant Chan text that a empted
to overcome the insufficiency of Shenhui’s version of the unbroken
transmission of the 8 Indian patriarchs and the 6 Chinese patriarchs.
Using a list of 23 Indian patriarchs from a puta ve 5th-century work,
Fu Fazang Yinyuan Zhuan (Tradi ons of the Causes and Condi ons of
Transmission of the Dharma Treasury), with its own altera on and
supplement, the Lidai Fabao Ji created a one-to-one succession of 29
Indian patriarchs. This format obviously laid a founda on for the later
standard version of 28 Indian patriarchs used by the Baolin Zhuan
(Biographies from the Treasure Groves) and retained by the Jingde
Chuandeng Lu. The Lidai Fabao Ji is also the only text in which
Bodhidharma’s robe s ll played an important role, outside of the
lineage story of the six Chinese patriarchs. While endorsing Shenhui’s
version of lineal succession, this book added up a lineage of its own to
branch off from the lineage of the six patriarchs by claiming that
Empress Wu (r. 690–705), given Bodhidharma’s robe by Huineng,
then passed it on to Hongren’s disciple Zhishen (609–702), and it was
then passed from Zhishen to Chuji (669–736 or 648–734), to Wuxiang,
 and finally to Wuzhu. Without any historical basis, this is an extreme
example of how Chan narra ve was used to promote the legi macy of
lineage.
In addi on, the narra ve of the book is stylis cally inconsistent
and unpolished compared with the later Chan texts, but the formats
of the two parts nonetheless are respec vely analogous to, and
an cipate, the transmission of the lamp literature and the yulu
literature in later Chan history. The Lidai Fabao Ji is the only source
that preserves master Wuzhu’s teaching. It shows, on the one hand,
the radical iconoclas c, an nomian, or asce c aspect of his prac ce,
and on the other, his challenge to ritualism, devo onalism, and the
fixed dis nc ons between lay and monas c, and male and female,
prac oners.
LINGYIN TEMPLE (Ch. Lingyin Si)
Located on Lingyin Mountain near West Lake in the city of
Hangzhou, Zhejiang Province, China, this temple is among the greatest
Chan Buddhist temples in China, especially in the south. Legend says
that an Indian monk, Huili, traveled to this place in 326. Believing that
the Peak of Feilai had flown from the Lingjiu Mountain in India, he
built a temple to face the Peak of Feilai. As there were many spirits
hidden in the Lingjiu mountain that the peak originated from, he
named his temple Lingyin (“spirits hidden”). During the Five Dynas es,
the temple was expanded greatly. In later years, it was destroyed by
wars and rebuilt many mes. During the Northern Song dynasty, its
name was changed to Lingyin Chansi (Lingyin Chan Temple). Later, the
Emperor Kangxi (r. 1661–1722) of the Qing dynasty granted a new
name, Yunlin Chansi, to this temple. Despite its vicissitudes, the
temple currently preserves many buildings and ar facts of highly
historical and ar s c value, such as pagodas and sculptures made in
the Five Dynas es and Song dynasty. It remains an important Buddhist
center.
LINIAN
This term literally means “being free from thoughts.” This
concept was used originally by the Awakening of Faith in the
Mahayana (Dasheng Qixin Lun) to describe the realiza on of
emp ness and the enlightened mind that is pure and free from all
 deluded thoughts. Shenxiu directly quoted this concept from the
Awakening of Faith in the Mahayana and integrated it into his
teaching of Chan. As a consequence of their cri cisms of Shenxiu,
Shenhui and the Pla orm Sūtra developed the idea of wunian by
emphasizing the prac ce of non-a achment to thoughts without
cu ng off all thoughts and movements. The tendency to isolate the
mind from thoughts and movements was a ributed to Shenxiu.
See also .
LINJI
See ; .
LINJI LU
Literally, “Record of Linji.” It is a compila on of the recorded
sermons, conversa ons, and ac ons of the Tang Dynasty Chan master
Linji Yixuan, who has been claimed as the patriarch of the Linji school
of Chan since the Song dynasty. Linji Lu is a popular abbrevia on of
the complete Chinese tle, Zhenzhou Linji Huizhao Chanshi Yulu (The
Recorded Sayings of Chan Master Linji Huizhao of Zhenzhou). Scholars
have long regarded the Linji Lu not only as the principal text for the
Linji school, but also as a vital document in the history of both
Buddhist and East Asian thought. What Yanagida Seizan wrote of the
Linji Lu in 1975 s ll seems appropriate: “Few works in the Buddhist
canon match it in simplicity, directness, and force of expression, and
few retain such immediate appeal for the reader of today” (“Historical
Introduc on to the Record of Linji”).
The extant version of the text involves three parts: sermons
(given at mes when Linji ascended to the hall), corrected (kanbian)
stories of encounter dialogues, and records of his pilgrimages
involving his conversa ons and various ac ons. This version is based
on an edi on compiled in 1120 by Yuanjue Zongyan (d.u.) and has
become the standard Linji Lu since then. The standard version was
printed independent of the Chan “records of the lamp (denglu)” for
the first me and gave priority to Linji’s sermons in its sequence of
contents. It marked the con nuous rise of Linji’s status as one of the
major Chan patriarchs and reflected the increasing interest in the new
genre of yulu, which had more appeal to Song litera and officials.
Beyond that, the standard edi on is not too different from the 1029
version of the Linji Lu, which is the earliest complete edi on involving
the sermons, dialogues, and records of pilgrimages, compiled by Li
Zunxu (?–1038), a member of the imperial family and a lay disciple of
the Linji school, and included in the Tiansheng Guangdeng Lu.
Although the standard edi on of the Linji Lu indicated that Linji’s
disciple, Sansheng Huiran (d.u.), compiled the text, and another
disciple, Xinghua Cunjiang, edited it, modern scholars have found no
evidence to either support or refute this claim. The names of the
original note-takers are s ll unknown. Rather than con nuing to wait
for new evidence to solve the problem of the text’s origin, recent
study of the Linji Lu has begun to look into its forming and editorial
processes; comparison of the earlier and later textual materials; and
how revisions and addi ons were made to them under the impact of
a wide range of sectarian, poli cal, and ideological forces during the
Song dynasty. The result is an astonishing revela on of how the
evolu on of the rhetoric and details of the stories, from rela vely
early texts such as the Zutang Ji and Jingde Chuandeng Lu, to the
more complete edi ons of 1029 and 1120, reflects and serves the Linji
sect’s need to forge its new iden ty through the image and teachings
of Linji.
While the sermons were included in the Linji Lu to appeal to
Song litera , that rela vely conserva ve form of discourse alone could
not have greatly s rred the imagina on of the public. Linji’s use of
shock methods, such as shou ng and hi ng; his quick,
straigh orward, and some mes abrasive responses, characterized as
“razor sharp”; and even his iconoclas c a tude, along with his
colorful and forceful language, were the defining features of his
innova on and uniqueness at the hands of the Song compilers. The
Linji Lu helped to establish the new orthodox form of Chan discourse
—the encounter dialogues—and paved the way for the development
of gong’an Chan or kanhua Chan. All these aspects point to a new way
of reading the Linji Lu: basically, as the story of a movement inspired
by Linji, instead of as the story of one individual, to understand those
words and teachings not just as being u ered by Linji himself but as
something a ributed to him and evolved through the filter of
collec ve memory and imagina on. This is a more interpreta ve
 approach, though it does not cancel out other interpreta ons and
approaches. What is neglected by the Song characteriza on of Linji’s
methods and style, and what remains in those sermons—for instance,
the underlying rela onship between the nega ve a tude toward
scriptures/doctrines and the necessary understanding of them, the
possibility of replacing iconoclas c interpreta on with a
deconstruc ve one that is not iconoclas c, the development of
linguis c strategies in sermons—nonetheless deserves further study.
LINJI SCHOOL (Ch. Linji zong)
Named a er the Tang dynasty Chan monk Linji Yixuan, it was one
of the five schools of Chinese Chan, which emerged during the late
Tang dynasty and the Five Dynas es and has become one of the two
domina ng schools of Chan since the Song dynasty. The Linji school
claimed its lineage directly from Linji Yixuan and recognized him as its
patriarch. The first genera ons of Linji’s disciples did not a ract great
a en on from the outside, and neither did Linji’s name itself during
that me. In the early Song dynasty, however, the later genera ons of
the Linji lineage, star ng with Shishuang Chuyuan, worked more
successfully in southern China and helped the school rise to great
prominence. That success had much to do with the school’s
involvement in the compila on of the Linji Lu, which brought greater
fame and popularity to its founder as well. The Linji Lu not only was a
great patriarch-making project of the Linji school, which defined its
founder’s vigorous spirit and innova ve teaching style, but it also
introduced to the public several sets of didac c means and formulas
special to this school and its founder (men ng shishe), such as “three
mysteries and essen als (sanxuan sanyao),” “four alterna ves
(siliaojian),” and “four encounters of guest-host (sibinzhu).” The
ins tu onaliza on and systema za on of these expedients a racted
a lot of a en on but also set limits on the school’s development.
The new genera on of the Linji school, star ng with Fenyang
Shanzhao, tried to find a new momentum for the school’s novelty and
to stay away from the imita ve uses of shou ng, hi ng, and other
shock methods, which had been made famous and popular. The
school gradually shi ed its a en on from uses of these methods to
the study of stories and narra ves describing effec ve
 communica ons between teachers and students and their successful
triggering of the enlightenment experience. To facilitate the studies
and use them in medita on, these stories were put into anthologies
of “public cases” (gong’an). The development of gong’an prac ce
provided the school with a new alterna ve to the increasingly
stereotyped shou ng and hi ng. It reinforced the school’s fame and
growth. More charisma c figures such as Huanglong Huinan and
Yangqi Fanghui quickly emerged and established separate branches
with their own names—the Huanglong pai and Yangqi pai—
contribu ng to the prosperity of “seven schools (qizong)” a er the
“five houses (wujia).” As the Huanglong branch declined in the late
Song dynasty, the Yangqi branch became the only orthodox heir of the
Linji school. However, it was Huanglong’s Chan that Japanese monk
Eisai transmi ed to Japan and that helped him to establish the first
Japanese Rinzai sect. The Yangqi Chan was transmi ed to Japan too
by several Chinese masters and their Japanese disciples and
dominated the Japanese Rinzai school.
LINJI TEMPLE (Ch. Linji Si)
A temple located in the city of Zhengding, historically known as
Zhenzhou, in present-day Hebei Province, northern China. Because of
its loca on on the banks of the Hutuo River, the temple was named
Linji, which literally means “overlooking the ford.” It is a small
Buddhist temple. Around 851, the Chan monk Yixuan came to this
temple (he was later known as Linji Yixuan). It was there that he
started his teaching career and gained fame. He had about 20
disciples. Although he spent his final years at another temple, Xinghua
Si in Daming, his disciples nevertheless erected a pagoda called
Chengling (“pure spirit”) to house his remains at this temple a er his
death. Later genera ons of his lineage a ained greater success and
established a Chan school with his name, the Linji school, which
became a dominant school not only in China but also in Japan. The
Linji Temple has been considered by the followers of this school to be
the House of Patriarch (zu ng).
LINJI YIXUAN (?–866)
One of the most prominent Chan masters of the Tang dynasty. He
was regarded by his followers and the tradi on as the founder of the
Linji school and has been regarded as the leading representa ve of
classical Chan since the Song dynasty. Li le is known of Linji’s early
years, and no biographical informa on about him is directly provided
by historical sources from the Tang dynasty. Almost all informa on
about Linji’s life comes from the texts of the Five Dynas es and
specifically the Song dynasty, with no verifiability for their historical
accuracy, including the Linji Lu (the Record of Linji), the earliest full
version of which was compiled in 1029.
According to these texts, Linji’s family name was Xing. He was a
na ve of Cao Prefecture (in present-day Shandong Province) and
entered monas c life when he was young, devo ng himself to the
study of the precepts, scriptures, and doctrines. Later on, he turned to
the study of Chan, visited various teachers and places, and eventually
became a disciple of Huangbo Xiyun. Although the story about Linji’s
a ainment of enlightenment involved another Chan master, Gao’an
Dayu (d.u.), with whom he had a close rela onship, tradi onal
narra ve ascribes Linji to Huangbo’s lineage and regards Linji as
Huangbo’s heir. About 10 years a er his enlightenment, Linji le
Huangbo on a pilgrimage, which ended at Zhenzhou in the Hebei area.
A local official, Wang Shaoyi (r. 857–866), invited Linji to take up
residence at a small temple called Linji Yuan. It was from there that
Linji began his own teaching career, giving sermons and conduc ng
conversa ons with students, which included visi ng guests and local
officials, and gained great fame.
Linji died in 866. His posthumous tle was “Chan Master of
Illumina ng Wisdom” (Huizhao Chanshi). He had only a few students,
but the lineage was maintained and gradually rose to prominence, as
one of the Five Houses (wujia) of Chan during the late Tang dynasty
and the Five Dynas es. Since the Song dynasty, the Linji lineage has
been one of the two domina ng schools of Chan and exists today in
East Asia. Linji’s sermons, his verbal/non-verbal instruc ons to
students, and the method/style of his teaching are preserved in
various Chan texts, including Zutang Ji (the earliest), Jingde
Chuandeng Lu, and the more complete Linji Lu, all of which are
believed to be based on his disciples’ original notes and records.
 However, recent cri cal study of Linji has inves gated the
editorial and forming process of these textual materials and how
revisions and addi ons were made to them under the impact of a
wide range of sectarian, poli cal, and ideological forces during the
Song dynasty. As a result of the evolving rhetoric and details of
stories, what readers see as the image and personality of Linji from
the standard edi on of the Linji Lu is more vivid, powerful, enigma c,
and even iconoclas c. Though his sermons are included in the Linji Lu,
that kind of conserva ve form of discourse could no longer s mulate
public imagina on. Linji’s use of shock therapy, such as shou ng and
hi ng; his quick, straigh orward, and some mes abrasive responses,
characterized as “razor sharp”; and his colorful and forceful language
became the defining features of his innova on and uniqueness in the
hands of the Song compilers. Since the reader has no way to
dis nguish two kinds of Linji—Linji as a historical figure and Linji as a
fic onal crea on—recent scholarship has suggested Linji should be
seen as a collec ve persona, the embodiment of the aspira on and
thought of the Song Linji movement. This a tude represents the new
approach to the Chan yulu texts: seeing them as literary devices of
Chan rather than historical documents. It rec fies the age-old
uncri cal acceptance of those texts as historical truth, although the
importance of the study of Linji and his sayings remains, even a er
the disillusionment.
LINJI ZONG
See .
LIUZU TANJING
See .
LIVING WORDS
The original Chinese for “living words” is shengyu (alterna ve
transla on, “living speech”) or huoju (alterna ve transla on, “living
sentences”). In Chan usage, shengyu is o en coupled with and in
contrast to siyu—“dead words (or speech).” The same meanings also
appear in another pair of terms: huoju, “living words (or sentences),”
and siju, “dead words (or sentences).” They all refer to an important
Chan no on about using language. Recent scholarship in Chan
language has revealed that the so-called non-establishment of words
reflected the Chan concern with how to use language differently
rather than turning completely away from language. The Chan
opposi on to descrip ve and cogni ve uses of language paved the
way for the unconven onal use of words. This turn of language is
crystallized in the no on of living words.
Among the well-known Chan masters of the Tang dynasty,
Baizhang Huaihai may have been the first to dis nguish living words
(shengyu) from dead words (siyu). Living words would later also
become a focus for the development of gong’an, kanhua Chan, and
wenzi Chan in the Song dynasty, as was emphasized by Dongshan
Shouchu, Yuanwu Keqin, Dahui Zonggao, and Juefan Huihong. In
general, Chan living words tend to func on and play at the boundaries
of language. Living words are those that can point to something
beyond any fixed words or meanings. Moreover, living words are
those that can be er serve Chan soteriological prac ces, not
hindering but catalyzing Chan awakening in flowing contexts. Many
examples of living words involve the use of paradoxical words.
Baizhang Huaihai’s advice to cut off opposites, such as cul va on and
realiza on, Buddha and sen ent beings, clearly shows that living
words tend to elude and violate the conven onal rules of opposi onal
thinking and either/or logic. Living words also include the use of
double nega on, irony, tautology, poe c language, and so forth.
 M

MAD CHAN
This is the English transla on of the Chinese term kuang Chan.
The term was first used by Confucian litera in the Song dynasty,
including followers of the neo-Confucian school of principle (lixue), as
well as by some more conserva ve members of the Yangming school
of neo-Confucianism in the late Ming and early Qing dynas es. Kuang
Chan nega vely referred to the kinds of inappropriate prac ces of
Chan iconoclasm that broke with tradi onal scriptural-doctrinal
studies, intellectual understanding, and medita onal or other
ins tu onal prac ces and cul va ons, by focusing solely on the
sudden awakening of every person’s original mind or nature. In a
broader sense, this term was used in cri cism of the mainstream Chan
of the five houses, or at least of the problems or radical aspects of the
five houses. Although iconoclas c tendencies did exist within the five
houses, it was not cri cized as “mad Chan,” before the late Ming, by
any Chan literature in the Five Dynas es or in the Song. On the other
hand, since there were opposing tendencies to the Chan iconoclasm
within the five houses, it is not proper to characterize the en re five
houses as mad Chan.
In fact, the term was more specifically targeted at the later
genera ons of the Yangming school of neo-Confucianism (yangming
houxue), at persons such as Wang Gen (1483–1541), Wang Ji (1498–
1583), Yan Jun (1504–1596), Ruo Rufang (1515–1588), and Li Zhi
(1527–1602). This indicates that “mad Chan” more o en referred to
some post-Yangming neo-Confucian teachings and prac ces, which
expanded some aspects of Wang Yangming’s (1472–1528) original
thought, further assimilated the Chan style and method of sudden
enlightenment from the five houses, and served to immediately
realize the original whole of the innate knowledge (liangzhi ben ).
The so-called madness of this “Confucian Chan” lies not only in that
the necessity of gradual cul va on stressed by the school of principle
and the tradi on of Confucianism was discounted, but also in that
 even effort or cul va on (gongfu) was increasingly dismissed in terms
of the self-realizing and complete liangzhi ben . It thus presents a
great challenge to the moral teaching of Confucianism in the eyes of
many Confucian scholars, despite the historical fact that radical
Confucian Chan is one of the results of the growing discontent with
the dogma sm and lack of crea ve vitality of the school of principle
and the long tradi on of Confucianism.
MAZU DAOYI (709–788)
One of the most important Chan masters in history and the
founder of the Hongzhou school, Mazu was born in Shifang county,
Hanzhou prefecture, in Sichuan, and entered monas c life during his
teens in Zizhou with Monk Tang (684–734, also known as Chuji, a
disciple of the second genera on in the lineage of Hongren). Mazu
was officially ordained under the preceptor Yuan in Yuzhou at the age
of 21. He also studied with Wuxiang, the founder of the Jingzhong
school. Around 730, Mazu le Sichuan for a journey of “wandering
and learning.” He then met the master Nanyue Huirang at Mount
Heng in Hunan and studied with him for about 10 years. In the early
740s, Mazu started to teach at several places in Fujian and Jiangxi.
Within three decades, he had acquired great fame and influence. In
772, he was invited to Kaiyuan Temple, a government-sponsored
monastery in Hongzhou (present-day Nanchang, the capital of Jiangxi
Province) and taught there un l his death in 788.
During his long teaching career of over 40 years, Mazu a racted
and trained a great number of followers, led a large Chan community,
and built a strong connec on with, and gained support from, litera
and local government officials. A list of Mazu’s known disciples
numbered 145. Many of these disciples were also successful and
famous abbots. Emperor Xianzong (r. 805–820) granted Mazu the
posthumous tle “Chan Master of Grand Quiescence” (Daji Chanshi),
and Kaiyuan Temple and Mazu’s pagoda were restored by order of
Emperor Xuanzong (r. 846–859) a er the Huichang persecu on.
Modern scholarship on Mazu and his Hongzhou school, based on
the Song narra ves of classical Chan, has involved two interrelated
perspec ves. First, it has seen Mazu and his Hongzhou school as a
revolu onary, or iconoclas c, movement that broke away from
previous Buddhist tradi ons and overturned established norms and
prac ces. Second, it has regarded Mazu and his disciples as the
founders of a new and independent religion and ini ators of a new
form of prac ce widely known as encounter dialogues. These two
perspec ves have been seriously challenged by contemporary
scholarship on Mazu and the Hongzhou school. The radical,
iconoclas c image of Mazu and his disciples, portrayed by the stories
of Chan encounter dialogues, is basically a Song editorial revision and
addi on to the raw materials originally circulated, many of which
could no longer be seen by later genera ons.
By cri cally analyzing and separa ng Mazu’s more reliable
sermons from those later produced and less reliable materials,
especially those encounter dialogues a ributed to him, contemporary
scholars demonstrate that Mazu was not radical enough to be called
an iconoclast. In his sermons, Mazu straigh orwardly instructed
students, used rela vely conserva ve rhetoric preexis ng in early
Chan, and frequently quoted and alluded to scriptural passages. He
also advised students to comply with monas c precepts, follow
mentors, and accumulate good karma. His no on of no-cul va on
and no-medita on (buxiu buzuo) quite clearly aimed at overcoming
the confusion of medita on with enlightenment, or the means with
the goal. It was never meant to stop the prac ce of medita on, but
rather presupposed the ongoing prac ce of the Buddhist path.
Mazu’s a tude of working within tradi on does not mean that
there was a lack of innova on, or crea ve reformula on, of Buddhist
teaching in terms of prac cal needs. Mazu’s no ons of “this mind is
Buddha (jixin jifo)” and “the ordinary mind is the way (pingchangxin
shi dao)” held wide appeal to Chan Buddhists and Chinese people,
which contributed to the popularity of his school. Through these
no ons, Mazu emphasized that enlightenment cannot be sought
outside the human mind and its everyday ac vi es. The everyday
ac vi es or func ons of the human mind, including its ignorance and
delusion, are necessary condi ons and presupposi ons for
enlightenment. Without delusion or ignorance, there would be no
enlightenment. This was a strictly rela onal perspec ve on
 enlightenment, which can be jus fied by the teachings of Mahayana
scriptures, but was formulated in fresh idioma c terms.
Mazu’s teaching caused some concern with its possible
an nomian consequences and garnered cri cism from Zongmi and
Nanyang Huizhong for its failure to dis nguish between ignorance
and enlightenment, or defilement and purity. Scholars have pointed
out that this was a legi mate concern, but there is no evidence that
Mazu advocated any an nomianism or deluded mind. To counter the
misunderstanding of “this mind is Buddha,” Mazu later used an
apopha c proposi on that there is neither mind nor Buddha and
made clear that all his teachings were nothing but expedient means
for therapeu c purposes, pragma cally useful only to specific people
in specific situa ons. As such, Mazu’s teaching was neither merely a
foreseeable con nua on of the received tradi on nor a drama c
shi ing of paradigm prompted by an iconoclas c atmosphere.
See also .
MAZU YULU
The full tle is Jiangxi Mazu Daoyi Chanshi Yulu (Recorded
Sayings of Chan Master Mazu Daoyi of Jiangxi). It is one of the most
influen al Chan texts of the yulu (recorded sayings) genre and records
the life and teachings of Mazu Daoyi, the founder of the Hongzhou
school and one of the most important figures from the classical age
and probably the en re history of Chan. Contemporary scholars have
studied the origin and history of its literary forma on. Although this
text is regarded as an authorita ve source of authen c Chan
teachings, its literary provenance was rela vely late. The text was first
published during the Northern Song dynasty in the 11th century as
part of an anthology called Sijia Yulu (Recorded Sayings of Four
Masters) by a member of the Linji school. The extant version of this
text is an edi on from the late Ming dynasty.
Typical of the Chan “recorded sayings” genre, this text includes
three parts: biographical informa on, sermons, and dialogues. In
terms of studies on the early textual sources of Tang dynasty, scholars
believe that the biographical informa on on Mazu’s life presented in
this Yulu is basically accurate, serving both as a historical record of the
life of a renowned Chan teacher and as an idealized depic on of a
 unique religious personality. The sermon part is also reliable, based on
early versions of edited transcripts of various talks given during
Mazu’s teaching career, including his no ons “this mind is Buddha”
and “the ordinary mind is the Way.” However, there is a lack of
homogeneity between the sermons and the dialogues regarding their
rhetorical styles. The former used rela vely conserva ve rhetoric,
quoted scriptures, and directly instructed students, while the la er
used unconven onal rhetoric and pedagogical means, spontaneously
interac ng with the students. The la er part was also considered the
beginning of the classical tradi on of Chan encounter dialogues.
Scholars have recently revealed that among these recorded cases of
dialogue, only a few appeared in the late Tang and Five Dynas es
Chan texts. Most of them, scholars believe, were Song addi ons to
the records of Mazu, although it is difficult to prove their complete
non-existence in history. The historical authen city and accuracy of
these dialogues are therefore ques onable, and any use should be
done with cau on and cri cal analysis.
MEDITATION
See ; ; ; ; ; .
MIAODAO (d.u.)
A Buddhist nun of the Southern Song dynasty and one of the
earliest female Chan masters, whose biographical informa on and
recorded sayings were included in the two Song texts of the
transmission of the lamp literature: the Liandeng Huiyao (compiled in
1183) and the Jiatai Pudeng Lu (compiled in 1204). Miaodao was a
na ve of Yanping (in present-day Fujian province) and the daughter of
a literatus-officer, Huang Shang (1044–1130), who once served as the
head of the Ministry of Rites. Even from her youth, Miaodao showed
no interest in worldly pleasures, but instead took great delight in
si ng medita on. At the age of 20 she became a nun, and she soon
visited various Chan masters. Before mee ng with the Linji Chan
master Dahui Zonggao, she studied with the Caodong master Zhenxie
Qingliao at Mount Xuefeng. In the summer of 1134, she a ended a
retreat with the then guest instructor Zonggao, and a er that, she
became Zonggao’s disciple. Zonggao emphasized the necessity of a
full awakening to non-duality through medita on on a series of key
 phrases (huatou). Following Zonggao’s instruc on, Miaodao a ained
her sudden awakening and became Zonggao’s first dharma heir. It was
also with Miaodao that Zonggao first successfully tested his unique
kanhua Chan approach. A er her awakening and cer fica on by
Zonggao, Miaodao took abbacy in several nunneries. She died at
Jingju Nunnery in Wenzhou.
MIND-AS-BUDDHA
This is one of the main teachings of Mazu Daoyi, the founder of
the Hongzhou school of Chan Buddhism. The original Chinese
expression of this teaching—jixin shi fo or jixin jifo—can be rendered
more completely as “this very mind is Buddha.” The mind in the
context refers to the everyday mind of any human being, that is, the
ordinary mind of seeing, hearing, feeling, and knowing (jian wen jue
zhi), including the aspect of ignorance and delusion. By emphasizing
“this mind is Buddha,” Mazu taught his students that they should not
seek enlightenment outside the human mind and its everyday
ac vi es. The everyday ac vi es or func ons of the human mind,
including its ignorance and delusion, are the necessary condi ons and
presupposi ons for enlightenment. Without ignorance or delusion,
there would be no enlightenment. This is a strictly rela onal
perspec ve on enlightenment and challenges any escapism or any
a empt to isolate enlightenment from its existen al-prac cal contexts
and condi ons.
Scholars have examined the scriptural roots of Mazu’s
iden fica on of the ordinary human mind and the mind of the
Buddha in the Indian tradi on of the tathāgatagarbha
(rulaizang/Buddha-nature) thought, especially in the theory of one
mind and two aspects offered by the Awakening of Faith in the
Mahayana (Dasheng Qixin Lun). Although some scholars have pointed
out that ideas similar to “this mind is Buddha” are found abundantly
in the teachings of the early Chan masters, which antedated Mazu’s,
others have argued that among reliable examples, only Shenhui used
the similar expression once, but it was not a major theme in Shenhui’s
theore cal framework.
Historically, the non-duality of the deluded mind and the true
mind in Mazu’s teaching was a target of cri cism even within Chan
 Buddhism. Nanyang Huizhong and Zongmi, among others, a acked
this teaching for its failure to dis nguish between ignorance and
enlightenment, defilement and purity, and expressed their concerns
about its an nomian consequences. This cri cism was echoed by
some contemporary scholars in their cri que of Chan thought and its
tathāgatagarbha (rulaizang/Buddha-nature) roots. However, others
argued that Mazu did not advocate any an nomianism or deluded
mind. To counter the misunderstanding of, and a achment to, his
teaching on “this mind is Buddha,” Mazu later on used a more
apopha c proposi on, “there is neither mind nor Buddha.” Mazu and
his close disciples made clear that “this mind is Buddha” and other
teachings are nothing but expedient means for therapeu c purposes,
pragma cally useful only to specific people in specific situa ons. As
pragma c contexts or situa ons changed, Mazu and his disciples
provided different teachings. No essen alist standpoint was ever
adopted.
See also .
MIND-TO-MIND TRANSMISSION
See ; ; ; .
MIYUN YUANWU (1566–1642)
A Chan master of the Linji school in the Ming dynasty, Yuanwu
was born into the Jiang family in Yixing in Changzhou Prefecture (in
present-day Jiangsu). He a ended a village school at the age of 6 but
had to take up farming and fishing to support himself at 15, then got
married the next year. At the age of 21, a er reading the Pla orm
Sūtra, he was a racted to Chan, and at the age of 29, he le his family
to become a monk under the master Huanyou Zhengchuan (1549–
1614) at Mount Longchi. In 1602, he became the manager of the
monastery a er Zhengchuan traveled to Beijing. During that me,
Yuanwu a ained sudden enlightenment when he passed Mount
Tongguan. Zhengchuan granted Yuanwu the dharma robe and
recognized him as his dharma heir a er returning from Beijing. In
1617, Yuanwu succeeded his teacher to become abbot at Mount
Longchi. Later, he also took abbacy at five famous Chan temples.
When he died in 1642, he had ordained more than 200 people and
had 12 cer fied dharma heirs. His dharma lineage was considered the
 renaissance of the Linji school in the Ming. He was famous for
resuming the use of bea ng and shou ng as training methods. His
teachings were preserved in the Tiantong Miyun Wu Chanshi Yulu of
12 fascicles. He was also involved in a public debate with his disciple,
Hanyue Fazang, over the understanding of whether there were
different principles of the “five houses” derived from the origin of the
perfect circle (yuanxiang), or no principles at all but just “directly
poin ng to the human mind (zhizhi renxin).” He published his Pi
Wangjiu Lueshuo (Outlined Refuta on of the Vain Rescue) in 1638 to
cri cize Hanyue Fazang.
MOSHAN LIAORAN (d.u.)
A Buddhist nun of the late Tang dynasty, she was the only female
Chan master who had a record of her own biographical informa on
and short conversa ons in the Jingde Chuandeng Lu (Jingde Era
Record of the Transmission of the Lamp), compiled in 1104. A
contemporary of Linji Yixuan, Moshan was the dharma heir of Gao’an
Dayu (d.u.), who inherited Mazu Daoyi’s disciple, Guizong Zhichang
(d.u.). Moshan was once visited by Guanxi Zhixian (d. 895), a disciple
of Linji Yixuan. In their encounter dialogues, Moshan refuted Zhixian’s
challenge asking her to transform herself into a male by revealing that
the enlightened mind was devoid of form, male or female. Zhixian
decided to study with her for three months, serving as a gardener in
her nunnery, and later acknowledged Moshan’s contribu on to his
enlightenment in addi on to his teacher’s. The story was used and
commented on repeatedly by the later masters such as Dahui
Zonggao, Yuanwu Keqin, Hongzhi Zhengjue, and Dōgen.
MOZHAO CHAN
This is the original Chinese expression for “silent illumina on
Chan,” the characteriza on of an approach or style in Chan prac ce
that was developed during the Song dynasty by the Caodong school
and became one of the two dominant trainings of Chinese Chan, as
opposed to the kanhua Chan. Although this silent illumina on
approach first took shape with the Caodong master Furong Daokai
and his disciples of two genera ons, it was Hongzhi Zhengjue, one of
Furong’s second-genera on disciples, who achieved culmina on in
formula ng and promo ng the silent illumina on approach. Hongzhi’s
 Mozhao Ming (“Guidepost of Silent Illumina on”) is considered the
manifesto of this silent illumina on approach, in which the term
“silent illumina on” (mozhao) is most no ceably used.
The words “silent” (mo) and “illumina on” (zhao) represent two
essen al requirements in this approach. Mo refers to quiet si ng
medita on, the prac ce of calming, and the cul va on of s llness, in
which all words and thoughts, including those of striving for
enlightenment, must be forgo en. Zhao refers to the clarity of the
mind, the rise of wisdom, or the realiza on of one’s inherent Buddha-
nature. Different from the kanhua Chan, which focuses on observing
the key phrase of a gong’an, the silent illumina on Chan places great
emphasis on just si ng medita on and teaches that, by simply si ng
and medita ng, one’s inherent Buddha-nature or enlightenment will
manifest itself naturally in the state of s llness. Through si ng
medita on, one’s whole being, including both body and mind, could
become one with the full universe and immerse into the realm of
enlightenment.
Recent study of the silent illumina on Chan has indicated that
many aspects of this approach were quite orthodox, such as the
no on of inherent enlightenment, the no on of Buddha-nature
func oning through all things, and even the doctrine of the
interac ng (huihu) of the ul mate and phenomenal. However, its
simplified style and emphasis on just si ng in s llness were quite
dis nc ve and subverted the tradi onal dis nc on of non-
enlightenment and enlightenment, prac ce and realiza on, in its own
way. Dahui Zonggao, the famous advocate of kanhua Chan, cri cized
this approach for its passivity of si ng in s llness and for its canceling
of the importance of enlightenment. Although Dahui’s cri cisms were
eloquent and influen al, they were not all accurate. Hongzhi’s silent
illumina on approach did not equate itself with one-sided s llness or
complete passivity. Rather, he acknowledged that a certain degree of
effort to eliminate delusion, wipe out dust, and let the original mind
of enlightenment shine forth in si ng medita on is s ll needed.
MUMMIFICATION OF CHAN MASTERS
It seems a direct viola on of the Buddhist teaching of
impermanence and the iconoclas c spirit of the Chan tradi on for
Chan disciples to preserve a master’s body a er his death. However,
this is exactly what some faithful and devoted disciples did to their
deceased masters. From the early period of Chan down to modern
mes, a significant number of Chan masters have been mummified
a er death and enshrined at monasteries for worship. The earliest
example of mummifica on in Chan is Daoxin, who later became the
fourth patriarch of Chan Buddhism. According to an early 8th-century
text, Chuan Fabao Ji, Daoxin meditated un l his death. A er his body
survived for some me, his disciples further wrapped his body in
lacquered cloth to mummify it and also erected a stela to inscribe a
eulogy for him. This case and others indicate that ar ficial
mummifica on was used to extend the original incorrup bility and
purity of the body of an enlightened master, believed to be the result
of the purity of his mind, his accumulated merits, and spiritual power.
The most famous case of a lacquered mummy is that of the sixth
patriarch, Huineng, which is believed to s ll be kept at Nanhua
Temple in modern-day Guangdong province. The mummy, and its
mys c power, soon became the subject of numerous legends about
the a empted the or destruc on, as it was obviously a target of
possession in the power struggle within and outside Chan Buddhism.
Because of this mummy, the temple itself became a thriving
pilgrimage center. More than 800 years later, another mummy was
enshrined along with Huineng’s at this temple, that of the Chan
master Hanshan Deqing, in the late Ming dynasty. Recent scholarship
on the mummifica on of Chan masters has called a en on to the
underlying factors of this phenomenon, including tradi onal Chinese
a empts to prevent the decomposi on of the corpse, the pan-
Chinese belief in an appropriate res ng place for the soul a er death,
the Indian Buddhist worship of relics, the ritualiza on of the spiritual
power of Chan masters, the economics of Chinese Buddhist
monasteries, and so forth.
 N

NANHUA TEMPLE (Ch. Nanhua Si)

Temple of “Southern Flower.” Located at the foothill of Mount
Nanhua and facing the Caoxi River, it is in the southern Qujiang
County of Guangdong Province in China. The temple was built in 504,
during the Southern dynas es (420–589), and originally named Baolin
Temple. During the Tang dynasty, it was named Zhongxing Temple and
Faquan Temple. During the Song dynasty, its name was changed to
Nanhua Chan Temple, which it has retained to the present me. It was
said that in 677, Huineng came to this temple to preach the dharma
of the Southern school of Chan. It was thus regarded as the temple of
the patriarch (zu ng) for the Southern school. During the Ming
dynasty, Hanshan Deqing took up residence here and revived the
temple. In addi on to the many Buddhist archives and artworks that it
houses, it also enshrines a sacred sculpture of Huineng, which was
said to directly work on, and contain, Huineng’s remaining body—a
lacquered mummy. A pagoda and the sixth patriarch hall (liuzu dian)
were later built to protect the sculpture. It has become a na onal
treasure since the Tang and has survived many wars and fires.
NANQUAN PUYUAN (748–834)
A famous Chan master of the Tang dynasty and a disciple of
Mazu Daoyi, he was born into a Wang family in Xinzheng in
Zhengzhou, Henan. At the age of 10, he started his monas c life, and
at the age of 30, he was officially ordained. He was well learned in
Buddhist precepts, scriptures, and trea ses before he became Mazu’s
disciple and reached enlightenment. In 795, he went to Mount
Nanquan in Chizhou (in present-day Anhui), built a temple, and stayed
there for 30 years. As his fame spread, he was invited to teach outside
the mountain temple and had several hundred followers. He had 17
dharma heirs, including the famous Zhaozhou Congshen. Tradi onal
Chan literature has placed Puyuan in Mazu’s elite disciples, surpassing
Xitang Zhizang and just next to Baizhang Huaihai.
 Scholars recently have paid a en on to the fact that during his
life me, Puyuan was only one of Mazu’s many locally prominent
disciples, but by the early Song, he had became a widely recognized
leading disciple of Mazu. This refashioning of his image and status
through the inven on of new versions of his story has been seen as a
result of the whole transforming process that took place in the post-
Tang era of Chinese Chan. Although this kind of change is determined
by mul ple factors, not all of them clear, scholars have pointed to two
contribu ng causes: the high reputa on of his disciple, Zhaozhou, and
more important, the popularity of many iconoclas c anecdotes
starring Puyuan, such as killing a cat in his encounter with students
and therefore challenging the Buddhist precepts, which first appeared
more than a century a er Puyuan’s death. The Jingde Chuandeng Lu
a ached a number of “extended records of sayings” at the end of the
book, one of which is for Puyuan and includes his sermons and short
addresses in a style much more conserva ve than the encounter
dialogues included in his entry in the same book. Scholars have
considered it to be rela vely authen c, and hence it is useful for the
study of Puyuan and the Hongzhou teaching.
NANYANG HUIZHONG (?–775)
A Chan master of the Tang dynasty, and a na ve of Zhuji (near
present-day Shaoxing, Zhejiang), Huizhong was born into a family of
Ran. No informa on is provided about the date of his birth. At the age
of 16 he le his family to be a monk. Most early sources iden fy him
as a disciple of Huineng, although the Song Gaoseng Zhuan only
ambiguously men ons that he received the dharma from Daoxin and
Hongren. He spent more than 40 years at Mount Baiya in Nanyang (in
present-day Henan). As his influence reached many officials, he was
invited to teach at the capital, Chang’an, for more than 10 years by
two emperors, Suzong (r. 756–762) and Daizong (r. 762–779). He was
honored as Na onal Teacher (guoshi). He was also known for his
controversial teaching that all insen ent beings or things have
Buddha-nature and can preach the dharma, based on the assump on
that the dao is ubiquitous and that all things are produced by the
mind only. He openly cri cized the Hongzhou teaching that the
Buddha-mind cannot be separate from the ordinary seeing, hearing,
 feeling, and knowing, and pointed out the danger of confusing the
deluded mind with the true mind, a voice that echoes Zongmi. His
accusa on against someone from the south who unwarrantedly
altered the text of the Pla orm Sūtra was a rare and no ceable
protest preserved in Chan records, although the accused person’s
iden ty was never indicated.
NANYUE HUAIRANG (677–744)
An important figure in Tang Chan Buddhism and the teacher of
Mazu Daoyi, Huairang was a na ve of Ankang in Jinzhou (in present-
day Ankang, Shaanxi). His family name was Du. At the age of 15, he
became a monk at Yuquan Temple in Jingzhou, studying with Hengjing
(634–712), a master of precepts. Eight years later, he was officially
ordained there. However, he soon felt unsa sfied. A er being
introduced by Hongren’s disciple Hui’an, Huairang went to Caoxi to
study with Huineng. A er 12 years, Huairang went to Mount Heng to
teach at Guanyin Tai. He had several disciples, one of them the
famous Mazu. At the age of 68, Huairang died. More than half a
century later, a stone inscrip on for Huairang was wri en by Zhang
Zhengfu (752–834) at the request of Mazu’s disciples in the capital,
Chang’an. The posthumous tle Dahui Chanshi was granted to him as
well. Some legendary tales documented in the records of Huairang in
the transmission of the lamp literature are obvious fabrica ons,
though his teachings seem to prefigure the teachings of Mazu and the
Hongzhou school. As to whether or not these teachings can be
characterized as an nomian or iconoclas c, scholars remain divided.
NEITHER-MIND-NOR-BUDDHA (Ch. feixin feifo)
“There is neither mind nor Buddha” is a well-known self-
effacement made by Mazu Daoyi on his teaching of “this mind is
Buddha.” When “this mind is Buddha” was first taught, it was an
a empt to oppose the misunderstanding of the Buddha-nature as
something outside of or separable from the ordinary mind. It was
itself a kind of deconstruc ve opera on upon the reifying view of the
Buddha-nature. However, a er he had taught this no on for a certain
period of me, it was sedimented and abstracted from the original
context. His students displayed a tendency to a ach themselves to
this no on. Mazu then emphasized, “There is neither mind nor
 Buddha.” In this way, Mazu kept himself moving with different
situa ons; avoided misleading students; and helped them to eschew
sedimenta on, fixa on, and reifica on. He did not privilege any
no on at all, since all his teachings were nothing but expedient means
for healing his students’ suffering and sicknesses. He was able to use
katapha c terms in his soteriological teaching whenever the situa on
allowed, but he was also able to deconstruct the terms he had used
whenever the situa on required.
See also .
NIUTOU FARONG (594–657)
A Chan master and the founder of the Ox-Head school (Niutou
zong) in the early period of Chinese Chan Buddhism. Farong was a
na ve of Yanling in Runzhou (in present-day Zhenjiang, Jiangsu
province). His family name was Wei. Already possessing knowledge of
Chinese classics and Buddhist scriptures, he became a monk at the
age of 19 and studied with Master Ming (d.u.) of the Chinese
Madhyamaka school. In 624, he involved himself in pe oning the
Tang authori es to loosen its local restric ons against Buddhism. The
remainder of his life was devoted to medita on prac ce and scriptural
study. In 642, he built a medita on center at Youqi Temple on Mount
Niutou, where he a racted more than 100 students in the next few
years. He was also invited to Jianchu Temple in Jiangning (in present-
day Nanjing) twice to give public lectures on the Perfec on of Wisdom
and other sūtras. He died at the age of 64, in 657.
There are two extant works a ributed to Farong. One is the
poem Xin Ming (Inscrip on on the Mind), which was included in the
Jingde Chuandeng Lu. Scholars have deemed it unreliable. The other
is the Jueguan Lun (Trea se on the Transcendence of Cogni on),
which was discovered in several edi ons among the Dunhuang
documents in the 20th century. Most scholars have endorsed its
reliability. The trea se was wri en in the form of a dialogue between
teacher and student. The significant contribu on of its teaching
includes the remarkable integra on of the Mahayana philosophy of
emp ness and Daoist influence into Chan prac ce and the rejec on of
the conceptualized goals and techniques by the no on of no-mind.
The approxima on of Farong’s teaching to some of the Southern
 school’s ideas seems obvious, but a close analysis of Farong’s teaching
also reveals that he did not oppose the no on of medita ve
contempla on, as advocated by the East Mountain teaching and the
Northern school.
Modern scholarship on Farong and the Ox-Head school has
denied the historical authen city of the early lineage of Farong, as
originally claimed by the Ox-Head school. The story about Farong’s
mee ng with Daoxin and the school’s corresponding claim of Farong
as Daoxin’s successor have no historical basis and only serve the
school’s need to establish its own legi macy and iden ty as different
from the Northern school. Nor was there any historical lineal
succession between Farong and the second patriarch, Zhiyan (577–
654), or between Zhiyan and the third patriarch, Huifang (627–695),
despite the fact that Farong and these others did influence the
development of the school.
NIUTOU ZONG
See .
NO-CULTIVATION
This is the English transla on of the Chinese word wuxiu. In
Chinese usage, the word xiu (“cul va on”) is some mes compounded
with lian or xing, both of which mean “prac ce.” Cul va on-prac ce
(xiulian or xiuxing) is clearly prescribed by tradi onal Buddhist
teachings as the right path to Buddhist soteriological goals. The
classical Chan no on of no-cul va on has a shocking effect, without
doubt, on many Chan students who have been on the path. It is also a
paradoxical no on, since the Chan masters o en emphasize that the
authen c cul va on is no-cul va on. No-cul va on is only one link in
the linguis c chain of the Chan repe on and subs tu on of words
such as no-mind (wuxin), no-seeking (wuqiu), and having-nothing-
special-to-do (wushi). The no on of no-cul va on could be
understood as parasi c on the tradi onal teachings of Buddhist
cul va on and prac ce and as a deconstruc ve approach to that
cul va on and prac ce. It does not tend to abolish Buddhist
cul va on-prac ce as it might appear to do, but presupposes
cul va on and prac ce and encourages non-a achment to them in
the sense that no special cul va on-prac ce would succeed apart
 from everyday situa ons and ac vi es, and that from an enlightened
perspec ve the dis nc on between cul va on and non-cul va on
must be transcended. Thus a close connec on between cul va on
and ordinary life ac vi es, and between cul va on and a natural
state of mind (devoid of manipula on/calcula on), is promoted by the
no on of no-cul va on.
NO-FORM
The English transla on of the Chinese term wuxiang. Closely
related to the concepts of no-thought and non-abiding, no-form is
one of the essen al teachings of Chan a ributed to Huineng in the
Pla orm Sūtra and is endorsed by the later tradi ons. No-form
describes the enlightened mind that is able to detach itself from all
forms, even when associated with forms. It is another expression of
the prac ce of non-a achment, le ng go of all forms while living in
the world of forms. No-form embodies or manifests the Buddha-
nature that is inherent in each human being.
NO-MIND (Ch. wuxin)
The use of the term “no-mind” can be found in many Chan texts.
The earliest of these texts include Bodhidharma’s Erru Sixing Lun, the
Pla orm Sūtra, the biography of Benjing in the Zutang Ji, Niutou
Farong’s Jueguan Lun, Mazu Daoyi’s sermon (collected in the
Zongjing Lu), and Huangbo Xiyun’s Chuanxin Fayao. However, the
term “no-mind” either was a synonym for “no-thought” (wunian) or
had not yet been thema zed in these texts, except in the works of
Niutou Farong and Huangbo Xiyun. Niutou Farong elaborated more on
the no on of no-mind, but he s ll connected it with, and interpreted
it in terms of, “no-thought.” In Huangbo Xiyun’s teachings, the no on
of no-mind became more significant and played a central role—a
reflec on of the incessant repe on and subs tu on of Chan terms in
response to the moving social-historical contexts.
In this incessant process of repe on and subs tu on, no-mind
came to replace other terms such as “no-thought,” “non-abiding”
(wuzhu), “non-a achment” (wuzhi), “non-discrimina on” (wufenbie),
and so forth. Some mes no-mind is clarified as “the mind of no-
mind,” despite its seeming contradic on. No-mind does not mean to
stop the func oning of the mind. Rather, it designates a state of mind
 that is equivalent to enlightenment, beyond any conceptual
discrimina on and its way of thinking. No-mind is the absence of any
kinds of discrimina ng mind, the absence of a achment to any
conceptual thought, and therefore frees the mind to move along with
the flow of reality. Like all other apopha c terms, no-mind cannot be
substan alized as something essen al. No-mind itself can also be
negated, precisely for this very reason of de-substan aliza on. Some
contemporary scholars have ques oned the appropriateness of the
tendency to oppose any conceptual thinking in the teaching of no-
mind, since it is s ll a form of conceptual thinking. Others have
pointed out that the teaching of no-mind, like all other kinds of
conceptual thinking, is regarded as expedient means (fabian) only.
This nega ve conceptual thinking is used for the special purpose of
stopping all conceptual discrimina on and a achment.
NON-ABIDING
The English transla on of the Chinese term wuzhu. The concept
of wuzhu is a ributed to Huineng by the Pla orm Sūtra, as one of his
essen al doctrines. Non-abiding is elaborated in close connec on
with two other apopha c concepts in the Pla orm Sūtra—no-thought
(wunian) and no-form (wuxiang)—and is endorsed by the later
tradi ons. Non-abiding describes the state of mind in free-flowing
that does not cling to any environments, things, or thoughts while
being associated with environments, things, and thoughts. This free-
flowing is considered to be the original nature of human being and
reality itself.
NON-DUALITY (Ch. Bu’er)
The original Chinese word bu’er means “non-dualis c” (literally
“not two”), but the Buddhist perspec ve and dimension of non-
duality was not invented by the Chinese. It was actually elaborated
through Indian Mahayana Buddhist philosophy, including the
Prajñāpāramitā literature, other Mahayana texts such as the
Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra, Nagārjuna’s nega ons of four pairs of opposites in
the dedicatory verses of his Kārikā, and the Vimalakīr Nirdeśa Sūtra.
Non-duality is an enlightened perspec ve and the ul mate dimension
of reality. This perspec ve and dimension transcends all fixed
conven onal opposites or dualis c dis nc ons, since they are not
 absolute but rela ve, not independent of each other but mutually
condi oned and involved. Non-duality is not equivalent to iden ty,
since the dis nc on between iden ty and difference can also be
transcended. Non-duality, as such, does not annihilate differences,
but instead suspends the reifica on and absoluteness of all dualis c
dis nc ons. Non-duality amounts to openness to the third
possibili es and dynamic rela ons that could never be subsumed
under conven onal dichotomies and sta c dis nc ons. It could be
said that Chan Buddhist tradi ons carry out this non-duality quite
thoroughly and dis nc vely. Their elabora on on non-duality extends
to all rela ons, including emp ness and non-emp ness, Buddha mind
and deluded mind, speech and silence, and so forth. Contrary to many
modern interpreters of Chan as favoring silence, Chan masters in the
classical period clearly indicated that speech and silence are non-
dualis c (yumo bu’er), and also that Buddha dharma and speaking are
non-dualis c (fashuo bu’er). This is a convincing example of how they
applied the perspec ve of non-duality to important issues in their
prac ces.
NON-ESTABLISHMENT OF WORDS
This is an English transla on of the Chinese phrase buli wenzi—
one of the most widely used slogans in Chan. Some mes it is mixed
up with another phrase, bujia wenzi, translated as “non-reliance on
words.” The slogan was very influen al in characterizing the Chan
movement of the cri que of language, and is very a rac ve to
modern scholars for its concern with the inadequacy or limits of
language, which is shared by many religious/mys cal tradi ons and
philosophies of language.
The oldest reference to the phrase buli wenzi in the extant texts
can be found in Zongmi’s Preface to the Collected Wri ngs on the
Source of Chan (Chanyuan Zhuquanji Duxu), completed in 833. The
phrase also appeared in a contemporaneous work, whose author is
unknown. Early Chan masters in the classical period did not use the
phrase. For example, Baizhang Huaihai in his Guang Lu used another
phrase “buju wenzi (not to be fe ered by words).” “Not to be fe ered
by words” obviously does not mean to abandon using words or
language. Rather, the early masters elaborated on the necessity and
inevitability of using words, including scriptural teachings for guiding
students. One way to explain the Chan cri que of language and the
masters’ preference for non-a achment to language is to understand
the point that any living (existen al and transforma ve) experience is
always more rich than the available words or generalized expressions,
and therefore, the la er are insufficient in conveying or transmi ng
Chan enlightenment experience. The other meanings of emphasizing
non-reliance on words are o en related to Chan concerns with the
inadequacy of certain conven onal or prevalent ways of using
language, such as descrip ve, cogni ve, or reifying uses of language,
which mislead Chan students when they prac ce Chan Buddhism and
focus on the existen al transforma on of the mind and personhood.
It is quite clear that these understandings did not take the phrase
buli wenzi literally. However, when buli wenzi was used together with
another Chan slogan, jiaowai biechuan (“separate transmission
outside scriptures”) in the Five Dynas es and Song dynasty, many
texts took a more radical interpreta on. The Chan transmission of the
mind was believed to be a secret transmission independent from, and
superior to, the tradi onal transmission of scriptures. In this context,
buli wenzi could be rightly translated as “not se ng up scriptures.”
The preference was increasingly given to non-verbal gestures or
ac ons, which were o en accepted as innova ve Chan teaching
methods, and a more iconoclas c a tude toward scriptures was
widely spread in Song Chan rhetoric and narra ves.
Nevertheless, it has not been difficult to find the deconstruc ve
voices among the Song texts against the radical total nega on of
scripture and language. For example, one of the later edi ons of the
Pla orm Sūtra had the following comment a ributed to Huineng:
“Even these two words—‘not establish (buli)’— are themselves
wri en words.” Some contemporary scholars also pointed out that,
far from making such tradi onal claims of non-reliance on words,
Chan depended on the use of language, and that language shaped
Chan’s iden ty. The radical view itself contradicted the Buddhist
teaching of interdependent arising, since it tended to deny the
interrela onship between Chan prac ce and scripture and language.
Others explored the underlying connec on between the two
 conflic ng sides: nega ng language and using language as the two
sides of one coin, as the realiza on of, and playing on, the limits of
language. This opened up possibili es of using language differently
and unconven onally. If “non-establishment of words” marked a
major movement and turning point of Chan, it was not a turn away
from language, but a turn within language. It was a kind of strategy
and rhetoric that served to establish Chan’s new iden ty. The study of
scriptures and use of language as part of Chan monas c prac ce have
never ceased, even during the Song dynasty, when the slogan was
increasing in popularity.
NORTHERN SCHOOL (Ch. Beizong)
The Northern school of Chan Buddhism designates an important
group of Chan masters and disciples who were ac ve in the northern
area of China, especially in the ci es of Luoyang and Chang’an during
the early decades of the 8th century. Tradi onally, this school was
associated with the master Shenxiu and his disciples, in opposi on to
the Southern school, associated with Huineng and his disciples. The
Northern school was considered an unorthodox form of Chan
Buddhism and Shenxiu the illegi mate heir of the fi h patriarch,
Hongren. The denial of its posi ve role in the development of Chan
was based largely on the accusa on that it advocated gradual
enlightenment (jianwu) instead of sudden enlightenment (dunwu),
and gradual cul va on (jianxiu) instead of sudden cul va on
(dunxiu). Another accusa on against Shenxiu and his Northern school
was about their dualis c formula on of pure and defiled aspects of
the mind. These accusa ons were made first by Shenhui, a disciple of
Huineng. Shenhui’s rhetoric of sudden enlightenment and his claims
about the orthodoxy of Huineng were embraced by the later
genera ons of Chan, although his sectarianism of dividing the
Northern and Southern schools did not arouse much interest. A form
of Chan ecumenism soon emerged with the rise of the Hongzhou
school.
Recent scholarship in Chan history has thrown serious doubt on
whether Shenxiu was responsible for advoca ng a kind of gradual
enlightenment and whether this Northern school ins tu onally
existed. Both seem to be Shenhui’s inven ons, serving his polemical
 and sectarian purposes, since Shenxiu acknowledged the non-dualis c
and instantaneous nature of enlightenment and appeared content
with his transmission of the East Mountain teaching (Dongshan
Famen), which he inherited from Hongren. He and his disciples never
related themselves to the so-called Northern school. However, the
study of early and classical Chan texts has also shown that if the so-
called Northern school was not homogeneous, then classical Chan, or
the so-called Southern school, did move in a direc on different from
that of the Northern school, through its more non-dualis c rhetoric
about enlightenment and cul va on, and showed a more
deconstruc ve understanding of the tradi onal goals and prac ces.
Based on the development of the Dongshan Famen that Shenxiu and
his disciples achieved, and for the convenience of covering the later
part of Chan history, many scholars nonetheless follow the conven on
of subsuming Shenxiu and his disciples under the category of the
Northern school and separa ng them from Hongren and his other
disciples, the Dongshan Famen.
NO-SEEKING
English transla on of the Chinese word wuqiu. No-seeking for
enlightenment or for the Buddha-mind had been a signature teaching
of Chan Buddhism ever since its classical period. The no on of no-
seeking advised Chan students to stop seeking for enlightenment or
for the Buddha-mind outside each one’s being (including one’s own
body/mind) and one’s everyday ac vi es, or inside one’s body and
mind, apart from their daily func oning. Some Chan masters even
expressed this no on in paradoxical terms, such as “no-seeking is
authen c seeking” (wuqiu shi zhenqiu)—a famous paradoxical
expression added by Chan masters to the already huge repertoire of
Buddhist paradoxical language. Like many other paradoxical and ironic
teachings of Chan, this deconstruc ve no on of no-seeking was
parasi c on the fact that many Chan Buddhists/students had already
been on the path to seeking enlightenment. The purpose of this
no on was to help them overcome their a achment and
misunderstanding that enlightenment or the Buddha-mind is a goal
that can be isolated from one’s existen al problems in daily ac vi es
and be obtained from outside them. Furthermore, the dis nc on
 between seeking and realiza on should also be transcended by the
enlightened perspec ve of non-duality. Enlightenment should be
carried out in terms of the dimension of naturalness and spontaneity,
rather than ar ficial and calcula ve seeking.
See also ; .
NOT-A-THING (Ch. bushiwu)
The Mazu Yulu recorded that when Mazu Daoyi was asked what
he would teach people a er he had taught mind-as-Buddha and
neither-mind-nor-Buddha, he answered that he would teach them
that it is not a thing (bushiwu). “Not-a-thing” conveys the Chan no on
that the Buddhist goal, enlightenment, or the realiza on of Buddha-
nature, is not something objec ve, external, or substan al that can be
obtained or possessed through Chan prac ces. Enlightenment or the
realiza on of Buddha-nature is the existen al-prac cal transforma on
of the human mind and en re personhood into the everyday
func oning of the original state of non-a achment and free-flowing.
To objec fy, externalize, or substan alize the goal is to distort
Buddha-dharma and to impede Buddhist prac ce. The no on of not-
a-thing can be found in other Chan texts as well. The Zutang Ji
recorded Nanyue Huairan’s statement: “As long as I say it is like a
thing, I immediately miss the point.” Some versions of the Pla orm
Sūtra also place in Huineng’s verse the similar saying “originally there
is not a thing.” The expression became popular in Chan history.
NO-THOUGHT (Ch. wunian)
This important no on was developed in early Chan and affirmed
by the later tradi ons. Among the early Chan texts that used this
term, those of Heze Shenhui, Wuzhu of the Baotang school, and
Niutou Farong are most notable. However, the most influen al
elabora on on no-thought is a ributed to Huineng, in the Pla orm
Sūtra. According to this text, no-thought describes the state of the
enlightened mind that enables the person to respond to the flow of all
thoughts and things. It is the func on of non-a achment, free-flowing
together with all thoughts and things, since the enlightened mind
would never cling to any thought or any thing. However, it does not
advocate that students stop thinking or eliminate all thought.
 In the Pla orm Sūtra and in the texts of Shenhui, the teaching of
no-thought was presented in the context of the cri cism on Shenxiu
and the Northern school. Modern scholars have been divided on the
ques on of whether there is a significant difference between
Huineng’s concept of “no-thought (wunian)” and Shenxiu’s concept of
“being free from thought (linian).” Some scholars hold that Shenxiu’s
idea of linian is more influenced by the emphasis in the Awakening of
Faith in the Mahayana on the pure, enlightened mind being free from
all deluded thoughts. Meanwhile, the concept of no-thought (wunian)
reflected the new rhetoric of nega vity in Chan and the increased
need to rec fy the misunderstanding that the enlightened mind
isolates itself from all thoughts. Other scholars argue that both linian
and wunian had their origins in the Awakening of Faith in the
Mahayana. Their difference was exaggerated by the sectarian
polemic.
 O

ONE MIND
English transla on of the Chinese term yixin, which frequently
appeared in many Chan texts, including those of such important
figures of classical Chan as Mazu Daoyi and Huangbo Xiyun, and the
later texts. The “one mind” refers to the enlightened mind or the mind
of Buddha, which is equivalent to the Buddha-nature
(tathāgatagarbha or rulaizang) or self-nature (zixing). Some mes this
“one mind” is also called “original mind” (benxin) or “original nature”
(benxing).
Influenced by the Indian and East Asian theories of Buddha-
nature, especially by such texts as the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra and the
Awakening of Faith in the Mahayana, this one mind is the overall
condi on or source of myriad possible things and beings. While le ng
things be, it itself is not a thing and goes beyond all binary conceptual
dis nc ons and separa ons. However, in terms of different
percep ons, this one mind could demonstrate different aspects of
purity and defilement: the mind of suchness and the mind of death
and rebirth. In other words, while this one mind is the source of all
things, it func ons through the human mind. When the human mind
is deluded, a person does not realize this one mind as his or her
original mind, nor does one realize its purity or suchness. The
soteriological goal of Chan prac ces is said to overcome delusion and
defilement by transmi ng and realizing the dharma of this one mind.
Some contemporary scholars have voiced cri cisms of the Chan
adop on of the no on of one mind from the tathāgatagarbha texts
and, for example, have seen it as a kind of metaphysical
reappropria on of the Buddha’s early teachings. Others have argued
that the element of the deconstruc on of Buddha-nature or this one
mind can be seen clearly through the Chan masters’ iden fica on of
one mind with emp ness (devoid of self-existence), their placing of
the one mind in the rela ons of all everyday ac vi es, and their self-
 dismissal of the teaching of one mind as expedient means (upaya, Ch.
fangbian).
ONE-PRACTICE SAMĀDHI
The Sanskrit word samādhi means “concentra on.” It refers to a
Buddhist prac oner’s ability to establish and maintain the one-
pointedness of mind on an object of concentra on and as one of the
wholesome states of mind. Concentra on can be achieved through
medita on. The cul va on of concentra on for a aining medita ve
absorp on is called “tranquility medita on” (samatha), paired with
“insight medita on” (vipassanā) in Theravada Buddhism. In the
Mahayana Buddhist emphasis on the prac ce of wisdom, the
metaphysical idea of “one-mark samādhi” emerges as the realiza on
of the undifferen atedness of dharmadhātu (ul mate reality or
tathatā) and becomes the source of Chinese Buddhist discourses on
“one-prac ce samādhi” (yixing sanmei). The Tiantai master Zhiyi
(538–597) explained the yixing sanmei as the si ng medita ve
contempla on on the single spot of the dharmadhātu without
shi ing.
In the early Chan movements Daoxin, the a ributed fourth
patriarch of Chan, iden fied one-prac ce samādhi with the prac ce of
“maintaining the one without wavering (shouyi buyi)” and exercised a
more simplified style of prac ce than the Tiantai school. The other
representa ves of the Dongshan Famen, Hongren and Shenxiu, more
clearly associated the one-prac ce samādhi with the realiza on of the
dharma-body and Buddha-nature, in addi on to the dharmadhātu,
accep ng more influence from the Dasheng Qixin Lun. Their no on of
“shouxin (maintaining [the awareness of] the mind)” or “guanxin
(contempla ng the mind)” involved the understanding of this one
single prac ce encompassing all others. Just as the real mark of the
dharmadhātu was “no mark,” the one-prac ce samādhi canceled all
other prac ces or implied “no prac ce.” Only for beginners or those
who had not reached the stage of one-prac ce samādhi did the
masters think it useful to learn certain procedures or techniques.
This tendency was radicalized in the Pla orm Sūtra and
Shenhui’s discourse. The Pla orm Sūtra interpreted the one-prac ce
samādhi as the prac ce of no-thought and “straigh orward mind
 (zhixin)” at all mes, including walking, standing, si ng, and lying. All
circumstances were the occasion of Buddhist pracrice (daochang).
Shenhui also proposed to return to the Prajñapāramitā literature,
such as the Diamond Sūtra, and iden fied the one-prac ce samādhi
with no-thought and the perfec on of wisdom. In this way, the
passivity and isola on of the Dongshan Famen’s “contempla ng the
mind” was subverted by a more posi ve and inclusive a tude toward
ordinary life ac vi es and a more dynamic way of prac cing
medita on. It was a dialec cal self-deconstruc on of the one-prac ce
samādhi. Since this one prac ce was all-encompassing, and assuming
there was no fixed par cular type of prac ce, all prac ces could be
included in the cul va on of concentra on and wisdom. This new
interpreta on thus laid a founda on for the later development of
Chan Buddhism.
ONE-WORD BARRIER
See .
ORDINARY-MIND-AS-THE-WAY
This is the English transla on of Mazu Daoyi’s signature teaching,
pingchangxin shidao. The term “Way” (dao) in Mazu’s usage, and in
much of classical Chan, denoted both the Buddhist path and
enlightenment, the goal of Buddhist prac ces. The teaching “ordinary
mind is the Way” further clarified, supplemented, and expanded on
his teaching “this mind is Buddha.” The two teachings were closely
interrelated and embraced each other, although in a more careful
contextual analysis, they demonstrated some differences. The
teaching “this mind is Buddha” leaned more on the pre-
enlightenment aspect of the rela onship between the everyday
ac vi es or func ons of the human mind and enlightenment; the
teaching of “ordinary mind is the Way” leaned more on the post-
enlightenment aspect of that rela onship.
The teaching “this mind is Buddha” advises Chan students that
they cannot realize enlightenment outside their deluded minds. The
deluded mind and the true mind are just two aspects of the same
human mind. The key is not to abandon the mind even when it is
deluded, but to transform this same mind from the deluded to the
enlightened—a rela onal and non-dualis c perspec ve. Meanwhile,
 the “ordinary mind” in the teaching “ordinary mind is the Way,”
according to Mazu, goes beyond the dis nc ons of right and wrong,
grasping and rejec ng, terminable and permanent, worldly and holy.
It is a mind of detachment and transcendence but s ll func ons,
without obstruc on, in the ordinary ac vi es of the everyday world.
All ordinary ac vi es can manifest this enlightened state of mind. This
teaching thus pointed to and interpreted the goal of Buddhist
prac ces for the students from an enlightened perspec ve. The one
thread running through the teachings of “ordinary mind is the Way”
and “this mind is Buddha” is this rela onal and non-dualis c
perspec ve.
See also .
ORDINATION PLATFORM
Also called “Pla orm of precepts,” for the original Chinese,
jietan. Tan (“pla orm”) is used with high frequency in Chan literature,
due to the famous Pla orm Sūtra and Shenhui’s Tanyu (the Pla orm
Sermon). Here, tan does not refer to a lecture pla orm. It is a public
ordina on pla orm from which the Chan masters conferred the
bodhisa va precepts on the par cipants of a congrega onal
ceremony, including the lay and monas c prac oners. It is commonly
recognized that Huineng’s sermon recorded in the Pla orm Sūtra and
Shenhui’s sermon were given from such an ordina on pla orm,
during an ordina on ceremony. Similar use of an ordina on pla orm
and ritual can also be found in the prac ce of the Northern school, as
described in the Northern school text Five Expedient Means
(Wufangbian). However, the ordina on ritual used by Huineng and
Shenhui was much more simplified. No Buddha image was prepared,
and the Buddha was summoned from within each recipient. In this
kind of short ceremony, the precepts were called forth from the
listener’s own nature (zixing) in almost a modified self-ordina on—
the conferral of the formless precepts.
See also .
ORIGINAL FACE (Ch. benlai mianmu)
A Chan expression subs tu ng for, or interchangeable with,
other Chan terms, such as original mind and original nature. It
 designates a person’s Buddha-nature or one’s original state of
enlightenment.
ORIGINAL MIND
English transla on of the Chinese term benxin. “Original mind”
refers to one’s own Buddha-nature or Buddha-mind. This Chan no on
teaches everyone to understand one’s true mind or true nature, which
is originally enlightened but covered by delusions and defilements,
and to therefore stop seeking enlightenment outside oneself or
seeing it as an external thing to gain or possess. One should realize
and experience this enlightenment inwardly as discovering or
restoring one’s own mind-nature by oneself (zishi benxin). The no on
of original mind is influenced by the no on of original enlightenment
(benjue) in the Awakening of the Faith in Mahayana. However, in the
development of Chan teachings, masters in classical Chan placed
more emphasis on the realiza on of one’s original mind in everyday
ac vi es. All everyday ac vi es can manifest one’s original mind.
Thus, the dichotomy of inward and outward is challenged. Within the
more deconstruc ve teachings such as “neither mind nor Buddha,”
the no on of original mind, along with others, is further de-
substan alized as one of the expedient means in Chan.
ORIGINAL NATURE (Ch. benxing)
A term similar to “original mind.” Both refer to one’s own
Buddha-nature or Buddha-mind. The no on of “original nature”
teaches that to a ain enlightenment is to restore and realize one’s
own true nature. Here the word “nature” (xing) is not equivalent to
some kind of essen al nature or changeless essence deeply rooted in
every human being’s mind awai ng discovery. The Chinese Chan
usage of “nature” (xing) is rela onal and dynamic. It involves the
meaning of the changeability and growth of the mind and
personhood, which is part of the reason that “mind” (xin) and
“nature” (xing) in Chinese usage are so o en interchangeable, under
the influence of the Confucian, and especially Mencian, theory of
mind-nature.
OX-HEAD SCHOOL
This is the English transla on of the Chinese designa on Niutou
zong, one of the early schools in Chan Buddhism. The school was
named a er Mount Niutou (in present-day Nanjing, Jiangsu province)
and made the center of prac ce by the patriarchs and genera ons of
disciples of this school. The lineage story of the Ox-Head school,
created by the school itself and accepted by tradi onal Chan
narra ve, has been problema c. In addi on to establishing Niutou
Farong as the school’s first patriarch, the lineage stories tell how
Farong met Daoxin, the fourth patriarch of Chan, and indicate that
Farong received the transmission of Chan from Daoxin. This a empt
to legi mize the lineage of Niutou is not supported by any historical
evidence. Moreover, no historical evidence can support the lineal
succession between Farong and the second patriarch, Zhiyan (577–
654), and between Zhuyan and the third patriarch, Huifang (627–695),
despite the fact that their fame held strong appeal for the later
genera ons of the school. It was during the me of the fourth
patriarch, Fachi (635–702), and the fi h patriarch, Zhiwei (646–722),
that the Ox-Head school started to be influen al in southeast China.
The culmina on of the school came with Zhiwei’s two disciples,
Niutou Huizhong (683–769) and Helin Xuansu (688–752), along with
their students, Foku Weize (751–830) and Jingshan Faqin.
There are several important characteris cs of the Ox-Head
school. First, all of the major masters of this school came from and
were ac ve in south China—a uniquely southern tradi on in Chinese
Chan. Second, the school was a community loosely connected by a
bond of the shared religious ideal represented by Niutou Farong and
other major figures. The links between teachers and students were
rela vely weak. Third, the school maintained connec ons with, and
also distance from, both the Northern school and Southern school.
Fourth, this school emerged during a me that was transi onal
between the early period of Chan and its classical period. Fi h, the
major figures of the school were notable for producing literary texts,
especially Niutou Farong’s Jueguan Lun but also a good many others
in later genera ons. Using these related reasons, some scholars have
argued that a member of this school, Fahai, who was the disciple of
Helin Xuansu, compiled the famous Pla orm Sūtra, although other
scholars have different theories.
 P

PATRIARCH CHAN
The original Chinese for this term is zushi Chan. The earliest use
of zushi Chan appears in a conversa on between Guishan Lingyou’s
disciple, Xiangyan Zhixian, and his dharma brother, Yangshan Huiji, in
the Zutang Ji (the Patriarch’s Hall Collec on), compiled in 952. In his
comment on one of Zhixian’s verses about enlightenment, Huiji
indicates that Zhixian only understands tathāgata Chan (rulai Chan),
not patriarch Chan. In the context of this recorded conversa on, its
more detailed later version, and the commentaries made by other
Chan masters, zushi Chan generally refers to the approach taken by
the mainstream Mazu Daoyi and Shitou Xiqian lineages, who claim to
inherit from Huineng, and especially represented by the “five houses”
of Chan. This approach stresses the transcendence of the Buddhas
(chaofo), scriptural teachings, and descrip ve language. It advocates
the direct transmission or echoing of unique enlightenment
experience between the patriarch’s mind and the disciple’s mind and
the free-flowing and working out of one’s own enlightenment with
everyday circumstances, and opposes a achments to any gradual
procedures and dualis c conceptualiza on of cul va on and
realiza on. It is o en associated with more radical or iconoclas c
rhetoric, as reflected in many Chan yulu texts. One of the results of
this promo on of the zushi Chan is that the rulai Chan becomes a
nega ve label, despite the fact that early Chan masters such as
Shenhui, Zongmi, and the legendary Huineng used it as a posi ve
term. Although considering it superior to the rulai Chan, the
advocates of the zushi Chan never clearly described its differences
from the rulai Chan. Ques ons about the necessity of this dis nc on
between the zushi Chan and the rulai Chan have also been raised and
recorded in Chan texts.
PATRIARCH HALL
English transla on of the Chinese term zutang, which refers to a
kind of hall in Chan monasteries that honors and enshrines Chan
patriarchs and the deceased abbots of the monastery, allowing
prac oners to perform services or rituals for them. It is also called
“portrait hall” (zhentang, literally “the hall of resemblance”), since
many portraits of patriarchs and abbots were set up in this hall.
However, halls enshrining portraits of patriarchs and eminent monks
existed in other Chinese Buddhist monasteries of the Sui and Tang
dynas es also, such as the Chinese Tantric and the Tiantai ones. They
were not exclusive to Chan Buddhism. A dis nc vely Chan style of
patriarch hall only evolved from the end of the 7th through the 9th
centuries.
It was reported that Shenxiu’s leading disciple, Puji, built a hall of
seven patriarchs at Shaolin Temple on Mount Song to follow the
dharma transmission theory of the Chuan Fabao Ji and track his own
lineage posi on back from Shenxiu (while accommoda ng Faru) to
Bodhidharma. Around 752, Shenhui built a portrait hall at Heze
Temple in Luoyang to promote a clearer one-to-one patriarchal
succession, including Indian and Chinese patriarchs. Shenhui’s
disciples also used money from the imperial treasury to build a hall
featuring portraits of seven Chan patriarchs, including Shenhui.
Contemporary scholars have noted how Shenhui’s disciples developed
similari es between the lineage from Bodhidharma to Shenhui and
that of the imperial clan by reproducing the arrangement of the
imperial ancestral temples in their patriarch halls and borrowing ideas
from Confucian memorial ritual.
Such patriarch halls or portrait halls eventually became a
common feature of major Song Buddhist monasteries, as Chan
monas cism became dominant. The main change to Chan portrait
halls in the Song and Yuan dynas es was that enshrining portraits of
abbots gradually replaced the enshrinement of all early Chan
patriarchs. The portraits of Bodhidharma and Baizhang Huaihai were
most no ceably kept, along with portraits of the previous abbots of
each monastery. Consequently, the patriarch halls no longer
represented the genealogy of a par cular master, but rather the
genealogy of an en re monastery, even though the purpose of
enshrining portraits was basically the same: to assert religious
orthodoxy and affilia on on historical-genealogical grounds and to
 ensure the con nuous safety and prosperity of the monas c
ins tu on. The portraits were worshiped and were offered food and
drink on a daily basis in patriarch halls. During the major memorial
services for patriarchs and abbots, based on the anniversaries of their
deaths, the relevant portraits were brought out of the patriarch hall
and set up in the dharma hall (fadang) to receive congrega onal
offerings and prayers, then returned to the patriarch hall a er the
ceremony.
PATRIARCH’S HALL COLLECTION
See .
PEI XIU (797–870)
A well-known lay Buddhist and an official of high rank in the Tang
dynasty, Pei Xiu was born into a family of Buddhist faith. His father
was also a successful official. A er passing the imperial civil service
test at the highest level, Pei Xiu served in a series of important official
posts, both regional and central, culmina ng in the posi on of prime
minister of China in 852. Although he received the finest educa on in
Confucian classics, which paved the way for his poli cal career, Pei Xiu
o en engaged in the study of Buddhism. He was associated with a
number of eminent Buddhist monks throughout his life, especially the
famous Chan and Huayan master/scholar Zongmi and later on
Huangbo Xiyun. Pei Xiu had the closet and most long-las ng
rela onship with Zongmi. Not only did he consult the Buddhist
dharma with Zongmi many mes, but he also wrote prefaces to
several of Zongmi’s works and Zongmi’s epitaph. During his tenure as
the governor of the Hongzhou area, he invited the reputed Huagnbo
Xiyun to preach Chan at Longxing Temple and became his lay disciple.
In 848, as the governor of Xuanzhou, Pei Xiu again invited Xiyun to
teach Chan, at Kaiyuan Temple in Xuancheng (also called Wanling).
A er Xiyun’s death, Pei Xiu edited and prefaced Xiyun’s sermons and
conversa ons, known as Chuanxin Fayao and Wanling Lu. Scholars
think Pei Xiu’s descrip ons of Zongmi and Xiyun’s teachings in his own
wri ngs are quite accurate and valuable.
PENETRATING THREE PROPOSITIONS
English transla on of the Chinese phrase touguo sanju wai. It is
one of Baizhang Huaihai’s main teachings, recorded in the Baizhang
 Guanglu. Related to this teaching of “penetra ng three proposi ons
or sentences” are Baizhang’s other important no on, “cu ng-off two
opposites (geduan liangtou ju),” and his introduc on of the
dis nc on between living words (shengyu) and dead words (siyu).
For Baizhang, sayings such as “mind is Buddha” and “there is
cul va on and there is realiza on” were dead words; sayings such as
“no mind, no Buddha” and “neither cul va on nor realiza on” were
living words. As living words, these nega ve sayings helped students
detach themselves from those affirma ve sayings and avoid reifying
them, although these nega ve sayings also had their own limits. To
help students prac ce non-a achment to either affirma ve or
nega ve sayings, Baizhang introduced his teaching of cu ng-off two
opposites, which negates both affirma on and nega on (the la er is
also called the nega on of nega on, or double nega on).
The teaching of cu ng-off two opposites brought his students to
a higher level or perspec ve, a third proposi on, which was o en
described as “not even anything (affirma ve or nega ve).” But even
this last proposi on—no a achment to “either affirma ve or
nega ve”—must be detached as well, according to Baizhang’s
teaching of penetra ng three proposi ons, and that is the highest
spiritual level of Chan. The cul va on and prac ce of non-a achment
was thus seen by Baizhang as processional, as a chain of con nuous
deconstruc on, going through and beyond each and all limited
perspec ves. It goes without saying that the influence of the
Madyamaka (zhongguan) dialec c was assimilated by Baizhang’s
teaching of penetra ng three proposi ons. That dialec c, however,
was contextualized, ingeniously simplified, and put into colloquial
terms. It demonstrates Baizhang’s insight into the use of language in
Chan prac ce while maintaining the Chan cri que of language.
Baizhang’s insights have been largely neglected by modern
scholarship and only recently have some scholars begun to call
a en on to them.
PERSON OF DAO WITHOUT RELIANCE (Ch. wuyi daoren)
A term used by Linji Yixuan in the Linji Lu, similar to his no on of
“authen c person without rank (wuwei zhenren).” The terms “person
of dao” (daoren) and “authen c person” (zhenren) were both
 borrowed from Daoist vocabulary and used in Chan Buddhist
soteriological contexts, represen ng a gradually evolved and
innova ve understanding of the tradi onal teaching of Buddha-
nature (foxing) in classical Chinese Chan. Both are concerned with
concrete individual human beings (ren), with the poten al of realizing
Buddha-nature or enlightenment within each human being, and with
the soteriological goal of transforming individual personhood through
everyday ac vi es. “Person of dao without reliance” is described as
free to be born or die, to go or stay as one would put on, or take off, a
garment. This person a aches himself or herself to no forms, no
characteris cs, no root, no origin, no abiding place, and yet this
person is vibrantly alive. All kinds of expedient means can be used
well, but while using them, this person has nothing to a ach to. Here
terms such as “without reliance” (wuyi) and “freedom” (ziyou) are
used in the context of non-a achment; namely, being free from
a achment, or no-reliance on things once a ached to. Recently,
scholars have ques oned the consistency between this no on of no-
reliance and the tradi onal Buddhist teaching of dependent co-
arising, wondering if the former is an oversight in Chan, since in terms
of the la er, nothing and nobody can be independent of, or free from,
condi ons. Although the no on of “person of dao without reliance” is
open to different interpreta ons, this recent ques oning promotes a
more cri cal examina on of all Chan perspec ves.
PLATFORM SŪTRA
The Pla orm Sūtra of the Sixth Patriarch (Liuzu Tanjing) was a
sacred scripture of the Southern school of Chinese Chan Buddhism
and is one of the most widely read Chan texts in East Asia. It was the
only Chinese Buddhist text bearing the tle of scripture without
claiming Indian origin. The sūtra recorded the sermons of the sixth
patriarch, Huineng, and included detailed biographical stories of
Huineng and his conversa ons with disciples. The most popular (and
longer) versions of this sūtra were the edi ons by Zongbao of the
Yuan dynasty and by Qisong of the Song dynasty. The extant earliest
(and shorter) version of the sūtra is a text circulated in the late 8th
century, which was discovered in the 20th century at Dunhuang. The
biographical part of the sūtra tells the legends of how Huineng
achieved his enlightenment despite his illiteracy and low social status,
and especially how he won, in a verse compe on, over Shenxiu, to
become the dharma heir of the fi h patriarch, Hongren.
Modern scholars have long been ques oning the historical
accuracy of these legends about Huineng, since no other reliable
historical records contain similar details. Recent historians have
par cularly pointed out the fic onality and imagina ve nature of
these narra ves, especially the stories of the verse compe on
between Huineng and Shenxiu and the transmission of
Bodhidharma’s robe and bowl from Hongren to Huineng. Given that
the teachings of Shenhui (who first established Huineng’s orthodoxy)
and Huineng have a lot in common—such as the emphasis on sudden
enlightenment, the no on of wunian (no-thought), and the non-
duality of concentra on and wisdom (dinghui bu’er)—and that both
Shenhui and the Pla orm Sūtra use similar biographical materials
about Huineng, some scholars assume that Shenhui’s followers were
the actual authors or editors of the Pla orm Sūtra. Others argue that
one can s ll detect nuances between Shenhui’s thought and
Huineng’s. For example, Shenhui’s interpreta on of no-thought
further developed what Huineng said in the sūtra, and Shenhui’s
privileging of intui ve knowing (zhijian) was absent in the Pla orm
Sūtra.
More recently, some scholars argue that the current Dunhuang
version of the sūtra is not the sole product of Shenhui’s lineage, since
some inconsistency in Huineng’s teaching is evident from the text.
They believe that it was further revised by another school of early
Chan, based on the fact that the sūtra somehow marginalized Shenhui
and modified his rhetoric of subi sm and sectarianism by sta ng that
the dharma has no division of sudden and gradual, or Southern and
Northern. One such a ribu on was made to a member of the Ox-
Head school, since this school kept its distance from both the
Southern and Northern schools. Others s ll argue that members of
the Hongzhou school involved themselves in the compila on of the
sūtra. The crucial point that this debate over the authorship of the
sūtra has made is that we have no way of knowing exactly what
Huineng taught through any historically reliable and detailed
 documents. This is not to assert that there was nothing being taught
by Huineng or to depreciate the Pla orm Sūtra; the importance of the
teachings a ributed to Huineng by the text can hardly be
overes mated. Ideas such as de-substan alizing Buddha-nature,
realizing and carrying out non-a achment in one’s whole being and
ac vity (jianxing), the non-duality of medita on and wisdom, and the
prac ce of “formless precepts” helped shape the iden ty of
mainstream Chan and became part of Chan’s enduring and renewable
heritage.
POEMS OF HANSHAN
Also known as Hanshanzi Shiji (Collec on of Poems of Cold
Mountain), this work is a ributed to an obscure and legendarily
eccentric monk-poet, Hanshan (Cold Mountain, ca. 710 or 711–?) of
the Tang dynasty. The commonly used edi on of this collec on is
dated to 1189. It consists of more than 300 poems by Hanshan and
some appended poems by Shide (d.u.) and Fenggan (d.u.), with a
preface by a certain Lüqiu Yin, who refers to a monk Daoqiao as the
compiler. The author of the preface tells how he met the master
Fenggan and then Hanshan and Shide in the Guoqing Temple at
Mount Tiantai (the legendary three recluses), then relates the origin
of this collec on. However, most scholars now believe this preface is a
forgery. Another source from the late Tang, which men oned those
poems being wri en on trees, rocks, and walls by Hanshan while he
was a recluse at Cold Cliff (hanyan) on Mount Tiantai from 766 to 779
and being collected by Xu Lingfu (d.u.), is more acceptable. From the
contents of the poems, it seems that Hanshan re red from being an
officer, but informa on about his life is extremely sparse, and those
details derived from the content are o en contradictory and hardly
convincing.
Recent scholars also ques on the authorship of these poems. It
has been generally acknowledged that in terms of content, style, and
linguis c features (such as rhyming), the collec on could be divided
into two different groups. One group of poems was perhaps
composed in the late Tang and Five Dynas es and includes most of
the Chan-themed poems. The other group was perhaps composed
during the mid-Tang and includes many tradi onal Buddhist-themed
 poems unrelated to Chan. These two groups of poems are from two
different hands. A very recent study revealed that the late Tang Chan
master Caoshan Benji’s poems, which interpreted the poems of
Hanshan, had been mixed up with the original poems of Hanshan,
meaning that Caoshan Benji is perhaps the author of those Chan
poems that exist in the collec on, which differ greatly from Hanshan’s
other poems. Despite these problems, the Poems of Hanshan has
been inspiring to, and loved by, numerous readers throughout history.
Many famous Chan masters quoted from the Poems of Hanshan in
their sermons, wri ngs, and conversa ons. The Poems of Hanshan has
become one of the most popular works in Chinese literature and is
regarded as the highest achievement of Chinese Buddhist poetry and
the pioneer of Chinese vernacular poetry.
PRAJÑĀPĀRAMITĀ SŪTRAS AND CHAN
These sūtras are o en called the Perfec on of Wisdom literature
in English because they form a group or genre that share the similar
tle of Prajñāpāramitā and contain main Mahayana teachings. The
group includes the longer version of the Prajñāpāramitā Sūtras, for
example, the sūtra in 8,000 lines, and the shorter and more
condensed ones, such as the Diamond Sūtra (Vajracchedikā-
Prajñāpāramitā Sūtra) and the Heart Sūtra (Prajñāpāramitā-Hṛdaya
Sūtra). The former were among the earliest Mahayana scriptures;
some were composed from 100 BCE to 100 CE. These sūtras taught
the supreme altruis c path of bodhisa va, the prac ce of six
perfec ons, and the no ons of emp ness (being devoid of self-nature
of all things including the Buddhist goal of nirvana) and suchness
(tathatā), among other things. Different translators produced several
versions of the Chinese transla on of these sūtras. They became one
of the founda onal sources of Chinese Chan Buddhist teaching and
prac ce. In Chan texts of recorded sayings (yulu), many Chan masters
quoted from the Prajñāpāramitā Sūtras. The most popular use is that
of the more condensed Heart Sūtra and Diamond Sūtra. The mutual
iden fica on of form (se) and emp ness (kong) in the Heart Sūtra is a
favorite expression used in Chan discourses and integrated into the
Chan understanding of the mutual iden fica on of phenomena (shi)
and principle (li). The Chan no on of non-abiding (wuzhu), a ributed
 to Huineng in the Pla orm Sūtra and used by later genera ons, was
directly derived from the Diamond Sūtra. The paradoxical logic of “A =
Non-A” in the Diamond Sūtra also profoundly influenced the use of
paradox to serve soteriological purposes that is characteris c of Chan
discourses.
PUJI (651–739)
A Chan master of the Tang dynasty and the most prominent
disciple and successor of Shenxiu and his Northern school, Puji was
born into a family of Feng. He studied Chinese classics when he was
young but was dissa sfied and turned to the study of Mahayana
Buddhist scriptures and trea ses. He took the precepts under
Preceptor Duan (d.u.) of Luoyang and studied the Vinaya with
Preceptor Jing (634–712) of Nanquan (in present-day Anhui). He then
went to Shaolin Temple to follow the master Faru. Upon learning of
Faru’s death, he went to Yuquan Temple to study with Shenxiu. During
the following seven years, he focused on the study of the Sūtra of
Inquiry by the God of Thinking-about-Goodness (Siyi Fan an Suowen
Jing) and the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra under Shenxiu’s instruc on. In 700,
Shenxiu recommended Puji for official ordina on, and during 701–
704, Puji was at Songyue Temple on Mount Song. A er Shenxiu’s
death in 706, Emperor Zhongzong (r. 684, 705–710) appointed Puji as
the leader of Shenxiu’s disciples. In 723, Puji took up residence at
Jing’ai Temple in Luoyang. He was installed by Emperor Xuanzong (r.
712–756) at Xingtang Temple in Luoyang in 727, where he preached
dharma un l his death. During this period, his fame and influence at
the capital reached their peak. It was said that there were 10,000
followers of Puji and more than 60 students at temple. He captured
the highest success of the Northern school at the capital but also
accelerated the school’s final fall by a aching its fate so closely to the
imperial court. He was honored as the “Chan Master of Great
Illumina on.”
PUQING
This Chinese word refers to communal labor or “universal
invita on” to manual labor. This universal call to manual labor was
one of the “rules of purity” (qinggui) a ributed to Baizhang Huaihai
as his inven on, outlined by the Chanmen Guishi in the Jingde
Chuangdeng Lu and highlighted by the Song historiographers.
Baizhang’s ini a ve of this rule of communal labor was also related to
his famous dictum that a day without work is a day without food,
which was recorded by many Chan texts (e.g., the Zutang Ji, among
the earliest). This o -cited dictum, along with the rule of communal
labor, has been seen as a landmark of the Chan school’s innova on of
the tradi onal Buddhist monastery, its inclusion of mundane ac vi es
into spiritual cul va on, and its promo on of economic self-
sufficiency, with profound historical, sociopoli cal, and religious
influences. However, recent studies of Chan have ques oned the
innova veness of puqing and shed light on the neglected con nuity
between this alleged unique Chan monas c rule and its roots in early
Buddhist teachings and prac ces. References to the principle and
prac ce of communal manual labor and service can be found in both
the Indian Vinaya texts and the biographies of eminent Chinese
monks.
 Q

QI
When used as a verb by Chan texts, this Chinese word means “to
get along with each other” and “to accord or to harmonize with each
other.” It also means “to a ain” and “to experience and to
understand.” These meanings are applicable when it is used in
compounds such as qihe, qihui, and qiwu. They form a group of words
that express the unique experien al-existen al dimension of the
mutual realiza on and verifica on of Chan enlightenment—the
special mind-to-mind transmission in Chan.
See also .
QIHUI
A classical Chan term referring to the experience and realiza on
of enlightenment. The crucial and unique element of this word is qi,
which is also o en used independently. Qi, when used as a verb,
involves a strong sense of “to accord or to harmonize with each
other” and “to get along with each other.” It contains, as well, the
meanings of “to a ain” and “to experience and to understand.” By
using the word qihui, Chan masters, such as Huangbo Xiyun in the
Chuanxin Fayao, emphasized the existen al-prac cal dimension of
enlightenment. Everyone must experience and realize one’s own
enlightenment. This experience and realiza on of one’s own
enlightenment is like a person’s drinking of water (ruren yinshui).
Whether the water is cold or warm, one must experience it by himself
or herself (lengnuan zizhi). Nobody can do it for another, or hand it to
him or her (e.g., through words). It involves one’s existen al choice,
the conversion of one’s life outlook and a tude, goodwill, and
decision making; in short, transforma on of the en re personhood.
The Chan transmission of mind is thus understood as the mutual
realiza on or verifica on of enlightenment in everyday ac vi es. The
mind of the master and the mind of the disciple are brought into
harmony or accord by each one’s enlightenment.
See also .
QINGLIANG TEMPLE (Ch. Qingliang Si)
Located on Mount Qingliang in Nanjing in Jiangsu Province,
China, this temple was built by Xu Wen during the Five Dynas es and
called Xingjiao Temple. Around 937, it was renamed Shicheng
Qingliang Dadaochang. It's other name was Qingliang Bao’en Chan
Monastery. The king of Nantang invited Fayan Wenyi, the founder of
the Fayan school, to preach dharma there. Wenyi therefore earned
the nickname Qingliang Wenyi. In 980, Qingliang Guanghui Temple
moved to this loca on from Mount Mufu. In the early Ming dynasty,
the imperial court renamed it Qingliang Temple. It was eventually
destroyed by war, but in the late Qing dynasty it was rebuilt, although
smaller. It was destroyed again, this me during the Japanese invasion
in World War II, and was rebuilt later.
QINGYI LU
Record of Reques ng Addi onal Instruc on, a collec on of the
Chan gong’an, compiled by the early Yuan Chan master Wansong
Xingxiu of the Caodong school in 1230. It is Xingxiu’s commentary on
the Song Caodong Chan master Hongzhi Zhengjue’s Niangu Baize
(Commentaries on One Hundred Old Cases). The full tle is Wansong
Laoren Pingchang Tiantong Jue Heshang Niangu Qingyi Lu (Record of
Reques ng Addi onal Instruc on through Old Man Wansong’s
Promo ng Commentaries on Monk Tiantong Jue’s Commentaries on
One Hundred Old Cases). To each original gong’an case (benze) and
Zhengjue’s commentary (niangu), Xingxiu added his zhuyu (“brief
explanatory notes”) and pingchang (“promo ng commentaries”).
QINGYUAN XINGSI (d. 740)
A very obscure Chan master of the Tang dynasty and a link
between Huineng and Shitou Xiqian in the lineage of the Southern
school, Xingsi was a na ve of Luling in Jizhou (in present-day Ji’an,
Jiangxi province). His family name was Liu. At a very young age, he
became a monk and was enlightened under Huineng’s instruc on.
The Pla orm Sūtra did not list him as Huineng’s disciple. The Song
Gaoseng Zhuan and Zutang Ji confirm Huineng’s role in Xingsi’s
enlightenment, but offer very li le informa on about it. It is only
men oned that, a er receiving Huineng’s “secret” teaching, Xingsi
returned to his hometown and taught a large congrega on there. His
 only famous disciple was Shitou Xiqian, from whose lineage three
schools out of “five houses” are derived. Probably for this reason, he
became increasingly important. Emperor Xizong (r. 873–888) granted
him the posthumous tle Hongji nearly 150 years a er his death.
QISONG (1007–1072)
Also called Fori Qisong or Mingjiao Qisong. A scholar-monk of
the Yunment school in the Song dynasty, Qisong was a na ve of Tanjin
in Tengzhou (in present-day Guangxi province). His family name was
Li. He entered his monas c life at the age of 13 and was ordained at
the age of 14. From the age of 19, he traveled to various places
seeking great teachers. He studied with the Yunmen Chan master
Xiaocong (?–1030) at Dongshan in Gao’an (in present-day Jiangxi) and
achieved realiza on under Xiaocong’s verifica on. Later, he went to
Lingyin Temple in Hangzhou to preach. During that me, he wrote the
Fujiao Bian (Essays on Assis ng the Teaching [of Buddhism]) to refute
cri cisms of Buddhism from Confucian scholars and elaborate on his
belief that both Buddhism and Confucianism came from the minds of
sages, and that Buddhism could help, in its unique way, to achieve the
goal of Confucianism. He sent this book to some ministers; they were
impressed and pe oned Emperor Renzong (r. 1022–1063), who
granted the purple robe to Qisong. During this me, Qisong also
composed the Chuanfa Zhengzong Ji (Record of the True Lineage of
Dharma Transmission), the Chuanfa Zhengzong Lun (Trea se on the
True Lineage of Dharma Transmission), and the Chuanfa Zhengzong
Dingzu Tu (Portraits of the Established Patriarchs of the True Lineage
of Dharma Transmission) to clarify the tradi onal theory of Chan
lineage, and successfully pe oned Emperor Renzong to include these
books in the Song Buddhist canon (Dazang Jing). Renzong honored
him as Mingjiao Dashi (“Great Master of Illumina ng Teaching”). He
was then invited to take up residence at Fori Chan Monastery in
Hangzhou. He died at the age of 66, leaving wri en works of more
than 100 fascicles. Some were lost. During the Southern Song dynasty,
Monk Huaiwu edited his works as Tanjin Wenji (Collec on of the
Works of Tanjin).
QIYUAN XINGGANG (1597–1654)
 An abbess in the late Ming and early Qing dynas es, Xinggang
was a rare female Chan master, whose record of sayings (yulu),
including sermons, le ers, poems, biographical accounts, inscrip ons,
and prefaces, was compiled by her female disciples, published in
1655, and preserved in the Jiaxing Edi on of the Ming Buddhist Canon
(Jiaxing Dazang Jing). Xinggang was born into a literatus family of Hu
in Jiaxing (in present-day Zhejiang province). She received an
educa on during her youth and showed a gi for poetry. Fond of
reci ng the Buddha’s name, she prac ced religious worship at home.
She wanted to remain unmarried but was forced to be engaged to a
young man. Widowed even before she was a bride, she s ll had to
fulfill her du es as a filial daughter-in-law. At the age of 26, she went
on a hunger strike to oppose her parents’ wishes, and succeeded in
becoming a student of the master Tiantong Cixing (d.u.). Five years
later, she paid a visit to Cixing’s teacher, the Linji Chan master Miyun
Yuanwu. The la er recognized her spiritual poten al, but it was not
un l a er her mother’s death that she formally became a nun. She
started to study with Yuanwu’s senior disciple Shiche Tongsheng
(1593–1638). Under Tongsheng’s instruc on, Xinggang a ained
enlightenment, received symbols of the transmission, and became his
dharma heir at the age of 42. She then went into retreat for nine
years, but eventually was invited to be abbess of Fushi Chan Temple in
1647. During her abbacy, she a racted a great number of both lay and
monas c followers through her charisma, compassion, and
generosity, as well as her emphasis on the kanhua Chan prac ce. She
especially advised her female disciples to overcome obstacles by
single-minded concentra on on one’s huatou, even in the midst of
leisure or business, such as holding a baby boy or playing with a baby
girl, supervising maids, or socializing. Xinggang had seven dharma
heirs; several of them were women, who became masters themselves,
including Yigong Chaoke (1620–1667) and Yikui Chaochen (1625–
1679).
 R

RENTIAN YANMU
Eyes of Human and Nature, a book of the essen al teachings of
the “five schools” (wuzong gangyao) of Chan, was compiled in 1188
a er 20 years of editorial work by Huiyan Zhizhao (d.u.), a disciple of
the fourth genera on from Dahui Zonggao in the lineage of Yangqi
Fanghui of the Linji school in the Southern Song dynasty. To reveal
and explain these essen al teachings and methods for human beings
and even gods to prac ce, namely, to open their eyes, the book
collected the founding Chan masters’ most important sayings and
poems and the later masters’ prosaic and poe c commentaries on
them. The book was revised by Wuchu Daguan (1201–1268) in 1258
and by Tianfeng Zhiyou (d.u.) in 1317. The book started with the Linji
school, which occupied the longest sec on, followed by the Guiyang
school, the Caodong school, the Yunmen school, and the Fayan
school. It consisted of three fascicles. However, by the me of the
book’s reprin ng in Korea in 1368, it had six fascicles and followed the
sequence Linji, Yunmen, Caodong, Guiyang, and Fayan schools. In the
edi on with six fascicles, the fi h and sixth fascicles were newly
added, previously neglected materials. This edi on of six fascicles
became the basis for the version included in the Ming con nuous
Buddhist canon (Xuzang Jing) and the one included in the modern
Taisho. There appears to have been another revised and enriched
version of the Ren an Yanmu of two fascicles in 1703, which was very
different in content.
RENYUN
This Chinese word was most no ceably used by the masters of
the Hongzhou School and later became a popular Chan term. It
means to follow along with the movement of all things or
circumstances. Zongmi, in his cri cal examina on of Chan schools,
characterized the posi on of the Hongzhou School quite accurately as
“following along with the movement of all things or circumstances
and being free (renyun zizai).” The use of the word renyun by Mazu
 Daoyi and Huangbo Xiyun is recorded in their sermons. With the
no on of renyun the masters instructed Chan students that the living
process of change and flux ruthlessly undercuts every fixed posi on
and every a achment to self or self-iden ty without ever stopping.
Reality itself is flowing and deconstruc ng. Enlightenment can neither
occur nor last outside this flow. Enlightenment is nothing but being
harmonious with change and flux. An enlightened person would find
inexhaus ble wonders by living a life in harmony with change and
flux.
RAOLU SHUOCHAN
This Chinese phrase can be translated into English as “express (or
teach) Chan by taking a detour.” It was first coined by the Song Linji
Chan master Yuanwu Keqin in his commentary on the first gong’an
case of Xuedou Chongxian’s Songgu Baize (Verses on One Hundred
Old Cases), collected in Yuanwu’s famous gong’an anthology, Blue Cliff
Record (Biyan Lu). It is a mature and influen al characteriza on of
Chan linguis c strategy, based on the unconven onal and
extraordinary use of language by numerous Chan masters from the
Tang and Five Dynas es, and Song Chan masters’ understanding and
further development of it.
It is true that the Chan rhetoric of non-establishment of words
(buli wenzi) and its cri que of conven onal discursive or descrip ve
ways of using words were never abandoned by mainstream Chan. But
many Chan masters since the Tang dynasty have either clarified the
non-dualis c perspec ve on speaking and silence (e.g., Huangbo
Xiyun in his no on of yumo bu’er), provided a new interpreta on of
the slogan buli wenzi (Baizhang Huaihai in his buju wenzi—“not being
fe ered by words”), or emphasized the middle way between opposite
extremes (Dazhu Huihai in his feili yuyan, feibuli yuyan—“neither
separate from, nor ed to language”). These insights laid the
founda on for the Chan forma on of successful linguis c strategies. A
no ceable example is the strategy of “bushuopo (never tell too
plainly),” first brought up by Xiangyan Zhixian and Dongshan Liangjie.
Bushuopo clearly indicates the indirect nature of Chan communica on
in soteriological prac ce, as well as strategies for teaching Chan
indirectly or sugges vely, like using finger poin ng at the moon
without confusing the finger with the moon, in order for students to
experience their own awakening without being misled by words.
Much of Chan nega on of words or double nega on serves the same
purpose.
As Chan Buddhists entered into the mainstream of Song society,
a society dominated by litera culture, and the interac ons between
Chan and this culture grew stronger, the Chan Buddhist use of various
literary genres to convey Chan spirit also became unprecedentedly
prosperous. It was in this period that the study of Chan gong’an,
including prosaic or poe c commentaries on old Chan stories,
anecdotes, or dialogues, became popular. As a master of using
gong’an, Yuanwu Keqin’s outlining of raolu shuochan further
developed the early formula on of bushuopo by making the more
evident point that there is no direct path of teaching or expressing
Chan by words. Words and concepts are discrimina ve or dualis c,
but the reality of enlightenment is holis c and transcends all
conven onally dualis c or opposi onal dis nc ons. Enlightenment or
Buddha-mind is not an objec ve or external en ty for words to
designate or represent.
Moreover, communica on between a master and a student aims
at the triggering or realiza on of the resonance of two enlightened
minds, which breaks away from all conven onal ways of
objec fica on and representa on. There is no direct, straigh orward
rela onship of correspondence between words and the realiza on of
Buddha mind, which achieves the existen al-prac cal transforma on
of the personhood and lives a life of dynamic func oning in the world.
To u lize words for the above-men oned Chan soteriological prac ce,
one must take a detour, work with the twis ng of words, or make an
indirect path by sugges ve, poe c, enigma c, elusive, or paradoxical
words with shocking or overturning effects. Such a detour avoids
objec fying words, or words that mislead students and cause their
a achments, through a self-erasing performance, and at the same
me skillfully uses words to point to the meaning that is o en absent
in the words themselves or to what cannot be adequately described
in the words. It is a play of “living words” at the limit of language.
Raolu shuochan is thus an important principle and strategy
 characteris c of the use of Chan gong’an and the rise of the wenzi
Chan (Chan of le ers and words).
RUJING (1163–1228)
Also called Tiantong Rujing or Changweng Rujing. A Congdong
Chan master of the Song dynasty, Rujing was a na ve of Mingzhou (in
present-day Ningbo, Zhejiang province). His family name was Yu. He
entered monas c life in his youth. At the age of 19, he started to visit
great teachers. At Mount Xuedou, he studied with the Caodong
master Zu’an Zhijian (1105–1192), who was a disciple of the fi h
genera on of the Song Caodong reviver, Furong Daokai. Rujing
reached enlightenment and became Zhijian’s dharma heir. A er that,
he con nued his prac ce at various monasteries. At the age of 48, he
took abbacy at Qingliang Temple in Jiankang (in present-day Jiangsu
province). He then took up residence in several other temples. In
1225, by imperial edict, he became abbot of the famous Jingde
Temple at Mount Tiantong. However, it was said that Rujing refused to
accept the purple robe granted by imperial edict. Rujing’s teachings
are preserved in the Rujing Hershang Yulu of two fascicles and the
one-fascicle Rujing Chanshi Xu Yulu. He had several known disciples,
but his lineage did not con nue a er them. Although Rujing did not
have a huge influence on Chinese Chan Buddhism, his Japanese
disciple Dōgen Kigen (1200–1253) became the founder of the
Japanese Sōtō Zen school. Dōgen regarded Rujing as the only
orthodoxy for the Japanese Sōtō school and greatly promoted Rujing’s
teaching of “just si ng” and “body and mind dropped off,” as well as
Rujing’s nega on of other Chan lineages.
RULAI CHAN
See .
RULAIZANG
Literally embryo-container of Buddha. It is a Chinese transla on
of the Sanskrit word tathāgatagarbha, which means the womb or
matrix of Tathāgata (Buddha). Rulaizang is a synonym of another
Chinese word, foxing (Buddha-nature), which also translates
tathāgatagarbha. Rulaizang and foxing are interchangeable and o en
used together in Chinese Buddhist and Chan texts.
RUSHI
See .
 S

SANXUAN SANYAO
See .
SELF-NATURE (Ch. zixing)
A Chan soteriological term referring to a person’s Buddha-
nature. It does not denote any self-existence or any changeless
essence existent in and by itself. No such metaphysical meaning is
involved in the original use of this term. A notable case of the
tradi onal Chan usage of this term is in the Pla orm Sūtra, where
Buddha-nature is equivalent to self-nature (zixing) in the sense that
Buddha-nature cannot be objec fied and realized outside each
person. Seeing or realizing the Buddha-nature is the existen al
transforma on of the human mind and en re personhood, being able
to understand and appreciate what cons tutes a person—elements of
impermanence and non-abiding—and then ac ng accordingly. The
realiza on of self-nature thus requires the accomplishment of ac on,
the prac cal-behavioral carrying out of non-a achment, rather than
iden fying a metaphysical object or discovering subjec vity through
knowledge. The usage also indicates the Chan appropria on of
posi ve or katapha c language in its teachings without abandoning
the use of nega ve or apopha c language: the Chan walk on two
roads.
See also ; .
SENGCAN
A very obscure figure in the Northern Zhou dynasty (557–581)
and Sui dynasty (581–617) and one of the disciples of the second
patriarch, Huike, Sengcan was considered by the later Chan
genera ons to be the dharma heir to Huike and the third patriarch of
Chan Buddhism. He is the weakest link in the lineage of early Chinese
Chan authorized by the Chan tradi on. No biographical informa on is
provided by contemporary sources or reliable documents to support
such a status, except for a list of Huike’s followers in which his name
appeared and a vague men on of his mee ng with Daoxin, who was
 claimed as his dharma heir by later sources. More details of his
biography came from later sources that were produced in the 8th
century. The work Inscrip on on the Faith in Mind (Xinxin Ming),
a ributed to Sengcan, has been deemed a forgery from the late 8th
century, although it was widely used in the Tang and later Chan texts.
SHANGTANG
Literally “ascending the [dharma] hall [to deliver a public
sermon],” this term frequently appeared in Chan literature; it refers to
a formal occasion when the abbot of a Chan monastery enters the
dharma hall (fatang) and ascends the high seat to deliver a sermon on
Chan doctrine and provide instruc ons to the monas c assembly. The
closest synonym to shangtang in Chan literature is shizhong, which
literally means “instruc ng the assembly.” The two terms were o en
used interchangeably to mark the beginning of an abbot’s sermon in
Chan texts without offering any details about the ritual procedures of
the abbot’s ascending the hall, which were actually involved in this
kind of formal occasion and observed by the Chan tradi on. The ritual
procedures include the sequence of how the members of the
assembly enter, stand, or sit in terms of seniority and other customary
ceremonial acts such as prostra ons, bows, invoca ons, chants, and
prayers, which are not very different from the rituals of the other
Chinese Buddhist schools.
The scru ny of early and later Chan texts reveals that although
the importance of ritual was somewhat downplayed, as in the case of
the Pla orm Sūtra and Shenhui, public preaching remained
formalized within early Chan movements and connected with popular
Buddhist ritual forms. During the Song era, the ritualiza on of public
preaching was more rigidly enforced by the Chan monas c rules of
purity (qinggui). Acknowledging these facts does not involve denying
some radical an ritual gesture or narra ve recorded in Chan texts,
mainly of the post-Tang literature. The irony is that the an ritualis c
narra ve endorsed by the Chan tradi on is parasi c on the many
forms of Chan ritualism or even on the rou ne performance of Chan
rituals.
SHAOLIN TEMPLE (Ch. Shaolin Si)
 One of the earliest and greatest Chan Buddhist monasteries in
the history of China, located on the western side of Mount Song, in
the current province of Henan. It was originally built for a missionary
Indian Buddhist monk, Fotuo, in 496 under the dynasty of Northern
Wei. Later on, it became famous for being related to the legend of
early Chan. According to legend, Bodhidharma, the first patriarch of
Chan, faced the wall there in si ng medita on for nine years. It was
also the place where Bodhidharma transmi ed his teaching of Chan
to the second patriarch, Huike. In the early 7th century, Shaolin
monks fought for Li Shimin (r. 626–649), who founded the Tang
dynasty and became the emperor Taizong. The monks’ assistance to
Taizong helped the Temple gain the favor and support of the imperial
court and local governments. From the Song dynasty to the Ming
dynasty, the Shaolin monks’ prac ce of mar al arts was gradually
systema zed, and their figh ng techniques became so famous as to
a ract talented prac oners from all over China. Although it was
rebuilt many mes, the Temple maintained many historical forms of
its architecture and preserved numerous steles, pagodas, and murals,
which became precious sources for the study of Chan Buddhism,
mar al arts, poli cs, literature, fine arts, and history.
SHENGYU
Literally, “living words (or speech).” In Chan usage, it is o en
coupled with, and in contrast to, siyu, “dead words (or speech).”
SHENHUI
See .
SHENXIU (ca. 606–706)
A Chinese Chan master who was ac ve and influen al in the 7th
century and the beginning of the 8th century in the Tang dynasty and
has long been regarded by the Chan tradi on as the founder of the
Northern school. However, Shenxiu and his disciples never related
themselves to such a school, nor did any historical sources around
that period make that connec on, un l Shenhui’s campaign against
Shenxiu several decades a er Shenxiu’s death. According to the
accounts from those early historical sources, Shenxiu extensively
studied Buddhist texts, as well as the classics of Daoism and
Confucianism, in his youth. At the age of 20, he was officially
ordained. At the age of 46, he went to Huangmei and then studied
there with the fi h patriarch, Hongren, for six years. A er Hongren’s
death in 674, Shenxiu became the most important teacher in the
Dongshan Famen (East Mountain teaching) and led a huge
community of monks at Yuquan Temple in Hubei. He ordained about
70 disciples and had many followers from elite society. Because of his
great fame, in 700 Empress Wu (r. 690–705) invited Shenxiu to the
capital, Luoyang. Shenxiu was honored as the Na onal Teacher by
Empress Wu and her successors. Shenxiu died at Luoyang in 706. A er
his death, Shenxiu’s dis nguished disciples con nued to be honored
by the imperial court. His disciples also revered him as the sixth
patriarch of Chan.
Recent scholarship in Chan history has a empted to restore a
more posi ve role in the growth of early Chan to Shenxiu’s teaching
and prac ce, in contrast to his more nega ve role depicted by the
tradi onal accounts. The discovery of many lost early Chan texts at
Dunhuang in the early 20th century has made this recovery of
Shenxiu’s historical image and the cri cal reexamina on of his
teaching possible. Scholars believe that among a number of texts
discovered at Dunhuang, the Guanxin Lun (Trea se on the
Contempla on of the Mind) is a reliable record of Shenxiu’s teaching,
and the Yuanming Lun (Trea se on Perfect Illumina on) and the Wu
Fangbian (Five Expedient Means) are authen c texts of the Northern
school quite obviously involving Shenxiu’s teaching. In terms of these
texts, Shenxiu a empted to bridge the gap between the tradi onal
Chinese understanding of Buddhism and the new approach of Chan,
using the Mahayana scriptural tradi on to explain his form of Chan
prac ce. Many of his teachings were designed to help students begin
and con nue the medita on process, a tradi onal path of gradual
cul va on. For this purpose, some dualis c dis nc ons, such as that
of defiled and pure aspects of mind, were necessarily maintained.
Evolved from his teacher Hongren’s no on of “maintaining the
[awareness of] mind (shouxin),” Shenxiu’s contempla ng the mind
(guanxin) advised students to realize the pure mind by penetra ng
the non-substan ality of the defiled mind through medita on. The
 instantaneous nature of enlightenment was clearly acknowledged by
Shenxiu, although it was not his focus.
One of the consequences of Shenxiu’s teaching and prac ce was
scholas cism, when he and his followers focused on explaining their
form of Buddhism in tradi onal terms to the highly literate members
of imperial court society. Some scholars hold that Shenxiu’s teaching,
especially his use of abundant dualis c formula ons, leaves room for
privileging the pure over the impure, mo onlessness over mo on, the
true mind over the ordinary mind, and the (essence or the whole)
over the yong (func on). This factor contributed to the rupture of
early Chan ideology and the subsequent deconstruc ve movements in
Chan thought, accompanied by sectarian struggles.
SHINIU TU
See .
SHISHE
A Chinese expression for the Mahayana Buddhist concept of
expedient means. Some mes, it is also used in the compound linshi
shishe (“temporary expedient means”).
SHISHUANG CHUYUAN (986–1039)
Also called Ciming. A Chan master of the Linji school in the Song
dynasty, Chuyuan was a na ve of Quanzhou (in present-day Guangxi).
His family name was Li. At the age of 22, he became a monk and
started his pilgrimage, which eventually led him to stay with the Linji
Chan master Fenyang Shanzhao. It was said that Shanzhao treated
him harshly and almost ignored him. A er two years of this
treatment, Chuyuan complained to Shanzhao. Shanzhao glared at
him, retorted “Idiot!,” and used his s ck to drive Chuyuan away.
Chuyuan started to explain his feelings about being ignored for two
years, but the master suddenly covered Chuyuan’s mouth. At that
moment, Chuyuan a ained realiza on and said, “Now I know the way
of Linji is revealed within the ordinary situa on.” Chuyuan studied
with Shanzhao for seven years, then lived with another Linji Chan
master, Zhisong (d.u.), at Tangming Temple in Bingzhou (present-day
Taiyuan, Shanxi) for a while. Zhisong helped Chuyuan become
acquainted with some famous litera , such as Yangyi (?–1038) and Li
Zunxu (974–1020). They became Chuyuan’s “friends of dharma
 (fayou).” His friendship with litera and officials contributed to his
success. A er being an assistant (shouzuo) to the Caodong Chan
master Xiaocong (?–1030) for three years, Chuyuan served as abbot at
a number of Chan monasteries, including one on Mount Shishuang in
Tanzhou. He died at the age of 54. During his rela vely short career,
he laid the founda on for spreading the Linji Chan to the south,
helping to establish the dominance of the Linji school in China. He had
many disciples; among them, Huanglong Huinan and Yangqi Fanghui
were most famous. It was through them that the two divisions of the
Linji school—Huanglong lineage (Huanglong Pei) and Yangqi lineage
(Yangqi Pei)—were founded. His sermons, conversa ons, and poems
were preserved in several edi ons of his yulu, including one that was
compiled by his disciple Huanglong Huinan.
SHITOU XIQIAN (700–790)
A famous Chan master of the Tang dynasty, whose family name
was Chen. He was born in Gaoyao, Duanzhou (in present Zhaoqing,
Guangdong), close to Huineng’s residence of Caoxi, and he paid a visit
to Huineng during his teens. Although in his youth he was a racted to
Buddhism, he was officially ordained at Mount Luofu in 728. Soon, he
went to Mount Qingyuan in Jiangxi and studied with Huineng’s
disciple Qingyuan Xingsi. In 742, Xiqian went to Mount Heng in Hunan
and took up residence at Nantai Temple. He built a small hut on a
large, flat rock at the east side of the temple, whence he got the name
Shitou (rock). In 764, he was invited to teach at Liangduan in Tanzhou
(in present-day Changsha, Hunan). In his later career, he traveled
between Liangduan and Mount Heng, and he probably died on the
mountain. The Zutang Ji included his doctrinal poem, Cantong Qi
(Harmony of Difference and Sameness), which demonstrated his
brilliant integra on of the Huayan and Chinese Madhyamika
philosophy and his insight into the harmonious interac on and
interpenetra on between principle (li) and events (shi). This work and
its terminology became an inspira onal source for the teaching of the
five ranks of the Caodong school. Otherwise, Xiqian’s teaching shared
the doctrines of “mind-as-Buddha,” “no-seeking,” and others with
Mazu Daoyi and the Hongzhou school, even though his style was of a
quiet and penetra ng teacher. The Cantong Qi also no ceably
 asserted the view that the Chan Buddhist path (dao) cannot be
divided into either the Northern or Southern school.
Tradi onally, Shitou Xiqian is granted equal status to Mazu. His
lineage is seen as one of the two major compe ng lines of the
Southern school. The later genera ons of his lineage produced three
schools out of the “five houses.” Recent study on the division of these
two lines has argued that this is not the case, however. Shitou’s status
was not equal to Mazu’s during his life me, as well as for many years
a er his death. He led a reclusive life and a small community in
Hunan. His teacher, Qingyuan Xingsi, was an obscure disciple of
Huineng, about whom no detailed and reliable biographical
informa on is available. Shitou’s lineage had only regional influence
and was not seen as a main line of the Southern school on the
na onal stage, even during the 830s when Zongmi described the
Chan schools in his work. The earliest a empt to rank Shitou and
Mazu equally was in Shitou’s epitaph, created during 821–824,
according to the Song Gaoseng Zhuan, but it is not extant. Some
disciples, such as Tianhuang Daowu, Danxia Tianran, and Yaoshan
Weiyan, studied with both Shitou and Mazu. It was later, beginning
with Dongshan Liangjie, followed by Shishuang Qingzhu (807–888),
Deshan Xuanjian, and others, that the original dominant line of
Hongzhou was broken, the status of Shitou’s teaching was elevated,
and he was claimed to be the ancestor of a new lineage separate from
that of Mazu. The schism was probably caused by some dissa sfac on
with Mazu’s teaching and the inten on to seek a new sectarian
iden ty.
SHOULENGYAN SANMEI JING
See .
SHOUSHAN SHENGNIAN (926–993)
A Chan master of the Linji school in the Song dynasty, Shengnian
was a na ve of Laizhou (in present-day Shandong). His family name
was Di. He entered his monas c life at the local Nanchan Temple in his
youth, prac ced some form of Buddhist asce cism, and o en recited
the Lotus Sūtra. Later, he went to Fengxue Temple in Ruzhou to study
with the Linji Chan master Fengxue Yanzhao. It was said that Yanzhao
worried about the future of the Linji school because he had heard
 that Yangshan Huiji once predicted that the Linji school would end
with him. But Yanzhao happily found that Shengnian was a hopeful
candidate for being his heir, and he soon verified Shengnian’s
realiza on. Shengnian later went to Mount Shou in Ruzhou to live and
preach and had many followers. His famous disciples include Fenyang
Shanzhao and Guying Yuncong (965–1032), among others. He also
served as abbot in Guangjiao Chan Monastery and Baoying Chan
Monastery. He died at the age of 68. The most comprehensive record
of his sayings is Ruzhou Shoushan Nianheshang Yulu, which can be
found in Guzunsu Yulu, fascicle 8. Shengnia is considered to be the
ini ator of the Linji school’s revival in the Song dynasty.
SIBINZHU
See .
SIHE
See .
SIJIA YULU
Recorded Sayings of Four Masters, a collec on of the recorded
sayings of the four famous Tang Chan masters Mazu Daoyi, Baizhang
Huaihai, Huangbo Xiyun, and Linji Yixuan, including the Jiangxi Mazu
Daoyi Chanshi Yulu, the Hongzhou Baizhangshan Dazhi Chanshi Yulu
and the Baizhang Guanglu, the Junzhou Huangboshan Dunji Chanshi
Chuanxin Fayao and the Huangbo Dunji Chanshi Wanling Lu, and the
Zhenzhou Linji Huizhao Chanshi Yulu. Although some documents from
the Song dynasty men oned its existence and used its original Song
tle, Mazu Sijia Lu, extant versions of the Sija Yulu are all from the
edi ons of the Ming dynasty. One of the Ming edi ons of the Sija Yulu
a ributed its compila on to the Song Linji Chan master Huanglong
Huinan, but the other edi ons did not follow that. Nevertheless, the
Sijia Yulu is one of the most influen al Chan yulu collec ons produced
in the Song dynasty and is seen as a Linji Chan anthology that
promotes the orthodoxy of the Linji school, which carries forward the
legacy of the Hongzhou school.
SIJU
“Dead words” or “dead sentences.” Siju is opposed to huoju
(“living words” or “living sentences”) in Chan.
SILENT ILLUMINATION CHAN
 See .
SILIAOJIAN
See .
SITTING MEDITATION
See .
SIYU
“Dead words” or “dead speech.” Siyu is opposed to shengyu
(“living words” or “living speech”) in Chan.
SONG GAOSENG ZHUAN
The Song Edi on of Biographies of Eminent Monks, completed
under imperial order by the famous Song Buddhist scholar/historian
and Vinaya master Zanning (919–1001) in 988. It con nued the work
of Huijiao’s (496–554) Biographies of Eminent Monks (Gaoseng
Zhuan) and Daoxuan’s (595–667) Con nued Biographies of Eminent
Monks (Xu Gaoseng Zhuan), and covered the period from the early
Tang dynasty to the early Song, including biographies of 531 figures
and appended biographical informa on on 125 figures. It followed
Daoxuan’s 10 categories, classifying biographies in terms of different
monk occupa on types, such as translators, exegetes, and specialists
in precepts. Under the category “prac oners of medita on (xichan),”
Zanning included biographies of 103 Chan masters and appended
biographical informa on on 29 Chan masters. He also placed
biographies of some Chan masters in the sec ons under the other
categories. This book supplies valuable historical informa on for the
study of Chan Buddhism of the Tang dynasty and Five Dynas es.
Two main features characterize Zanning’s biographical wri ng on
Chan history. First, following the approach of tradi onal Chinese
historiography since Sima Qian (145–90 BCE), much of Zanning’s
biographical wri ng tended to be not based on legends or fic onal
anecdotes, but on historical facts/events (jishi) obtained from various
available epitaphs, gaze eers, or direct records from outside Chan
lineages, with a careful examina on of their reliability and the
comparison of different versions, if possible. When the original
materials involved conflic ng informa on and the facts could not be
determined with accuracy, Zanning o en preserved these uncertain
 details in the biographies rather than simply jumping to a conclusion
based on his personal preference.
Second, since Zanning himself was not a Chan master but a
master of precepts, he placed the accomplishments of Chan masters
within the broader tradi on of Buddhism and viewed them from a
wider perspec ve. Therefore, he was able to stay away from Chan
sectarian bias and treat many details of Chan history and different
lineages more objec vely and inclusively. For example, he was more
neutral to the opposi on of southern/northern or sudden/gradual
and discerned the role Shenhui played in crea ng this opposi on,
although he was not immune to the influence of narra ves created by
Chan hagiographical wri ngs. Obviously many of the materials he
used in this book have more historical value to modern historians
than Chan sectarian histories, such as the transmission of the lamp
literature.
SOUTHERN SCHOOL (Ch. Nan zong)
In Chan history, this name referred to the lineage of Huineng, the
sixth patriarch of Chan, and his disciples in the tradi on, as opposed
to the Northern school of Shenxiu and his disciples. The name’s
geographical root comes from the fact that while the members of the
Northern school were ac ve in two capital ci es in the North,
members of this school were more ac ve in the southern provinces of
China. Beyond the geographical factor lay the tradi onal claim of
doctrinal difference: that the Southern school followed Huineng’s
teaching of sudden enlightenment, while the Northern school
followed Shenxiu’s teaching of gradual enlightenment. The Southern
school was regarded as an orthodox form of Chan, and all later
lineages claimed their descent from Huineng. Recent scholarship in
Chan history has challenged this tradi onal claim of doctrinal
difference between the Northern and Southern schools as an
exaggera on, calling a en on to the lack of evidence that Huineng
maintained a strict sudden/gradual dichotomy, as Shenhui a ributed
to him, and poin ng out that the element of sudden enlightenment
can also be found in the Northern school teachings.
However, the emergence of the rhetoric and focus on sudden
enlightenment and its dominance among the followers of the
 Southern school had a broad context and was determined by mul ple
underlying social, cultural, and religious-prac cal factors, in addi on
to polemic-sectarian ones. Although many important ideas such as
no-thought (wunian) and prac ces such as formless precepts
(wuxiang jie) were iden fied with this Southern school, the no on of
this Southern school was predicated on the existence of the Northern
school. As the la er disappeared from the public arena, the former
also gradually evolved into more different sects, such as the
Hongzhou school, the Heze school, and finally the five houses and
seven schools (wujia qizong), despite their declared common origin.
The later Chan texts do not lack voices against the sectarian division
of the Northern and Southern schools. With the Hongzhou school’s
rise to prominence, a new ecumenism of Chan started to appear and
took an inclusive a tude toward other Chan lineages, which
eventually led to the acknowledgment of the masters of the Northern
school as members of this extended Chan clan by the transmission of
the lamp literature.
SPECIAL TRANSMISSION BEYOND TEACHINGS (Ch. jiaowai biechuan)
SPECIAL TRANSMISSION BEYOND TEACHINGS
This is an English transla on of the Chinese phrase jiaowai
biechuan, one of the most widely used slogans of Chan. However, the
meaning and understanding of jiaowai biechuan has never been
monolithic, and controversies over it have been noted in many Chan
texts, not to men on those outside of Chan schools. “Special
transmission” (biechuan) refers to the mind-to-mind transmission of
Buddha-dharma. In some tradi onal interpreta ons, Buddha-dharma
is not understood as objec ve knowledge or external truth, nor is it an
internal, hidden essence. It is understood as being embodied in the
Buddha-mind or enlightened mind that func ons through ordinary
ac vi es. Buddha-dharma is equivalent to the realiza on of Buddha-
nature, the one mind, or enlightenment in Chan contexts. The special
transmission from mind to mind as such is devoid of any conven onal
sense of transmission. Only the mutual realiza on and verifica on of
enlightenment in a prac cal context can be seen as a successful
transmission from mind to mind. It requires and presupposes the
existen al-prac cal transforma on of the human mind and the en re
personhood. This transforma on of the mind and personhood is the
core of Buddha’s enlightenment experience. All Buddhist teachings, as
expedient means, serve to help prac oners a ain their own
enlightenment. The role of these teachings is like the finger poin ng
at the moon. In this connec on, the Chan transmission of
enlightenment experience goes necessarily beyond what are
inscribed, generalized, and sedimented in the wri en scriptures and
doctrinal teachings (jiaowai). The point of this no on is obviously not
groundless. It calls a en on to the singularity of the “transmission” of
enlightenment experience, to the limita ons of scriptures and
doctrines, and therefore to the necessity of non-a achment to them.
What is briefly described above can be called a moderate
interpreta on of jiaowai biechuan in its connec on to another Chan
slogan, buli wenzi (“non-establishment of words,” some mes
translated as “not-to-set-up-scriptures”). The more radical
interpreta on of jiaowai biechuan can be rendered in English as
“separate transmission outside scriptures,” which denies any
connec on between the two. Radical views of this sort do support
such a choice in transla on. However, recent examina on of the
extant Chan texts of the Tang dynasty and those produced from the
Song dynasty indicates that the more radical interpreta on of jiaowai
biechuan and buli wenzi was not fully developed and popularized un l
the Song dynasty. Among the Tang masters, not only did Zongmi
elaborate on the underlying correspondence between scriptural
teachings and the Chan transmission of mind (jiaochan yizhi), but the
Hongzhou masters such as Mazu Daoyi, Baizhang Huaihai, and even
Huangbo Xiyun also, in one way or another, acknowledged the
necessity of studying scriptures, although their posi ons might not be
as thorough, consistent, and clear as Zongmi’s. For example, Huangbo
Xiyun no ceably advocated the no on of non-duality between
Buddha-dharma and Buddha’s preaching—the basis of scriptures
(fashuo bu’er). Baizhang advised his students on “penetra ng three
proposi ons” and “not being fe ered by words (buju wenzi).”
Although buju wenzi and buli wenzi differ by only one le er, the subtle
difference could be significant.
 Neither Zongmi’s nor Hongzhou’s moderate view, which saw the
Chan transmission of the mind as “going beyond” the limita ons of
scriptures, became orthodox in Song Chan. The exact slogan jiaowai
biechuan, instead of just “mind-to-mind transmission (yixin
chuanxin),” appeared for the first me in the Zutang Ji (compiled in
952). With the compila on of such texts as Jingde Chuandeng Lu,
Tiansheng Guangdeng Lu, and Liandeng Huiyao, the more radical
view that saw the Chan transmission of the mind as
separate/independent, essen ally different from, and superior to
scriptural teachings gradually evolved and rose to dominance. It was
based mainly on the inven on and use of the story without providing
reliable historical evidence that the Buddha transmi ed the secret,
wordless dharma, by holding out a flower silently to a smiling and
understanding disciple, Mahākāśyapa. By trea ng this story as a
historically accurate truth, its proponents claimed the legi macy of
the origin and lineage of Chan transmission traceable back to the
Buddha and Mahākāśyapa. Contemporary scholars have tended to
think that the evolving process of this radical explana on of jiaowai
biechuan, and its claim to the legi macy of Chan lineage, has more to
do with securing pres ge, patronage, and special privileges within the
Buddhist order in Song China than with prac cal ma ers or efforts of
reform. A en on has also been called to the fact that, despite the
domina ng radical interpreta on of jiaowai biechuan, Chan texts from
both the Tang and Song dynas es do demonstrate a strong tendency
to ques on and deconstruct the no on of “separate transmission”
from the perspec ves of non-duality, interdependence, and non-
a achment.
See also ; ; ; .
SUDDEN ENLIGHTENMENT
English transla on of the Chinese word dunwu. The teaching of
sudden enlightenment is also called sudden teaching (dunjiao). This
teaching is a ributed to Huineng and recorded in the Pla orm Sūtra.
All the later tradi ons that claimed to be followers of Huineng and his
Southern school endorsed this teaching, although enthusiasm for
emphasizing sudden enlightenment and its sectarian rhetoric
gradually faded away a er Shenhui. The Pla orm Sūtra acknowledges
 that the Buddhist dharma itself has no dis nc on between sudden
and gradual. Ironically, the no on of sudden enlightenment is taught
to oppose the teaching of gradual enlightenment, a ributed to
Shenxiu and his Northern school.
The no on of sudden enlightenment stresses the instantaneity or
immediacy of enlightenment, the existen al-experien al, holis c (not
merely intellectual) “sudden opening” and awakening, as one realizes
one’s own Buddha-nature. This immediacy transcends dualis c
dis nc ons such as means and goal, cul va on and realiza on,
prac ce and a ainment, parts and whole, and so forth. For sudden
teaching (dunjiao), there is no order or procedure of a gradual path
that can directly lead to the final goal. It is a path of no-path. This
paradox is inevitably involved and regarded as necessary, since the
non-dualis c nature of enlightenment ul mately subverts all kinds of
order or procedure that presupposes conceptual dualism. The
teaching calls a en on to the limita on of any generalized procedure
and dualis c conceptualiza on, although the teachers of sudden
enlightenment do not abolish all cul va ons and means in prac ce.
While denying all conceptual dualisms and gradual paths, the
teaching of sudden enlightenment embraced the idea that
enlightenment can be immediately accessible through all ordinary
ac vi es in the everyday world. In other words, while some special
methods or prac ces were being deprived of their privilege, it was
acknowledged that all ordinary ac vi es could inspire a sudden
enlightenment. This idea was further developed in the classical Chan,
and a more formally synthe c approach between sudden
enlightenment and gradual cul va on was also adopted by various
Chan figures.
Contemporary scholars have shown a cri cal a tude toward the
tradi onal Chan teaching of sudden enlightenment. Chan historians
have ques oned the reliability of the tradi onal accusa ons about
Shenxiu and the Northern school’s gradualism. Others have examined
the limita ons of the tradi onal privileging of the sudden over the
gradual, or immediacy over the mediated.
ŚŪRAṂGAMA SŪTRA AND CHAN
See .
ŚŪRAṂGAMASAMĀDHI SŪTRA
Sūtra on the Heroic-March Concentra on, an early Indian
Mahayana scripture on medita on, was first translated by Zhichen
(d.u.) in the late Han dynasty, but six other transla ons were
produced later in China. Most of these transla ons did not survive,
except Kumārajīva’s (Ch. Jiumoluoshi) (344–409 or 413) early 5th-
century transla on, Shoulengyan Sanmei Jing or Xinchu Shoulengyan
Jing, of two fascicles. An early 9th-century Tibetan transla on and the
fragments of a revised Sanskrit version of the Śūraṃgamasamādhi
Sūtra are also extant. The scripture describes this śūraṃgamasamādhi
(shoulengyan sanmei) as the highest state of concentra on, in which
bodhisa vas can “walk alone without fear, like a lion.” They can
appear in nirvana without annihila on, wander on every place of all
Buddha-land, take a variety of forms and ac ons, manifest all kinds of
magic self-power, and skillfully use language to explain all teachings of
dharma, and they are always in concentra on yet present in helping
sen ent beings, without a aching themselves to any differences
(fengbie). To achieve this samādhi, prac oners must prac ce 10
stages of bodhisa va and enter into the last stage. The scripture
ought to be dis nguished from the other Lengyan Jing (the
Śūraṃgama Sūtra), which is seen by many as a Chinese apocryphon
and teaches a different version of the śūraṃgamasamādhi.
 T

TAIXU (1890–1947)
An eminent Chan monk of modern mes, Taixu was a na ve of
Haining in Zhejiang. His family name was Lu. He lost his parents in his
youth and was raised by his grandmother and uncle. At the age of 16,
he entered his monas c life under the master Shida (d.u.) in Suzhou,
and he was ordained at Tiantong Temple in Ningbo by the master
Jing’an. He then studied the kanhua Chan and Buddhist scriptures,
such as the Lotus Sūtra and Śūraṃgamasamādhi Sūtra, with the
master Qichang (1853–1923). He also went to Xifang Temple to
concentrate on reading the Buddhist canon. The following year, he
met the reformist monk, Huashan (d.u.), and the revolu onary monk,
Qiyun (d.u.), and started to accept the influence of books from various
modernist movements and to think about a broad reform of Buddhist
thought and prac ce. In 1909, he went to Zhihuan Jingshe, which was
operated by the modernist Buddhist scholar Yang Wenhui (1837–
1911), to study Buddhist scriptures, English, and modern literature. In
1910, he lectured at Foxue Jingshe in Guangzhou and became abbot
at Shuangxi Temple. The publica on of his lectures marked the
beginning of his scholarly wri ng. He was involved in the organiza on
Associa on for the Advancement of Buddhism and the Chinese
General Buddhist Associa on. He then proposed three necessary
reforms (or revolu ons)—organiza onal, economical, and intellectual
—for the movement to revitalize Chinese Buddhism. These included
sharing the ownership of Buddhist proper es with the whole
monas c community, installing democracy, developing an educa onal
system, and increasing economical self-reliance to survive in and meet
the needs of modern society.
In 1918, Taixu founded, with others, the Bodhi Society (Jue She)
in Shanghai, and edited the magazine Jueshe Congshu, which was
renamed Haichao Yin and became a famous Buddhist periodical.
Star ng in 1922, he founded a number of Buddhist colleges, including
Wuchang Buddhist College, Minnan Buddhist College, and Hanzang
 College of Buddhist Doctrines. He was ac vely involved in Buddhist
ecumenism and the promo on of global peace, visi ng Japan, Europe,
North America, and South Asia and lecturing globally. Because of his
contribu on to China’s war against the Japanese invasion, Taixu was
awarded the Victory Medal by the na onalist government in 1946. He
died at the age of 59. His numerous publica ons were collected into
the Taixu Dashi Quanshu (Complete Works of Great Master Taixu) of
64 volumes. They addressed various doctrinal, ins tu onal and social
issues, including his famous idea of Buddhism for human life
(rensheng fojiao) and his influen al no on that the characteris cs of
Chinese Buddhism lie in the school of Chan.
TATHĀGATA CHAN
The Chinese term for this is rulai Chan. The use of the term rulai
Chan was influenced by the Lengqie Jing (the Laṅkāvatāra Sūtra),
which analyzed four types of dhyāna. The last and highest dhyāna
among the four was the dhyāna of the tathāgata (rulai Chan). The
early Chinese Chan Buddhist understanding of tathāgata Chan was
related to the no on of realizing “the pure mind of the self-nature of
tathāgatagarbha (rulaizang zixing qingjingxin)” in the Lengqie Jing,
which integrates the tathāgatagarbha theory of Buddha-nature as
the pure origin and founda on of the universe with the Yogācāra
theory of mind-only that explains the process of existence. Several
early Chan texts demonstrate the use of rulai Chan. Zongmi, in his
Chan Prolegomenon (Chanyuan Zhuquanji Duxu), defined the sudden
awakening to one’s own original pure mind as the pure dhyāna of the
tathāgata, which is also iden cal to the one-prac ce samādhi (yixing
sanmei). For Zongmi, this tathāgata Chan was transmi ed from
Bodhidharma to Huieng and Shenhui. The Biography of Great Master
Caoxi (Caoxi Dashi Zhuan), produced in 803, recorded that Heineng
explained the pure dhyāna of the tathāgata as no-acquisi on (wude)
and no-verifica on (wuzheng), against just si ng, in terms of the
Diamond Sūtra. Shenhui also interpreted the rulai Chan in terms of
the Diamond Sūtra; associated the former with no-thought, the
realiza on of self-nature, and no-acquisi on; and contrasted it with
Shenxiu and the Northern school’s Chan of contempla ng the purity.
 Although the interpreta ons of the rulai Chan are not unified, as
some emphasize the Lengqie Jing and others the Diamond Sūtra, the
posi ve meaning of the term is clear. However, as Chan movements
evolved, the posi ve meaning of the term was changed to the
nega ve. The rulai Chan was no longer the highest Chan, but was
inferior to patriarch Chan (zushi Chan), a term invented and
popularized in the late Tang dynasty and the Five Dynas es. The rulai
Chan was no longer referred to as the orthodox transmission from
Bodhidharma to Huineng, but instead designated the a achment to
any gradual path of cul va on and realiza on, similar to Shenxiu and
the Northern school. The new Chan movements seemed dissa sfied
with the rulai Chan and used “patriarch Chan” as part of their
iconoclas c rhetoric, emphasizing the transcendence of the Buddhas
(chaofo) and scriptural teachings and promo ng direct transmission
from the patriarch’s mind to the disciple’s mind. There is s ll
confusion among modern scholars about the differences between
these two terms, and whom or which group each term targets. For
example, should Huineng be subsumed under tathāgata Chan or
patriarch Chan? Some believe the zushi Chan includes Huineng, since
the later movements of Chan all claimed to be his successors. Others
argued that the zushi Chan designated the more radical movements
a er Huineng, and that Huineng belonged to the rulai Chan. The
interpreta on depends on how the categories are defined, and their
meanings are fluid in various Chan texts.
TEN OXHERDING PICTURES (Ch. Shiniu Tu or Shiniu Tu Song)
The pictures of oxherding are a series of pictures illustra ng the
rela onship between a herdsman and an untamed ox in the process
of oxherding. Chan teachers and prac oners historically used these
pictures to symbolize the progressive rela onship between a Chan
student and his undisciplined mind in the process of Chan training,
which could eventually help the student to realize and verify the
enlightenment. There are two extant versions of the oxherding
pictures. The Song Linji Chan master Guo’an Shiyuan (d.u.) created the
earlier one. It included 10 pictures with the author’s poems: (1)
searching for the ox, (2) seeing the traces, (3) discovering the ox, (4)
taming the ox, (5) herding the ox, (6) riding the ox home, (7) forge ng
 the ox, (8) forge ng both the ox and the person, (9) returning to the
origin and source, and (10) entering the world to bestow gi s. Also
a ached was the author’s preface, which men oned two earlier,
different versions of the oxherding pictures. The other extant series of
10 oxherding pictures, which shared some similari es and differences
with the earlier version, was made by Puming (d.u.), also distributed
with his poems, and published in China in the 16th century.
THREE KINDS OF SENTENCE OF YUNMEN
See .
THREE MYSTERIES AND ESSENTIALS
This is an abridged English transla on of the Chinese words
sanxuan sanyao, a heuris c formula highly valued by the Linji school
and a ributed to Linji Yixuan in the Linji Lu and other Song texts. The
complete statement referring to this formula in the Linji Lu reads as
follows: “Each phrase must comprise the gates of three mysteries
(sanxuan), and the gate of each mystery must comprise three
essen als (sanyao).” However, the text itself does not provide any
explana on of what the three mysteries and three essen als are.
Later on, Song commentators wrote down their interpreta ons of the
meanings of sanxuan sanyao. Three mysteries and three essen als
have been made equivalent to the three bodies of Buddha; to the
three concepts of principle (li), wisdom (zhi), and func on (yong); or
to other things. But the exact meanings have never been made clear,
since the commentators either used allegorical expressions for their
understandings, avoiding discussing them plainly (e.g., Fenyang
Shanzhao), or used their comments as opportuni es to elaborate on
their own ideas (such as Jianfu Chenggu), which o en made the
meanings even more complicated. As one of the commentators,
Juefan Huihong, suggested, the main emphasis of sanxuan sanyao
was that in teaching the dharma of Chan, every phrase must point to
its profound/inexplicable meanings (xuan) and convey their essen als
(yao). It was not necessary to find out and count how many mysteries
and essen als there were; that was not the original intent. A en on
should be paid to the nature of all teachings as provisional expedients
(quan) and to their func ons (yong), as they are indicated in the text.
TI
 Paired with another Chinese word, yong, it is one of the most
frequently used categories of Chinese philosophy. While yong is
correctly translated as “func on” or “use,” is o en misleadingly
translated as “essence” or “substance.” This transla on is misleading
simply because the Chinese word has never had the meaning of
essence as opposed to accidents, or substance as opposed to
a ributes, which dominates in Western metaphysics. The typical
Western meaning is absent from both the neo-Daoist and Chinese
Buddhist uses of this term. First employed in the neo-Daoist Wang Bi’s
philosophy, the Chinese character originally meant body, whole
body, or whole existence. Gradually, the use of grew closer to the
use of the word ben (root, source) in interpre ng the way of the
universe (dao) or non-being (wu) itself, which is in contrast to the
various func ons (yong) of the universe. Both aspects are united in
dao or non-being. Chinese Buddhism, including Chan, favors the use
of the category of and yong to interpret Buddhist teachings while
developing its own non-dualis c perspec ve on and yong.
In Chinese Buddhist usage, is o en related to the dharma-body
(fashen or fa ) or the true suchness (zhenru), which is iden cal with
enlightenment or the realiza on of Buddha-nature. The Chan
Buddhist usage of is more o en demonstrated in such compounds
as xin (the mind-whole) or xing (the nature-whole). Xin usually
refers to Buddha-mind (foxin), the original mind (benxin) or “one
mind” (yixin), while xing refers to Buddha-nature (foxing), emp ness,
or self-nature (zixing). The xin or xing designates the non-objec ve
dimension of the whole or the network of a concrete life-world, a
holis c dimension that the human mind may a ain or experience
through enlightenment. This non-substan alis c concept of xin or
xing can even be dis nguished from the English word “subjec vity,”
which involves the meaning of substance in modern Western
philosophy.
The yong designates the func ons and traces of the whole,
including individual events and ac vi es, and therefore is
conceptually different from the . However, the yong cannot be
separated from the , since the yong is the func on of the whole—
the itself, not the func on of something else. Many early and
 classical Chan teachings illustrated this non-dualis c understanding of
and yong. For example, the Hongzhou school used the non-duality
of and yong to emphasize that, outside the yong or everyday
ac vi es, there would be no or Buddha-nature.
TIANHUANG DAOWU (748–807)
A Chan master of the Tang dynasty, Daowu is a controversial
figure because there has been disagreement about who his mentor
was and whether there was another master called Daowu. The Song
Gaoseng Zhuan’s biography of Daowu, which was based on his
epitaph wri en by Fu Zai (760–?), stated that Daowu had three great
teachers: Jingshan Faqin of the Ox-Head school, Mazu Daoyi, and
Shitou Xiqian. However, the transmission of the lamp literature since
the Zutang Ji and Jingde Chuandeng Lu, and a version of Fu Zai’s
wri en epitaph collected in the Complete Wri ngs of Tang (Quan
Tang Wen), iden fied Daowu as the disciple of Shitou Xiqian
exclusively, while another epitaph of Daowu, a ributed to Qiu Xuansu
(d.u.) and discovered in Song, claimed that Daowu was Mazu’s disciple
only.
Recent Chan historians’ revisi ng of this controversy shows that
the Zutang Ji and Jingde Chuandeng Lu’s biographies of Daowu
include forged stories about Daowu’s radical behavior, and that the
version of the epitaph included in the Quan Tang Wen copied an
abridged version with materials rewri en by Nianchang (d.u.) from his
Fozu Lidai Tongzai (General Records of Buddhist Patriarchs through
the Ages) of the Yuan dynasty. They are not reliable. The epitaph
a ributed to Qiu Xuansu also shows signs of a later forgery. Therefore,
the only reliable source is the Song Gaoseng Zhuan. According to this
book, Daowu’s family name was Zhang, and he was a na ve of
Wuzhou (in present-day Jinhua, Zhejiang). He started his monas c life
at the age of 14 and was ordained at Zhulin Temple in Hangzhou at
the age of 25. A er studying, respec vely, with Faqin, Mazu, and
Shitou, he went to Liyang, Jingkou, and Mount Chaizi of Dangyang to
preach. Later, he was invited to the capital of Jingzhou to teach and
took up residence in Tianghuang Temple. His instruc on won the
support of a local official, Peigong (d.u.), and it was unusually
successful. The biography described Daowu as a master whose ac on
 complied with the precepts and whose inten on was to teach
scriptures, such as the Huayan Jing, a very different picture from the
images presented by the later Chan texts. Daowu died at the age of
60.
TIANRU WEIZE (1286–1354)
A Chan master of the Linji school in the Yuan dynasty and a
disciple of Zhongfeng Mingben, Weize was born in Yongxin in Ji’an
Prefecture (in present-day Jiangxi). His family name was Tan. He
became a monk at Mount He when he was young. Later, he went to
Mount Tianmu to study with Zhongfeng Mingben and received the
dharma transmission from Mingben. He taught students in the area of
Jiangsu and gradually gained fame, acquiring support from local
officials. In 1342, his disciples built a temple at Shizilin in Suzhou for
him, and he taught there for about 13 years. He died in 1354 and was
granted the posthumous tle Foxin Puji Wenhui Dabian Chanshi
(“Chan Master of Buddha-mind, Universal Compassion, Illumina ng
Wisdom and Great Eloquence”). His teachings and wri ngs were
preserved in the Shizilin Tianru Heshang Yulu, edited by his disciple,
Shanyu. Weize is no ceable for developing his teacher Mingben’s
approach of prac cing both Chan and Pure Land (Chanjing shuangxiu)
and for advoca ng jingtu Chan (Chan of Pure Land) or nianfo Chan
(Chan of reci ng Buddha’s name), which integrated various methods
of the Pure Land school into Chan prac ce.
TIANSHENG GUANGDENG LU
Expanded Record of the Lamp from the Tiansheng Era, a book in
the Chan lamp history (dengshi) genre, compiled by Li Zunxu (988–
1038), a literatus and a member of the imperial court who was related
to several emperors in the Northern Song dynasty. The book was
completed in 1036 and issued with imperial approval. Li was also a lay
Chan Buddhist and a disciple of the Linji Chan master Guyin Yuncong
(965–1032), the dharma heir of Shoushan Shengnian. Another close
friend of Li was the Linji Chan master Shishuang Chuyuan. As Li
admi ed, he intended this expansion of the lamp record to document
the accomplishments of the contemporary Linji Chan sect. One of the
differences between this book and the previous Jingde Chuandeng Lu
is that the recorded sayings (yulu) and biographies of the Chan
 masters in the Linji school were greatly expanded and increased,
compared to the materials on other Chan schools. Linji was
established as a major Chan patriarch; his yulu and Baizhang
Huaihai’s, for the first me, were included along with Mazu Daoyi’s
and Huangbo Xiyun’s, which became the founda on for the later Sijia
Yulu (Recorded Sayings of Four Houses), an anthology promo ng the
legi macy of the Hongzhou-Linji lineage.
Moreover, the Tiansheng Guangdeng Lu tended to highlight the
new Chan iden ty and orthodoxy as “separate transmission outside
scriptural teaching,” a radical interpreta on of jiaowai biechuan, and
drew the line at some no ons of harmonizing Chan principle and the
tradi on of scriptural exegesis, as was promoted by some members of
the compe ng Fayan and Yunmen schools. The Tiansheng Guangdeng
Lu added some completely new details to the story of Sākyamuni’s
secret and silent transmission of the dharma to Mahākāśyapa and
placed this story in such a context that the superiority of this secret
transmission over the Buddha’s exoteric preaching, as characterized in
the three vehicles by the Lotus Sūtra, became quite obvious. The
Tiansheng Guangdeng Lu thus sent out the message of Chan
exclusivism with this new iden ty and orthodoxy, which was inherited
by the later genera ons and carried down to modern mes. The
Tiansheng Guangdeng Lu con nued the lamp history genre of the
Jingde Chuandeng Lu, kept the lineage theory of 28 Indian patriarchs
and 6 Chinese patriarchs, and followed the two main lines of Nanyue
Huairang and Qingyuan Xingsi and the “five houses” to collect the
biographies and recorded sayings of Chan masters. It further formed
the lamp history genre and influenced all later works in this genre.
TIANTAI DESHAO (891–972)
A Chan master of the Fayan school in the Five Dynas es and in
the early Northern Song dynasty, Deshao was a na ve of Longquan in
Chuzhou (in present-day Zhejiang province). His family name was
Chen. He entered his monas c life at the age of 17 and received
official ordina on at the age of 18. He then spent a considerable
amount of me seeking spiritual guidance. He visited and studied
with 54 Chan masters, including Touzi Datong (819–914) and Longya
Judun (835–923) in the lineage of Shitou Xiqian. Finally, he went to
 Congshou Monastery in Linchuan (in present-day Jiangxi province) to
study with Fayan Wenyi. When he heard Wenyi’s tautological answer
to the ques on “What is the one drop of water from the origin of
Caoxi [Huineng]?” he was suddenly enlightened and became Wenyi’s
dharma heir. Later, to inherit Tiantai Zhiyi’s legacy, he visited Mount
Tiantai and took up residence at Baisha Temple. The prince and later
king, Qian Hongshu (r. 947–978) of Wuyue, invited Deshao to preach
at Hangzhou and honored him as Na onal Teacher. Using his good
rela onship with the king of Wuyue, Deshao also helped ensure the
return of missing scriptures and commentaries from Korea for the
Tiantai school. Deshao successfully led a huge community of the
Fayan school a er his teacher’s death. He had 49 disciples, including
the famous Yongming Yanshou and Yong’an Daoyuan (d.u.).
TIANTONG TEMPLE (Ch. Tiantong Si)
Located on Mount Taibai in Ningbo in Zhejiang Province in China,
this temple humbly originated as a hut built in 300 by the monk Yixing
(d.u.). In 732, the monk Faxuan (d.u.) built a temple on the east side
of the mountain. In 757, the monk Zongbi (d.u.) moved the temple to
its current loca on in the foothills of Mount Taibai. It was named
Tiantong Linglong Temple in 759, then renamed to Tianshou Temple in
869 and Jingde Chan Temple in 1007. The temple became famous
during the Song dynasty. The Caodong master Hongzhi Zhengjue
prac ced and taught the mozhao Chan here. During the abbacy of
Changweng Rujing, the Japanese monk Dōgen Kigen (1200–1253)
became his student and transmi ed the Caodong school to Japan.
The Japanese Sōtō school thus regarded the temple as its “temple of
patriarch (zu ng).” During the Hongwu Era (1368–1398) of the Ming
dynasty, it was renamed Tiantong Temple. In 1587, the temple was
destroyed by a flood; it was rebuilt in 1631.
TOUZI YIQING (1032–1083)
A Chan master of the Caodong school in the Song dynasty, Yiqing
was born in Qingzhou (in present-day Shandong). His family name was
Li. He entered his monas c life in Miaoxiang Temple at the age of 7
and was ordained at the age of 15 a er passing the examina on of
the Lotus Sūtra. He then studied the Yogācāra doctrine and the
Huayan Jing (Avataṃsaka Sūtra). Having realized that self-nature is
beyond speech and doctrine, he turned to the study of Chan. He
became the disciple of the Linji Chan master Fushan Fayuan (991–
1067). With Fayuan, Yiqing a ained awakening. Having remembered
that the deceased Caodong Chan master Dayang Jingxuan entrusted
Fayuan to look for the dharma heir for the Caodong ligeage, Fayuan
started to teach Yiqing the essen als of Caodong Chan and became
convinced that Yiqing was the right person to inherit the portrait,
shoes, and robes that Jingxuan had le and to become Jingxuan’s
dharma heir. A er receiving this unusual transmission, Yiqing first
stayed with the Yuman master Yuantong Faxiu (1027–1090), focusing
on the study of the Buddhist Canon, and then took up residence in
Haihui Chan Monastery in Shuzhou (in present-day Anhui). Eight years
later, Yiqing went to Mount Touzi and became abbot at Shengyin Chan
Monastery, staying there un l his death. Of Yiqing’s disciples, two—
Furong Daokai and Dahong Bao’en—became very successful, leading
the Caodong school to its revival. Yiqing’s teachings were recorded in
the two edi ons of his yulu, one of which was compiled by his
disciple, Furong Daokai. Yiqing’s yulu included his Songgu Baize (Poe c
Commentaries on One Hundred Old Cases), which was further
commented on by the Caodong Chan master Linquan Conglun (d.u.),
of the Yuan dynasty, and became a gong’an collec on of six fascicles
called Konggu Ji (Anthology of Empty Valley).
 V

VIMALAKĪRTI SŪTRA AND CHAN

The complete tle of this scripture is Vimalakīr -Nirdeśa Sūtra,
rendered Scripture of the Teachings of Vimalakīr in English. One of
the most popular Indian Mahayana scriptures, it was composed
around the second century CE as one of the early Mahayana
scriptures and was translated into Chinese, Tibetan, and other central
Asian languages. The original Sanskrit text was lost un l its very recent
discovery. Of the several Chinese transla ons, Kumārajīva’s (344–413)
in 406 and Xuanzang’s (ca. 600–664) in 650 are the most outstanding,
and of those two, Kumārajīva’s is the most popular. The scripture
portrays the layperson Vimalakīr as the greatest bodhisa va, whose
understanding of the Buddha’s teaching is superior to all other
bodhisa vas. In addi on to sharing the Mahayana teaching of
emp ness with the Perfec on of Wisdom literature, the scripture
makes impressive cri cism of the Hinayana escapist style of si ng
medita on and concentra on and claims that going about one’s
business as usual in the world while following the way of teaching, or
entering into nirvana without cu ng off from all daily disturbances, is
the true medita on. This became one of the most o en-quoted
jus fica ons in the numerous Chan Buddhist discourses on realizing
enlightenment within ordinary ac vi es. The other important
influence of the scripture on Chan discourse is its elabora on on the
dharma gate of non-duality (bu’er famen). A er exhaus ng the
discussion of overcoming all kinds of dualism, the text lets Vimalakīr
demonstrate a complete silence against all linguis c affirma on and
nega on. It implies that the nega on of words is s ll a form of speech,
and only silence can perform such double nega on against all
linguis c dualism. This strategy inspired the Chan Buddhist use of
signifying silence as a way of overcoming the limita on of linguis c
expressions.
 W

WANFA
This Chinese word means “ten thousand” (wan) “things” (fa) or
“myriad things” (dharmas).
See also .
WANGXIN
See .
WANLING LU
This text recorded Huangbo Xiyun’s oral instruc ons during his
residence at Kaiyuan Temple in the Wanling district of present-day
Anhui Province, which can be dated back to the 9th century. Its
complete tle is “The Wanling Record of Huangbo Xiyun (or Duanji)
Chan Master.” The text is a ached to Huangbo Xiyun’s other record,
Chuanxin Fayao, in the standard edi on, and Huangbo’s lay disciple,
Pei Xiu, is credited for edi ng this text. Based on the cri cal studies of
this text, modern scholars have pointed out that, in contrast to the
Chuanxin Fayao, which comes more directly from the lay disciple
Peixiu’s personal notes, the Wanling Lu is more likely to be from the
collected notes of Huangbo’s monk-students. Furthermore, the early
edi on of Wanling Lu was much shorter, and therefore more
authen c, than the later ones, especially those of the Song addi ons.
Except for these later addi ons, many parts of Wanling Lu, along with
the Chuanxin Fayao, are reliable and precious sources for the study of
classical Chan, including its teachings, its styles and rhetoric, and its
prac ces.
WANSHAN TONGGUI JI
Anthology on the Common Goal of Myriad Good Deeds, a book in
three fascicles, wri en by Yongming Yanshou, a Chan master in the
Song dynasty, during his abbacy at Yongming Temple. Yanshou used
the form of ques ons and answers to elaborate on the
complementary rela onship between the Chan no on of realizing the
mind (as Buddha) and the cul va on of various good deeds in terms
of Bodhisa va’s six virtues or perfecr ons (pāramitās). Yanshou’s list
 of good deeds included chan ng sūtras, reci ng Buddha’s name,
prac cing repentance, doing chari es, and almost all kinds of
tradi onal Buddhist prac ces. Prac cing these good deeds does not
contradict the Chan teaching of realizing self-nature, based on his
understanding of the non-obstruc on of principle and events (lishi),
nature and phenomena (xingxiang), or essence and func on ( yong).
Yanshou’s posi on thus developed the non-dualis c understanding of
realiza on (wu) and cul va on (xiu) and rejected iconoclas c and
an nomian tendencies in Chan.
WANSONG XINGXIU (1166–1246)
A Chan master of the Caodong school in the Jin dynasty and the
early Yuan dynasty, Xingxiu was a na ve of Jieliang in Henei (in
present-day Henan). His family name was Cai. During his youth, he le
his parents and became a monk at Jingtu Temple in Xingzhou (in
present-day Hebei). He first studied with the Chan master Shengmo
Guang (d.u.) at Qingshou Temple (in present-day suburb of Beijing),
then went to Daming Temple in Cizhou (in present-day Hebei) to study
with the Caodong Chan master Xueyan Man (d. 1206), who was the
fi h genera on in the Caodong lineage of Furong Daokai. With
Xueyan’s instruc on, Xingxiu achieved enlightenment and became
Xueyan’s dharma heir. He returned to Jingtu Temple, lived in Wansong
Hermitage, and started to preach. Later he took up residence,
respec vely, at Wanshou Temple, Xiyin Temple, and Bao’en Temple. In
1193, the Jin emperor Zhangzong (r. 1189–1208) invited him to the
royal palace to preach and granted him the silk robe. In 1232, he
re red to Congrong An (Hermitage) in Bao’en Temple; he died in 1246,
at the age of 81.
His preaching was quite successful; he had 120 disciples,
including several famous litera . He was the compiler of two gong’an
collec ons: the Congrong Lu (Record of Equanimity) and the Qingyi Lu
(Record of Reques ng Addi onal Instruc on). The Congrong Lu is his
commentary on the Song Caodong master Hongzhi Zhengjue’s
Songgu Baize (Verses on One Hundred Old Cases). The Qingyi Lu is his
commentary on Hongzhi Zhengjue’s Niangu Baize (Commentaries on
One Hundred Old Cases). He also le behind some recorded sayings
(yulu) and other works, but they are not extant. We can only find a
 small part of these recorded sayings throughout his various extant
biographical accounts. Inheri ng the Caodong tradi on, he preferred
using the Huayan Buddhist thought of non-obstruc on and mutual
penetra on to interpret Chan teaching. His no on of indirect teaching
(qushuo) and using allegory and metaphor echoed Song masters’
strategy of “raolu shuochan (taking a detour in teaching Chan).”
Xingxiu also integrated different styles and strengths from other Chan
schools into his own teaching and prac ce.
WEILIN DAOPEI (1615–1702)
A Chan master of the Caodong school in the Qing dynasty,
Daopei was born into a family of Ding in Jianning (in present-day
Fujian). He entered his monas c life at the age of 15 at Baiyun
Temple. Three years later, he studied with Wengu Guangyin (1567–
1637) at Baoshan Temple. In 1634, he went to Yongquan Temple on
Mount Gu in Fuzhou to study with the Caodong Chan master Yongjue
Yuanxian, who was the dharma heir of Wuming Huijing. A er
struggling for more than 20 years, at the age of 42, Daopei achieved
enlightenment and was verified by his teacher, Yuanxian. He
succeeded Yuanxian to be abbot on Mount Gu and made it a great
Chan center in southeast China. He acknowledged Weijing Daoan
(d.u.) as his dharma heir, although he had several hundred disciples.
His lineage has con nued to modern mes. He sharply cri cized
corrup on and the sectarian bias of Chan Buddhism in the early Qing
and promoted the reconcilia on of Chan and doctrinal teachings,
Chan and Pure Land, and Buddhism and Confucianism. Daopei was a
produc ve writer and le behind more than 20 works, including the
Huayan Shulun Zuanyao of 120 fascicles.
WENZI CHAN
“Chan of le ers and words,” a term used by the Northern Song
literatus-monk Juefan Huihong in his book Shimen Wenzi Chan (Chan
of Le ers and Words from Shiment [Temple]). Before Juefan Huihong,
the famous Northern Song poet Huang Tingjian (1045–1105) also
used this term in his poem. Huihong did not offer any clear defini on
of the wenzi Chan. His book is a collec on of various forms of poetry
and prose that he wrote to express his understanding of Chan. Thus,
he implied a broad meaning of the wenzi Chan that embraces all
 forms of literary wri ng that convey the understanding of Chan or the
spirit of Chan.
A narrower defini on of the wenzi Chan would refer to the
increasingly popular tendency, star ng with Fenyang Shanzhao and
Xudou Chongxian, in the Northern Song dynasty, to use various forms
of the gong’an, including poe c and prosaic commentaries and
exegeses of old Chan conversa ons and stories, for teaching and
prac cing Chan. This tendency contradicts the previously popular
Chan slogan of “not establishing le ers and words (buli wenzi).”
Externally, the emergence of the wenzi Chan and its popularity in the
Song is a result of the interac on between Chan Buddhism and the
Song litera culture, following the thriving of litera culture in the
Song society and Chan Buddhism’s entrance into the mainstream of
Chinese intellectual life. Internally, many Chan Buddhists’
understanding of the rela onship between use of language and
prac ce of Chan had evolved from “not establishing le ers and
words” or “not relying on words” to “neither iden cal to nor apart
from language,” and finally to using the gong’an as “taking a detour in
teaching Chan (raolu shuochan).” In other words, finding special ways
to use language could be jus fied by the non-dualis c perspec ve of
Buddhism itself. In this sense, the wenzi Chan was not nega ve in the
development of Chan. However, once using the gong’an became
popularized, systema zed, or stereotypical, the wenzi Chan went to its
nega ve extreme.
WU
See .
WU
Literally, “no,” or “not,” as an expression of nega on. When it is
used against you (“being or existence”), wu means non-being, non-
existence, or nothingness, the opposite to, and the nega on of, being
or existence. However, in Chan Buddhist texts, wu is o en involved in
double nega on—the nega on of nega on itself, such as wuwu—with
the extended meaning of nega ng all dualis c discrimina ons,
including existence and non-existence, affirma on and nega on. This
nega on of all dualis c concepts is the main usage of wu in Chan.
With the development of Chan encounter dialogues, and the
 populariza on of the collec ons of these dialogues in the Song
dynasty, the use of the word wu and its main meaning became the
object of Chan medita on.
WUDENG HUIYUAN
Combined Essen als of the Five Records of [the Transmission of]
the Lamp, an edited collec on of the five Song lamp histories (the
Jingde Chuandeng Lu, Tiansheng Guangdeng Lu, Jianzhong Jingguo
Xudeng Lu, Liandeng Huiyao, and Jiatai Pudeng Lu), was compiled by
Dachuan Puji (1179–1253) of the Southern Song dynasty in 1252 and
published the following year. The original five lamp histories had, in
total, 150 fascicles. The Wedeng Huiyuan reduced them to 20
fascicles, while the content was reduced only by about 50 percent
through elimina ng the redundant materials or making the original
materials more concise. To facilitate the readers’ use, it also improved
on the clarity in the organiza on of the records of the masters by
marking their corresponding schools (zong) and groups (pai), in
addi on to just marking the two main lines of Nanyue Huairang and
Qingyuan Xingsi a er Huineng, as was done in the original five lamp
histories. The collec on soon became quite popular and was
welcomed by many litera who were interested in learning about
Chan.
WUDENG QUANSHU
Complete Works of the Five Lamps, a Qing addi on to the
transmission of the lamp literature, was considered the most
comprehensive compila on of Chan genealogical history. Compiled by
Jilun Chaoyong (d.u.) and edited by Lun’an Chaokui (d.u.), both third-
genera on dharma heirs of Miyun Yuanwu, in 1693, it was presented
to, and prefaced by, Emperor Kangxi (r. 1661–1722) and published by
the imperial court. Based on the previous compila ons of Chan
genealogical history, this book covered more than 7,000 Chan masters
in 37 genera ons a er Nanyeu Huairang and Qingyuan Xingsi. It
updated the development of Chan Buddhism in the Ming and early
Qing dynas es, providing a complete picture of dharma transmissions
in the 17th century. About half of the book was devoted to more
recent Chan monks. Learning a lesson from Feiyin Tongrong’s Wudeng
Yantong, this book treated the Caodong masters be er, but it s ll
 followed Tongrong’s approach, endorsing the theory of two Daowu
and changing the lineal affilia on of the Yunmen and Fayan schools
back to Mazu. This again created controversy, although the book
survived, escaping the fate of the Wudeng Yantong.
WUDENG YANTONG
The Strict Unifica on of the Five Lamps was compiled by Feiyin
Tongrong, a Chan master of the late Ming and early Qing dynas es
and the dharma heir of Miyun Yuanwu of the Linji school, in 1653. It
was a book of 25 fascicles that aimed to rec fy the errors of Chan
genealogical history presented by the Wudeng Huiyuan, and more
recently, by the Caodong Chan master Yuanmen Jingzhu’s (1604–
1654) Wudeng Huiyuan Xulue. Following a strict criterion of dharma
transmission, the Wudeng Yantong marginalized those masters of self-
proclaimed realiza on without a person-to-person transmission and
verifica on. As a result, not only were the most eminent monks, such
as Yunqi Zhuhong, Hanshan Deqing, and Daguan Zhenke, placed
under the category of “lineage unknown,” but those Caodong masters
derived from Wuming Huijing and Zhanran Yuancheng were also
ignored or underrepresented. Moreover, based on a newly discovered
inscrip on, it used the theory of two Daowu to modify the official
version of Chan genealogy since the Jingde Chuandeng Lu, by
subsuming Tianwang Daowu and his lineal descendants, including the
Yunmen and Fayan schools, all under the lineage of Mazu Daoyi. This
altera on and the use of shaky evidence concerning Tianwang
Daowu’s iden ty caused Caodong masters and their sympathizers to
file a lawsuit in 1654; consequently, the local government ordered the
Wudeng Yantong to be condemned and burned.
WU FANGBIAN
See .
WUJIA QIZONG
See .
WUJIA YULU
Recorded Sayings of Five Houses, compiled by Guo Ningzhi (d.u.)
in the Ming dynasty, was a collec on of the recorded sayings of the
founders of the “five houses,” including the Zhenzhou Linji Huizhao
Chanshi Yulu for the Linji school, the Tanzhou Guishan Lingyou
 Chanshi Yulu and the Yuanzhou Yangshan Huiji Chanshi Yulu for the
Guiyang school, the Ruizhou Dongshan Liangjie Chanshi Yulu and the
Fuzhou Caoshan Benji Chanshi Yulu for the Caodong school, the
Yunmen Kuangzhen Chanshi Yulu for the Yunmen school, and the
Jinling Qingliangyuan Wenyi Chanshi Yulu for the Fayan school. With
the excep on of the recorded sayings of Linji Yixuan and Yunmen
Wenyan, all of the other recorded sayings were collected and
published for the first me.
WUMEN GUAN
See .
WUMEN HUIKAI (1183–1260)
A Chan master of the Linji school in the Song dynasty and author
of the famous Chan gong’an collec on Wumen Guan, Huikai was a
na ve of Hangzhou (in modern-day Zhejiang province). His family
name was Liang. He entered into monas c life in his youth and later
went to Wanshou Temple to study with the Chan master Yuelin
Shiguan (1143–1217), the fourth-genera on disciple of the Linji
master Wuzu Fayan. Shiguan had Huikai focus on the understanding
of Zhaozhou Congshen’s use of the word wu for a long me. Huikai
finally reached enlightenment with his teacher’s confirma on. In
1218, Huikai succeeded Shiguan to be the abbot of Baoyin Temple in
Huzhou, Zhejiang. He then took abbacy consecu vely at about 10
different Chan temples. In 1229, he published the Wumen Guan.
Emperor Lizong (r. 1224–1264) invited Huikai to give a lecture at the
Xuande Pavilion in the imperial palace and awarded him a gold-
threaded dharma robe and the honorific tle Foye Chanshi (“Chan
Master of Buddha Eye”). Huikai died at the age of 78. He had several
well-known disciples, including Shinichi Kakushin (1207–1298), his
famous Japanese disciple. His teachings were also preserved in the
Wumen Kai Heshang Yulu (The Recorded Sayings of Monk Wumen Kai)
by his disciples.
WUMING HUIJING (1548–1618)
A Chan master of the Caodong school in the Ming dynasty,
Huijing was born into the Pei family in Chongren (in present-day
Jiangxi). At the age of 21, he decided to become a monk a er reading
the Diamond Sūtra. He studied with the Caodong Chan master
 Yunkong Changzhong (1514–1588) for three years, then lived in
solitude on Peak E for three years. During that me, he a ained
sudden enlightenment. Returning to his teacher Changzhong, his
realiza on was verified and he was recognized as dharma heir. In
1594, he went on pilgrimage, traveled to Shaolin and Mount Wutai,
and visited Zhuhong and Zhenke in the capital. Back in the south, he
became abbot at Baofang Temple, then later at Shouchang Temple in
Jiangxi, where he stayed un l his death. His method was influenced by
Dahui Zonggao’s contempla on of key phrases (kan huatou) and
against the study of gong’an. He was most famous for combining the
prac ce of Chan with farming, and he himself was exemplary in this.
He had four dharma heirs who were successful in carrying out his
legacy. His lineage was called Shouchang lineage and was considered
the revival of the Caodong school in the Ming dynasty. His teachings
were preserved in the Wuming Huijing Chanshi Yulu of four fascicles.
WUNIAN
See .
WUQIU
See .
WUSHI
This term means “having nothing (special) to do.” Chan masters
such as Huangbo Xiyun and Linji Yixuan used this term to teach their
students that they should do nothing special in seeking
enlightenment because enlightenment can be a ained through all
ordinary ac vi es. Ordinary ac vi es in this mundane world are one
of the necessary condi ons for enlightenment. Considering Chan
prac ce as something special and separa ng it from everyday
ordinary ac vi es could only impede enlightenment. The perspec ve
was developed from Mazu’s teachings “ordinary mind is the way
(pingchangxin shidao)” and “the mind is Buddha (jixin jifo).” However,
as the term became a popular rhetorical device of classical Chan, new
a achments to the teaching and ensuing misunderstandings occurred
from me to me in Chan prac ce. Some students lost sight of the
transcendent or enlightened dimension with regard to Buddha-nature
and of the importance of Chan prac ce to the a ainment of
enlightenment. Various Chan masters’ responses to the problem can
 be found in many Chan texts of yulu, which culminated in the
Northern Song Linji Chan master Zhengjing Kewen’s cri cism of the
so-called wushi Chan.
WUWEI
See .
WUWEI ZHENREN
See .
WUXIANG
See .
WUXIANG (684–762)
A Chan master in the Tang dynasty and the founder of the
Jingzhong school of Chinese Chan Buddhism, he was of Korean origin
and was o en referred to as “Monk Kim.” The brief biographical
informa on about Wuxiang is found mainly in the Lidai Fabao Ji and
the Song Gaoseng Zhuan. In 728, he arrived in Chang’an and
registered at Chanding Temple. He then wandered around to seek out
teachers. Master Chuji (669–736 or 648–734), the disciple of Zhishen
(609–702) from the lineage of Hongren, accepted him as a student.
Two years later, Wuxiang went to Mount Tiangu to prac ce. The Lidai
Fabao Ji fabricated a story that before Chuji died, he transmi ed
Bodhidharma’s robe to Wuxiang. Wuxiang returned to Mount Tiangu
and con nued his prac ce of asce cism. The fame of his magical
power spread and won the respect of the governor, Zhangqiu
Jianqiong (?–750). Wuxiang was even invited to the court when
Emperor Suzong (r. 756–762) stayed in Chengdu to escape from the
An Lushan rebellion. Mayor Yangyi of Changdu built several temples
for Wuxiang. Of them, Jingzhong Temple was the one in which
Wuxiang taught most o en over more than 20 years.
Wuxiang’s dharma heir was Jingzhong Shenhui (720–794), who
was abbot at Jingzhong Temple a er Wuxiang’s death and received
long-term support from his lay follower, the local official Wei Gao
(745–805), allowing his lineage to con nue. Wuxiang’s other notable
disciples were Wuzhu, who became the founder of the Baotang
school, and Shenqing (?–814?), who was the author of the Beishan Lu
(Record of North Mountain). According to Zongmi, Mazu Daoyi also
studied with Wuxiang before he became Nanyue Huairang’s student.
 The central tenet of Wuxiang’s teachings was known as “three
phrases”: no-recollec on (wuyi), no-thought (wunian), and no-
forge ng (mowang). These three aspects were his interpreta on of
the tradi onal three learnings: precepts (jie), concentra on (ding),
and wisdom (hui). The last phrase was changed to no-delusion in the
Lidai Fabao Ji by the Baotang school, which did not convince others
such as Zongmi and Shenqing. Wuxiang also taught recita on of the
Buddha’s name (nianfo) with his special style. The Jingzhong Temple
became associated with Pure Land prac ces of devo on in the 9th
century. Wuxiang’s legacy thus contributed to a syncre s c approach
to Chan and Pure Land prac ces.
WUXIANG CHANHUI
See .
WUXIANG JIE
See .
WUXIN
See .
WUXIU
See .
WUYI DAOREN
See .
WUYI YUANLAI (1575–1630)
Also called Boshan Yuanlai. A Chan master of the Caodong school
in the Ming dynasty, Yuanlai was a na ve of Shucheng in Anhui. His
family name was Sha. He entered his monas c life at the age of 16
and began with the Tiantai prac ce of contempla on. Later, he turned
to the study of Chan and became a disciple of Wuming Huijing. At the
age of 27, Huijing confirmed Yuanlai’s enlightenmental experience and
treated Yuanlai as the most senior monk in the monastery. Yuanlai
also visited Yunqi Zhuhong three mes. At the age of 28, Yuanlai
became the abbot of Nengren Temple at Mount Bo (hence his other
name Boshan) in Jiangxi. In the ensuing 30 years, he took up
residence at several temples in southeast China, in addi on to
Nengren Temple. His fame grew, and it was reported that his students
numbered close to 1,000, including many litera . His teaching insisted
on cul va on: the prac ce of medita on; the contempla on of the
 huatou (key phrases); and unifying Chan and scriptural studies, Chan
and Pure Land, and Chan and precepts. He believed that scriptural
studies could never be abandoned in terms of the unity of Chan and
teachings. His instruc ons were collected in the 35-fascicle Extensive
Records of Chan Master Wuyi Yuanlai (Wuyi Yuanlai Chanshi Guanglu),
of which his Responding to [the Rela onship of] the Source and
Teachings (Zongjiao Daxiang) and his Admoni ons for the Study of
Chan by Monk Boshan (Boshan Heshang Canchan Jingyu) have been
most influen al, even during modern mes.
WUZHU
See .
WUZHU (714–774)
Literally meaning “non-abiding,” this is the name of a Chan
master in the Tang dynasty, the founder of the Baotang school of
Chan Buddhism. The only exis ng biography of Wuzhu is found in the
Lidai Fabao Ji (Record of the Dharma-Jewel through the Genera ons),
a book that was composed by an anonymous disciple, or disciples, of
Wuzhu a er his death, although Zongmi’s work also provides some
informa on about him. Wuzhu was born into a military family in
Shanxi in northern China. His family name was Li. At the age of 20, he
started his military career, but he soon decided to end it. A er
mee ng with a Chan layman named Chen Chuzang (d.u.), he wanted
to know the transmission of dharma from the mind and prac ced the
sudden teaching as a layperson. In his early 30s, he studied with
Huineng’s disciple, Monk Zizai (d.u.) of Taiyuan, and became an
officially ordained monk in 749. In 751, he arrived at Mount Helan and
heard the teaching of the master Wuxiang. Supposedly a mysterious
feeling of affinity with Wuxiang led him, finally, to Jingzhong Temple in
Chengdu, Sichuan, in 759, a er several delays. At a precepts retreat,
Wuxiang gave him a hint to go to the mountains. Wuzhu then went
northwest to Mount Baiya in Maozhou to prac ce and preach a
radical form of si ng medita on, discarding all other monas c
conven ons and observances. It is this radical form of prac ce that
scared some followers away and invited cri cism from Zongmi and
others, but it was approved by his teacher Wuxiang, according to the
Lidai Fabao Ji.
 It was further claimed by the book that when Wuxiang was
dying, he sent Wuzhu Bodhidharma’s robe, which was given to
Empress Wu (r. 690–705) as a gi by Huineng, and then passed to
Zhishen (609–702), Chuji (669–736 or 648–734), and Wuxiang,
indica ng Wuzhu as his legi mate dharma heir. This lineage story is a
total fabrica on without any historical basis. A er Wuxiang’s death,
Wuzhu’s fame con nued to grow during his life me, par ally because
he had the support of regional high-ranking officials who invited him
to teach at Konghui Temple and Baotang Temple in Chengdu.
Interes ngly, when Wuzhu died, no dharma heir was named, and the
robe was absent. The Baotang school was very short-lived. Wuzhu’s
central teaching was no-thought (wunian) and non-a achment to the
forms of prac ce. Unfortunately, his radical interpreta on of no-
thought and non-a achment developed into typical iconoclasm and
an nomianism, certain aspects of which might have been shared by
some members of the Southern school, such as the Hongzhou school.
However, the Hongzhou school maintained a kind of media on
between poles of tradi onal and radical styles, which the Baotang
school lacked.
WUZHUN SHIFAN (1177–1249)
A Chan master of the Yangqi Fanghui lineage of the Linji school
in the Song dynasty, Shifan was a na ve of Zitong in Sichun. His family
name was Yong. He entered his monas c life at the age of 9 and
received official ordina on at the age of 18. A er that, he went on his
journey to seek great teachers. He respec vely studied with several
masters, including Fozhao Deguang (1121–1203) and Songyuan
Congyue (1132–1202), and ended up as the disciple of Po’an Zuxian
(1136–1211). In 1220, Shifan was invited to be abbot at Qingliang
Temple in Mingzhou. In the ensuing years, he was abbot at Zisheng
Temple on Mount Xuedou and at Guangli Temple on Mount Ayuwang.
Around 1228, he was invited to be abbot at Xingsheng Wanshou
Temple on Mount Jing, where he taught 20 years. Emperor Lizong (r.
1224–1264) invited Shifan to give a public lecture at the Pavilion of
Benevolent Illumina on in the imperial court and granted him the
tle “Chan Master of Buddha Mirror” (Fojian Chanshi). Shifan’s
teachings were preserved in the five-fascicle Fojian Chanshi Yulu. He
 had many successful disciples. Among them, Xueyan Zuqin’s (1218–
1287) lineage extended through Gaofeng Yuanmiao and Zhongfeng
Mingben and survived to modern mes. Shifan’s disciples, Wu’an
Puning (1197–1276) and Wuxue Zuyuan (1226–1286), went to Japan
to preach dharma and were respected as patriarchs of the Japanese
Rinzai school. Shifan also had Japanese disciples, including the famous
Enni Ben’en (1202–1280).
WUZU FAYAN (d. 1104)
A Chan master of the Yangqi lineage (Yangqi pai) of the Linji
school in the Song dynasty, Fayan was a na ve of Mianzhou (in
present Sichuan). His family name was Deng. He became an ordained
monk at the age of 35 and studied the Yogācāra doctrine in Chengdu.
Unsa sfied, he le to search for good teachers. He studied
respec vely with three masters, including Yuanzhao Zongben (1020–
1099) of the Yunmen school and Fushan Fayuan (991–1067) of the
Linji school, and finally was introduced by Fayuan to Baiyun
Shouduan, the disciple of Yangqi Fanghui. Under Shouduan’s
instruc on, Fayan achieved enlightenment. A er leaving Shouduan,
Fayan served as abbot at several Chan temples for about 27 years,
eventually taking up residence at Wuzu Temple in Hubei (originally
called East Mountain Temple) where the fi h patriarch, Hongren, had
resided. He remained there un l his death. Among his many disciples,
the most famous were Yuanwu Keqin (also called Fuguo Keqin), Fuyan
Qingyuan (1067–1120), and Fujian Huiqin (1067–1120), commonly
known as the “three Buddhas of East Mountain.” The prosperity of the
Yangqi lineage was ini ated by Fayan. His teachings were preserved in
the Wuzu Fayan Chanshi Yulu, which were recorded from different
temples during his residences.
 X

XIANGYAN ZHIXIAN (?–898)

A Chan master of the Guiyang school in the Tang dynasty and a
disciple of Guishan Lingyou, Zhixian was a na ve of Qingzhou in
present-day Shandong province. He studied hard with Lingyou, but
although he was considered a very intelligent person, there was no
resonance between the two minds. In despair, he burned all of the
wri en materials he had studied, declaring them useless, and le his
teacher. One day, when he was cleaning the garden, he hit the roof
les. Laughing uncontrollably, he all of a sudden a ained realiza on.
He thus felt grateful to his teacher for not expressing the dharma
plainly to him but giving him the opportunity to work it out on his
own—a story about the earliest hint of the Chan teaching method of
“never explaining plainly (bushuopo)” from the Zutang Ji. Zhixian took
up residence at Mount Xiangyan in Dengzhou (in present-day Henan
province). There is not much biographical informa on about him in
the various Chan texts. His answers to his students’ ques ons were
always short, simple, elusive, and enigma c. One of his teaching
stories became a famous gong’an case. But he le numerous poems,
which are more revealing of his insights than his conversa ons to
many readers. Some of his stories are o en used as examples of the
zushi Chan and its cri cism of the rulai Chan. Many of his stories also
became the symbol of Chan iconoclasm in the late Tang and Five
Dynas es and became the favorites of Song Chan Buddhism. He was
granted the posthumous tle “Chan Master of Inheri ng the Lamp”
(Xideng Chanshi).
XIAOYAN DEBAO (1512–1581)
A Chan master of the Linji school of the Ming dynasty, Debao
was a na ve of Jintai (in present-day Beijing). His family name was
Wu. At the age of 20, he was inspired by a lecture on the Lengyan
Jing. At the age of 22, he went to Guanghui Temple to study with Daji
(d.u.) and received official ordina on. He then traveled to various
places and visited more than 30 masters. At Longquan Temple, he
 studied with the Linji Chan master Wuwen Mingcong (?–1543 or
1544). A er his realiza on was verified by his teacher, he became
Mingcong’s dharma heir. He taught at a number of monasteries and
gained great fame. He lived out his last years in a hermitage at
Liuxiang in Beijing. His recorded sayings were preserved in the Yuexin
Xiaoyan Baozu Nanbei Ji of four fascicles. In prac ce, he con nued the
approach of the kanhua Chan, but improved on it by star ng a new
method that combined contempla ng (kan) the huatou with reci ng
(nian) the huatou. Furthermore, he treated the recita on of the name
of the Buddha as equal to using a huatou. Thus, he contributed to the
tendency of developing the kanhua Chan into the nianfo Chan, which
was ini ated by Zhongfeng Mingben in the Yuan dynasty.
XIN
The Chinese word for “mind.” For the classical Chan concept of
mind, see ; ; ; and .
XING
This Chinese term is translated into English as “nature,” as o en
appears in such compounds as “Buddha-nature” (foxing) and “self-
nature” (zixing). However, the transla on is somewhat misleading,
since the xing in these uses does not denote any changeless essence
or essen al, inherent nature deeply rooted in every human mind. In
Chinese philosophical-religious, including Chan, context, xing denotes
the changeability and growth of the human mind and personhood,
among other things. Xing includes the meanings of direc onality,
rela onality, and existen al-prac cal development and
accomplishment.
XINGHUA CUNJIANG (830–888)
A Chan master of the Tang dynasty, Cunjiang was considered by
the Linji school to be the second patriarch a er its founder. According
to his epitaph, wri en by Gongcheng Yi (d.u.), Cunjiang’s surname was
Kong and his family was descended from Confucius. Cunjiang was
born at Youzhou in Hebei. He entered his monas c life at the age of 7
and was officially ordained at the age of 21. In 861, he became Linji’s
disciple in Zhenzhou. A er leaving Linji, he made an extended
pilgrimage to the south, including a visit to Yangshan Huiji, who
admired his excep onal understanding. Upon hearing that Linji was
 leaving Zhenzhou, Cunjiang returned to the north, accompanied Linji
to Weizhou, and remained there un l Linji’s death. Later, he rejected
the invita on to return to Youzhou, accepted a con nua on of his stay
in the city of Wei, and moved to a new temple built by the governor
for him. He died in 888. Cunjiang was also considered by the tradi on
to be the editor of the Linji Lu. The later development of the Linji
school was basically from his lineage.
XINGJIAO
This Chinese word includes the meaning of “travel” or
“pilgrimage,” an important method of Chan prac ce. As its o -used
Chinese synonym youfang (“travel from place to place”) in Chan
literature indicates, for students of Chan, xingjiao has no fixed place
as its goal. It is a homeless peregrina on, a wandering from one place
to the other, its des na on singular or plural, in search of a master, a
spiritual inspira on, or a kind of triggering experience, for the
realiza on of personal enlightenment. There is a dialec c between
the journey (or the path) and its goal, between freedom and
constraint. For many students, the xingjiao is an open-ended process,
and this transforma ve process cons tutes the nature of their
“quest.” A student’s planned visit to a sacred site could be subverted
by his or her traveling experiences. On the other hand, each travel
experience has its own constraints, being condi oned and influenced
by me and each par cular place and its environment, or structured
by popular ideas or pa erns. Thus, emphasis was placed on breaking
with a plan or pa ern, on encountering with or discovering living
Buddhas or patriarchs within each unique individual experience. This
perhaps explains why many accomplished “students” o en stayed
with different masters, visited different places, and returned to the
xingjiao even a er becoming abbots.
XINGSHAN WEIKUAN (754–817)
A na ve of Xin’an in Quzhou (in present-day Zhejiang), whose
family name was Zhu, Weikuan was one of Mazu Daoyi’s disciples. He
entered a monastery when he was age 12 and received the monastery
precepts at the age of 23. Having studied the Vinaya and the Tiantai
teaching of calming and contempla on, he went to Hongzhou to study
with Mazu. A er Mazu’s death, he went to the Minyue area (parts of
 present-day Fujian and Zhejiang) to preach. In 797, he arrived at
Shaolin Temple on Mount Song. In 805 and 806, he appeared at
Weiguo Temple and Tiangong Temple in Luoyang. In 809, Emperor
Xianzong (r. 805–820) invited Weikuan to the capital to preach at the
imperial court. Weikuan took up residence at Anguo Temple in
Chang’an. The following year, he was invited to lecture to the emperor
at the Linde Hall. Later he moved to Xingshan Temple, one of the
largest official monasteries in Chang’an, and remained there un l his
death.
In his last years, he a racted a large number of monas c and lay
disciples, including many officials and litera , and emerged as one of
the most influen al Chan teachers in the capital. According to his
epitaph, wri en by Bai Juyi (772–846), one of his famous lay disciples,
he was a charisma c figure with superhuman powers and had over
1,000 disciples. In his instruc on on “true cul va on” to Bai Juyi, he
advised the la er “not to move” and “not to forget things,” contrary
to many Chan masters’ popular sayings on “moving long with things”
and “being forge ul.” His influence helped to advance the recogni on
of Mazu and the Hongzhou school’s orthodoxy. It was when
Weikuan’s pres ge in Chang’an was at its peak that Emperor Xianzong
granted an honorary posthumous tle to Mazu, “Chan Master of
Great Tranquility.”
XITANG ZHIZANG (735–814)
A Chinese Chan monk in the Tang dynasty, he was one of the
most senior disciples of Mazu Daoyi. Chan chronicles o en describe
him as one of Mazu’s two leading disciples, along with Baizhang
Huaihai. In Mazu’s epitaph, Zhizang was ranked second, following only
Dazhu Huihai, in the list of Mazu’s senior disciples. However, Chan
sources provide li le informa on about the biography of Zhizang. His
own epitaph was not widely circulated and was not included in the
standard collec ons of documents from the Tang dynasty. Except for a
few short stories about Zhizang preserved in some Chan texts, of
ques onable provenances, there are no extant records of his
teachings.
His family name was Liao. He was born in Qianzhou (present-day
Ganzhou) in Jiangxi province. At the age of 8, he entered monas c life.
 At the age of 12, he joined his teacher Mazu at Xili Mountain and then
followed Mazu to Gonggong Mountain. At the age of 23, he received
full monas c ordina on. When Mazu received the invita on to take
up residence in Hongzhou, Mazu let Zhizang be in charge of the
monastery at Gonggong Mountain. Zhizang spent his last years there
and died at the age of 79. In 824, Emperor Muzong (r. 820–824)
granted him the posthumous tle Dajue (“great awakening”). His lay
disciples included some powerful local officials, and some reputed
founders of Korean Chan/Sŏn schools were among his disciples.
XIUXIN YAOLUN
Trea se on the Essen als of Cul va ng the Mind, an early Chan
text of instruc ons on medita on prac ce a ributed to the fi h
patriarch of Chan, Hongren. Like his teacher Daoxin, Hongren taught
his approach of medita on without wri ng down any words. It was
his students who recorded his teaching, crea ng the basis for this
text, which was discovered among the Dunhuang documents in the
20th century. An important idea in this text is “maintaining [the
awareness of] the mind” (shouxin). It means to be constantly aware
of, or concentrate on, the true mind or Buddha-nature in medita on.
By maintaining the awareness of the mind without false thoughts or
illusions, the true mind or Buddha-nature will, like the sun, shine forth
naturally. However, there is a tension between this inherent
perfec on of human existence and the necessary struggle for the
realiza on of enlightenment to many beginners. To achieve shouxin
thus requires vigorous effort in medita on, involving the visualiza on
of the golden orb of the sun (the image of Buddha-nature or
enlightenment) and calmly observing the clouds, or dusts of
ignorance, that cover the sun un l they cease to func on. The result is
an undistorted contact with the everyday world through the
undeluded mind. The teaching of shouxin is a further development of
the themes first elaborated by Bodhidharma’s Erru Sixing Lun. The
way Hongren uses the metaphor of the sun and clouds is also
reminiscent of the metaphor of mirror and dusts used in a similar
fashion by the Pla orm Sūtra.
XUANSHA SHIBEI (835–908)
 A Chan master of the Xuefeng Yicun lineage in the Tang dynasty,
Shibei was a na ve of Fuzhou in Fujian. His family name was Xie. In
860, Shibei le home to study with the Chan master Lingxun (d.u.) of
the Mazu lineage at Mount Furong. In 864, he received official
ordina on from the preceptor, Daoxuan, at Kaiyuan Temple in Jiangxi.
A year later, he met his dharma brother, Xuefeng Yichun, and their
rela onship became almost like teacher and student. Shibei achieved
enlightenment by reading the Lengyan Jing (Śūraṃgama Sūtra), and
his strict prac ce of asce cism won him the nickname “Bei Toutuo.”
He took up residence at Puying Monastery a er leaving Yichun, then
moved to Xuansha Monastery, where he taught and prac ced for
many years. He received the honorific tle “Great Master of the Best
from Tradi on” (Zongyi Dashi) from the king of Min. Among his 13
disciples, Luohan Guichen (867–928) was the teacher of Fayan Wenyi,
the founder of the Fayan school.
Shibei’s sayings were preserved in the Xuansha Guanglu and the
Xuansha Shibei Chanshi Yulu. Among his teachings, the formula on
“three sentences of principle (sanju gangzong)” was most influen al.
It includes three perspec ves or stages of the realiza on of true
suchness in a dialec cal or deconstruc ve rela onship. The first
perspec ve acknowledges the usefulness and limita on of seeing
Buddha-nature through one’s ordinary cogni ve ac vi es. The second
perspec ve places emphasis on the original nature (yuanchang) of
going beyond ordinary ac vi es of affirma on and nega on. With the
realiza on of emp ness and true suchness, the third perspec ve
a ains the harmoniza on and free func oning of all everyday
ac vi es. This combina on of the Lengyan Jing’s theory of Buddha-
nature with the Huayan no on of the non-obstruc on of all
phenomena became the precursor for the teaching of the Fayan
school. Scholars have noted the structural similarity between
Baizhang Huaihai’s “three sentences” and Shibei’s. Both represent the
post-Mazu approach of Chan to the problems of misunderstanding of
Mazu’s iden fica on between ordinary ac vi es and Buddha-nature.
XUEDOU CHONGXIAN (980–1052)
A Chan master of the Song dynasty, Chongxian was a na ve of
Suizhou (in present-day Sichuan). His family name was Li. He was
 ordained at Pu’an Temple in Chengdu. He studied with the Linji Chan
master Guyin Yuncong (965–1032) in Xiangzhou (in present-day
Hubei) for three years. Later, he studied with the Yunmen Chan
master Zhimen Guangzuo (d.u.) for five years in Fuzhou (in present-
day Hubei) and reached enlightenment under Guangzuo’s instruc on.
A er leaving Guangzuo, he con nued to prac ce at Luohan Temple on
Mount Lu, Jingde Temple in Chizhou (in present-day Anhui), and
Lingyin Temple in Hangzhou. With the support of Zenghui (952–1033),
a local official and his old friend, Chongxian became abbot at Cuifeng
Chan Temple in Suzhou. He was then invited to take up residence at
Zisheng Temple on Mount Xuedou (in present-day Zhejiang). He
preached there for about 29 years and achieved great fame. Emperor
Renzong (r. 1022–1063) granted him a purple robe and honored him
as Mingjue Dashi (“Great Master of Illumina on and Enlightenment”).
He died at the age of 73. His epitaph, wri en by an official, Lu Xiaqing
(1015–1068), reported that he had 150 disciples. Among them, 11 are
famous. Chongxian’s success had been called a renaissance of the
Yunmen school in the Song, although his epitaph assigned him to the
ninth genera on of Mazu’s lineage.
His sermons and short conversa ons at different temples, prosaic
and poe c commentaries on old cases (jugu and niangu), and other
poems (jizan) were preserved in the Mingjue Chanshi Yulu of six
fascicles, compiled by his disciples. He is famous for authoring his
Verses on One Hundred Old Cases (Songgu Baize, also called Xuedou
Songgu), which became the founda on for Yuanwu Keqin’s Blue Cliff
Record, a further commentary on these verses and the cases
Chongxian chose. Chongxian’s Songgu Baize is o en considered one of
the earliest examples of a new Chan genre—the gong’an literature—
and the Song “Chan of le ers and words” (wenzi Chan), even though
Chongxian, at the same me, s ll preached the central Chan no on
that the true dharma is beyond words and expressions. The key to
understanding the rela onship of these two sides of a Chan master
like Chongxian could be what Yuanwu Keqin characterized as “raolu
shuochan (to take a detour in talking about Chan),” an indirect way of
expressing the inexpressible for helping students.
XUEFENG TEMPLE (Ch. Xuefeng Si)
 Temple of “Snow Peak.” Located on Mount Xuefeng in Minhou
County in Fujian Province in China, it was built in 875 a er the Chan
master Xuefeng Yicun went there to preach dharma in 870. The
temple was sponsored by the Min monarch Wang Shenzhi (r. 909–
925). Wang named the original Xianggu Peak Snow Peak (Xuefeng)
and named the temple Ying an Xuefeng Chanyuan. In 894, the temple
was moved to its current loca on. In 978, during the Song dynasty,
the temple was renamed Xufeng Chongsheng Chan Temple, Xuefeng
Temple for short. During its most prosperous period, the community
(sangha) included more than 1,500 people. The temple was rebuilt
during the Ming and Qing dynas es. A stone pagoda in which Xuefeng
Yicun was buried and a wooden hut that was Yicun’s earliest
residence, among many other things, have also been preserved
through modern mes.
XUEFENG YICUN (822–908)
A Chan master of the Tang dynasty, Yicun occupies a special place
in Chan history. The founder of the Yunmen school, Yunmen Wenyan,
and the founder of the Fayan school, Fayan Wenyi, were both from
his lineage. The details of his life are recorded in his epitaph, wri en
by Wang Tao (?–911) and preserved in the Complete Wri ngs of Tang
(Quan Tang Wen). The Song Gaoseng Zhuan’s biography of Yicun is
based on this epitaph. His teachings are collected in the Xuefeng
Zhenjue Chanshi Yulu, compiled by Lin Hongyan (d.u.) in the Ming
dynasty. A chronological biographical list is a ached to this yulu.
A na ve of Nan’an in Quanzhou (in present-day Fujian), Yicun
was born into a Buddhist family. His secular surname was Zeng. At the
age of 12, he went to Yurun Temple in Pu an to study with Preceptor
Qingxuan (d.u.). At the age of 17, he entered monas c life and studied
with the Chan master Hongzhao Linxun (d.u.) at Mount Furong. Later,
he traveled to many places and was officially ordained at Baosha
Temple in Youzhou. At Wuling, he a ended Deshan Xuanjie. In 865,
he returned to Mount Furong. During the years 870–875, he built a
monastery on Peak Xianggu, west of Fuzhou, and named it Xuefeng
(Snow Peak). His preaching won strong support from several local
officials, including Wei Xiu (d.u.), Chen Yan (?–891), and the Min
monarch Wang Shenzhi (r. 909–925). He was invited by them to offer
 instruc on. It is said that he had more than 1,500 followers. Emperor
Xizong (r. 873–888) granted him the tle Zhenjue Dashi (“Great
Master of True Awakening”) and a purple robe. He died at the age of
87.
His teaching emphasized the inseparableness of realizing self-
nature and everyday ac vi es and situa ons and opposed seeking
enlightenment through external authori es, including words and
speeches. However, he is well known for his iconoclas c expression,
vulgar language, and hi ng his students with s cks during instruc on.
In contrast, in the records of his instruc on to the Min monarch Wang
Shenzhi, Yicun’s speech was much more conven onal.
XUYUN (1840–1959)
A Chan master of modern mes, Xuyun was born into the Xiao
family (originally from Xiangxiang of Hunan) in Quanzhou, Fujian. At
the age of 15, he decided to be a monk, but was forced by his father
to stay home and get married. At the age of 19, he le home and
entered his monas c life under the master Changkai (d.u.) at
Yongquan Temple in Fuzhou. The following year, he was ordained
under the master Miaolian (d.u.). A er three years of prac cing
asce cism, he traveled to many famous temples; sacred mountains;
and even Tibet, India, Sri Lanka, and Burma. In 1895, he achieved
enlightenment at Gaoming Temple in Yangzhou. Throughout his life,
he took up residence at 15 temples, revived 6 great monasteries, and
reconstructed more than 80 sites. In 1906, he was granted the tle
Foci Hongfa Dashi (“Great Master of Buddha’s Compassion and
Spreading Dharma”) by Emperor Guangxu (r. 1875–1908). In 1953, he
was elected honorary president of the Associa on of Chinese
Buddhism. He became the dharma heir of all five Chan schools, and
through him, these lineages expanded over three or four new
genera ons. Millions of people received ordina on or precepts from
him. He helped edit the collected portraits of Chan patriarchs (Fozu
Daoying) and other books of Chan lineages and wrote commentaries
on a number of Buddhist scriptures. His teachings were preserved in
the Xuyun Heshang Fahui, the Xuyun Heshang Fahui Xubian, and the
Xuyun Heshang Kaishi Lu.
 Y

YANGMING CHAN
This term was first used by neo-Confucian scholars in the late
Ming Dynasty to characterize the syncre c teaching of the most
influen al Ming neo-Confucian master, Wang Yangming (1472–1528).
Yangming dis nguished his teaching from the Song neo-Confucian
master Zhuxi’s (1130–1200) doctrine on the learning of principle
(lixue) by emphasizing the no on of the extension of innate
knowledge (zhi liangzhi), which saw the mind (xin) and the principle
(li) of things as inseparable. Although Yangming’s doctrine on the
learning of the mind (xinxue) and the no on of the innate knowledge
(liangzhi) were grounded in Mencius’s (372–289 BCE) teaching, he
interpreted the mind and the innate knowledge as being everyone’s
original wholeness of existence (ben ) and ul mate goodness
(zhishan), being self-evident (ziming), complete (yuancheng), and
sufficient (juzu), transcending any intellectual maneuver or
inves ga on of things, and with no reliance on external help. To
become a Confucian sage, for Yangming, was to realize inwardly this
liangzhi and let it naturally shine forth. His interpreta on was clearly
influenced by the Chan Buddhist no ons of Buddha-nature (or self-
nature) and sudden enlightenment. His adop on even included his
direct use of Chan rhetoric, such as “original face,” “no-thought,” “no-
abiding,” and so forth. Moreover, in his style of instruc on and
pedagogy, he preferred to use Chan-like colloquial language in his
encounter dialogues with students and others. He also assimilated
the Chan strategy to use different teachings for different people,
according to their higher or lower capaci es. In his later years, his
well-known and more controversial teaching of “four sentences”
started with the no on that the mind, or the wholeness, transcended
the dis nc on of ordinary goodness and evil, a no on very similar to
Chan Buddhist ideology, which was cri cized by other Confucian
scholars. Some of his direct disciples and their disciples, such as Wang
Ji (1498–1583) and Luo Rufang (1515–1588), further developed this
 aspect of Yangming’s later thought and blurred the boundary between
neo-Confucianism and Chan Buddhism more.
Yangming Chan could be seen as a phenomenon that resulted
from Yangming’s syncre c approach to all three Chinese tradi ons of
Confucianism, Buddhism, and Daoism. Yangming Chan does not mean
that Yangming became a Chan Buddhist a er being very engaged in
the study of Buddhism and Chan during his later life. Rather, it
indicates that Yangming appropriated and wove such a considerable
element of Chan Buddhist thought into his own Confucian teaching
that it grew ever closer to Chan and therefore could be qualified as a
kind of “Chan of Confucianism” for the first me ever.
YANGQI FANGHUI (992–1049)
A Chan master of the Song dynasty and the founder of the Yangqi
branch (Yangqi pai) in the Linji school, Fanghui was a na ve of Yichun
in Yuanzhou (in present-day Jiangxi). His family name was Leng. A er
becoming a monk, he started to read scriptures and traveled in search
of good teachers. Eventually he went to study with Shishuang
Chuyuan. With Chuyuan, he achieved awakening and became his
dharma heir. Later, he taught at Putong Chan Monastery on Mount
Yangqi in Yuanzhou, then also at Haihui Temple on Mount Yungai in
Tanzhou. He died at the age of 58. He had about 10 dharma heirs.
Among them, Baiyun Shouduan was the most famous, and his
dharma heir was Wuzu Fayan, the teacher of Yuanwu Keqin. Keqin
himself produced two well-known disciples: Dahui Zonggao and
Huqiu Shaolong. In four genera ons, the branch of Yangqi had
dominated the Linji school and surpassed its rival, the branch of
Huanglong. The lineage of Yangqi con nued to modern mes, and all
present-day Japanese Rinzai masters belong to this lineage. With a
style of using simple and clear words, emphasizing flexibility, and
integra ng the methods of the Yunmen school into its own Linji
heritage, Fanghui’s teachings, including his sermons, were preserved
in three collec ons of his recorded sayings.
YANGSHAN HUIJI (807–883)
A Chan master of the Tang dynasty and the cofounder, along with
Guishan Lingyou, of the Guiyan school, Huiji was born into a family of
Ye in Shaozhou in present-day Guangdong. At the age of 17, he
 became a monk at Nanhua Temple (originally called Baolin Temple
during the me of Huineng). He went to Jizhou in Jiangxi to study with
Danyuan Yingzhen (d.u.), a disciple of Nanyang Huizhong, who was an
heir of Huineng. With Danyuan, Huiji reached his first awakening and
learned to use circle-figures (yuanxiang) as a teaching device. Later,
he went to Tanzhou of Hunan to study with Guishan Lingyou and
remained there for about 15 years. He became Guishan’s dharma heir
and had a father-son type rela onship with his teacher. At the age of
35, he went to Mount Yang in Yuanzhou in Jiangxi to start his own
teaching, following his teacher’s style and o en using circle-figures to
convey the principle of Chan. All in all, he had 500–1,000 students,
including 11 officials. Among them, 10 were his dharma heirs. He died
at the age of 77 at Shaozhou. His posthumous tle was Zhitong Dashi
(“Great Master of Wisdom-Realiza on”). His instruc ons and
dialogues were included in the Ming dynasty edi on of the Wujia Yulu
as Yanshan Huiji Chanshi Yulu. Informa on about him in earlier Chan
texts, such as Zutang Ji, is deemed more reliable.
YAOFANG
Literally, “medical prescrip on,” a Chinese Chan expression to
illustrate the Mahayana Buddhist concept of expedient means.
Some mes it is used in the compound yingshi yaofang (“temporary
medical prescrip on”), to emphasize more clearly that all medical
prescrip ons are made for the pa ents’ temporary sicknesses. Once
the situa on changes, the doctor’s medical prescrip on must change
as well. Such is the temporary and expedient nature of all Buddhist,
including Chan, teachings.
YAOSHAN WEIYAN (743–827)
A Chan master of the Tang dynasty, Weiyan was regarded as the
disciple of Shitou Xiqian exclusively by the Chan tradi on. However,
Weiyan’s stele inscrip on, “Weiyan Dashi Beiming,” wri en by the
famous literatous Tangshen (d.u.) and preserved in the Tangwen Sui
(The Quintessence of Tang Wri ngs) of 1011, tells a different story.
Apparently, Weiyan studied with three different masters: Shitou
Xiqian, Mazu Daoyi, and Master Hong (of the Northern school) (d.u.),
spending the longest with Mazu. This is a cause of controversy. The
recent revisi ng of this stele inscrip on by contemporary scholars
 shows that it is a reliable text. According to this inscrip on and with
the correc on of some minor errors, Weiyan’s family name was Han,
his family origin was Jiangzhou (in present-day Shanxi), and he was
born in Xinfeng in Nankang (in present-day Jiangxi). At the age of 17
(in 760), he became a novice monk and a ended Chan master
Huizhao (d.u.) at Mount West of Chaozhou (in present-day
Guangdong). In 768, he received full ordina on from the Vinaya
master Xicao (d.u.). A er staying with Mazu for a long me, he went
to Mount Yao in Lizhou (in present-day Hunan) to preach in 789,
remaining there un l his death. The inscrip on also presented Weiyan
as a rela vely conserva ve Chan master, who preached scriptures and
led a self-disciplined life, which is very different from how he was
described in the later Chan texts, as having discarded the three
learnings as useless furniture and forbidden others to read scriptures.
Scholars believe that this inscrip on was not forged by the followers
of the Hongzhou school during the late Tang and Five Dynas es. What
was added to Weiyan’s biography by the later texts is inauthen c,
including the story of his rela onship with the Confucian scholar Li Ao
(772–841).
YIN
When used as a verb by Chinese Chan texts, it means “to accord
or to harmonize with each other” and “to verify each other” regarding
enlightenment and the mind-to-mind transmission. It is o en used in
compounds such as yinhe, yinke, and yinzheng.
See also .
YINSHUN (1906–2005)
A scholar-monk of modern mes, Yinshun was a na ve of
Haining in Zhejiang. His family name was Zhang. He studied at a
private school in his youth and later learned Chinese medicine, but his
interest was in the study of philosophy and religion. He became an
elementary school teacher at the age of 16. At the age of 20, he
turned to the study of Buddhism. He became a monk at Fuquan
Hermitage of Mount Putuo with the master Qingnian (1875–1957)
and was ordained under the master Yuanying at Tiantong Temple.
During his study at Minnan Buddhist College and Wuchang Buddhist
College, he met with the masters Xuyun, Cizhou (1877–1958), and
 Taixu. At the age of 42, he became the chief editor for the Taixu Dashi
Quanshu. In 1949, he moved to Hong Kong and became the president
of the Hong Kong Buddhist Federa on. In 1952, he moved to Taiwan,
taking the posi ons of guiding master (and later abbot) at Shandao
Temple and editor of the journal Haichao Yin. He founded a number
of Buddhist ins tutes, including Fuyan Jingshe, Women’s College of
Buddhism, and Huiri Lecture House. In 1965, he was appointed
professor of philosophy at the College of Chinese Culture. During
1970–1974, he published his anthology Miaoyun Ji in 24 volumes. In
1971, his History of Chinese Chan Buddhism was published; because
of that, two years later he received an honorary doctoral degree of
humani es from Taisho University in Japan. He was known for the
originality of his scholarship, for the great range and number of his
publica ons on Buddhism, for his cri cal a tude and opposi on to
sectarianism, and for his advocacy of renjian fojiao (Buddhism in the
human world).
YINYUAN LONGQI (1592–1673)
A Chan master of the Linji school at the end of the Ming dynasty
and the beginning of the Qing dynasty, Longqi was a na ve of Fuqing
in Fuzhou (in present-day Fujian province). His family name was Lin. At
the age of 23, he made a pilgrimage to Mount Putuo and served at
the Chaoyin Caven. Some years later, he was officially ordained on
Mount Huangbo. He then con nued his pilgrimage to many sacred
places and studied Buddhist scriptures. In 1624, he received dharma
transmission from the Linji master Miyun Yuanwu. In 1633, Longqi
took up residence at Western Building in Huangbo Temple to assist
the abbot Feiyin Tongrong and wound up becoming his dharma heir.
Four years later, Longqi succeeded Tongrong to become the abbot of
Huangbo Temple. He then served as abbot respec vely at Fuyan
Temple in Zhejiang and Longquan Temple in Fujian, returning to
Mount Huangbo in 1646. In 1654, Yiran Xingrong (1601–1668) of
Kōfukuji in Nagasaki invited Longqi to Japan. Accompanied by 30
monks, Longqi arrived at Nagasaki by sea. Seven years later, Longqi
established Manpukuji at Mount Ōbaku, promo ng the style of
Huangbo Xiyun and invigora ng monas c precepts. He became the
founding patriarch of the Japanese Ōbaku school, one of the three
 Japanese Zen schools. While preaching in Japan, Longqi involved
himself in the Japanese reprin ng of his master Tongrong’s
controversial book, Wudeng Yantong, and sent the copies back to
China to support his master. The Wudeng Yantong also helped form
the orthodoxy for his Ōbaku school. In 1673, the Japanese emperor
Gomizunoo granted Longqi the tle “Na onal Teacher of Great
Radiance and Universal Illumina on” (Daikō Fushō Kokushi). Longqi
had 23 disciples and le behind many texts, including the Fushō
kokushi kōroku.
YIQI WEICHUAN
This is the classical Chan defini on of the communica on or
transmission of the enlightened mind. Translated into English, it is
“the experience, realiza on, and resonance of enlightenment are the
transmission.” This defini on was originally presented by Pei Xiu, a
famous lay disciple of Huangbo Xiyun and the editor of the la er’s
Chuanxin Fayao, in his “Hymn on the Transmission of the Mind,”
appended to the Chuanxin Fayao. Pei Xiu’s account and summary of
Huangbo’s teaching on the transmission of the mind approximates
Huangbo’s own words preserved in the Chuanxin Fayao.
According to Huangbo, enlightenment or the enlightened mind
cannot be transmi ed in any ordinary sense as external knowledge or
something internal. The transmission from mind to mind (yixin
chuanxin) must be understood as the mutual realiza on or
verifica on of enlightenment (yixin yinxin). The mind of the master
and the mind of the disciple are brought into harmony or accord by
each one’s enlightenment. This is the true meaning of Chan
transmission. Huangbo also uses another term, qihui, to emphasize
that being able to verify and harmonize one’s mind with another
enlightened mind is first and foremost to experience and realize one’s
own enlightenment. This experience and realiza on of one’s own
enlightenment is a prac cal ma er, inseparable from ac vi es in the
everyday world and involvement with others. More than the
understanding of words, it encompasses one’s existen al choice, the
conversion of one’s life outlook and a tude, goodwill, and decision
making; in short, the transforma on of the en re personhood. Pei
Xiu’s yiqi weichuan quite accurately conveys Huangbo’s interpreta on
 of Chan transmission as the mutual realiza on and resonance of
enlightenment (qihui).
YIXIN
See .
YIXIN CHUANXIN
A Chinese expression for mind-to-mind transmission, the so-
called uniqueness of Chan transmission (bianchuan). The content of
this Chan transmission can literally be referred to as Buddhist Dharma
(fofa, the teaching and goal of Buddhism), emp ness, enlightenment,
and so forth. In classical Chan Buddhism, it was more o en referred to
as Buddha-mind, or one mind, which is equivalent to the realiza on of
Buddha-nature, the overall condi on of all individual beings and
things, and its func ons through the ordinary mind. However, the
word “transmission” (chuan) is somewhat misleading in this context,
since Buddha mind or the enlightened mind cannot be transmi ed in
any conven onal sense as something external or internal, and this
cannot be done merely through the understanding of wri en words.
The transmission from mind to mind requires the existen al-prac cal
transforma on of the human mind and the en re personhood. Only
the mutual realiza on and verifica on of enlightenment in a prac cal
context can be seen as the transmission from mind to mind.
See also ; ; .
YIXIN YINXIN
A classical Chan expression referring to the transmission of mind,
or more accurately, the transmission from mind to mind (yixin
chuanxin). When interpre ng “the transmission from mind to mind”
in his Chuanxin Fayao, Huangbo Xiyun emphasized that mind and
mind verify and accord with each other (yixin yinxin) so that they
become the same (xinxin buyi). The crucial element in this expression
is the word yin. As a verb, yin involves the meanings “to accord or to
harmonize with each other,” “to verify each other,” and so forth. For
Huangbo Xiyun, the transmission from mind to mind must be
understood as the mutual realiza on or verifica on of enlightenment.
The mind of the master and the mind of the disciple are brought into
harmony or accord by each one’s enlightenment. This is the true
meaning of transmission. The verifica on (yin) of enlightenment
 cannot be understood as merely interior. It must be characterized as
neither interior nor exterior, since it can never be cut off from, or
confined to, one side or the other. It is the existen al-prac cal
transforma on of the en re personhood through everyday ac vi es.
See also .
YIXING SANMEI
See .
YIZIGUAN
This Chinese expression means “one-word barrier.” It refers to
Yunmen Wenyan’s celebrated use of only one-word answers to the
various ques ons posed by his audiences. Being elusive, some mes
seemingly irrelevant, and beyond either nega ve or posi ve answers,
“one-word barrier” a empts to use the smallest number of words to
break the barrier of words, to overcome the limita on of words and
the conven onal way of dualis c thinking. It is a strategy to serve the
purpose of indirect communica on and to produce effects of shocking
therapy, helping students to achieve a breakthrough.
YONG
Paired with another Chinese word, , it is one of the most
frequently used categories in Chinese philosophy and in Chinese
Buddhist, especially Chan, teachings. Yong means “func on” or “use,”
but all func ons or uses are the func on or use of the whole—the
itself. In Chan Buddhism, refers to the dharma body (fashen), true
suchness (zhenru), Buddha-mind, original mind, one mind, Buddha-
nature, self-nature, and so forth. All ordinary ac vi es, or events, are
the func ons and uses of Buddha-nature—the . Ordinary ac vi es
(yong) and Buddha-nature ( ) are non-dualis c.
YONGJIA JI
Collected Works of Yongjia, also called Chanzong Yongjia Ji
(Collected Works of Yongjia of the Chan School), is a compila on of 10
papers, most of which are poe c wri ngs, on the process, principles,
and methods of medita on, authored by the Chan master Yongjia
Xuanjue of the Tang dynasty and collected and prefaced by Xuanjue’s
friend, Weijing (d.u.), a er Xuanjue’s death. This book not only
excluded Xuanjue’s most famous Zhengdao Ge (Song of the
Realiza on of the Way), but also differed significantly from the la er
 in content, rhetoric, and style. The first three papers belonged to the
prepara on sec on (xufeng) and referred to se ng up good will and
formali es, prac cing moral precepts, and cul va ng pure karma. The
next five papers belonged to the sec on of right principle (zhengzong
feng), the central part of the book. In these papers, Xuanjue discussed
medita on progressively from overcoming delusion through
concentra on, a aining wisdom through contempla on, prac cing
both calmness and contempla on in detaching oneself from all
phenomena, to achieving the stages of three vehicles. His ten
methods of contempla ng the mind (guanxin shimen) involved the
no ons of “three truths (sandi)” and “three kinds of wisdom (sanzhi),”
showing the major influence of Tiantai Buddhism on his thought of
Chan. The last two papers belonged to the sec on of communica on
(liutong feng), including his le er to the Tiantai master Xuanlang
(673–754), in which he rejected Xuanlang’s invita on to live in the
mountains and expressed his view that whatever one sees is nothing
but the occasion to prac ce the dao; therefore, one should get along
with any place and follow condi ons (suichu renyuan). The Yongjia Ji
triggered several commentaries.
YONGJIA XUANJUE (675–713)
Xuanjue was a Chan master in the Tang dynasty and an obscure
but influen al figure in the Chan textual history. According to the texts
that appeared in the Five Dynas es and the early Song dynasty (240
years or more a er his death), such as the Zutang Ji, the Song
Gaoseng Zhuang, and the Jingde Chuandeng Lu, Xuanjue was a
na ve of Yongjia in Wenzhou (in present-day Fujian). His family name
was Dai, and he became a monk in his youth. Having studied
extensively in the Buddhist Tripitaka and specialized in the Tiantai
training, he prac ced medita on at Longxing Temple in Wenzhou and
made friends with Xuanlang (673–754), a disciple of Tiangong Huiwei
(634–713), the seventh patriarch of Tiantai Buddhism. In Xuanjue’s
search for good teachers, he visited Shenxiu’s followers and
eventually met the late Huineng. Xuanjue stayed one night in
Huineng’s temple before returning to his own. This mee ng became
the famous story of “a one night awakening” and the basis of
 Xuanjue’s claim to being a disciple of Huineng, which was endorsed by
the later Chan tradi on.
Xuanjue composed 10 papers on medita on, which were
collected and prefaced by his friend Weijing (d.u.), the governor of
Qingzhou, as Yongjia Ji (Collected Works of Yongjia), a er Xuanjue’s
death. Weijing’s preface is the earliest extant source for biographical
informa on on Xuanjue. However, Weijing’s preface did not men on
that Xuanjue was Huineng’s disciple, nor did the Yongjia Ji include
Xuanjue’s rhymed Chan poem, known as Song of the Realiza on of the
Way (Zhengdao Ge), first presented by the Jingde Chuandeng Lu,
which became one of the most cited Chan poems in the Chan textual
history. The rhetoric, style, and content of the papers in the Yongjia Ji
are very different from those of the Zhengdao Ge. The Yongjia Ji
reflects the Tiantai approach of contempla on, while the Zhengdao
Ge resembles the teaching of the Hongzhou school. The earliest
extant manuscript of the Zhengdao Ge (dated in 980) was discovered
among the Dunhuang documents in the 20th century under the tle
Chanmen Miyaojue (Secret Essen al Methods of Chan School),
authored by a Chan master of a different name, Zhaojue. The
authen city of Xuanjue’s authorship of the Zhengdao Ge and his
iden ty as a dharma heir in the lineage of Huineng were ques oned
as early as in the Song dynasty, by the monks from Tiantai Buddhism,
and modern scholars have similar doubts.
YONGJUE YUANXIAN (1578–1657)
A Chan master of the Caodong school in the Ming dynasty,
Yuanxian was a na ve of Jianyang in Fujian. His family name was Cai.
During his youth, he immersed himself in the study of Confucian
classics and neo-Confucian works. At the age of 25, he started to learn
Buddhism. A year later, he decided to study Chan. At the age of 40, he
became a disciple of Wuming Huijing, and his enlightenment was
soon verified by Huijing. When Huijing died, he followed Huijing’s
senior disciple, Wuyi Yuanlai, and was officially ordained by Yuanlai.
Later, Yuanxian became abbot at several Chan temples, including
Yongquan Temple at Mount Drum in Fuzhou and Kaiyuan Temple in
Quanzhou. His teaching of Chan was successful, and was called
Gushan Chan (“Chan at Mount Drum”).
 The most conspicuous aspect of his teaching is his syncre s c
a tude toward the rela onship among Chan, scriptural teachings and
precepts, and among Buddhism, Daoism, and Confucianism. His
jus fica on for the syncre sm toward different schools of Buddhism
is that Chan, scriptural teachings, and precepts are all from one
source, and none can be absent from the unity of Buddhism. For the
three greater Chinese tradi ons of Buddhism, Daoism, and
Confucianism, his syncre s c theory is that all three tradi ons share
the same single underlying principle (liyi). Although in responding to
myriad different opportuni es (jishu), three different teachings are
given, they are in fact one (sanjiao shiyi). The rhetoric of the liyi jishu
sounds very similar to the neo-Confucian no on of liyi fengshu (all
separate different things embody one underlying principle).
Yuanxian’s teachings were preserved in the 30-fascicle Extensive
Records of Chan Master Yongjue Yuanxian (Yongjue Yuanxian Chanshi
Guanglu). Yuanxian was also a prolific writer who published about 20
works, including scriptural exegesis and Chan transmission history.
Yuanxian’s dharma heir Weilin Daopei further promoted “Gushan
Chan” and made the Yongquan Temple a great Chan center in
southeast China.
YONGMING YANSHOU (904–975)
A Chan master of the Fayan school in the early Song dynasty,
Yanshou was a na ve of Qiantang (in present-day Zhejiang). His family
name was Wang. He read the Lotus Sūtra frequently, but he was a
government official before he became a monk and studied with the
Chan master Cuiyan (d.u.). Later, he met with the Fayan master
Tiantai Deshao, who confirmed Yanshou’s realiza on. Yanshou
preached at Mount Xuedou for some years, his fame growing all the
while. In 960, the Wuyue monarch Qian Hongshu (r. 948–978)
appointed Yanshou as the first abbot of the newly built temple on
Mount Lingyin, and the next year, appointed him the abbot of
Yongming Temple in Hangzhou. Yanshou had more than 2,000
followers there and ordained 36 monks from Korea. He died at the
age of 72. His posthumous tle was Zhijue Chanshi (“Chan Master of
Wisdom and Enlightenment”).
 Yanshou was one of those rare Chan masters who was also a
prolific writer. There are 61 books a ributed to him, but many are not
extant, and it is difficult to determine if he even wrote these works.
The 100-fascicle Zongjing Lu (Records of the Source-Mirror) and the 3-
fascicle Wanshan Tonggui Ji (Anthology on the Common End of
Myriad Good Deeds) are considered his most important and reliable
works. His magnum opus, Zongjing Lu, included some materials about
Tang Chan masters that the transmission of the lamp literature did
not, which became an important source for the study of Tang Chan
Buddhism. The Zongjing Lu’s approach was dis nc ve from many
other collec ons of Chan sayings aiming to promote the lineage
iden ty and hierarchy. It set up a framework of the one mind as the
source and underlying principle (zong) to unify the scriptural
teachings (jiao) of Buddhism and Chan prac ce and to do jus ce to all
Chan lineages. In his Wanshan Tonggui Ji, he used doctrinal teachings
from Mahayana scriptures and trea ses to jus fy his point that the
realiza on of one’s own nature and the cul va on of virtuous
behavior do not oppose each other.
This syncre s c and non-dualis c approach saw the prac ce of
nianfo (recita on of Buddha’s name) as compa ble with the aims of
medita on and included it within various good deeds to be cul vated.
The later development of Chinese Pure Land Buddhism started to see
Yanshou as a Pure Land master, while the evolving Chan tradi on with
the Linji school’s increasing dominance marginalized Yanshou’s
approach to Chan, despite its enduring influence. Recent study of
Yanshou tends to reevaluate Yanshou’s legacy for Chan and sees him
as a great Chan master and advocate of Mahayana Bodhisa va
prac ce.
YONGQUAN TEMPLE (Ch. Yongquan Si)
Temple of “Abundant Spring.” Located on Mount Drum (Gushan)
in Fuzhou in Fujian Province in China, it was built in 908 during the
Houliang of the Five Dynas es. In 992, the Song emperor Zhenzong (r.
997–1022) named it Yongquan Chan Temple. During the Ming and
Qing dynas es, the Caodong abbots Yongjue Yuanxian and Weilin
Daopei were very successful leaders. Besides the many magnificent
buildings, the temple’s Hall of Storing Scriptures (Cangjing Lou)
 became one of the greatest libraries among the Chinese Buddhist
temples, possessing the Ming edi ons of the Southern canon
(Nanzang) and Northern canon (Beizang), the Qing edi on of the
Qianlong canon (Longzang), and works outside the canon, such as 120
fascicles of Weilin Daopai’s works.
YOU
The literal meanings of this Chinese word include “having,”
“carrying,” and “possessing.” In the common usage of Chinese
philosophy and religious thought, it designates being or existence, as
opposed to “wu,” non-being or non-existence. It is one of the
expressions of affirma on. In the Chan Buddhist context, you and wu,
existence and non-existence, as all other dualis c concepts, must be
transcended in order to free the human mind and move along with
the changing circumstances. The purpose and effects of Chan
Buddhist non-duality are not just nega ve, or nihilis c, but rather
posi ve and affirma ve of life and existence as the way it is, which is
best demonstrated in the popular compound miaoyu (“wondrous
being”).
YUANJUE JING AND CHAN
The Perfect Awakening Sūtra, a widely used short form of the
complete tle, Dafangguang Yuanjue Xiuduoluo Liaoyi Jing (Great
Correc ve Extensive Perfect Awakening Sūtra of the Complete
Doctrine). This scripture appeared around the late 7th to the early 8th
centuries as a Chinese transla on by a very obscure Indian monk,
Buddhatrāta (d.u.). No Sanskrit original or transla on in another
language has ever been discovered. It has been commonly held that
this scripture is a Chinese forgery or apocryphon. However, it was and
con nues to be a very influen al text in Chinese Buddhism, especially
for Chan, and is used extensively by Chan Buddhist prac oners.
Unlike in other famous Buddhist scriptures, the Buddha, in this sūtra,
does not give sermons in any ordinary place, but appears in the
highest state of medita on (samādhi), called “great illumina ng
storehouse of spiritual penetra on (shentong daguangming zong),”
and answers ques ons raised, respec vely, by 12 bodhisa vas,
including Manjuśrī, Samantabhadra, and Maitreya, about the perfect
awakening and the ways to cul vate it.
 Like the Awakening of Faith in the Mahayana (Dasheng Qixin
Lun), this scripture claims the original perfect awakening, the pure
mind, or Buddha-nature as a unifying source of all things,
encompassing all dualis c dis nc ons of existence/non-existence,
libera on/afflic on, enlightenment/ignorance, and so forth. It
advocates the supremacy of sudden enlightenment, which goes
beyond gradual procedures. The scripture acknowledges different
levels of human capacity and for that reason accommodates various
ways of cul va on, including prac ces of medita on and precepts, to
let this original illumina on shine forth, like polishing a mirror and
cleaning away the dust. It is quite clear that this text played a
significant role in shaping expressions of Chan ideology. Throughout
the history of Chan Buddhism, numerous Chan masters quoted this
scripture in their sermons and conversa ons with students and wrote
commentaries on it. Among them, Zongmi’s several commentaries
and subcommentaries stand out as the most influen al, par cularly
his Notes to the Great Commentary on the Perfect Awakening Sūtra
(Yuanjue Jing Dashu Chao).
YUANJUE JING DASHU CHAO
Notes to the Great Commentary on the Perfect Awakening Sūtra.
Wri en around 823–824, this was Zongmi’s further explana on of his
prior work, The Great Commentary on the Perfect Awakening Sūtra
(Yuanjue Jing Dashu). The Yuanjue Jing Dashu Chao has 13 fascicles. In
the second part of the third fascicle, Zongmi provided data,
comparison, and comments on the genealogies, teachings, and
prac ces of seven Chan schools, including the Northern school, the
Jingzhong school, the Baodang school, the Hongzhou school, the Ox-
Head school, the Heze school, and the South Mountain Buddha-
Recita on Gate school (which is not exactly a Chan school). His
characteriza ons of these schools were basically fair and accurate.
The informa on he provided in this work became one of the most
reliable sources for the study of Tang Chan Buddhism.
YUANMING LUN
Trea se on Perfect Illumina on, a Chan text of nine chapters
discovered among the Dunhuang documents and once a ributed to
Aśvaghoṣa (Maming Pusa, in Chinese), is now considered a
 transcrip on of a lecture made by an eminent figure in the Northern
school. The author’s teaching was based on his reading of Mahayana
scriptures and his experience in media on. Like other Northern school
texts, it focused on the problems of ini a ng and con nuing prac ce
that would lead to the final realiza on. It shared with Shenxiu’s
Guanxin Lun the elabora on on differen a ng the pure and defiled
aspects of the mind and placed emphasis on the importance of
constancy in medita on prac ce. Interes ngly, the so-called sudden
teaching was interpreted by the text as the realiza on of the essence
of the mind (xin ) combining with the comprehension of
nonsubstan ality, while the gradual teaching was limited to the early
Buddhist teaching of no-self. The text clarified its posi on that,
although the prac ce required a progression from external to internal
objects of contempla on, in the moment of enlightenment the
meditator transformed himself by the eradica on of all his illusions,
including the subject-object dualism.
YUANWU KEQIN (1063–1135)
A Chan master in the Yangqi lineage of the Linji school in the
Song dynasty, he was a na ve of Pengzhou (in present-day Sichuan).
His family name was Luo. A er becoming a monk, he studied precepts
and scriptures, but he was not sa sfied and so turned to the study of
Chan. He traveled to several places to see different Chan masters.
Everywhere he went, he was praised for his high ability and poten al.
Finally, he visited Wuzu Fayan in Anhui, but grew angry with Fayan for
cri cizing him and decided to leave. He returned to Fayan a er he fell
ill in Suzhou and realized that his teacher had been right. Under
Fayan’s training, he became his dharma heir. In 1102, Keqin went back
to Sichuan to see his sick mother. He was soon invited by the prefect
of Chengdu to be abbot at Zhaojue Temple.
Eight years later, he was invited to the abbacy of Lingquan
Monastery at Mount Jia in Hunan. During that me, he started to
deliver his famous lectures on the Yunmen master Xuedou
Chongxian’s Verses on One Hundred Old Cases (Songgu Baize). These
lectures and commentaries were later published as the Biyan Lu (Blue
Cliff Record), which became one of the most important texts for the
study of gong’an in the Linji tradi on. Keqin was also invited to teach
 at several other temples, including three years at Tianning Temple in
the capital, Kaifeng. His preaching was very successful and popular,
not only among ordinary people but also among litera , high-ranking
officials, and emperors. It was said that he had about 500 disciples.
Among them, the most well-known are Dahui Zonggao and Huqiu
Shaolong. Keqin returned to Zhaojue Temple in 1130 and died in
1135, at the age of 73. He was granted the tles Fuguo Chanshi
(“Chan Master of Buddha Fruit”) by Emperor Huizong (r. 1100–1126)
and Yuanwu Chanshi (“Chan Master of Perfect Enlightenment”) by
Emperor Gaozong (r. 1127–1162).
Keqin’s sermons, informal talks (xiaocan), wri en instruc ons
(fayu), verses, and commentaries on gong’an were collected by his
disciples in a 20-fascicle text, Yuanwu Fuguo Chanshi Yulu, in addi on
to his Biyan Lu. Keqin’s contribu on to the gong’an literature and the
prac ce of using gong’an were remarkable. He has been seen as a
precursor to the kanhua Chan, which was developed by his disciple,
Dahui Zonggao. However, Keqin was more concerned with the
intui ve or non-conceptualizing way of using gong’an as living words
(huoju) and understanding the meaning beyond the words. He did not
go so far, unlike Dahui, as to emphasize medita ng on a single phrase
of a gong’an (huatou) and to see it as the only prac ce that could lead
to enlightenment.
YUANYING (1878–1953)
A Chan master during modern mes, Yuanying was a na ve of
Gu an in Fujian. His family name was Wu, and his dharma name was
Hongwu. He lost his parents in his youth and was raised by his uncle.
At the age of 19, he entered his monas c life at Yongquan Temple on
Mount Gu of Fuzhou, and he was ordained under the master Miaolian
(d.u.) the following year. He then studied with the Chan master Yankai
(1852–1922) at Tianning Temple in Changzhou for four years and with
Jing’an at Tiantong Temple in Ningbo for six years. He also studied the
Tiantai doctrines with Daojie (1870–1934), Dixian (1858–1932), and
others. In 1906, he became the dharma heir of the Linji master Ciyun
(1826–1910) at the Temple of Seven Pagodas in Ningbo.
From the age of 31, he lectured at various places including
Fujian, Zhejiang, Beijing, and Southeast Asia, and took abbacy at a
 number of famous monasteries, including Tiantong Temple in Ningbo,
Xuefeng Temple and Yongquan Temple in Fuzhou, Yuanming Lecture
House in Shanghai, and Jile Temple in Malaysia. In 1929, Yuanying and
Taixu established the Associa on of Chinese Buddhism, and Yuanying
was elected its president seven mes. During World War II, Yuanying
was very ac ve in fund-raising and organizing Buddhist temples to aid
the Chinese troops’ fight against the Japanese invasion. He was put in
jail and tortured by Japanese troops in Shanghai and led a hunger
strike against that treatment. In 1945, he established the Yuanming
College of Specializa on in the Lengyan Jing in Shanghai. In 1953, he
became the president of the newly organized Associa on of Chinese
Buddhism. He le behind 20 works, which were collected into the
Yuanying Fahui (Collected Works of Dharma of Yuanying). He was a
well-known expert in the study of the Lengyan Jing. His synthesis of
Chan and the doctrines, Chan and Pure Land, and his prac ce of
Buddhist ac vism are part of his enduring legacy.
YULIN TONGXIU (1614–1675)
A Chan master of the Linji school in the early Qing dynasty,
Tongxiu was a na ve of Jiangyin in present-day Jiangsu. His family
name was Yang. At the age of 19, he entered his monas c life, was
ordained by his teacher Tianyin Yuanxiu (1575–1635), and received
the dharma transmission from Yuanxiu. At the age of 23, he became
the abbot of Bao’en Temple at Wukang in present-day Zhejiang. In
1658, he was invited by Emperor Shunzhi (r. 1643–1661) to preach at
the Palace of Ten Thousand Goodness and was granted the tle “Chan
Master of Great Awakening” (Dajue Chanshi). In 1660, Emperor
Shunzhi further appointed him Na onal Teacher (guoshi). In his work
[Answering] Ques ons from Guests (Ke Wen), which reflected his
teaching ac vi es at the imperial court, Tongxiu conveyed the
perspec ve of maintaining the transcendent spirit with a strong this-
worldly orienta on by explaining that, from emperor to commoner,
every person can realize one’s own nature, if one can fully understand
the world, be cau ous with the world, and detach oneself from the
world. Tongxiu is famous for prac cing the Confucian virtue of filial
love (xiao) by building a hut for his widowed mother next to his
temple to take care of her. His teachings were preserved in the
 Recorded Sayings of Na onal Teacher Yulin Tongxiu of 12 fascicles.
However, it was reported that he was involved in occupying a Chan
temple and driving out the Caodong monks by using his privileged
rela onship with the government, which caused much cri cism.
YULU
The most common English transla on of this Chinese term is
“recorded sayings” or “record of sayings.” It designates a genre of
literary text that recorded a teacher’s, or a master’s, spoken words,
oral instruc ons, and conversa ons with others, by someone who was
present at the occasion, in most circumstances, a student. Although a
text of yulu was compiled by a listener and a ributed to the speaker,
it was on principle dis nguished from any authored wri en texts. The
origin of the yulu genre in Chinese literary culture can be tracked back
to Confucius’s Analects (Lunyu), which is the record of the words of
Confucius and therefore could be seen as the earliest text of a yulu.
Many Chan texts used the tle yulu, and the yulu is one of the
best-known genres of Chan literature. Although the Song Gaoseng
Zhuan (The Song Edi on of Biographies of Eminent Monks) from 988
included the earliest men on of the yulu of individual Chan masters,
the Jingde Chuandeng Lu, from 1004, acknowledged for the first me
the use of selected materials from the yulu texts of various regions for
its own editorial purposes. It is quite clear that around the beginning
of the 11th century, Chan yulu texts had been widely circula ng. Many
yulu texts also went by other names such as yuben, yanjiao, guangyu,
guanglu, bielu, and yuyao. By the end of the Song, several hundred
had emerged, and the number con nued to grow. Contemporary
scholars believe that the yulu of many famous Tang Chan masters that
were published in the Song could have been based on materials that
originated in the Tang. However, it was only in the Song that the yulu
came into its own as a mature and favored genre and became a
cri cal component in Chan’s forma on of iden ty and a vital factor in
the success of Chan Buddhism.
A typical or mature yulu text contained two basic elements of
recorded oral teachings and biographical informa on. Oral teachings
mainly were public sermons and encounter dialogues. Biographical
informa on was o en placed in the sec on of xinglu (record of
 ac vi es). Some yulu texts also included wri en le ers, trea ses, and
poems (jisong). In modern scholarship, the yulu is not defined as a
dis nc ve genre of Chan literature, but rather is used broadly to refer
to all Chan texts. Contemporary scholarship has now started to
separate the yulu from other genres of Chan literature. According to a
more recent study of the yulu literature in the Song, there were two
general types of the yulu text. The first is called “yulu proper.” It
usually included an individual master’s conven onal oral instruc ons,
such as sermons and encounter dialogues, recorded by disciples. A
great number of such “yulu proper” texts exist, but most of them have
no independent edi ons, such as the Jiangxi Mazu Daoyi Chanshi Yulu
(o en called Mazu Yulu). The second is called “yulu collec ons.” Such
collec ons existed as independent works with yulu (some mes
guanglu or simply lu) in their tles. The yulu collec ons included not
only the texts of yulu proper, but also some mes a few authored
wri en texts by the Chan master himself, which were not records at
all, such as those in the Hongzhi Lu. These yulu collec ons of
individual masters could also be placed together in a larger
compila on, while s ll maintaining the emphasis on individual
masters, such as in the Mazu Sija Lu (the extant Ming edi on tled
Sijia Yulu), a collec on of the four masters Mazu, Baizhang, Huangbo,
and Linji, and in the Guzunsu Yulu, a collec on of 20 masters’
recorded sayings. Thus, the genre of yulu collec ons is dis nguished
from the genre of the transmission of the lamp literature or the lamp
histories, which placed emphasis on lineages rather than on individual
masters, even though they may have been partly based on some
individual yulu. Furthermore, any single-authored wri en Chan work
cannot be counted simply as a yulu text in terms of this defini on of
the yulu genre, unless it has been part of a yulu collec on.
YUMO BU’ER
The Chinese words here mean “speaking and silence are non-
dualis c.” This is an important but neglected classical Chan no on on
the use of language, found in Huangbo Xinyun’s Wanling Lu and
expressed similarly by other Chan masters. The non-duality of
speaking and silence avoids establishing any hierarchical rela onship
between the two sides and makes it illegi mate to privilege silence
 over speaking, or vice versa. The no on sees speaking and silence as
mutually condi oned, involved, and exchangeable rather than
isolated, independent, and exclusive of each other. As a result, the
clear-cut demarca on between silence and speaking is obscured.
Silence is seen to play a role in communica on and expression;
speaking is found to be able to prac ce its self-erasing, to work on the
limits of speaking, or to be against the inadequacy of speaking itself.
This helps develop new strategies for Chan communica on to be er
serve its soteriological purposes and avoid misleading people and any
reifica on of Buddhist teaching. Based on this non-duality, Huangbo
Xiyun made his famous paradoxical statement that the Buddha never
stops speaking, and that, though the Buddha has spoken for 45 years,
he virtually never says a word.
See also .
YUNJU DAOYING (?–902)
A Chan master in the Tang dynasty and the disciple of Dongshan
Liangjie, Daoying was a na ve of Yu an (in present-day Hebei). His
family name was Wang. He entered his monas c life in his youth and
was ordained in Tingshou Temple in Fanyang at the age of 25. A er
finding out that he had no interest in the study of precepts, he
decided to study Chan. At first, he stayed with the Chan master
Wuxue (d.u.) on Mount Cuiwei for three years. Having learned of the
fame of Dongshan Liangjie, he became Liangjie’s disciple, and his
realiza on was verified by his teacher. Liangjie named him the leader
of his disciples. A er leaving Liangjie, Daoying went to Jie Hermitage
on Three Peaks to prac ce and preach. Later, he lived on Mount Yunju
in Jiangxi for 30 years. His ac vi es were supported by the Zhongling
monarch Zhongchuan (?–906) and the general Chengrui (?–903).
Daoying had more than 1,000 followers and 28 dharma heirs. The
unbroken con nua on of the Caodong school relied essen ally on
Daoying’s lineage.
YUNMEN GUANGLU
Short tle for the Chinese text Yunmen Kuangzhen Chanshi
Guanglu (The Extended Records of Chan Master Yunmen KuangZhen).
It is the main source for the teaching of Master Yunmen Wenyan, the
founder of the Yunmen School. Contemporary scholars consider it to
 be a rela vely reliable Chan text. The oldest extant edi on is included
in a Song collec on of Chan yulu called Guzunsu Yulu (Record of the
Sayings of Old Worthies), dated from 1267, more than 300 years a er
Yunmen’s death. However, this edi on includes three prefaces wri en
for some earlier but lost edi ons of the Guanglu. One of the prefaces
indicates that the earliest lost edi on dates back to 1035. Moreover,
the earliest stone inscrip on from Yunmen’s monastery, dated from
959, has men oned recording and circula ng Yunmen’s words.
Zutang Ji (Patriarch’s Hall Collec on), dated from 952 (three years
a er Yunmen’s death), also contains a considerable amount of
material about Yunmen, while material in later texts of the
transmission of the lamp literature underwent more editorial
altera on. Although scholars cannot decide how close the extant
edi on is to the original words of Yunmen, a cri cal study of this text
has been undertaken by comparing its contents with other available
early texts to determine its reliability.
The extant oldest edi on of Yunmen Guanglu includes three
fascicles. The first fascicle consists of 320 cases under the tle
“Responses to Occasions.” Among them, about 50 are sermons of
various lengths. Others are dialogues. Scholars believe that this part
includes the oldest materials of the recorded sayings of Yunmen. The
fascicle also includes some verses a ributed to Yunmen. The second
fascicle includes 185 cases of more informal instruc ons, including
commentary on old stories, under the tle “Essen al Words from
inside the [Master’s] Room,” and 290 cases of “Statements with
Answers in Place of the Audience.” The third fascicle includes “Cri cal
Examina ons” and “Pilgrimage Record.” The la er shows clear signs of
later editorial work. The fascicle also has other related documents.
The whole text was edited by Yuanjue Zongyan (d.u.), a Chan master
in the eighth genera on of the Yunmen lineage. However, the above-
men oned earlier and lost edi ons have different editors.
YUNMEN SANJU
Original Chinese expression for “three kinds of sentence of
Yunmen,” which describes the three characteris cs of the teaching
style and methods of the Yunmen school, founded by Yunmen
Wenyan. The first sentence is called “permea ng heaven and earth,”
 which refers to the inclusive and penetra ng nature of the Yunmen
school’s teachings and is based on the realiza on that all things in the
universe are the manifesta ons of Buddha-nature or true suchness
without ever hindering each other. The second sentence is “cu ng
through all streams [of delusion],” which means to vigorously and
ruthlessly cut off all conven onal ways of thinking and dualis c
conceptualizing. The third sentence is “following the waves and
adap ng to the currents,” which symbolizes the therapeu c func on
and skillful adapta on of the teachings to all situa ons of students.
These three characteriza ons reveal the primary context of many
concrete examples of this school’s teaching style and pedagogical
means, which are preserved in the records of Yumen and his disciples,
although they themselves are open to different interpreta ons, due to
their highly sugges ve and indirect nature.
YUNMEN SCHOOL (Ch. Yunmen zong)
Named a er the late Tang and Five Dynas es Chan master
Yunmen Wenyan, this is one of the “five houses” of Chinese Chan
Buddhism, which emerged during the Five Dynas es and became
popular in the Song dynasty. The dis nguished teaching style and
methods of this school (men ng shishe), influenced by its founder
Yunmen, are tradi onally described by the formula “three kinds of
sentence of Yunmen (Yunmen Sanju).” The formula characterizes the
inclusive and penetra ng nature of the teachings, which are based on
the realiza on that all things in the universe are the manifesta ons of
Buddha-nature or true suchness without ever hindering each other. It
also emphasizes vigorously cu ng off all conven onal ways of
dualis c thinking and conceptualizing. Finally, it highlights the
therapeu c func on and adapta on of the teachings to all kinds of
situa ons of students.
Concrete examples of the methods include not only physical
ac ons of chasing, bea ng, and hi ng objects with a staff, but also
using paradox, irony, sarcasm, tautology, and vulgar vocabulary to
produce shock effects and present the greatest challenge to students.
One of the famous methods is the “one-word barrier (yiziguan),” in
which no ma er what kind of ques on is being posed, the answer is
just one word. Elusive and beyond simply nega ve or posi ve
 expressions, this is a strategy to use the fewest words to overcome
the limita on of words. Yunmen himself was also a precursor in the
use of gong’an, and many of his remarks became gong’an for later
genera ons. The school’s prosperity during the Song has much to do
with its contribu on to the use of gong’an.
Yunmen’s disciples were all over south China. The Jingde
Chuandeng Lu counted 61 main disciples among them, including
Baiyun Zixiang (d.u.), Deshan Yuanmi (d.u.), Xianglin Chengyuan (908–
987), and Dongshan Shouchu. Deshan Yuanmi’s line generated Fori
Qisong, who was famous in refu ng Confucian scholars’ a acks on
Buddhism by authoring his Essays in Assis ng the Teachings of
Buddhism (Fujiao Bian). Xianglin Chengyuan’s line brought about
Xuedou Chongxian, whose Verses on One Hundred Old Cases (Songgu
Baize) was an important development of the gong’an literature. These
and other great masters contributed to the prosperity of the school in
the Northern Song, including its spread from south to north and into
the capital, Kaifeng. The school began to decline during the Southern
Song and did not survive a er Song.
YUNMEN TEMPLE (Ch. Yunmen Si)
Located on Mount Yunmen in Ruyuan County in present-day
Guangdong Province in China, it was built in 923 during the Five
Dynas es by Yunmen Wenyan, the founder of the Yunmen school,
and originally called Guangtai Chan Temple. Later, its name was
changed to Zhengzhen Temple, Dajue Temple, and finally Yunmen
Temple. Because Yunmen Wenyan established his own school here, it
was regarded as the temple of the patriarch of Yunmen (Yunmen
zu ng). In 1943, the abbot Xuyun rebuilt the temple, and it was
greatly enlarged. The temple preserved two stone inscrip ons about
Yunmen Wenyan, wri en in 958 and 964, which have provided
important informa on for the study of Yunmen Wenyan, his school,
and its social environment. During the early 1990s, the temple
underwent another renova on and expansion.
YUNMEN WENYAN (864–949)
A prominent Chan master in the late Tang dynasty and the Five
Dynas es, he was considered the founder of the Yunmen school, one
of the “five houses” of Chinese Chan Buddhism. Born into a family of
Zhang in Jiaxing in present-day Zhejiang Province, he started his
monas c life in the Kongwang temple of his hometown at an early
age, concentra ng on the study of Buddhist precepts. On his journey
seeking great masters, he met Muzhou Daozong (d.u.), who was also
known as Chen Zunsu, a legendarily bizarre disciple of the famous
Huangbo Xiyun, and this encounter triggered his enlightenment.
Several years later, on Muzhou’s recommenda on, he moved on to
study with the renowned Xuefeng Yicun. In his late 30s, Yunmen le
Yicun and con nued to visit many other masters.
In 919, at the age of 55, he became the abbot of Lingshu temple
in Shaoguan in present-day Guangdong Province, acquiring the full
support of Emperor Liu Yan (r. 917–942) of the Southern Han. Later,
Yunmen and his disciples built another temple, with imperial
permission, at Mount Yunmen, with which his name was forever
connected. He taught there for two dacades. He also received a
number of imperial tles, including “Master of Genuine Truth”
(Kuangzhen Dashi). According to the Jingde Chuandeng Lu, Yunmen
had 61 main disciples, including Deshan Yuanmi (d.u.), whose lineage
produced Fori Qisong, and Xianglin Chengyuan (908–987), whose
lineage produced Xuedou Chongxian. Several genera ons of
Yunmen’s disciples were ac ve and made the Yunmen school quite
popular during the Five Dynas es and Northern Song, although the
school did not survive past the Song.
Yunmen’s teachings shared some themes with those of the other
great masters in the classical period of Chan Buddhism, such as the
realiza on of self-nature, the deconstruc on of all duali es, insight
into true suchness, and the Buddha-dharma being inseparable from
everyday ac vi es. However, Yunmen did have his own “house style”
and pedagogical device. He constantly posed ques ons to his
audiences, sensi vely made use of all types of topics and situa ons in
daily ac vi es, and turned them into great challenges for his students.
In addi on to the various physical ac ons of chasing, bea ng, and
hi ng objects with a s ck, he was par cularly skillful in using irony,
sarcasm, tautology, and even vulgar vocabulary to produce shock
effects and help students reach a breakthrough. The tradi onal
formula “three kinds of sentence of Yunmen (yunmen sanju)”
 reflected the characteris cs of his teaching style and methods. He is
also celebrated for his “one-word barrier (yiziguan),” a one-word
answer to ques ons posed by his students or even by himself. He is
considered to have been among the earliest to use gong’an as a
teaching device by quo ng from and commen ng on numerous
stories and remarks from Chan history. Yunmen’s teachings are
preserved in the text of Yunmen Guanglu (Extended Records of
Yunmen).
YUNMEN ZONG
See
YUNQI ZHUHONG (1535–1615)
Also called Fohui and Lianchi. An influen al monk in the Ming
dynasty, Zhuhong was a na ve of Renhe in Hangzhou (in present-day
Zhejiang). His family name was Chen. At the age of 17, he passed the
examina on and became a top student in a government school. At the
age of 20, he married, but he lost his son, wife, and both parents by
the age of 31. In 1566, he le his second wife, became a monk at
West Mountain, and was ordained at Zhaoqing Temple in Hangzhou.
He spent the next six years traveling to seek instruc ons from
eminent teachers, including visi ng the Chan masters Bianrong
(1506–1584) and Xiaoyan Debao in the capital. On his way to
Dongchang, it was reported that he had achieved his ini al
awakening. In 1571, with the help of others, Zhuhong built a hut on
Mount Yunqi in Hangzhou to live and prac ce in. His unusual feats of
bringing rain to relieve drought and driving out gers bolstered his
leadership in restoring the old Yunqi Monastery, in which he served as
abbot un l his death in 1615.
Zhuhong was a prolific writer; his more than 30 works included
the Changuan Cejin (Progress in the Path of Chan), the Amituo Jing
Shuchao (Commentaries on the Smaller Sukhāva vyūha Sūtra), and
many others, which were all collected by his disciples into the Yuqi
Fahui (Collected Dharma of Yunqi). Zhuhong’s major contribu on was
his promo on and prac ce of the synthesis of Chan and Pure Land
and of Chan and doctrinal teaching. Despite his early training in Chan,
he became more empha c about the Pure Land approach to
salva on, using the Huayan doctrine of the harmoniza on of
 principle/events (li/shi) to jus fy the harmoniza on of Chan and Pure
Land, and he worked hard to save Chan from its decline by advancing
the Chan of reci ng the Buddha’s name (nianfo Chan). He was also
preoccupied with the revitaliza on of the study of Buddhist precepts,
a response to the increasing corrup on of Chan Buddhism during the
Ming dynasty. His syncre cism toward all three Chinese religions was
expressed in such slogans as “three teachings of one family (sanjiao
yijia)” and “the [underlying] principles are iden cal (liwu erzhi).”
YUQUAN TEMPLE (Ch. Yuquan Si)
YUQUAN TEMPLE (Ch. Yuquan Si)
Temple of “Jade Spring.” Located at the foothills of Mount
Yuquan in Dangyang in Hubei Province in China, it was originally a
hermitage built by the monk Pujing around 218. In 592, the Tiantai
master Zhiyi (538–597) came to this place, and the emperor of Jin
rebuilt this temple for him. Zhiyi lectured here on his Fahua Xuanyi
and Mohe Zhiguan for about three years, turning it into a center for
Tiantai Buddhism. That situa on soon changed, however. During the
Yifeng era (676–679) of the Tang dynasty, the eminent monk Shenxiu
of the Northern school came to this temple to preach Chan for more
than 20 years, making it a famous Chan center. Many other Chan
masters were also associated with this temple, including Heze
Shenhui and Nanyue Huairang. During the Song dynasty, it had its
most prosperous period, and it was renamed Jingde Chan Temple. In
1061, a rare iron pagoda was built in front of the temple; it is one of
the oldest to have survived to the present day.
 Z

ZHANGJING HUAIHUI (756–816)

A successful disciple of Mazu Daoyi, Huaihui was a na ve of
Quanzhou (in present-day Fujian province). His family name was Xie.
He joined Mazu in 785; while there, he realized the essence of the
mind (xinyao). A er Mazu’s death, he traveled and stayed in several
areas, including Jiangsu, Shangdong, and Hebei. In Hebei, he took up
residence at Baiyan Temple, where his teaching a racted a great
number of followers. Even when he was secluded at Mount Zhong ao
(in Shanxi), many students s ll sought him out. In 808, Emperor
Xianzong (r. 805–820) invited Huaihui to preach at Zhangjing Temple
in the capital, Chang’an. Numerous imperial officials and famous
litera came to visit him for his instruc on. He also par cipated in
public debates at the imperial court. A er his death in 816, the
emperor granted him the posthumous tle “Chan Master of Great
Propaga on of the Teaching” (Daxuanjiao Chanshi). Two memorial
inscrip ons were dedicated to him by the famous literatus Quan Deyu
(759–818) and the poet Jia Dao (779–843). Quan Deyu’s inscrip on
outlined Huaihui’s teaching of the original pure mind as non-cu ng
from the environment (jing) and dust (gou), which inherited Mazu’s
teaching on dealing with various things as the way and freeing the
mind (chulei shidao er renxin). Among Huaihui’s best-known disciples,
Hongbian (781–865) succeeded his teacher to preach at the capital,
Chang’an, took up residence at Jianfu Temple, and offered religious
instruc on to Emperor Xuanzong (r. 846–859). Huaihui’s Korean
disciple, Hyŏnuk (787–868), became the founder of one of the nine
schools of Korean Sŏn Buddhism. Together with the other members of
the Hongzhou school, Huaihui and his disciples further secured the
prominence of the Hongzhou lineage and the transmission of its
teaching.
ZHANRAN YUANCHENG (1561–1626)
A Chan master of the Caodong school in the Ming dynasty,
Yuancheng was a na ve of Kuaiji (in present-day Shaoxing, Zhejiang
 province). His family name was Xia. He became a monk at the age of
24 and received official ordina on under the master Yunqi Zhuhong.
Later, he became the disciple and dharma heir of the Caodong master
Cizhou Fangnian (d. 1594). He began his teaching career at Shouxing
Temple and subsequently became abbot at many other temples in
Zhejiang, including Wanshou Temple at Mount Jing and Xiansheng
Temple in Kuaiji. He was well known for using “words of true color
(benseyu)” in impromptu conversa ons and discussions of gong’an
stories with his students. His teachings were preserved in the Zhanran
Yuancheng Chanshi Yulu. He also authored several books, including
the influen al Zongmen Huowen (Ques ons about the [Chan] School).
Yuancheng le behind eight dharma heirs, the most ac ve among
them being Shiyu Mingfang (1593–1648), Sanyi Mingyu (1599–1665),
and Ruibai Mingxue (1584–1641). All three of them were involved in
the controversy of 1654, wri ng essays cri cal of Feiyin Tongrong’s
posi on on Chan lineal transmission in his Wedeng Yantong, and they
even brought the case to the local government.
ZHAOZHOU CONGSHEN (778–897)
One of the most famous Chan masters of the Tang dynasty and a
disciple of Nanquan Puyuan. His recorded sayings are among the
most widely circulated, but informa on about his life from the
tradi onal sources is hardly consistent. According to the Song
Gaoseng Zhuan, he was a na ve of Linzi in Qingzhou (in present-day
Shandong). His family name was He. As a boy, he le his parents and
became a novice monk at Longxing Temple near his home. Later, he
was ordained at Liuli Pla orm at Mount Song. He studied with
Nanquan Puyuan and became his dharma heir, but he con nued his
long pilgrimage a er that, mee ng and exchanging with many other
Chan masters, before reaching 80 years of age, according to some
other sources. He was then invited to live at Guanyin Monastery in
Zhaozhou. During the next 40 years, his fame con nued to grow, and
he instructed many disciples, winning support from local officers, such
as Wang Rong (874–921) and Li Kuangwei (d. 893).
He died in 897 at the age of 120, according to some sources, but
a text en tled Records of Ac ons (xingzhuang), dated 953 and
a ached to the Song edi on of his recorded sayings (Zhaozhou Lu),
 indicates he died in 868. His posthumous tle was “Chan Master
Zhenji,” bestowed upon him by imperial decree. In comparison to his
enormous popularity, his dharma heirs only numbered 13, according
to the Jingde Chuandeng Lu. His words and ac ons were collected in
his recorded sayings, and many of them later became famous
gong’an. His teaching style showed skillful use of marvelous,
insigh ul, provoca ve, but some mes seemingly irrelevant or illogical
words, no less shocking than the use of shou ng or bea ng. These
words were sensi vely played at the limits of ordinary language to
achieve a therapeu c effect in dealing with different situa ons of
Chan prac ce.
ZHENGDAO GE
Song of the Realiza on of the Way, a collec on of 63 rhymed
Chan poems, a ributed to the Chan master Yongjia Xuanjue of the
Tang dynasty, the alleged disciple of the sixth patriarch, Huineng. It
was first included in the Jingde Chuandeng Lu in 1004; Xuanjue’s own
anthology Yongjia Ji did not even men on it. The Zhengdao Ge was
one of the most popular, most extensively quoted Chan poe c works
in Chan history. The poe c expressions in this work—such as “walking
is Chan, si ng is Chan; [no ma er] speech, silence, move or rest, the
mind ( ) is undisturbed”; “the idle man of the Way who learns and
does nothing, neither discarding delusion nor seeking truth”; and “the
real nature of ignorance is the Buddha nature, the illusory empty body
is the dharma body”—vividly convey the Hongzhou teaching that this
very mind doing ordinary things is the Buddha, and that
enlightenment cannot be sought or cul vated outside ordinary
ac vi es. The Zhengdao Ge also made reference to 28 Indian
patriarchs of Chan, which was a clear adop on from the genealogical
theory of the Baoli Zhuan (Biographies from the [Temple of] Treasure
Groves), a product of the Hongzhou school, and which could not have
happened during the life me of Xuanjue. In the 20th century, the
earliest extant manuscript of the Zhengdao Ge (dated in 980) was
discovered among the Dunhuang documents under the tle Chanmen
Miyaojue (Secret Essen al Methods of Chan School), authored by a
Chan master of a different name, Zhaojue. All these facts have been
used by modern scholars to ques on the authen city of Xuanjue’s
 authorship of the Zhengdao Ge, echoing similar doubts raised by
some monks from Tiantai Buddhism in the Song dynasty.
ZHENGFAYAN ZANG
Song Linji Chan master Dahui Zonggao’s Treasure of the Eye of
the True Dharma of three fascicles, compiled by him and his assistant,
Chongmi Huiran (d.u.), in 1147. It is a collec on of more than 660
cases of recorded sayings or gong’an from other Chan texts, which he
cited in his teaching during the period of his exile to Hengyang, and
also included his brief commentaries on them, beginning with the
words “Miaoxi (his nickname) says.” He used the common Chan term
zhengfayan zang as the tle to indicate the direct awakening of the
mind or the “eye” of seeing one’s own nature, special to the tradi on
of Chan patriarchs and transcending scriptural teachings. In a le er to
Zhang Jiucheng (1092–1159), and in his first commentary on this
collec on, Dahui emphasized that his collec on of recorded sayings
was not based on the division of the Chan schools and the order of
the lineages, but only on the correct understanding and correct
insight, which could help trigger enlightenment.
ZHENGJING KEWEN (1025–1102)
A Chan master of the Huanglong lineage of the Linji school in the
Song dynasty, Kewen was a na ve of Shanfu (in present-day Henan
province). His family name was Zheng. He entered North Pagoda
Temple to study Buddhist dharma in his youth and became a monk at
the age of 25. He then made his pilgrimage in the North and studied
Buddhist scriptures and commentaries. Unsa sfied with these
prac ces, he started to seek Chan teachers in the South. Upon hearing
Yunmen Wenyan’s inspiring words recited by a monk, he a ained his
first realiza on. Eventually, he went to Jicui Hermitage at
Huangboshan Temple to study with Huanglong Huinan and became
one of his dharma heirs. In 1072, he took up residence at Dayu
Temple in Junzhou, and he was later invited to Shengshou Temple and
Dongshan Monastery. In 1085, Wang Anshi (1021–1086) invited
Kewen to be the founding abbot at Baoning Temple. Emperor
Shenzong (r. 1067–1085) granted Kewen the tle “Great Master of
Zhengjing.” In 1094, Kewen took up residence at Guizong Temple on
Mount Lu. Three years later, the governor, Zhang Shangying (1043–
 1122), appointed him abbot of Baofeng Temple in Letan. Kewen
re red from there to Cloud Hermitage, where he stayed un l his
death. He had 38 disciples and numerous followers. His teaching was
preserved in the Baofeng Yun’an Zhengjing Chanshi Yulu. Among
Huanglong Huinan’s disciples, Kewen had the most enduring influence
through his cri cism of the wushi Chan, which was inherited by later
genera ons of the Lingji school, including Yuanwu Keqin and Dahui
Zonggao, according to recent studies in Song Chan Buddhism.
ZHENXIE QINGLIAO (1090–1151)
Also called Changlu Qingliao. A Chan master of the Caodong
school in the Song dynasty, Qingliao was born in Zuomian (in present-
day Sichuan). His family name was Yong. At the age of 11, he entered
his monas c life, and he was officially ordained a er passing the
examina on of the Lotus Sūtra at the age of 18. He studied Mahayana
scriptures and trea ses at Daci Temple in Chengdu. Having traveled to
a number of places, he then went to Mount Danxia (in present-day
Henan) to study with Danxia Zichun. Once Zichun asked Qingliao a
typical Caodong ques on: “What is your self before the empty eon?”
As Qingliao was about to answer, Zichun slapped him, triggering
Qingliao’s enlightenment. Qingliao con nued to visit famous Chan
masters, then joined the congrega on at Mount Changlu, becoming
assistant to the abbot, the Yunmen master Zuzhao Daohe (1057–
1124), and eventually succeeding him. In 1130, he was invited to be
abbot at Xuefeng Temple in Fuzhou. In 1136, he was appointed abbot
at Guangli Temple on Mount Ayuwnag in Zhejiang by imperial decree.
Later, he was also appointed abbot at Longxiang Temple in Wenzhou
and at Neng’ren Chan Monastery in Lin’an. In 1151, Emperor Gaozong
(r. 1127–1162) appointed Qingliao abbot at Congxian Xianxiao Chan
Monastery, which was newly constructed for Gaozong’s mother,
Empress Wei.
Qingliao died at the age of 62 while si ng in the lotus posi on.
His posthumous tle was “Chan Master of Realizing Emp ness”
(Wukong Chanshi). Qingliao ordained more than 400 people, and
more than 30 of his disciples became abbots in public monasteries.
Although Qingliao did not actually use the phrase “silent illumina on”
(mozhao), he was regarded as an advocate of silent illumina on Chan
 (mozhao Chan), which was most strongly emphasized by his dharma
brother, Hongzhi Zhengjue; therefore, he was a acked by the Song
Lingji Chan master, Dahui Zonggao. Qingliao’s teachings were
preserved in the Zhenzhou Changlu Liao Heshang Jiewai Lu (Record of
Being beyond the Empty Eon by Monk Liao from Zhenzhou Changlu)
and in the Xuefeng Zhenxie Liao Chanshi Yizhang Lu (Record of One
Slap by the Chan Master Zhenxie Liao from Xuefeng [Temple]).
ZHIJIAN
This Chinese word means “cogni ve knowledge” or “cogni ve
knowing or seeing.” A similar word used in Chan texts is zhijie, which
means “cogni ve understanding.” Many Chan masters use zhijian or
zhijie to characterize the approach that mistakenly regards the
prac ce of Buddhism or realiza on of Buddha-nature as a kind of
cogni ve maneuver, to grasp something objec ve or external through
knowing or learning. The Chan masters do not tend to eliminate
knowing or learning from ordinary ac vi es that can be related to the
prac ce of Buddhism, but they definitely oppose pursuing any further
cogni ve maneuver from this knowing or learning element, focusing
on conceptual thought and isola ng it from all other ordinary
ac vi es. In addi on, many Chan masters use the word zhijian
nega vely to oppose equa ng enlightenment with any intui ve
knowledge or awareness claimed to be isolatable from ordinary
seeing, knowing, and other ac vi es. For example, although Heze
Shenhui’s teachings were influen al on his contemporaries and the
later Chan schools, he was cri cized for “establishing the zhijian,”
which refers to his establishment of a conceptual hierarchy that
privileges the intui ve cogni ve knowledge over ordinary knowing
and other ac vi es.
ZHIYUE LU
Record of Poin ng to the Moon. Its original full tle is
Shuiyuezhai Zhiyue Lu (Record of Poin ng to the Moon from the Studio
of Water-Moon). The book was compiled by Qu Ruji (1548–1610), a
literatus in the Ming dynasty in 1595, and printed by Yan Cheng in
1601. This book of 32 fascicles belongs to the genre of the
transmission of the lamp literature. It collected the records of sayings
and biographies for 650 Chan masters. In fascicles 1 to 3, it collected
 materials from the seven Buddhas to the 28 Indian patriarchs. Fascicle
4 collected materials of the Chinese patriarchs. Fascicles 5 to 30
included Huineng’s first genera on of disciples to his 16th. The last
two fascicles were for Dahui Zonggao. When compared to the earlier
literature of the transmission of the lamp in the Song and Ming,
Zhiyue Lu’s coverage of new lineal descendants did not expand much.
However, it did include some famous masters’ commentaries and
poems that the earlier literature did not have, in addi on to the
compiler’s own analysis. Moreover, it was considered a book that had
studied Chan from a Confucian literatus’s point of view and so was
rela vely less biased from any Chan sectarian view. Therefore, as an
outsider’s collec on, it soon became very popular, was reprinted
many mes, and was included in the Ming Buddhist canon. A
Supplemental Record of Poin ng to the Moon (Xu Zhiyue Lu) was
compiled by Nie Xian (d.u.) during the Qing dynasty.
ZHONGFENG MINGBEN (1263–1323)
A very influen al Chan master of the Linji school in the Yuan
dynasty, Mingben was a na ve of Qiantang (in present-day Zhejiang).
His family name was Sun. He lost his mother at the age of 9 and made
up his mind to become a monk at the age of 15. While studying
Buddhist scriptures and learning medita on, he had to wait for his
father’s approval to be ordained by Gaofeng Yuanmiao. He became
the la er’s disciple on Mount Tianmu at the age of 25. With
Yuanmiao’s instruc on, Mingben a ained enlightenment. A er
Yuanmiao’s death, Mingben traveled to several places. In 1298, he
built a hermitage to live and prac ce in on Mount Bian in Luzhou (in
present-day Anhui); two years later, he moved to Pingjiang (in
present-day Jiangsu). In 1305, he returned to Mount Tianmu and was
invited to be abbot at Shizi Temple. Not wan ng to stay in one place
for long, he soon turned to traveling again while s ll preaching. His
residen al hermitage was o en called Huanzhu An (“Hermitage of
Illusory Residence”), and he acquired fame as the jiangnan gufo
(“ancient Buddha from the south”). In 1318, Emperor Yuan Renzong (r.
1311–1320) granted him a golden robe and the tle Foci Yuanzhao
Guanghui Chanshi (“Chan Master of Buddha’s Compassion, Perfect
Illumina on and Broad Wisdom”). Mingben died at the age of 61.
 In contrast to his teacher, Gaofeng Yuanmiao, Mingben le many
wri en works and poems, including a set of monas c rules. Several
edi ons of his recorded sayings were put together as the Tianmu
Zhongfeng Mingben Heshang Guanglu, which was approved by
Emperor Yuan Huizong (r. 1333–1370) to be included in the Buddhist
canon in 1334. His many disciples included members of the royal
family, ministers, and litera . His teachings inherited Yuanmiao’s
approach of kanhua Chan, but he elaborated more on its origin,
significance, and process, which contributed to the development of
the kanhua Chan literature. Mingben was also an important advocate
of prac cing both Chan and Pure Land (Chanjing shuangxiu) by
combining the medita on on key phrases (kan huatou) and reci ng
Buddha’s name (nianfo), based on the tradi onal Chan understanding
of “only the mind is pure land (weixin jingtu)” and “the self-nature is
Amita-Buddha (zixing mituo).”
ZHUXIN KANJING
One of the four well-known characteriza ons that Heze Shenhui
used to describe the teachings of Shenxiu and his Northern school.
Zhuxin kanjing means “to stop the mind and contemplate quietness.”
The other three characteriza ons that follow it are “to summon the
mind and mirror externals (juxin waizhao),” “to control the mind and
purify the internal (shexin neicheng),” and “to concentrate the mind
and enter into medita on (ningxin ruding).” These descrip ons have
been seen tradi onally as the best characteriza on of quie sm and
escapism in Chan, although contemporary historians have debated
the fairness of Shenhui’s characteriza on of Shenxiu’s teachings,
arguing that these are nothing but normal methods or procedures of
medita on prac ce. Despite this, the Pla orm Sūtra seems to echo
this cri cism of Shenxiu by poin ng out that Huineng’s no on of no-
thought does not ask people to stop the mind and thought, which
claims to be different from Shenxiu. The cri cism of quie sm and
escapism was influen al on classical Chan and was shared by later
genera ons. The Linji Lu directly quoted these characteriza ons and
regarded these teachings as “crea ng bad karmas.”
ZIXING
See .
ZONGJING LU
Records of the Source-Mirror, a book of 100 fascicles created by
the Chan master Yongming Yanshou of the Song dynasty in 961.
Another, less-used tle for this book is Xinjing Lu (Records of the
Mind-Mirror). This encyclopedic book serves to elaborate on the
inten ons and meanings of Buddhas and patriarchs by establishing
the one mind (equivalent to true suchness or Buddha-nature) as the
source and underlying principle (zong), which unifies, and manifests
in, all teachings of scriptures/trea ses and prac ces of Chan lineages,
as it reflects all things in the universe like a mirror.
The Zongjing Lu consists of three parts. The first part reveals the
source, or central message, of Chan (biaozong zhang), focusing on the
no on of the one mind. The second part is “ques ons and answers
(wenda zhang)” and runs from the later part of the first fascicle
through the ninety-third fascicle. In his response to all of the
ques ons, Yanshou further explains his soteriology of realizing the
one mind by extensively ci ng Buddhist scriptures, commentaries and
trea ses, and clearly shows his posi on that the doctrinal teachings
and Chan are from the same source. The third part is “cita ons and
verifica ons (yinzheng zhang)” and runs from the ninety-fourth
fascicle to the last fascicle, collec ng quota ons from about 120
scriptures; 120 texts of various patriarchs’s sayings and poems; and 60
trea ses, including those of Huayan, Tiantai, Sanlun (Chinese
Madhyamaka), and Faxiang (Chinese Yogācāra). Many materials
collected in this part are not extant elsewhere, including those about
Tang Chan masters, which are either different or excluded from those
in the transmission of the lamp literature. These collec ons and the
en re book serve Yanshou’s purpose of establishing a vision of Chan
inclusivism, embracing all Chan lineages and reconciling Chan with the
doctrinal teachings of Buddhism (chanjiao yizhi). Although the
Zongjing Lu was kept privately for many years a er its comple on, it
became popular in the Northern Song a er a couple of issuings. It was
also influen al in Korea and Japan.
ZONGMEN SHIGUI LUN
Trea se on the Ten Regula ons of the [Chan] School, a text
a ributed to Fayan Wenyi. The earliest extant edi on of this text
 includes a postscript dated to 1346, but no other Chinese sources
men on this text. However, the important passages in this text do not
show clear signs of later edi ng. Wenyi’s trea se aimed to regulate
Chan Buddhists and overcome 10 perverse kinds of behavior in the
compe on among different Chan lineages, although the forma on of
different lineages was not seen as nega ve. The 10 kinds of
unacceptable behavior were (1) improperly wan ng to be a teacher of
others without enlightening one’s own mind first; (2) sectarian
preference and bias domina ng disputes; (3) asser ng the main
points of Chan without knowing their origin and connec on; (4) giving
answers without considering the me and situa on and losing the
insights of Chan; (5) failure to reconcile principle (li) and facts (shi) or
dis nguish defiled from pure; (6) casual interpreta ons on the sayings
of past and present masters without a cri cal a tude; (7) memorizing
formulas without understanding their func ons during the me when
they were used; (8) being unable to master scriptures and using
wrong cita ons; (9) composing verses without using rhyme and
mastering principle; and (10) defending one’s own shortcomings and
indulging in winning disputes.
The text has usually been regarded as the earliest source for
differen a ng the teaching styles and methods of the other four
schools and for acknowledging the “five houses” of Chan.
Contemporary scholars have argued that the differen a on of the five
houses was not finalized by Wenyi un l some texts produced in the
mid-Northern Song. Moreover, the compe on between these
schools was not based on substan al differences of teachings and
prac ces, but rather on lineage rela onships or loyal es. The
Zongmen Shigui Lun also cri cizes the exaggera on of the differences
among Chan lineages and emphasizes the common ground and
approach of Chan shared by all lineages, in spite of varied uses of
expedient means.
ZONGMEN TONGYAO JI
The United Essen al Collec on from the [Chan] School of 10
fascicles, compiled by Zongyong (d.u.) around 1093 in the Song
dynasty and included in Gulin Qingmao’s (1262–1329) Zongmen
Tongyao Xuji (The Con nuous United Collec on of the Essen als from
 the [Chan] School) in the Yuan dynasty. The Zongmen Tongyao Xuji
was included in various edi ons of the Ming Buddhist canon, but the
original Zongmen Tongyao Ji was no longer circulated separately. This
collec on of Chan recorded sayings seems not to have been highly
esteemed, in terms of the observa on that the compila on of the
popular Wudeng Huiyuan was based on the five Song texts of the
transmission of the lamp literature—the Jingde Chuandeng Lu, the
Tiansheng Guangdeng Lu, the Jianzhong Jingguo Xudeng Lu, the
Zongmen Liandeng Huiyao, and the Jiatai Pudeng Lu—but not on the
Zongmen Tongyao Ji. Japanese scholars recently examined historical
evidence for the Zongmen Tongyao Ji outside of the materials of the
Ming Buddhist canon and discovered that the Zongmen Tongyao Ji
was compiled earlier than the Jianzhong Jingguo Xudeng Lu (compiled
in 1101). It has been argued that, unlike the transmission of the lamp
literature that documented the order of transmission of the dharma
through genera ons, the Zongmen Tongyao Ji was a gong’an
collec on used for the gong’an prac ce. Compiled prior to, and its
materials being used by, Yuanwu Keqin’s Blue Cliff Record and
Wumen Huikai’s Wumen Guan, the Zongmen Tongyao Ji exerted
important influence on the development of the Song gong’an
literature. The role it played in Chan history should not be overlooked.
ZONGMI (780–841)
Also called Guifeng Zongmi. A Chinese Buddhist monk in the Tang
dynasty, who was both a Chan master of the Heze Shenhui lineage
and the fi h and last patriarch of Huayan Buddhism in China. Born
into an elite family, he received a thorough educa on in Chinese
classics in his youth, including a two-year period of study in a
Confucian academy and prepara on for the civil service examina ons.
A er a mee ng with the Chan monk Daoyuan (d.u.), he decided to
leave the household, and he became a Chan monk at the age of 25. In
his Chan training, which he believed was an authen c transmission
from the Southern school of Huineng through Shenhui, he
par cularly concentrated on the study of the Perfect Awakening Sūtra
(Yuanjue Jing). It was reported that his ini al enlightenment occurred
as a result of reading several lines of this scripture.
 At the age of 30, an encounter with a disciple of the Huayan
master, Chengguan (738–839), and the reading of the la er’s
commentary on the Huayan Jing a racted him to the intensive study
of Huayan teaching. He studied closely with the master Chengguan at
Chang’an for two years and won the la er’s praise for being his best
student. Some contemporary scholars hold that although Chengguan
and the Huayan teaching had a huge impact on Zongmi and his
understanding of Chan, Zongmi basically appropriated Huayan from
the perspec ve of Chan.
As a Chan master and scholar, Zongmi and his publica ons on
Chan occupy a considerable place in Chan history. His Chan Chart
(Zhonghua Chuanxindi Chanmen Shizi Chengxi Tu) included detailed
cri ques of the Northern school, the Ox-Head school, and within the
Southern school, the Hongzhou and Heze schools, following the
similar discussions he had recorded earlier in his Yuanjue Jing Dashu
Chao. In his Chan Prolegomenon (Chanyuan Zhuquanji Duxu), he
elaborated on the necessity of unifying scriptural teachings and Chan
medita onal prac ce (jiaochan yizhi), refu ng what he thought of as
extreme views. In his Yuanren Lun (Inquiry into the Origin of Man), he
went further to cri que the teachings of Confucianism and Daoism,
while reincorpora ng them into his overarching Buddhist theory of
how the human condi on comes into being—making him a pioneer of
Chinese Buddhist syncre sm. He had many connec ons with litera of
his day, was invited to the imperial court to give lectures, and was
honored with the tle “Great Worthy.” These same connec ons also
brought him trouble, however, due to the changing poli cal climate
and events. Zongmi died at Chang’an in 841.
ZUOCHAN
This popular term means “si ng” (zuo) “medita on” (chan) or
“seated medita on.” Si ng medita on is a prototypical posture of
medita on that can be traced back to the earliest prac ce of yoga in
India. Buddhism is well known for its prac ce of medita on as either
one of the three learnings (sanxue) or one of the six perfec ons (liu
boluomi). Although there are other forms of medita on, such as
standing or walking, si ng medita on has been most o en prac ced
by Buddhists for almost 2,500 years. One of the most popular images
of the Śākyamuni Buddha is him si ng cross-legged in the lotus
posi on in medita on, palms held upward on the lap, back straight,
and abdomen relaxed. Claiming inheritance of the true dharma from
the Buddha, Chan Buddhists con nued this prac ce throughout the
ages. From a very small body of Chan texts on medita on, an extant
earliest manual of Chan medita on, the Zuochan Yi (Principles of
Seated Medita on), dated in 1103, a ributed to the Song Yunmen
Chan master Changlu Zongze and included in his Chanyuan Qinggui,
provides a useful glimpse into Chan si ng medita on. The text taught
beginners the same methods of si ng medita on that would likely
have been used by the Buddha and early Buddhists, especially the
tradi on of tranquility (samatha) medita on, including the
adjustment of posture, the regula on of breathing, being mindful of
thought, and the transcendence of subject/object.
However, the text dis nguished itself from the early tradi on of
tranquility medita on by integra ng the method of tranquility
medita on into the Sinicized Mahayana framework of bodhisa va
prac ce and the manifesta on of inherent wisdom and Buddha-
nature. Calmness or medita ve absorp on became the condi on for
the natural manifesta on of the pearl of Buddha-mind. Although this
kind of framework and integra on had been used earlier by the
Tiantai master Zhiyi (538–97) and other texts, and the influence of
Zhiyi’s works on medita on upon this text is discernible, the Zuochan
Yi was nonetheless dis nc ve. It refrained from the doctrinal
entanglement, scholas c or discursive analysis, and technical
materials that were o en characteris c of Zhiyi’s works, instead
presen ng the instruc on in a much more simplified and colloquial
language. When discussing the “controlling of the mind,” the Zuochan
Yi seems more in line with the early Chan teachings on medita on,
such as those found in Hongren and the so-called Northern school, or
the approach of “gradual cul va on.” This tendency to lean toward
more conserva ve teachings on medita on presented the problem of
running against the radical Chan rhetoric of sudden teaching, a er
Shenhui and the widespread Chan slogan “no-cul va on and no-
si ng (buxiu buzuo)” in classical Chan. It appears that this text
emerged a er a long silence on the actual content of Chan medita on
 prac ce by classical Chan texts. One explana on for this puzzling
phenomenon is that a text of this nature met the need for
formaliza on and regula on of Chan ins tu ons and prac ces, a er
Chan Buddhism had become a dominant religion in the Song and the
previous sectarian struggles accompanying the radical rhetoric were
over.
Another interpreta on points out that there is no complete lack
of affirma on of the necessity of medita on in the teaching and
prac ce records of great masters of classical Chan such as Mazu Daoyi
and Baizhang Huaihai. Most Chan sayings of no-cul va on and no-
si ng were parasi c on the ongoing prac ce of medita on in Chan
monasteries and func oned as shock therapy to the
misunderstanding of si ng medita on as the only form of prac ce or
separa ng it from everyday ac vi es and experiences. Even a radical
figure like Shenhui, who advocated sudden enlightenment and
cri cized the gradual approach of Shenxiu so energe cally, had to
concede that sudden enlightenment should be followed by a gradual
cul va on. Therefore, a text like the Zuochan Yi could play a
necessary role in the Chan reconcilia on of the sudden/gradual
dichotomy. In the final analysis, si ng medita on was a primary Chan
prac ce, o en coexis ng with the reiterated radical an -medita on-
like rhetoric of many Chan texts, a unique phenomenon of Chan
Buddhism. A er the Zuochan Yi, Chan medita on prac ce was further
developed into its two best-known new approaches: the kanhua Chan
(Chan of observing the key phrase) and the mozhao Chan (silent
illumina on Chan), which were respec vely affiliated with the Song
Linji Chan master Dahui Zonggao and the Caodong Chan master
Hongzhi Zhengjue, and spread to all of East Asia.
See also ; ; ; ; .
ZUOCHAN SANMEI JING
Sūtra on the Samādhi of Si ng Medita on, a very influen al
Indian Buddhist text on medita on in China, compiled and translated
by Kumārajīva (344–413) (Ch. Jiumoluoshi), one of the most popular
Buddhist translators in 5th-century China. It is not a true scripture, but
rather a compila on primarily from the dhyāna teachings and
trea ses of Indian Sarvās vādin patriarchs, such as Vasumitra,
 Upagupta, and Kumāralāta. It represents a system of five categories,
or gates (wumen), of medita on: the contempla on of the impure
(bujing guan), the contempla on of goodwill or compassion (cibei
guan), the contempla on of the 12-linked chain of interdependent
origina on (yinyuan guan), the contempla on of inhala on and
exhala on (shuxi guan), and the contempla on or visualiza on of the
Buddha (nianfo guan). These methods are the Hinayana-style
approach to medita on. In his appendix to this scripture, Kumārajīva
introduced some Mahayana ideas, such as prajñāpāramitā (perfect
wisdom), bodhisa va (Buddha in the making), and śūnyatā
(emp ness). However, modern scholars generally agree that the
Zuochan Sanmei Jing basically transmi ed Hinayana medita on
methods from the Sarvās vāda school to China. The Mahayana ideas
were not integrated into the medita on delineated by this text.
ZUSHI CHAN
See .
ZUTANG
See .
ZUTANG JI
Patriarch’s Hall Collec on. As the earliest book in the
transmission of the lamp (or the lamp history) genre, it was compiled
in 952 during the me of the Five Dynas es and in the 10th year of
the Baoda era of the Southern Tang, by two Chan monks, Jing (d.u.)
and Yun (d.u.), from Zhaoqing Temple in Quanzhou (in present-day
Fujian). The preface of the book, wri en by the abbot of Zhaoqing
Temple, Wendeng (884–972), a descendant from the lineage of
Xuefeng Yicun, indicates that it was compiled for the use of him and
his students. While the book was men oned by other sources roughly
100 years a er its compila on, it disappeared from the subsequent
history of Chan Buddhism un l it was rediscovered in the 1920s in the
Korean monastery, Haein-sa, by a Japanese scholar. The current
studies of the Zutang Ji are all based on this rediscovered text in its
Korean edi on, which has been deemed by most scholars to be
authen c and without substan al altera on, except for the number of
fascicles, which changed from the original 1 to 20.
 Fascicles 1 and 2 are records of the seven Buddhas of the past,
the 28 Indian Chan patriarchs, and the 6 Chinese patriarchs. Star ng
in fascicle 3, the book documents various Chan lineages derived from
Huineng, while including some records for the lineages that were not
derived from Huineng, such as Niutou Farong, Shenxiu, and Hui’an.
Fascicle 3 includes records of Huineng’s eight disciples, beginning with
the two most important, Qingyuan Xingsi and Nanyue Huairang, who
link Huineng to Shitou Xiqian and Mazu Daoyi. From fascicles 4 to 20,
the book is devoted to the two great lineages of Shitou and Mazu.
Reflec ng the compilers’ own fac onal preferences, 10 fascicles and
104 entries are devoted to the lineage of Shitou. Specifically to
promote the lineage of Xuefeng Yicun, the book covers eight
genera ons of descendants from Shitou, rather than seven
genera ons of other lineages, to include Yicun’s disciples and the
abbot Wendeng himself.
Although only seven fascicles and 84 entries are devoted to the
lineage of Mazu, in his verse commemora ng Mazu, Wendeng
showed that he and his lineage embraces, and were part of, the new
trend represented by Mazu. As the book demonstrates, many masters
of the Shitou lineage used similar methods of shou ng and bea ng
and were indis nguishable in style and teaching from those in the
lineage of Mazu. Being a mul lineal model, the narra ve of the book
thus focuses on the collec ve approach and heritage of this new Chan
movement, rather than on the differences in individual styles and
teachings that would be the focus of the later yulu texts, and also
dis nguishes itself from early transmission records that exclusively
championed a par cular lineage. Although in about 50 years it would
be overshadowed by the compila on of the more comprehensive and
imperially sanc oned Jingde Chuandeng Lu (Jingde Era Record of the
Transmission of the Lamp), the Zutang Ji contains a greater wealth of
idioma c prose than the la er without being subjected to editorial
standardiza on. In addi on to the study of its language,
contemporary scholars have called a en on to the nature of its
narra ve as Chan hagiographical wri ng serving the didac c purposes
of Chan Buddhism and helping to define the iden ty of the new
movement. The Zutang Ji is also seen from a formerly forgo en angle
 as the record of the poli cal associa ons of Chan’s most prominent
masters: how they developed their rela onships with local
authori es, won poli cal patronage, and benefited from regionalism
during the period of the late Tang and Five Dynas es.
ZUTING SHIYUAN
Anecdotes from the Patriarchs’ Halls, the earliest dic onary of
Chan, completed by Mu-an Shanqing (d.u.) of the Northern Song
dynasty in 1108, a er 20 years of wri ng and research. It was
reprinted in 1154. Arranged in eight fascicles, the Zu ng Shiyan
collected more than 2,400 entries—anecdotes, quotes, events,
proverbs, dialects, personal names, names of places, technical terms,
difficult vocabularies—taken from 17 important Chan texts in the
early Song (some were later lost). Most of these texts were from the
Yunmen school, but some were also from the Linji and Fayan schools,
including the recorded sayings (yulu), poems (jisong), and
commentaries on the gong’an, with regard to Yunmen Wenyan,
Xuedou Chongxian, Fayan Wenyi, Yongjia Xuanjue, and others. Each
entry was provided with a defini on, explana on, source or origin,
and correc on of errors. The author offered clarifica ons, u lized
various evidence, and checked and cited more than 300 sources,
scriptures and trea ses, both Buddhist and non-Buddhist, religious
and secular.
The purpose of this book, as Shanqing indicated, was to help
students who were at the beginning stage and had no knowledge of
the origin and meaning of the Chan teachers’ many sayings or cases of
the gong’an. Although Shanqing worried that his project as a literary
work might go against the Chan tradi on of “not establishing le ers
and words” and “the transmission from the mind to mind,” he
believed that the key to the study of Chan was not to abandon words,
but to acquire meaning beyond words a er u lizing words. The later
Chan books did cite the Zu ng Shiyuan from Song to Qing, even
though some extremists wanted to destroy it. Modern scholars of
Chan also acknowledge its usefulness, including the use of materials
that cannot be found elsewhere.
 Glossary of Chinese Terms

Anban Shaoyi Jing 安般守意經

Anhui 安徽
An Lushan 安祿山
An Shigao 安世高
Ayuwang Si 阿育王寺
Bai Juyi 白居易
Baiyun Shouduan 白雲守端
Baiyun Zixiang 白雲子祥
Baizhang Guanglu 百丈廣錄
Baizhang Huaihai 百丈懷海
Baizhang Qinggui 百丈清規
Banzhou Sanmei Jing 般舟三昧經
Baojing Sanmei 寶鏡三昧
Baolin Si 寶林寺
Baolin Zhuan 寶林傳
Baotang zong 保唐宗
bazhi toutuo 八指頭陀
beiming 碑銘
Beishan Lu 北山錄
Bei Zang 北藏
Bei zong 北宗
ben 本
Benjing 本淨
benjue 本覺
benlai mianmu 本來面目
benlai wuyiwu 本來無一物
benseyu 本色語
ben 本體
ben xiangtong 本相同
benxin 本心
benxing 本性
benyuan 本源
benze 本則
Bianrong 辨融
biaozong zhang 標宗章
bielu 別錄
bieyu 別語
biguan 壁觀
bin 賓
bin kan bin 賓看賓
bin kan zhu 賓看主
Biyan Ji 碧巖集
Biyan Lu 碧巖錄
Boshan Heshang Canchan Jing- yu 博山和尚參禪警語
bu’er 不二
bu’er famen不二法門
bujia wenzi 不假文字
bujing guan 不淨觀
buju wenzi 不拘文字
buli sengzhi huo fashen 不歷僧祇獲法身
buli wenzi 不立文字
bushiwu 不是物
bushuopo 不說破
buxiu buzuo 不修不坐
buyan zhijiao 不言之教
Cangjing Lou 藏經樓
Cantong Qi 參同契
Caodong zong 曹洞宗
Caoshan Benji 曹山本寂
Caoxi 曹溪
Caoxi Dashi Zhuan曹溪大師傳
chan 禪
Chang’an 長安
Changlu Congxin 長蘆崇信
Changlu Zongze 長蘆宗賾
Changuan Cejin 禪關策進
Chanjiao yizhi 禪教一致
Chanjing shuangxiu 禪淨雙修
Chanlin Baoxun 禪林寶訓
Chanlin Beiyong Qinggui 禪林備用清規
Chanlin Sengbao Zhuan 禪林僧寶傳
Chanmen Guishi 禪門規式
Chanmen Miyaojue 禪門密要訣
chanxue 禪學
Chanyuan Qinggui 禪苑清規
Chanyuan Zhuquanji Duxu 禪源諸詮集都序
Chanzong 禪宗
chaofo 超佛
chen 臣
Chengdu 成都
chengfo 成佛
Chengguan 澄觀
Cheng Hao 程灝
Cheng Yi 程頤
Chixiu Baizhang Qinggui 敕修百丈清規
Chongyuan 崇遠
Chuan Fabao Ji 傳法寶記
chuanfa ji 傳法偈
Chuanfa Zhengzong Dingzu Tu傳法正宗定祖圖
Chuanfa Zhengzong Ji 傳法正宗記
Chuanfa Zhengzong Lun 傳法正宗論
Chuanxin Fayao 傳心法要
chuishi 垂示
Chuji 處寂
chulei shidao er renxin 觸類是道而任心
Chu Sanzang Ji Ji 出三藏記集
chushi 出世
cibei guan 慈悲觀
Ciyun 慈運
Cizhou Fangnian 慈舟方念
Cizhou Zhiru 磁州智如
Conglin Jiaoding Qinggui Zong- yao 叢林校訂清規總要
Congrong Lu 從容錄
Dachuan Puji 大川普濟
Daguan Tanying 達觀曇穎
Daguan Zhenke 達觀真可
Dahong Bao’en 大洪抱恩
Dahui Chanshi Chanzong Zaduhai 大慧禪師禪宗雜毒海
Dahui pai 大慧派
Dahui Pujue Chanshi Yulu 大慧普覺禪師語錄
Dahui Pujue Chanshi Zongmen Wuku 大慧普覺禪師宗門武庫
Dahui Pushuo 大慧普說
Dahui Shu 大慧書
Dahui Zonggao 大慧宗杲
daiyu 代語
Daizong 代宗
Dajian Chanshi 大鑒禪師
Daji Chanshi 大寂禪師
Damei Fachang 大梅法常
Damoduoluo Chan Jing 達摩多羅禪經
Danxia Tianran 丹霞天然
Danxia Zichun 丹霞子淳
dao 道
Dao’an 道安
daochang 道場
Dao De Jing 道德經
Daojia 道家
Daojiao 道教
Daosheng 道生
Daoxin 道信
Daoxuan 道宣
dao xu tongliu 道須通流
Dasheng Qixin Lun 大乘起信論
Dasheng Wu Fangbian Beizong 大乘五方便北宗
Dayang Jingxuan 大陽警玄
Dazang Jing 大藏經
Dazhi Chanshi 大智禪師
Dazhu Huihai 大珠慧海
denglu 燈錄
dengshi 燈史
Deshan Yuanmi 德山緣密
Deshan Xuanjian 德山宣鑒
Dezong 德宗
ding 定
dinghui bu’er 定慧不二
diyi chanhui 第一懺悔
Donglin Changzong 東林常總
Dongshan Famen 東山法門
Dongshan Liangjie 洞山良价
Dongshan Shouchu 洞山守初
Dongshan Yulu 洞山語錄
Dongyang Dehui 東陽德輝
Duanqiao Miaolun 斷橋妙倫
Du Fei 杜朏
Dunhuang 敦煌
dunjiao 頓教
dunwu 頓悟
Dunwu Yaomen 頓悟要門
Dunwu Rudao Yaomen Lun 頓悟入道要門論
dunxiu 頓修
Ehu Dayi 鵝湖大義
Erru Sixing Lun 二入四行論
fa 法
Fachi 法持
Fahai 法海
Fahua Xuanyi 法華玄義
fangbian 方便
fangbian you duomen 方便有多門
fangzhang 方丈
Fan Zhongyan 范仲淹
Faru 法如
fashen 法身
Fashuo bu’er 法說不二
fasi 法嗣
fatang 法堂
fa 法體
Faxiang 法相
Fayan Wenyi 法眼文益
Fayan zong 法眼宗
fayou 法友
Fayu 法語
Fayuan 法遠
feibuli yuyan 非不離語言
feili yuyan 非離語言
fei wuyan 非無言
feixin feifo 非心非佛
Feiyin Tongrong 費隱通容
fenbie 分別
fengfo shafo 逢佛殺佛
Fenggan 豐干
Fengqiao Yepo 風橋夜泊
Fengxue Yanzhao 風穴延沼
fengzu shazu 逢祖殺祖
Fenyang Shanzhao 汾陽善昭
fodian 佛殿
fofa 佛法
Fojian Huiqin 佛鑒慧勤
Foku Weize 佛窟惟則
Fori Qisong 佛日契嵩
Fotuobatuoluo 佛陀跋陀羅
foxin 佛心
foxing 佛性
foxing lun 佛性論
foxing wei jiexing 佛性為戒性
Foxue Jingshe 佛學精舍
Foyan Qingyuan 佛眼清遠
Fozu Lidai Tongzai 佛祖歷代通載
Fozu Tongcan Ji 佛祖同參集
Fozu Tongji 佛祖統紀
Fu Fazang Yinyuan Zhuan 付法藏因緣傳
Fujian 福建
Fujiao Bian 輔教編
Funiu Zizai 伏牛自在
Furong Daokai 芙蓉道楷
Fushan Fayuan 浮山法遠
Fuyan Jingshe 福巖精舍
Fu Zai 苻載
Fuzhou 福州
Gansu 甘肅
Gao’an Dayu 高安大愚
Gaofeng Dashi Yulu 高峰大師語錄
Gaofeng Yuanmiao 高峰原妙
Gaoseng Zhuan 高僧傳
Gaozong 高宗
geduan liangtou ju 隔斷兩頭句
geteng 葛藤
geteng Chan 葛藤禪
geyi 格義
gong’an 公案
gongfu 功夫
gou 垢
Guangdong 廣東
guanglu 廣錄
Guangxi 廣西
Guangxiao Si 光孝寺
guangyu 廣語
Guang Yuanjiao 廣原教
Guangzhou 廣州
guanxin 觀心
Guanxin Lun 觀心論
guanxin shimen 觀心十門
Guanxi Zhixian 灌溪志閑
Guifeng Zongmi 圭峰宗密
Guishan Jingce 潙山警策
Guishan Lingyou 潙山靈祐
Guiyang zong 潙仰宗
gui yuanxing wu’er 歸元性無二
Gulin Qingmao 古林清茂
Guo’an Shiyuan 郭庵師遠
guoshi 國師
gu qinggui 古清規
Gushan 鼓山
Gushan Chan 鼓山禪
Guyin Yuncong 古隱蘊聰
Guze 古則
Guzunsu Yulu 古尊宿語錄
Haichao Yin 海潮音
Hanshan Deqing 憨山德清
Hanshan Laoren Mengyou Quanji 憨山老人夢遊全集
Hanshan 寒山
Hanshan Si 寒山寺
Hanshanzi Shiji 寒山子詩集
Hanyue Fazang 漢月法藏
Hebei 河北
Helin Xuansu 鶴林玄素
Henan 河南
Heze Shenhui 荷澤神會
Heze zong 荷澤宗
Hongren 弘忍
Hongzhi Chanshi Guanglu 宏智禪師廣錄
Hongzhi Lu 宏智錄
Hongzhi Zhengjue 宏智正覺
Hongzhou 洪州
Hongzhou zong 洪州宗
Hongbian 弘辯
Huangbo Xiyun 黃蘗希運
Huanglong Huinan 黃龍慧南
Huanglong pai 黃龍派
Huanglong sanguan 黃龍三關
Huangmei 黃梅
Huang Tingjian 黃庭堅
Huanyou Zhengchuan 幻有正傳
Huanzhu An 幻住庵
Huatai 滑臺
Huatou 話頭
Huayan 華巖
Huayan Jing 華巖經
Hubei 湖北
hui 慧
Hui’an 慧安
Huichang paifo 會昌排佛
Huifang 慧方
huihu 回互
Huijiao 慧皎
Huiju 惠炬
Huike 惠可
Huineng 慧能
Huiyan Zhizhao 晦巖智昭
Huiyuan 慧遠
Huizong 惠宗
Huizong 徽宗
Hunan 湖南
huoju 活句
huoren jian 活人劍
Huqiu pai 虎丘派
Huqiu Shaolong 虎丘紹隆
Hu Shi 胡適
Huyin Daoji 湖隱道濟
ji 偈
Jia Dao 賈島
jiafeng 家風
Jianfu Chenggu 薦福承古
jiangnan gufo 江南古佛
Jiangsu 江蘇
Jiangxi 江西
Jianjiao 漸教
jianwu 漸悟
jianxing 見性
jianxiu 漸修
jian zhong dao 兼中到
 Jianzhong Jingguo Xudeng Lu 建中靖國續燈錄
jian zhong zhi 兼中至
jian wen jue zhi 見聞覺知
jiaochan yizhi 教禪一致
jiaowai biechuan 教外別傳
liao wuyi ziran wuai jietuo 了無異自然無礙解脫
Jiatai Pudeng Lu 嘉泰普燈錄
Jiaxing Dazang Jing 嘉興大藏經
Jidian 濟癲
jie 戒
jielü 戒律
Jieshi Dongshan Wuwei Xianjue 解釋洞山五位顯訣
Jietan 戒壇
Jieyin zhici 接引之辭
Jigong 濟公
Jing 靜
jing 境
Jing’an 靜安
Jingde Chuandeng Lu 景德傳燈錄
Jingjue 淨覺
Jingshan Faqin 徑山法欽
Jingshan Si 徑山寺
Jingshan Zang 徑山藏
jingshi 經世
jingtu Chan 淨土禪
Jingzhong Shenhui 淨眾神會
Jingzhong zong 淨眾宗
Jinling Qingliang Yuan Wenyi Chanshi Yulu 金陵清涼院文益禪師
語錄
Jin Zang 金藏
Jin Zhangzong 金章宗
jishi 記事
jisong 偈頌
Jiumoluoshi 鳩摩羅什
jixin jifo 即心即佛
jixin shi fo 即心是佛
jiyuan wenda 機緣問答
jiyuan yuju 機緣語句
jizan 偈贊
Juefan Huihong 覺范慧洪
Jueguan Lun 絕觀論
Jue She 覺社
Jueshe Congshu 覺社叢書
Juexian 覺賢
jugu 舉古
jun 君
juxin waizhao 舉心外照
juzhong xuan 句中玄
juzu 俱足
Kaifeng 開豐
Kaiyuan Si 開元寺
Kaiyuan Shijiao Lu 開元釋教錄
kai zhihui men 開智慧門
kanbian 勘辨
Kang Senghui 康僧會
kanhua Chan 看話禪
kan huatou 看話頭
Ke Wen 客問
kong 空
Konggu Ji 空谷集
kongmen Chan 孔門禪
kuang Chan 狂禪
Laozi 老子
lengnuan zizhi 冷暖自知
Lengqie Jing 楞伽經
Lengqie Renfa Zhi 楞伽人法志
Lengqie Shizi Ji 楞伽師資記
Lengyan Jing 楞巖經
li 理
Liandeng Huiyao 聯燈會要
liangzhi ben 良知本體
Lidai Fabao Ji 歷代法寶記
Lijing 李璟
Lingche 靈徹
Lingyin Si 靈隱寺
linian 離念
Linji Lu 臨濟錄
Linji Si 臨濟寺
linji wenda 臨機問答
Linji Yixuan 臨濟義玄
Linji zong 臨濟宗
Linjian Lu 林間錄
Linquan Conglun 林泉從倫
liru 理入
liu boluomi 六波羅密
liu miaomen 六妙門
Liu Yan 劉巖
Liuzu Dian 六祖殿
Liuzu Tanjing 六祖壇經
liwu erzhi 理無二致
lixue 理學
liyi fenshu 理一分殊
liyi jishu 理一機殊
Li Zhi 李贄
li zhijian 立知見
Lizong 理宗
Li Zunxu 李遵勖
Longtan Chongxin 龍潭崇信
Longya Judun 龍牙居遁
Long Zang 龍藏
Lu Jiuyuan 陸九淵
Lunyu 論語
Luohan Guichen 羅漢桂琛
Luo Rufang 羅汝芳
Luoyang 洛陽
Lü Xiaqing 呂夏卿
Lüzong 律宗
Maming Pusa 馬鳴菩薩
ma sanjin 麻三斤
Mazu Daoyi 馬祖道一
Mazu Sija Lu 馬祖四家錄
menqiang suiyi 門牆虽異
men ng shishe 門廳施設
Miaodao 妙道
Miaoxi 妙喜
miaoyou 妙有
Miaoyun Ji 妙雲集
Ming 明
ming zhufa zhengxing 明諸法正性
Miyun Yuanwu 密雲圓悟
Mohe Zhiguan 摩訶止觀
moni zhu 摩尼珠
moqi 默契
Moshan Liaoran 末山了然
mowang 莫忘
mozhao Chan 默照禪
Mozhao Ming 默照銘
Mu’an Shanqing 睦庵善卿
Muzhou Daoming 睦州道明
Nanchang 南昌
Nanhua Si 南華寺
Nanjing 南京
Nanquan Puyuan 南泉普願
Nanyang Heshang Wenda Zazhengyi 南陽和尚問答雜徵義
Nanyang Huizhong 南陽慧忠
Nanyue Huairang 南岳懷讓
Nan Zang 南藏
Nan zong 南宗
Nianchang 念常
nianfo 念佛
nianfo Chan 念佛禪
nianfo guan 念佛觀
nianfo she 念佛社
niangu 拈古
Niangu Baize 拈古百則
nianpu 年譜
Nie Xian 聶先
ningxin ruding 凝心入定
Niutou Farong 牛頭法融
Niutou Huizhong 牛頭慧忠
Niutou zong 牛頭宗
Pangjushi Yulu 龐居士語錄
Pang Yun 龐蘊
Pei Xiu 裴休
Pei Xiu Shiyi Wen 裴休拾遺問
pian 偏
pian zhong zheng 偏中正
pingchang 評唱
pingchangxin shidao 平常心是道
pingshi Chan 平實禪
ping anxia 平天下
Pi Wangjiu Lueshuo 辟妄救略說
Po’an Zuxian 破庵祖先
Puji 普寂
Puming 普明
puqing 普請
Pu damo 菩提達摩
Pu damo Nanzong Dingshifei Lun 菩提達摩南宗定是非論
qi 契
Qian Hongshu 錢弘俶
qiaochang weiyong 敲唱為用
qihe 契合
qihui 契會
qijia 齊家
Qing 清
qinggui 清規
Qingliang Si 清涼寺
Qingyi Lu 請益錄
Qingyuan Xingsi 青原行思
Qisong 契嵩
qiwu 契悟
Qiyuan Xinggang 祇園行剛
quan 權
Quan Deyu 權德與
Quanshu 勸書
Quan Tang Wen 全唐文
Quanxiao Wen 勸孝文
Quanzhou 泉州
Qu Ruji 瞿汝稷
qushuo 曲說
raolu shuochan 繞路說禪
ren 人
renjian fojiao 人間佛教
rensheng fojiao 人生佛教
Ren an Yanmu 人天眼目
renyun 任運
renyun zizai 任運自在
Renzong 仁宗
Rudao Anxin Yao Fangbian Famen 入道安心要方便法門
Rujing 如淨
rulai Chan 如來禪
rulaizang 如來藏
rulaizang zixing qingjingxin 如來藏自性清淨心
Ruibai Mingxue 瑞白明雪
ruren yinshui 如人飲水
rushi 入室
sandi 三諦
sanjiao heyi 三教合一
sanjiao shiyi 三教是一
sanjiao yijia 三教一家
sanju gangzong 三句綱宗
sanju yu 三句語
Sanlun 三論
Sansheng Huiran 三聖慧然
sanxuan sanyao 三玄三要
sanxue 三學
Sanyi Mingyu 三宜明愚
sanzhi 三智
se 色
Sengcan 僧璨
senggui 僧規
Sengyou 僧佑
Sengzhao 僧肇
Shaanxi 陝西
Shandong 山東
shangtang 上堂
Shanxi 山西
Shaolin Si 少林寺
Shaozhou 韶州
sharen dao 殺人刀
shengyu 生語
Shenhui 神會
Shenqing 神清
shentong daguangming zang 神通大光明藏
Shenxiu 神秀
Shenzong 神宗
shexin neicheng 攝心內澄
shi 事
Shide 拾得
Shimen Wenzi Chan 石門文字禪
Shiniu Tu 十牛圖
Shiniu Tu Song 十牛圖頌
shishe 施設
Shishuang Chuyuan 石霜楚圓
Shishuang Qingzhu 石霜慶諸
shisuhua 世俗化
Shitou Siqian 石頭希遷
Shiyu Mingfang 石雨明方
shizhi tongzhen 十智同真
shizhong 示眾
Shoulengyan Jing 首楞巖經
Shoulengyan Sanmei 首楞巖三昧
Shoulengyan Sanmei Jing 首楞巖三昧經
Shoushan Shengnian 首山省念
Shouxin 守心
shouyi buyi 守一不移
shouzuo 首座
Shunzong 順宗
shuofa 說法
shuxi guan 數息觀
si binzhu 四賓主
Sichuan 四川
sifa 嗣法
sihe 四喝
Sijia Yulu 四家語錄
siju 死句
si liaojian 四料簡
Sima Qian 司馬遷
Sixin Wuxin 死心悟新
Siyi Fan an Suowen Jing 思益梵天所問經
siyu 死語
si zhuanyu 四轉語
Song 宋
Song Gaoseng Zhuan 宋高僧傳
songgu 頌古
Songgu Baize 頌古百則
Songshan 嵩山
Songzang Yizhen 宋藏遺珍
Su Che 蘇轍
Sui 隋
suichu renyuan 隨處任緣
suiwu tongzhen 隨物通真
suiyuan yingyong 隨緣應用
Suizhou Daoyuan 遂州道圓
Su Shi 蘇軾
Suzhou 蘇州
Suzong 肅宗
Taiping Jing 太平經
 Taixu 太虛
Taixu Dashi Quanshu 太虛大師全書
Tang 唐
Tanjing 壇經
Tanjing Zan 壇經贊
Tanlin 曇林
Tanyu 壇語
體
Tianhuang Daowu 天皇道悟
Tianmu Zhongfeng Mingben Heshang Guanglu 天目中峰明本和
尚廣錄
Tianru Weize 天如惟則
Tiansheng Guangdeng Lu 天聖廣燈錄
Tiantai 天臺
Tiantai Deshao 天臺德韶
Tiantai Zhiyi 天臺智顗
Tiantong Si 天潼寺
Tianyin Yuanxiu 天隱圓修
zhong xuan 體中玄
tong 通
touguo sanjuwai 透過三句外
toutuo 頭陀
Touzi Datong 投子大同
Touzi Yiqing 投子義青
Wang Bi 王弼
Wang Boxiang 王伯庠
wanfa 萬法
wang 忘
Wang Anshi 王安石
Wang Bi 王弼
Wang Gen 王艮
Wang Ji 王畿
Wang Rong 王鎔
Wang Shenzhi 王審知
Wang Wei 王維
wangxin 忘心
Wang Yangming 王陽明
Wanling Lu 宛陵錄
Wanshan Tonggui Ji 萬善同歸集
Wansong Xingxiu 萬松行秀
Wei Jin 魏晉
Weijing 魏靜
Weilin Daopei 為霖道霈
weixin jingtu 唯心淨土
wenda zhang 問答章
Wendeng 文僜
wenzi Chan 文字禪
wu 無
wu 悟
Wuchu Daguan 物初大觀
Wudai 五代
Wudai Shiguo 五代十國
wude 無得
Wudeng Huiyuan 五燈會元
Wudeng Huiyuan Xulue 五燈會元續略
Wudeng Quanshu 五燈全書
Wudeng Yantong 五燈巖統
Wu Fangbian 五方便
wufenbie 無分別
wujia 五家
wujia qizong 五家七宗
Wujia Yulu 五家語錄
Wujia Zongpai 五家宗派
Wujincang 無盡藏
wumen 五門
Wumen Guan 無門關
Wumen Huikai 無門慧開
Wuming Huijing 無明慧經
wunian 無念
wuqiu 無求
wuqiu shi zhenqiu 無求是真求
wushi 無事
wushi Chan 無事禪
wuwei 五位
wuwei 無為
wuwei junchen 五位君臣
Wuwei Junchen Ji 五位君臣偈
Wuwei Junchen Zhijue 五位君臣旨訣
wuwei zhenren 無位真人
Wuwen Mingcong 無聞明聰
wuwu 無無
Wuyue 吳越
wuyi daoren 無依道人
Wuxiang 無相
wuxiang 無相
wuxiang chanhui 無相懺悔
wuxiang jie 無相戒
wuxin 無心
wuxiu 無修
wuyi 無憶
wuyi daoren 無依道人
Wuyi Yuanlai 無異元來
Wu Ze an 武則天
wuzhe dahui 無遮大會
wuzheng 無證
wuzhi 無執
Wuzhu 無住
wuzhu 無住
Wuzhun Shifan 無准師範
wuzong gangyao 五宗綱要
Wuzong Yuan 五宗原
Wuzu Fayan 五祖法演
xian busiyi jietuo 顯不思議解脫
xiang 相
xiang 像
Xianglin Chengyuan 香林澄遠
Xiangyan Zhixian 香巖智閑
Xianzong 憲宗
xiao 孝
xiaocan 小參
Xiao Lun 孝論
Xiaoyan Debao 笑巖德寶
Xiaozong 孝宗
xichan 習禪
Xichan Pian 習禪篇
xin 心
Xin Daojia 新道家
xing 性
Xinghua Cunjiang 興化存獎
xingjiao 行腳
xing lu 行錄
xingru 行入
Xingshan Weikuan 興善惟寬
xing 性體
Xingye Ji 行業記
xing zhuang 行狀
Xin Ming 心銘
xin 心體
xinxin buyi 心心不異
Xinxin Ming 信心銘
xinxue 心學
xinyao 心要
Xitang Zhizang 西堂智藏
xiu 修
xiulian 修練
xiuxie 休歇
xiuxin 休心
xiuxin 修心
Xiuxin Yaolun 修心要論
xiuxing 修行
Xizong 僖宗
Xuanlang 玄朗
Xuanmen Shengzhou Ji 玄門聖冑集
Xuansha Guanglu 玄沙廣錄
 Xuansha Shibei 玄沙師備
xuanxue 玄學
Xuanzang 玄奘
Xuanze 玄賾
xuanzhong xuan 玄中玄
Xuanzong 玄宗
Xuanzong 宣宗
Xu Baolin Zhuan 續寶林傳
Xuedou Chongxian 雪竇重顯
Xuedou Songgu 雪竇頌古
Xuefeng Si 雪峰寺
Xuefeng Yicun 雪峰義存
Xuefeng Zhenxie Liao Chanshi Yizhang Lu 雪峰真歇了禪師一掌
錄
xuepai 學派
Xueyan Zuqin 雪巖祖欽
Xu Gaoseng Zhuan 續高僧傳
Xu Gujin Yijing Tuji 續古今譯經圖記
Xu Lingfu 徐靈府
Xutang Ji 虛堂集
Xuyun 虛雲
Xuzang Jing 續藏經
Xu Zhiyue Lu 續指月錄
Yangming Chan 陽明禪
Yangming houxue 陽明後學
Yangqi Fanghui 楊岐方會
Yangqi pai 楊岐派
Yangshan Huiji 仰山慧寂
Yang Wenhui 楊文會
Yang Yi 楊億
yanjiao 言教
Yan Jun 顏均
Yankai 冶開
yanquan 言筌
yan wuyan 言無言
yaofang 藥方
Yaoshan Weiyan 藥山惟儼
Yelü Chucai 耶律楚材
yi 疑
Yifu 義福
yin 印
yingji 應機
yingshi yaofang 應時藥方
yinhe 印合
yinke 印可
Yinshun 印順
yinyuan guan 因緣觀
Yinyuan Longqi 隱元隆琦
yinzheng 印證
yinzheng zhang 印證章
Yinzong 印宗
yiqing 疑情
yiqi weichuan 以契為傳
yisheng 一乘
yixin 一心
yixin chuanxin 以心傳心
yixin yinxin 以心印心
yixing sanmei 一行三昧
Yizhou Nanyin 益州南印
yizi guan 一字關
yong 用
Yong’an Daoyuan 永安道原
Yongjia Ji 永嘉集
Yongjia Xuanjue 永嘉玄覺
Yongle Nan Zang 永樂南藏
Yongming Yanshou 永明延壽
Yongquan Si 涌泉寺
Yongzheng 雍正
you 有
youfang 遊方
Yuan 元
yuanchang 元常
yuancheng 圓成
Yuan Huizong 元惠宗
Yuanjiao 原教
Yuanjue Jing 圓覺經
Yuanjue Jing Dashu 圓覺經大疏
Yuanjue Jing Dashu Chao 圓覺經大疏鈔
Yuanjue Zongyan 圓覺宗演
Yuanmen Jingzhu 遠門靜柱
Yuanming Lun 圓明論
Yuanren Lun 原人論
Yuan Renzong 元仁宗
Yuanwu Keqin 圓悟克勤
Yuanying 圓瑛
yuanxiang 圓相
yuben 語本
Yuelin Shiguan 月林師觀
Yuezhou Dazhu Huihai Heshang Yu 越州大珠慧海和尚語
yufozu bubie 與佛祖不別
yulu 語錄
Yulu Jinghai Yidi 御錄經海一滴
Yulu Zongjing Dagang 御錄宗鏡大綱
yumo bu’er 語默不二
Yun 筠
Yunju Daoying 雲居道膺
Yunkong Changzhong 蘊空常忠
Yunmen Guanglu 雲門廣錄
Yunmen Sanju 雲門三句
Yunmen zong 雲門宗
Yunmen Wenyan 雲門文偃
Yunqi Zhuhong 雲棲祩宏
Yunyan Tansheng 雲巖曇晟
Yuquan Si 玉泉寺
yushi chenfu 與世沉浮
Yuxuan Yulu 御選語錄
yuyao 語要
Zanning 贊寧
 Zenghui 曾會
Zhangjing Huaihui 章敬懷暉
Zhangji 張繼
Zhang Jiucheng 張九成
Zhang Jun 張浚
Zhangqiu Jianqiong 章仇兼瓊
Zhang Shangying 張商英
Zhanran Yuancheng 湛然圓澄
Zhantang Wenzhun 湛堂文准
Zhaojue 招覺
Zhaozhou Congshen 趙州從諗
Zhaozhou Lu 趙州錄
Zhejiang 浙江
zhen 真
zhen chanhui 真懺悔
zheng 正
Zhengdao Ge 證道歌
Zhengfayan Zang 正法眼藏
zheng zhong lai 正中來
zheng zhong pian 正中偏
Zhenjing Kewen 真淨克文
zhenren 真人
zhenru 真如
zhentang 真堂
Zhenxie Qingliao 真歇清了
zhen zan 真贊
Zhenzhou Changlu Liao Heshang Jiewang Lu 真州長蘆了和尚劫
外錄
Zhezong 哲宗
zhiguo 治國
Zhihuan Jingshe 祇洹精舍
zhijian 知見
zhijie 知解
Zhiju 智炬
zhi liangzhi 致良知
Zhi Loujiachan 支婁迦讖
 Zhimen Guangzuo 智門光祚
zhishan 至善
Zhishen 智詵
Zhisheng 智昇
Zhiwei 智威
zhixin 直心
Zhiyan 智巖
Zhiyi 智顗
Zhiyue Lu 指月錄
zhizhi renxin 直指人心
zhizhi yizi 知之一字
Zhongchuan 鐘傳
Zhongfeng Mingben 中峰明本
zhongguan 中觀
Zhonghua Chuanxindi Chanmen Shizi Chengxi Tu 中華傳心地禪
門師資承襲圖
zhongxing zhi zu 中興之祖
Zhongzong 中宗
Zhou Dunyi 周敦頤
zhu 主
Zhuangzi 莊子
zhuanyu 轉語
zhu kan bin 主看賓
zhu kan zhu 主看主
Zhu Xi 朱熹
Zhuxin kanjing 住心看淨
zhuyu 著語
Zibo Zhenke 紫柏真可
Zibo Zunzhe Quanji 紫柏尊者全集
ziming 自明
zishi benxin 自識本心
zixing 自性
zixing benyong 自性本用
zixing chanhui 自性懺悔
zixing mituo 自性彌陀
ziyou 自由
 zizai 自在
Zongbao 宗寶
Zongjiao Daxiang 宗教答响
Zongjing Lu 宗鏡錄
zongmen 宗門
Zongmen Huowen 宗門或問
Zongmen Shigui Lun 宗門十規論
Zongmen Tongyao Ji 宗門統要集
Zongmen Tongyao Xuji 宗門統
要續集
Zongmi 宗密
zongpai 宗派
zongmiao 宗廟
Zongyong 宗永
zongzhang fo 總彰佛體
zongzhi 宗旨
zongzu 宗族
Zu’an Zhijian 足庵智鑒
zunchong 尊崇
zuochan 坐禪
Zuochan Yi 坐禪儀
Zuochan Sanmei Jing 坐禪三昧經
zushi Chan 祖師禪
zutang 祖堂
Zutang Ji 祖堂集
zu ng 祖庭
Zu ng Qianchui Lu 祖庭鉗錘錄
Zu ng Shiyuan 祖庭事苑
zuxian 祖先
Zuzhao Daohe 祖照道和
zuzong paiwei 祖宗牌位
 Bibliography

CONTENTS

INTRODUCTION
Some publica ons seem to fit more than one category in a bibliography,
but no publica on can be listed twice. The author has to make a decision
to assign each publica on to just one category, in spite of some ambiguous
cases. It is suggested that readers inves gate different but related
categories for the lis ng of a publica on they might be looking for.
Although this bibliography is comprehensive, it is not exhaus ve.
Many popular general publica ons on Zen Buddhism that do not have the
substan al content on Chan or Chinese Zen are not included, such as those
on psychotherapy or spirituality and Zen, even though they may offer
inspira on for the study of Chan Buddhism in general. The bibliography
provides ample coverage to recent books and ar cles on Chan Buddhism,
while also including the earlier publica ons of long-las ng scholarship on
Chan Buddhism. A dis nc ve feature of this bibliography is the inclusion of
various Chinese and Japanese publica ons on Chan Buddhism, including
the English transla on of the original tles of these books and ar cles. It
intends to introduce the recent emergence of new scholarly works on Chan
Buddhism in China to the West, and include some founda onal and widely
u lized works by Japanese scholars. There are countless books and ar cles
on Chan Buddhism in China and Japan. Those included in this bibliography
are only a small corner of the en re repertoire. In a global age, more and
more people are learning Chinese and Japanese, especially the new
genera ons. Informa on in the Chinese and Japanese languages is
increasingly translatable with digital tools. The compila on of this
bibliography corresponds to the growing interest and mul lingual
capability of our me without intending to in midate users.
A more general dic onary of Buddhism will be a useful supplement to
this more specific dic onary of Chan Buddhism, since this medium size
dic onary cannot include all background informa on and knowledge of
Buddhism upon which the study of Chan Buddhism relies. English-reading
beginners may use such addi onal tools as Irons’s Encyclopedia of
Buddhism, Keown’s A Dic onary of Buddhism, Olson’s Historical Dic onary
of Buddhism, and the more comprehensive Princeton Dic onary of
Buddhism. For the supplementary survey and history of Chan Buddhism,
readers may consult Hershock’s Chan Buddhism, the new edi on of
Dumoulin’s Zen Buddhism: A History (volume 1), and McRae’s Seeing
through Zen. To read selected Chan texts, beginners may start with
Yampolsky’s transla on The Pla orm Sutra of the Sixth Patriarch, Sasaki’s
The Record of Linji (in Kirchner’s new edi on), and Broughton and
Watanabe’s The Chan Whip Anthology. They are influen al texts
representa ve of the early, classical, and mature stages of Chan Buddhism.
All of these transla ons are excellent, with helpful introduc ons and
annota ons to the texts. For those searching for the philosophical insight
of Chan Buddhism, Wright’s clear analysis and updated discussion in his
Philosophical Medita ons on Zen Buddhism would serve their purpose very
well.
There are three types of publica on that may meet some readers’
ini al interest in Chan language, literary genre, and art. One is the
historical survey or introduc on, such as Yanagida’s “The ‘Recorded
Sayings’ Texts of Chinese Ch’an Buddhism,” and Foulk’s “Form and Func on
of Koan Literature: A Historical Overview.” The second type is represented
by the study of language and literary genres with regard to a specific text,
such as Heine’s Chan Rhetoric of Uncertainty in the Blue Cliff Record and
Poceski’s The Records of Mazu and the Making of Classical Chan Literature.
The third type is the anthology, or collec on of works, such as Egan’s
Clouds Thick, Whereabouts Unknown: Poems by Zen Monks of China, and
the Chan sec on in Karetsky’s Chinese Buddhist Art. For the study of
different Chan schools and individual figures, readers may start with
McRae’s The Northern School and the Forma on of Early Ch’an Buddhism,
Jia’s The Hongzhou School of Chan Buddhism in Eighth- through Tenth-
Century China, and Gregory’s Tsung-mi and the Sinifica on of Buddhism.
These works demonstrate the achievements of contemporary scholarship
and are accessible to a variety of readers. Foulk’s “Myth, Ritual, and
Monas c Prac ce in Sung Ch’an Buddhism” is a classic for the study of
Chan ins tu onal prac ce. Those who are interested in social-poli cal,
cultural, and gender studies would benefit greatly from works such as
Faure’s The Rhetoric of Immediacy: A Cultural Cri que of Ch’an/Zen
Buddhism, Welter’s Monks, Rulers, and Litera : The Poli cal Ascendancy of
Chan Buddhism, and Schireson’s Zen Women: Beyond Tea Ladies, Iron
Maidens, and Macho Masters.

REFERENCE WORKS
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Series 11. Kyoto: Interna onal Research Ins tute for Zen Buddhism,
Hanazono University, 1996.
App, Urs. Concordance to the Record of Linji (Rinzai). Kyoto:
Interna onal Research Ins tute for Zen Buddhism, Hanazono Unversity,
1993.
App, Urs. Concordance to the Record of Yunmen. Hanazono
Concordance Series 15. Kyoto: Interna onal Research Ins tute for Zen
Buddhism, Hanazono Unversity, 1996.
App, Urs. “Reference Works for Ch’an Research.” Cahiers d’Extrême-
Asie 7 (1994): 357–409.
Baroni, Helen J. The Illustrated Encyclopedia of Zen Buddhism. New
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Chan Zang 禪藏 (The Chan Canon). Edited by the Foguang Dazang Jing
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 Fischer-Schreiber, Ingrid, Franz-Karl Ehrhard, and Michael S. Diener.
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Gardner, James L., ed. Zen Buddhism: A Classified Bibliography of
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Fire Press, 1991.
Inagaki, Hisao. A Glossary of Zen Terms. Kyoto: Nagata Bunshodo,
1991.
Iriya Yoshitaka 入矢義高, supervising ed., and Koga Hidehiko 古賀英
彥, comp. Zengo jiten 禪語辞典 (Dic onary of Chan Terms). Kyōto:
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Irons, Edward A., ed. Encyclopedia of Buddhism. New York: Facts on
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Ishii Shūdō 石井修道. “Jūichishu Sōdai Zenmon zuihitsushū jinmyō
sakuin (1)–(2) 十一種宋代禅門隨筆集人名索引 (上)(下) [Index of People’s
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Kamata Shigeo 鎌田茂雄, ed. Chūgoku bukkyō jiten 中國仏教辭典
(Dic onary of Chinese Buddhism). Tokyo: Dō shuppan, 1981.
Keown, Damien. A Dic onary of Buddhism. Oxford: Oxford University
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Komazawa daigaku toshokan 駒沢大學図書館, ed. Shinsan zenseki
mokuroku 新纂禅籍目錄 (A New Bibliography of Chan Texts). Tokyo:
Komazawa daigaku toshokan, 1962.
Lai Yonghai 賴永海, ed. Zhongguo Fojiao Baike Quanshu 中國佛教百
科全書 (Encyclopedia of Chinese Buddhism). 11 vols. Shanghai: Shanghai
Guji Chubanshe, 2000.
Master Mingsheng 明生法師, ed. Liuzu Huineng Yu Tanjing Lunzhu
Mulu Jicheng 六祖慧能與《壇經》論著目錄集成 (Collected Catalogs of
Published Works on the Sixth Patriarch Huineng and the Pla orm Sūtra).
Taibei: Wanjuanlou Tushu Gongsi, 2014.
Mingfu 明復. Zhongguo Foxue Renming Cidian 中國佛學人名辭典
(Dic onary of Names in Chinese Buddhism). Beijing: Zhonghua shuju, 1988.
Mochizuki Shikō 望月信亨. Bukkyō daijiten 仏教大辞典 (Great
Dic onary of Buddhism). 10 vols. Tokyo: Sekai seiten kankō kyōkai, 1933–
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Muller, A. Charles, ed. Digital Dic onary of Buddhism.
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Nakamura Hajime 中村元. Bukkyōgo daijiten 仏教語大辞典 (Great
Dic onary of Buddhist Terms). Tokyo: Tokyo shoseki, 1981.
Olson, Carl. Historical Dic onary of Buddhism. New edi. Historical
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MD: Scarecrow Press, 2009.
Ren Jiyu 任繼愈, ed. in chief. Fojiao Dacidian 佛教大辭典 (Great
Dic onary of Buddhism). Nanjing: Jiangsu Guji Chubanshe, 2002.
Shinpan Zengaku daijiten 新版禪學大辞典 (The New Edi on of the
Great Dic onary of Zen Studies). Komazawa University Zengaku Daijiten
Hensanjo. Tokyo: Taishukan Shoten, 2000.
Sōshi Kaku’ichi 莊司格一, ed. Jingde Chuandeng Lu Guyou Mingci
Suoyin 景德傳燈錄固有名詞索引 (Index of the Proper Nouns from the
Jingde Records of the Transmission of the Lamp). Taipei: Dahua Shuju 大化
書局, 1988.
Suzuki Tetsuo 鈴木哲雄. Chūgoku zenshū jinmei sakuin 中國褝宗人名
索引 (Index of People’s Names in the Chinese Chan School). Nagoya:
Kikōdō, 1975.
Tagami Taishū 田上太秀 and Ishii Shūdo 石井修道, eds. Zen no shisō
jiten 禅の思想辞典 (Dic onary of Zen Thought). Tokyo: Tokyo Shoseki,
2008.
Wu Rujun 吳汝鈞. Fojiao Sixiang Dacidian 佛教思想大辭典 (A Great
Dic onary of Buddhist Thought). Taibei: Taiwan Shangwu Yinshu Guan,
1992.
Xu Ziqiang 徐自強, ed. Zhongguo Lidai Chanshi Zhuanji Ziliao Huibian
Zongmu 中國歷代禪師傳記資料彙編總目 (Bibliography of Biographical
Sources of Chinese Chan Masters throughout genera ons). 3 vols. Beijing:
Quanguo Tushuguan Wenxian Suowei Fuzhi Zhongxin, 1994.
Yanagida Seizan 柳田聖山, ed. Sodōshū sakuin 祖堂集索引 (Index of
the Patriarch’s Hall Collec on). 3 vols. Kyoto: Kyōto daigaku jinbun kagaku
kenkyūjo, 1980–1984.
Yoshizawa Masahiro 芳澤勝弘, Onishi Shirō 小西司郎, et al., eds.
Keitoku dentōroku sakuin 景德傳燈錄索引 (Index of the Jingde Records of
the Transmission of the Lamp). 2 vols. Kyoto: Zen bunka kenkyūjō; Kibun
tenseki sōkan, 1993.
Yoshizawa Masahiro 芳澤勝弘, Onishi Shirō 小西司郎, et al., eds.
Sodōshū sakuin 祖堂集索引 (Index of the Patriarch’s Hall Collec on).
Kyoto: Zen bunka kenkyūjō; Kibun tenseki sōkan, 1994.
Yuan Bing 袁賓. Chanzong Zhuzuo Ciyu Huishi 禪宗著作詞語匯釋 (A
Collec on of Interpreta ons of Terms in Chan Works). Nanjing: Jiangsu Guji
Chubanshe, 1990.
Yuan Bing 袁賓 and Kang Jian 康健, eds. Chanzong Dacidian 禪宗大詞
典 (A Great Dic onary of the Chan School). Wuhan: Chongwen Shuju, 2010.
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Zhongguo Fojiao Renming Dacidian Bianji Weiyuanhui 《中國佛教人
名大辭典》編輯委員會 and Zhenghua 震華, ed. Zhongguo Fojiao
Renming Dacidian 中國佛教人名大辭典 (The Great Dic onary of People’s
Names in Chinese Buddhism). Shanghai: Shanghai Cishu Chubanshe, 1999.

PRIMARY TEXTS (EDITED AND REPRINTED)

Chanzong Jicheng 禪宗集成 (The Collec on from the Chan School).
Collected and reprinted from the Xu Zang Jing/Hsu Tsang Ching. 25 vols.
Taibei: Yiwen Yinshu Guan, 1968.
Chanzong Quanshu 禪宗全書 (Complete Books of the Chan School).
Edited by Lan Jifu 藍吉富. 101 vols. Taibei: Wenshu Wenhua Youxian
Gongsi, 1990; Bejing: Beijing Tushuguan Chubanshe, 2004.
“Daie Fukaku zenji hōgo 大慧普覺禪師法語 (Chan Master Dahui
Pujue’s Talks on Dharma).” In Daijō bu en, Chūgoku Nihon hen 12: Zen
goroku 大乘佛典中國日本篇12－禪語錄, edited by Ishii Shūdō 石井修道,
339–578. Tokyo: Chūō kōronsha, 1992.
Daruma no goroku: Ninyū shigyōron 達摩の語錄： 二入四行論 (The
Recorded Sayings of Bodhidharma: On Two Entrances and Four Prac ces).
Edited by Yanagida Seizan 柳田聖山. Zen no goroku 禪の語錄1. Tokyo:
Chikuma Shobō, 1969.
Dehui 德輝. Chixiu Baizhang Qinggui 敕修百丈清規 (The Imperially
Sanc oned Baizhang Rules of Purity). Edited by Li Jiwu 李继武. Zhengzhou:
Zhongzhou Guji Chubanshe, 2011.
Dunboben Chanji Lujiao 敦博本禪籍錄校 (The Edited Chan Texts from
the Manuscripts of the Dunhuang Museum). Edited by Deng Wenkuan 鄧
文寬 and Rong Xinjiang 榮新江. Nanjing: Jiangsu Guji Chubanshe, 1999.
Gensha kōroku 玄沙広錄 (Extensive Record of Xuansha). Edited by
Tōdai goroku kenkyūhan 唐代語錄研究班. Kyoto: Zen bunka kenkyūjo,
1999.
Hōkyōhen 輔教編 (Essays on Assis ng the Teaching [of Buddhism]). By
Fori Qisong/Butsunichi Kaisū 佛日契嵩. Edited by Araki Kengo 荒木見悟.
Zen no goroku 14. Tokyo: Chikuma shobo, 1981.
Hōrinden 寶林傳 (Biographies from the Treasure Groves [Temple]).
Edited by Tanaka Ryōshō 田中良昭. Tokyo: Komazawa daigaku zenshūshi
kenkyū kai, 1981–1994.
Huihong 惠洪. Chanling Sengbao Zhuan 禪林僧寶傳 (Biographies of
the Monk-Treasure in the Chan Grove). Edited by Lü Youxiang 吕有祥.
Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou Guji Chubanshe, 2014.
Jing 靜 and Jun 筠. Zutang Ji 祖堂集 (Patriarch’s Hall Collec on).
Edited by Zhang Hua. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou Guji Chubanshe, 2001.
Jing 靜 and Jun 筠. Zutangji 祖堂集 (Patriarch’s Hall Collec on).
Edited by Wu Fuxiang 吳福祥 and Gu Zhichuan 顧之川. Changsha: Yuelu
Shushe, 1996.
Keitoku dentōroku 景德傳燈錄 (The Jingde Records of the
Transmission of the Lamp). Edited by Yoshizawa Masahiro 芳澤勝弘, Onishi
Shirō 小西司郎, et al. Kyoto: Zen bunka kenkyūjo; Kibun tenseki sōkan,
1993.
Li Miao 李淼, ed. Zhongguo Chanzong Daquan 中國禪宗大全. 6 vols.
Changchun: Changchun Chubanshe, 1991.
Linji Lu 臨濟錄 (Record of Linji). Edited by Yang Zengwen 楊曾文.
Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou Guji Chubanshe, 2001.
Lin Shi an 林世田 et al., eds. Dunhuang Chanzong Wenxian Jicheng
敦煌禅宗文獻集成 (Collec on of the Manuscripts of the Chan School from
Dunhuang). 2 vols. Beijing: Quanguo Tushuguan Wenxian Suowei Fuzhi
Zhongxin 全國圖書館文獻縮微複製中心, 1998.
Mazu Yulu 馬祖語錄 (The Recorded Sayings of Mazu). Edited by Xing
Dongfeng 邢东风. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou Guji Chubanshe, 2008.
 Qu Ruji 瞿汝稷. Zhiyue Lu 指月錄 (Records of Poin ng to the Moon).
Edited by Dexian and Houjian. 2 vols. Chengdu: Bashu Shushe. 2006.
Rokuso dankyō shohon shūsei 六祖壇經諸本集成 (Collec on of
Various Versions of the Pla orm Sūtra of the Sixth Patriarch). Edited by
Yanagida Seizan 柳田聖山. Kyoto: Chūbun Shuppansha, 1976.
Shenhui Heshang Chanhua Lu 神會和尚禪話錄 (The Recorded Sayings
on Chan from Shenhui). Edited by Yang Zengwen楊曾文. Beijing: Zhonghua
Shuju, 1996.
Shinjinmei, Shōdōka, Jūgyūzu, Zazengi 信心銘, 証道歌, 十牛図, 坐禅
儀 (The Inscrip on on Faith in the Mind, Song of Authen ca ng the Way,
Ten Oxherding Pictures, and Principles of Seated Medita on). Edited by
Kajitani Sōnin 梶谷宗忍 et al. Zen no goroku, no. 16. Tokyo: Chikuma
shobō, 1974.
Shike goroku, Goke goroku 四家錄, 五家錄 (The Recorded Sayings of
Four Masters [and] the Recorded Sayings of Five Houses). Edited by
Yanagida Seizan 柳田聖山. Kyoto: Chūbun shuppansha, 1983.
Sodōshū 祖堂集 (The Patriarch’s Hall Collec on). Edited by Yanagida
Seizan 柳田聖山. Zengaku sōsho 禪學叢書, 4. Kyoto: Chūbun shuppansha,
1974.
Sodōshū 祖堂集 (The Patriarch’s Hall Collec on). Edited by Yoshizawa
Masahiro 芳澤勝弘, Onishi Shirō 小西司郎, et al. Kyoto: Zen bunka
kenkyūjo; Kibun tenseki sōkan, 1994.
Sōhan Kōribon Keitoku dentōroku 宋版高麗本景德傳燈錄 (The
Korean Edi on of the Jingde Records of the Transmission of the Lamp
during the Song Dynasty). Edited by Yanagida Seizan 柳田聖山. Zengaku
sōsho 禪學叢書 6. Kyoto: Chūbun shuppansha, 1976.
Sōzō ichin: Hōrinden; Dentō gyōkueishū 宋藏遺珍: 寶林傳; 傳燈玉英
集 (Treasures outside the Song Buddhist Canon: Biographies from the
Treasure Groves [Temple]; Collec on of Treasurous Heros in the
Transmission of the Lamp). Edited by Yanagida Seizan 柳田聖山. Zengaku
sōsho 禪學叢書 5. Kyoto: Chūbun shuppansha, 1975.
Taishō shinshū daizōkyō 大正新修大藏經 (The Newly Edited Buddhist
Canon during the Taisho Era). Edited by Takakusu Junjirō 高楠順次郎 and
Watanabe Kaigyoku 渡邊海旭. 100 vols. Tokyo: Daizo shuppan kai, 1922–
1933.
 Tiantong Zhengjue 天童正觉 and Wangsong Xingxiu 万松行秀.
Congrong Lu 從容錄 (Records of Equanimity). Edited by Shang Zhiyu 尚之
煜. Beijing: Zongjiao Wenhua Chubanshe, 2013.
Wanshi roku 宏智錄 (The Record of Hongzhi). Edited by Ishii Shūdō 石
井修道. 3 vols. Tokyo: Meicho fukyūkai, 1984.
Xinban Dunhuang Xinben Liuzu Tanjing 新版敦煌新本六祖壇經 (The
New Edi on of the Newly Discovered Version of the Pla orm Sūtra of the
Sixth Patriarch). Edited by Yang Zengwen 楊曾文. Beijing: Zongjiao Wenhua
Chubanshe, 2001.
Xu Zang Jing/Hsu Tsang Ching 續藏經 (The Supplemental Buddhist
Canon). 150 vols. Taibei: Xinwenfeng Chuban Gongsi, 1968–1970. Reprint
of Dainippon zokuzōkyō, edited by Nakano Tatsue 中野達慧. Kyoto: Zōkyō
shoin, 1905–1912.
Yongming Yanshou 永明延壽. Yongming Yanshou Chanshi Quanshu 永
明延壽禪師全書 (The Complete Books of Chan Master Yongming
Yanshou). Edited by Liu Zeliang 劉澤亮. 3 vols. Beijing: Zongjiao Wenhua
Chubanshe, 2008.
Yongming Yanshou 永明延壽. Zongjing Lu 宗鏡錄 (Records of the
Source-Mirror). 8 vols. Taipei: Xinwenfeng Chubanshe, 1990.
Yuanwu Keqin 圓悟克勤. Biyan Ji 碧巖集 (The Blue Cliff Record).
Edited by Ouyang Yizhang. Xindian, Taiwan: Yuanming Chubanshe, 1994.
Yuanwu Keqin 圓悟克勤. Biyan Lu 碧巖錄 (The Blue Cliff Record).
Edited by Shang Zhiyu. Zhengzhou: Zhongzhou Guji Chubanshe, 2012.
Zanning 贊寧. Song Gaoseng Zhuan 宋高僧傳 (The Song Biographies
of Eminent Monks). Edited by Fan Xiangyong 范祥雍. Beijing: Zhonghua
Shuju, 1987.
Ze Zangzhu 賾藏主. Guzunsu Yulu 古尊宿語錄 (Records of Sayings of
Ancient Worthies). Edited by Xiao Qianfu 蕭萐夫, Cai Zhaohua 蔡兆華, and
Lu Youxiang 呂有祥. Beijing: Zhonghua Shuju, 1994.
Zhaozhou Lu 趙州錄 (The Records of Zhaozhou). Edited by Zhang Zikai
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STUDIES ON MONASTIC INSTITUTIONS AND PRACTICES

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SOCIAL-POLITICAL, CULTURAL, AND GENDER STUDIES

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 About the Author

Youru Wang received his PhD in religion studies from Temple

University. His specialized areas include Chan Buddhism, Chinese
Buddhism, early Daoist thought, and compara ve studies of Chinese
philosophy/religious thought and Western philosophy/theology. He is
currently a professor of religion studies at Rowan University.
He is the author of Linguis c Strategies in Daoist Zhuangzi and Chan
Buddhism: The Other Way of Speaking (RoutledgeCurzon, 2003), editor of
Deconstruc on and the Ethical in Asian Thought (Routledge 2007), and
coeditor of Dharma and Dao: A Companion to Chinese Buddhist Philosophy
(Springer, forthcoming). His ar cles have appeared in journals such as
Interna onal Philosophical Quarterly, Philosophy East and West, Asian
Philosophy, Journal of Chinese Philosophy, and Dao: A Journal of
Compara ve Philosophy. He is also a member of the editorial board for
Dao: A Journal of Compara ve Philosophy. He teaches courses in
Buddhism, Daoism, Asian thought, religions of the world, and spirituality
and healing at Rowan.