Chapter 1: A Summer Night in Washington, D.C.

In chapter 1, the author recounts a pivotal moment in his life when he traveled to
the U.S. capital to testify against the Marcos regime. Mijares begins by describing the
feelings of patriotism and history that Washington, D.C. evokes in him, a city that he
views as not only the capital of the United States but also a beacon of democracy in
the Western world. He contrasts these emotions with those he feels in his home
country, the Philippines, where his love for his homeland is often overshadowed by
the oppressive political climate under Marcos' martial law.

Mijares recalls his first trip to Washington, D.C. in 1958, when he covered the
state visit of Philippine President Carlos P. Garcia as a young reporter. Back then, he
saw his role as part of a larger mission for his country. Now, however, in the summer
of 1975, his mission is different and fraught with risk. He has come to Washington,
D.C. to provide testimony before a U.S. congressional subcommittee about the
corruption, human rights abuses, and the authoritarian rule of President Ferdinand
Marcos. This visit is marked by a sense of urgency and danger, as Mijares
understands that his testimony could have serious repercussions for both him and his
family back in the Philippines.

The chapter introduces former Senator Raul Manglapus, who heads the
"Movement for a Free Philippines," a group of exiled Filipinos advocating for the
restoration of democracy. Manglapus advises Mijares not to expect much media
attention from his visit to Washington and to think of his mission as part of a larger
struggle for the freedom of the Filipino people. Despite this advice, Mijares feels the
weight of history on his shoulders and a strong sense of responsibility to expose the
truth about the Marcos regime.

Mijares also discusses the support he received from Col. Narciso L. Manzano, a
World War II hero who had previously fought against foreign tyranny and now
opposes the homegrown despotism of Marcos. Manzano, who is retired and living in
San Francisco, helps to facilitate Mijares' opportunity to speak before the U.S.
Congress. Manzano’s relentless efforts to campaign against the Marcos dictatorship in
the United States, including sending letters and documents to American officials,
underscore the significance of Mijares’ testimony. Mijares appreciates Manzano's role
in ensuring that his voice would be heard at a crucial time when few others in the
United States were speaking out against the abuses happening in the Philippines.

Mijares contrasts the political climate in the United States with that in the
Philippines. He reflects on the Watergate scandal that led to President Richard
Nixon’s resignation, seeing it as a powerful demonstration of the strength of
American democracy. In his view, the accountability of leaders like Nixon stands in
stark contrast to the unchecked power held by Marcos, who used martial law to
suppress dissent and entrench himself in power. Mijares recalls conversations
between Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos, where they expressed admiration for Nixon's
initial ability to hold on to power and lamented his lack of martial law powers like
those that allowed Marcos to maintain control in the Philippines. Mijares uses this
comparison to emphasize the differences between a functioning democracy and the
dictatorship that has taken root in his home country.
 The chapter also details Mijares' interactions with the Marcos administration,
illustrating the influence he once wielded as a close ally of the regime. He describes
his role as a key propagandist for Marcos, responsible for shaping media narratives in
favor of the dictatorship. As a journalist and later a press censor under the martial law
regime, Mijares had direct access to President Marcos and played a crucial part in the
regime’s efforts to control the flow of information. His decision to turn against the
regime and testify in the United States represents a significant turning point in his life,
motivated by a growing disillusionment with Marcos’ true intentions. Mijares came to
realize that Marcos was not interested in reforming the country but was instead
determined to hold on to power indefinitely.

On the night of June 16, 1975, Mijares receives a phone call from Guillermo De
Vega, a trusted aide of President Marcos, while he is preparing for his testimony in a
Washington, D.C. motel room. The call serves as a stark reminder of the reach of the
Marcos regime, even thousands of miles away from the Philippines. Mijares learns
that President Marcos himself is on the line, urging him to reconsider his decision to
testify against the regime. The conversation reveals the lengths to which Marcos is
willing to go to prevent damaging information from reaching the U.S. Congress,
including offering Mijares a bribe of $50,000. Despite the pressures and the allure of
the bribe, Mijares stands firm, determined to speak out about the reality of life under
martial law in the Philippines.

Mijares reflects on the irony of seeking support in a foreign land to challenge a

dictator at home. He understands that while his testimony might seem insignificant in
the broader scope of U.S. politics, it holds great importance for the struggle for
democracy in the Philippines. By testifying before the U.S. Congress, Mijares hopes
to shed light on the human rights abuses and the corruption that have defined the
Marcos regime, hoping that this might influence American policy toward the
Philippines.

The chapter captures Mijares' inner conflict, his sense of responsibility, and the
risks he faces by standing up against a powerful dictatorship. His journey to
Washington, D.C. symbolizes both a personal and political transformation, from a
close collaborator of Marcos to a whistleblower determined to reveal the truth.
Mijares’ story is one of courage and conviction, driven by a deep love for his country
and a desire to see it freed from the grip of a tyrannical regime.
Chapter 2: Manila-Gate

The regime attempts to shape a different reality and extend its rule. It does so by
deliberate acts that impress influential leaders in the United States. Drawing a parallel
between these efforts and the infamous Watergate scandal, Mijares coins the term
"Manila-Gate" to describe a series of underhanded moves by the Marcos
administration. This chapter stresses the utmost extent that the regime was prepared to
go for its political survival, even far beyond the Philippine shores.

Mijares begins with the discussion of the crucial significance of the US support to
the Marcos regime. He says this relation was important for Marcos not only to get
economic and military help but to also keep his international image favorable.
Philippines, in the Cold War, was an important strategic partner for America,
projecting it as a defender of democracy in Southeast Asia. Marcos was well aware of
the fact and attempted to ensure continued American support, even as he increasingly
ruled as an autocrat. For this reason, it had to resort to a series of lobbying, financial
inducements, and propaganda in an effort to influence American decision-makers
while downplaying as much as possible the extent of human rights abuses unleashed
under Marcos in the Philippines.

Mijares is the focal concern of the chapter as he used to be one of Marcos's

closest allies but then turned against his former master to defect. The defection proved
a turning point because he had intimate knowledge the regime feared would be
devastating if it became public in a public forum. Here, Mijares recounts how the
anxiety was building as he prepared to speak before the U.S. Congress about the
realities of life under Marcos: general corruption, political repression, and egregious
abuses of power practiced under martial law. His testimony threatened to shake the
meticulously crafted story the Marcos administration had supplied the world with.

The chapter is an account of the regime's efforts to persuade Mijares to stop

testifying. As he recounts, he was in Washington, D.C. on 16 June 1975, when he
received a phone call from Guillermo De Vega, one of Marcos's closest aides. In it,
there was a $50,000 bribe for him to shut up, deposited in a joint account with the
Philippine consul general in the U.S. According to Mijares, the bribe was not just an
incentive to shut him up but part of the whole scheme of the Marcos regime to
manage dissent and opposition through financial incentives. Despite the threats and
the promise of financial security, Mijares chose to decline it seeing that this was only
a means by which Marcos could continue his campaign of repression unchallenged.

Mijares also discusses in details his testimony. He wanted to show how,

systematically and fully, the Marcos regime destroyed democratic processes in the
Philippines, crushed the opposition parties, closed down independent media
institutions, and arrested political dissidents. In his testimony, he hoped to show that
while Marcos popularly promulgated martial law as an institution to induce stability
and progress, it very well was indeed a tool for consolidating power and enriching a
small circle of loyal supporters. Mijares's decision to proceed was particularly
militant, given the implications for himself and his family back in the Philippines.

The chapter situates the broader context of the U.S.-Philippine relationship during
this time. Mijares describes how Marcos, within the Cold War and under the shadow
of what was perceived to be communism in Southeast Asia, offered himself as a
reliable ally of the United States. Marcos thereby legitimized his authoritarian rule as
a necessary one to forestall the Communist takeover; this found an influence on some
American policymakers. But Mijares's revelations threatened to upset this fairy tale
by laying bare the opaque character of the regime's operations. He opened to light
elements of the corruption and greed as well as violated human rights for which the
Marcos regime was now saddled.

The book ends with Mijares musing over being a defector speaking out about a
powerful and ruthless dictator. Aware of the consequence of retribution not only for
himself but also against his family in the Philippines, he was unyielding on his
decision to pursue the disclosure of this truth believing it to be his duty to the Filipino
people and history. Chapter 2 is the story of Mijares who, by way of example,
exemplifies the price of confronting authoritarian power in personal and political
costs, as well as the general struggle for truth and justice during this dark chapter in
the history of the Philippines.
Chapter 3: Twilight of Democracy

Chapter 3 of The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos is titled

"Twilight of Democracy" Mijares vividly captures the mood over Manila and much of
the Philippines days leading to when martial law was announced. Now set against a
sinking sunset over the Manila Bay, Mijares metaphorically uses it as the backdrop
for the last days of democracy in the Philippines. A picture of a society filled with
tension and uncertainty is painted, even to the point that the elderly felt that the omens
were near. This restlessness was felt in the daily ways of people's lives, where
superstitions and warnings, such as the howling of dogs, were seen as signs of the
brewing political storm.

Mijares then turns his attention into the workings inside the mind of President
Marcos as he prepares for this huge move. On that evening of 22 September 1972
Marcos sat in his study at the Malacañang Palace, networking with his military
officials on red telephones. Mijares is generous to give Marcos the already foreseen
glance he made into the abyss of his decision and the force he was to unleash. The
way he envisioned the military operations soon to be carried out all over the country
—the arrests of political foes, closure of media and detention of activists. A very
deliberate move, one carefully planned by Marcos and done with the meticulous
regard that his political foes and adversaries would be eliminated before they had a
chance to react.

Chapter focuses on Marcos' close allies in the implementation of martial law. One
such ally was Juan Ponce Enrile, the Secretary of National Defense at that time. The
latter assisted the military and coordinated in its actions. Mijares focuses attention on
a d drama show ambush of Enrile's convoy along the highway one night of September
22nd, used by the military junta as a reason for declaring martial law, evidence, as
they said that the Communist threat is gaining momentum. This incident, although
eventually revealed to be staged, served as the immediate pretext for Marcos's
declaration, whereby martial law was justified as a necessary measure for the security
and stability of the nation.

A week after the declaration of martial law, Marcos proceeded with closing down
the media institutions. Arrest warrants were issued against political personalities who
would oppose him. Newspapers, radios, and television stations were either muzzled or
wrested from private control. Detainees from the camps were held in military camps
and there, kept always in danger of enforced solitude and intimidations. No person in
the opposition circles could forget his most visible detainee, Senator Benigno "Ninoy"
Aquino Jr. The potent senator's arrest caused tremors in the political arena. Mijares
writes about how the arrests and shut-downs were part of a grand scheme to eradicate
all possible resistance elements before it could rise up against the new government
(Primitivo Mijares).

Marcos presented martial law declaration as the beginning of a "New Society" or

"Bagong Lipunan," which he claimed would bring order and advancement to the
Philippines. However, Mijares mentioned that this new society was founded on fear,
repression, and the erosion of freedoms. Through propaganda, Marcos tried to make
the Filipino people believe that martial law was for their good, as if it was a step
toward national unity and reform. According to Mijares, however, it proved to be but
a thin veil over a dictatorship hell bent on ensuring Marcos could stay in power
indefinitely.

As Mijares reflects on these happenings throughout this chapter, he discusses

how hope for democratic reform gave way to harsh realities of authoritarian rule. He
points out the betrayal felt by so many who had supported Marcos, thinking martial
law would usher in a better future. Instead, they saw the country turn into a state
where all dissent was crushed, freedoms curtailed, and the rule of law subverted for
the ambitions of one man. Mijares's account of deep loss and disillusionment among
Filipinos describes the erosion of democracy into the darkness of dictatorship.
Chapter 4: A Dark Age Begins

A Dark Age Begins is the title of Chapter 4, where Mijares recounts the
immediate aftermath of martial law's imposition into the Philippines, painting a
picture of a nation into a fear-stricken repression. He commences describing the arrest
of Senator Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino Jr. in the early hours of September 23, 1972.
Detention of Aquino symbolized the decisive end of any remaining political
opposition to Marcos. Mijares vividly paints the night that would mark the beginning
of a long season of darkness in the Philippines' history as Aquino was by martial law
enforcers arrested at the Manila Hilton, an occasion heralding a systematic silencing
of dissent all over the country.

Mijares looks into the continuing transformation of the Philippine state under
martial law, which he describes as a "dark age" for the country. He describes how the
supposed democratic institutions in the country were dismantled step by step, only to
be replaced by a regime of absolute power exercised by Marcos and his wife Imelda.
Marcos' intentions were expressed in no uncertain terms; in his speech on the evening
of September 23 he explicitly cited the requirement of martial law as a way to protect
the country. According to Mijares, this was all just a trick. There, they set up their so-
called "New Society," thinly disguised dictatorship wherein Marcos would assume
total control over government, economy, and society while Imelda came into
increasingly powerful roles with governance.

The Marcos regime tried to rebrand it as a sort of constitutional authoritarianism that

applied martial law as a legal restructuring of the state. But he dismisses that as mere
semantics, and to him, martial law was a dictatorship irrespective of its name. Mijares
would say that declaration of martial law made it easier for Marcos to extend his
presidency beyond constitutional term, thereby cementing his control over power
through an indefinite extension of emergency rule. The heart of this power was
Marcos's control over the military, which he relied on to strangle opposition forces
and to enforce the new order with the cooperation of key military leaders.

The regime cracked down on every conceivable source of opposition: not only
political opponents but also journalists who were critical, labor leaders, and even
student activists, as explained in this chapter. Mijares reveals that not even figures
who had once been close to Marcos could escape his vengeance if their survival
meant the threat posed to his monopoly of power. The regime crackdown also entailed
the seizure of properties belonging to opposition figures, either to be taken over by the
government or handed over to Marcos's allies and cronies at throwaway prices. This
redistributive process was also to penalize dissenters as well as reward remaining
loyal members of the regime, thereby giving them a new oligarchy through martial
rule.

Moreover, Mijares evaluates propaganda on the part of the regime in convincing

the people that the martial law was in fact bringing about this New Society. Public
works projects as such as in the area of infrastructure development were indeed
molded through high media exposure proof that it had brought about success in New
Society. What was brewing behind closed doors, however was little more sinister.
Behind the veil, it was all about consolidating power and advocating for the interests
of the few. Writes Mijares on how Imelda Marcos used this television network to
expand her influence and become co-ruler alongside her husband Ferdinand.
Together, they formed what Mijares deems the "conjugal dictatorship," where both
Ferdinand and Imelda exerted unchecked authority and made the Philippines their
personal domain.

The chapter concludes with a retrospective on the general implications of martial law
for Philippine society. Fear, Mijares writes, became an instinctive element of every
Filipino's life under martial law, as citizens learned how to live in a society that was
always under surveillance and at the mercy of arrest. Whatever it said about a "New
Society," the regime's rhetoric could not disguise the facts of human rights abuse on a
massive scale, economic decline, and civil liberties. Mijares's memoir further touches
on the point where Marcos redesigned the Philippines to be a state that had high
ambitions for democracy and freedom but ended up in reality to be authoritarian rule.
Through this narration, Mijares gives a harsh line showing a country which is moving
into a long period of darkness with a very slight chance of ever coming out under
martial law.
Chapter 5: "Infrastructure of Martial Law"

Part V of *The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos* by

Primitivo Mijares gives the reader a glimpse of how the Nazi-Marcos could strategize
their groundwork in imposing martial law on the Philippines. His Machiavellian
moves were deliberate as he presented himself as the nation's supreme protector,
conjured, and perceived danger paved way for his governmental coup through
security concerns.

The years leading into martial law saw the Philippines pass through student
protest movements, labor unrest, and economic instability, to name a few. Marcos
took all these issues and dramatically amplified them through state-controlled media
to paint a picture where they were symptomatic of a more aggressive Communist
conspiracy. He much highlighted the danger that such a Communist insurgency
through the New People's Army (NPA) posed to create an atmosphere of fear and
urgency. He presented the Philippines as a country on the brink of chaos, where unrest
and violence could only be contained by strong, centralized authority. The rhetoric
appealed to Filipinos who feared chaos more than they feared losing democratic
freedoms; thereby Marcos became something like an ineluctable authoritarian leader.

One crucial element of Marcos's plan was the failed assassination attempt on
Defense Minister Juan Ponce Enrile on 22 September 1972, on the eve of the
declaration of Martial Law. According to accounts, Enrile's entourage was apparently
waylaid, and Marcos quickly scapegoated Communist rebels for the attack. It became
the final excuse for Proclamation No. 1081 that declared martial law throughout the
country. However, Enrile himself later admitted that the ambush was actually a
prepared trap within a planned scheme to provide an appearance of crisis. This would
show how Marcos managed events to create the situations needed for his authoritarian
program.

The manipulation did not stop there. Marcos even manipulated the country's legal
structures. He utilized the Constitution of 1935 as a tool in providing legitimacy for
whatever action he intended to make. He quoted Article II, Section 10, paragraph (2)
of the constitution, which granted to him and his successors the power to declare
martial law whenever the invasion, insurrection, rebellion, or imminent danger of the
last-named existed. He invoked the cloak of legality, still through the facade of an
impendent rebellion; the threat, however, was far less grave than he made it appear.
Proclamation No. 1081 equipped Marcos to abolish civil liberties, dismiss the
legislature, and assume total control over the military and police apparatuses. This
structural framework provided a protective layer of a seemingly just constitutional
artifact while concealing his true objectives in launching a coup.

According to Mijares, the military was the most significant accomplice in the
usurpation of martial law and was responsible for executing Marcos' directives.
Marcos provided care to the Armed Forces of the Philippines as a faithful force,
which became incredibly essential to suppress dissent and arrest those who were
targeted to enforce new limitations on civil liberties. Military heads were rewarded
with promotions and privileges according to rank, hence earning unwavering loyalty
for the master. The role of the military was more than that of simple enforcement, for
it became a powerful institution where vested interests came into the picture when
continuing the martial law regime because of officers' access to fat economic
opportunities and increasing influence over governance.

The critical factor in Marcos's entrenchment of his control was his handling of the
media. He closed all the independent newspapers, radio and TV stations following the
declaration of martial law, and let only those loyal to his regime continue to function.
These remaining media outlets became instruments of state propaganda, depicting
martial law as an era of peace, progress, and national unity. The regime's story was
that of the "New Society," which Marcos propagated as one of stability and
development but quietly muffled any mention of human rights abuses, censorship, or
growing economic problems in the lives of ordinary Filipinos. A media blackout gave
Marcos the opportunity to build public perception with a shape that made him appear
necessary for survival and furtherance of a nation.

Imelda Marcos, the other half of the "conjugal dictatorship," played a significant
role in this process by utilizing her clout to popularize the image of the regime both
within and outside of the country. In fact, Imelda's ambitions surpassed her role as
First Lady, where she would envision herself primarily as a cultural and social leader,
molding the Philippines in the mold of the Marcos' "New Society." Through cultural
projects and public appearances, she did everything she could to ratify the image of
the regime as modernizing and progressive. Imelda's influence also trickled down to
the political arena, collaborating closely with her husband in issues of allegiance and
loyalty maintenance between the supporters of the regime and suppressing any
upcoming opposition.

To this effect, to some extent, the chapter also talks about the martial law impact
over the broader political landscape of the Philippines. The proclamation of martial
law allowed Marcos to arrest and detain important political opponents, such as such
prominent senators as Benigno Aquino Jr. and Jose Diokno, activists, journalists, and
labor leaders without due process. Thousands of people were detained in military
camps without due process and most face torture and abuse. Through this measure,
Marcos guaranteed that no organized opposition can counter the regime.

Mijares depicts martial law as a very carefully planned ploy rather than
something that resulted from actual threats. Marcos had to devise a means through
which his tenure would exceed the constitutional limit of his presidency, which was
coming to an end in 1973. The declaration of martial law provided Marcos with the
opportunity to bypass democratic processes, continue to hold onto power ad
infinitum, and set himself up as the definitive leader of the Philippines. Through
martial law, Marcos gained the extreme centralization of power by means of fear,
manipulation, and legal loopholes to make the Philippines a dictatorship.

In short, Chapter V gives a rich account of the mechanisms and manipulations

that made martial law in the Philippines possible. It puts all these into light: why
Marcos stuck to using fear, manipulating the legal system, controlling key institutions
as factors for allowing him to justify and maintain his rule under authoritarianism. By
telling a tale of crisis and positioning himself as the solution to the crisis, Marcos
effectively made a democratized state into a dictatorship which laid down the
infrastructure for a regime that would last over a decade.
Chapter 6:The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos

In Chapter VI of "The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos,"

Primitivo Mijares exposed the vast galaxy of individuals and institutions that made
support for the Marcos regime under martial law extensive. While Ferdinand and
Imelda Marcos sat at the centre, it was an authoritarian rule that depended on the
forces of a coalition of military leaders, government officials, business elites,
members of the judiciary and segments of the clergy. Together, these "other villains"
formed what proved to be a crack team of facilitators or supporters in the perpetuation
of dictatorship, in which wide-ranging corruption, crimes against humanity, and
attacks on democracy were proactively instigated and magnified in the Philippines.

Military rule significantly altered the nature of this institution from one of
national defense to internal enforcement. Under General Fabian Ver, AFP was grossly
expanded and remade into a tool for quelling dissent. According to Mijares, loyal
military officers were rewarded with promotions and lucrative government contracts,
thus leading to widespread corruption in the ranks.

The military established its rule through mass arrests, torture, and violence
against political opponents, instilling fear into the minds of the people. This chapter
provides insight into how the military's involvement in crimes like smuggling,
extortion, among others, further facilitated the retreat of public trust and validated the
fear culture and oppression.

Under martial law, a network of business cronies emerged from the Marcoses,
amassing enormous wealth and power for themselves. Business tycoons such as
Eduardo "Danding" Cojuangco and Roberto Benedicto, Mijares demonstrates, were
awarded monopolies and government contracts, which they exploited to amass
personal fortunes even as ordinary Filipinos suffered under recession.

This crony capitalism nourished extreme economic inequalities, as the regime's

cronies accumulated riches at the expense of increasing poverty and unemployment
among the common people. Compare these to the works of Mijares in depicting
scenes of Marcos's robber barons pitted against the struggles of the common Filipino
person, where social injustices of this period are purportedly manifested.

Instead of acting as a curb to executive power, the judiciary supplied the

legitimization process under which the Marcos regime fed. Mijares details how judges
who opposed the regime were intimidated or dismissed while submissive judges
received promotions from Marcos. In the case declared constitutional by the Supreme
Court, the declaration of martial law bestowed on Marcos unlimited discretion in his
exercise of such powers.

This manipulation of the court let the regime suppress opposition through dummy
charges that drove the further hardening of its authoritarian character. Mijares
emphasizes how the impotence of the judiciary in enforcing the rule of law became a
feeding ground for the excesses of the regime.

The media was an important factor in enabling the Marcos dictatorship. With the
declaration of martial law, independent news outlets either remained shuttered or were
surrendered to loyalists of the regime, where they became tools for state propaganda.
Mijares illustrates how controlled media depicted martial law as a period of stability
and progress, while scrubbing reports of human rights abuses and corruption.

It gave the Marcos regime the opportunity to produce popular opinion and, in
effect, create the impression of legitimacy because dissent brewed across different
sectors. The chapter looks at how religious institutions, and more particularly, the
Catholic Church, responded in a divided manner during martial law years. Some
segments of the Church supported the regime as martial law was deemed necessary
against Communism in their view. Others opposed martial law once persecution in the
form of human rights abuses became evident.

Mijares describes how progressive clergy, in the person of leaders like

Archbishop Jaime Cardinal Sin, began organizing against the dictatorship, sheltering
activists and mobilizing protest. Their engagement proved to be some of what actually
thrust opposition against Marcos forward, evidence that religious institutions are also
possible forces for change against authoritarian rule.

Mijares reflects on the much larger complicity of society that enabled the regime
to last. Many Filipinos were silenced or even became supporters of Marcos, in order
to achieve security and stability, which led to this "culture of silence" whose birth
came from the fear of reprisal.

This leads to the chapter's conclusion, declaring the long-term implications of this
complicity and tracing how the Marcoses' acts were enabled by a broad spectrum of
individuals and institutions; that is to say, by the elements of society's collective
failure to call into question the regime. These failures had led to systemic corruption,
economic breakdown, and profound human rights violations and therefore occasioned
a treasury of trauma for the nation of the Philippines.

Summing up, Chapter VI reveals the web of actors that enabled the Marcos
dictatorship, thus being a forceful reminder of all that is deadly about authoritarianism
and societal complicity in dismantling democracy.
Chapter 7: The Reign of Greed

One of the most authoritative sources, in chapter 7 of The Conjugal Dictatorship

of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos, Primitivo Mijares, included as part of his
comprehensive analyses the remarkable caption "The Reign of Greed" of the
economic exploitation coupled with rampant corruption characterizing martial law
rule in the Philippines. He writes with meticulous detail how Ferdinand Marcos
transformed the economic landscape of the country into a new elite, superseding the
old oligarchy with a network of allies and cronies loyal to him and his wife, Imelda.
This chapter shows how the concentration of wealth and power into the hands of a
few defined the Marcos regime, in which the dictatorship exercised authoritarian
powers to take away the democratic rights of ordinary Filipinos and consolidate its
own financial interests.

Mijares opens this chapter by examining the economic justification that Marcos
offered for declaring martial law:. Marcos justified declaring martial law as a means
of breaking the stranglehold of the oligarchs that ruled the Philippines, which he
claimed were responsible for poverty and inequality. He advanced a "New Society"
that would shatter the oligarchial power structure, democratize the economy, and
provide opportunity to all Filipinos. In truth, as Mijares unmasks, these were ruses for
a new crony capitalism. Marcos replaced the old business elites with a new class of
powerful businessmen whose success depended entirely on loyalty to the regime.
These included relations, military commanders, and close friends who received
favorable contracts, monopolies, and licenses that allowed them to control key sectors
of the economy.

Mijares unfolds all the mechanisms by which Marcos and his close circle
amassed their fortunes. Having employed martial law decrees, Marcos took the
businesses, lands, and other riches from his opponents, distributing them to his loyal
allies at cut-rate prices to take over the media, mining, and manufacturing industries.
For example, the chapter recalls how the regime focused on the Lopez family, a
powerful business empire that had once supported Marcos but eventually became
anti-Marcos. The government confiscated Meralco (Manila Electric Company) and
other assets of media from the Lopezes and reappropriated these to loyal followers.
This was at one and the same time a punitive measure against dissent and a reward for
those who stayed loyal to Marcos.

The most remarkable theme of the chapter, however, is the place military power
played in the Marcos regime's economic strategy. Mijares recounts how Marcos used
his authority over the armed forces to effect economic policies that served his allies.
Ill-gotten gains were utilized to secure key military leaders in lucrative positions
within state-owned enterprises, and the military was frequently used against labor
strikes and incitement to enforce compliance with the regime's economic directives.
This not only guaranteed the loyalty of the military but also kept Marcos' heel on the
country's economy. In this regard, participation in a good number of commercial
enterprise transformed the military into an independent economic power unto itself,
where government, business, and military interests became interwoven.

Mijares also encompasses in the economic undertakings of the regime Imelda

Marcos'. While Ferdinand centralized control over the state's politics and military,
Imelda was in the center of creating the "New Society" cultural and social aspects.
She used her power to advance "ostentatious infrastructure projects," such as the
Cultural Center of the Philippines, which she argued were methods to modernize and
uplift Filipino culture. Rather, Mijares believes that these projects were less of a boon
for the national populace and more of a shrewd ruse for the Marcos family to "cement
their place in history and siphon public funds." Such projects were also characterized
by huge cost overruns, with enormous amounts of money pocketed into private
accounts as reflective of the opulent lifestyle that the First Lady wanted to sustain.
She made the use of government facilities to prioritize personal interests the emblem
of extravagance and corruption that defined martial law years.

The chapter also delves into the regime's corruption's effects on the economic
aspect of the Filipino people. Mijares recounts how the policies, under Marcos'
regime, culminated in increased economic inequality and worsening poverty levels.
The ruling group persuaded its citizens that martial law would be an engine of
economic prosperity, but all the concentration of Marcos's cronies' wealth meant for
ordinary Filipinos was being redirected at their expense. Small businesses pitted
themselves against state-backed enterprises of Marcos's cronies and, again, went
bankrupt and general entrepreneurial opportunities were declining. The absolute
control of the regime on land distribution allowed regime loyalists to purchase landed
estates, dispossessing small farmers of their ancestral lands even as large-scale
families were turned out of rural areas.

Mijares would argue that Marcos's regime did not suffer from just surface
corrosion in the form of isolated incidents but was an entrenched system designed to
maximize personal enrichments for those in power. Offshore accounts and foreign
investments were put into service by the Marcos family and their cronies to hide ill-
gotten lucre; the fruits of their corruption were safely placed in Swiss banks and real
estate holdings across the United States. This global reach meant that they could
maintain a taste of their glamorous lifestyle and set aside provisions in case their
regime eventually toppled. Mijares explains how money flows out of the Philippines
into secret accounts, exposing the role of intermediaries and trusted associates in
establishing these international networks.

In this regard, for Mijares, the greed of the Marcoses was long-term economic
damage to the Philippines. He noted that sums of money enough to finance
infrastructure, education, and poverty alleviation initiatives were channeled into
private coffers. The aftermath was a country ending the Marcos era with a mountain
of debt and stalling economic growth. For Mijares's account, the Marcos regime is not
only about failure in terms of political will but about disaster in terms of its lead to
economic collapse - it left the country in shambles long after the regime toppled
down. The chapter is a sober reminder of how personal ambitions at some point
undermine the potential of an entire nation, promising to do some great reforms and
progress work, but leaving it as a legacy of exploitation and suffering for posterity.
Chapter 8: Th Unholy Trinity

The so-called " Unholy Trinity" of Marcos, Imelda Romualdez-Marcos, and her
brother, Benjamin "Kokoy" Romualdez, encompasses the thematic approach taken in
Chapter 8, "the triad of power behind the Marcos regime." Mijares describes these
three as the central figures that actively played a part in organizing the political and
economic regime which, indeed, monopolized the Philippines during martial law
years. He examines their relationships, showing how they worked together and the
tensions that underlay their actions in trying to command the country's wealth and
power.

Ferdinand Marcos plays the role of the trinity's center figure-man rising into
absolute dictator political stature. He reveals how he became a dictator who, instead
of being democratically elected, clung to power through martial law. In the chapter,
Marcos is described to have had complete control over the military and used the said
institution as a tool to enforce his rule. For all his authoritarian control, Mijares noted,
Marcos was ever aware of the politics of balancing the ambitions of those around him,
especially Imelda and Kokoy, who remained influential not only in government but
also in business.
.
Imelda Marcos was more than just an enabling First Lady; rather, she emerged as
a political force unto herself. Imelda's influence extended to touch culture,
infrastructure, and international relations within governance. According to Mijares,
she used the power to accumulate wealth and influence, most of the time in
coordination with her brother Kokoy, to maximize family stakes in power and state
affairs. The ambition of Imelda and the tendency to become co-rulers created an
interesting dynamic within the regime. Her lavish life and frequent viewings in the
international spotlight made her a symbol of regime extravagance and distance from
the sufferings of ordinary Filipinos.

The third wheel in this power trio is Kokoy Romualdez, who managed the
business interests of the regime, whether in the Philippines or abroad. Mijares
discusses Kokoy's ascendancy and clout over critical aspects of government
operations. In fact, Kokoy has some authority over some state enterprises and media.
Kokoy was the liaison or contact between the Marcos regime and the business sector.
Like other marshals, he cut deals that were advantageous to the family. He was the
"fixer" and strategic operator for the Marcos administration, therefore, importantly an
integral part of the internal machinery of the regime. His position was gigantic, but he
still found himself at times in a fight for a balance among the power plays that existed
between his sister and brother-in-law while trying to muster his ambitions, and
Mijares hypothesizes that could have fermented some instability in the regime.

The "unholy trinity" of wealth and influence networked well beyond Philippine
borders, as Mijares explains:. Kokoy's partnership in the United States, for example,
was geared toward building business ties that would ensure the Marcoses' interests
outside the country. The international scope enabled the three to gain properties and
bank accounts as strategic fall-safe provisions should their grip on the reins of
government be shaken. The Marcoses continued manipulating both the domestic and
international resources to consolidate their stranglehold on the country, thus making
sure that they would remain as rich and powerful regardless of how much opposition
increased.

The internal conflicts within the structure of power are also touched upon in the
chapter. Even though Imelda and Kokoy did frequently collaborate for mutual self-
promotion, Mijares makes the case that both their ambitions often also crossed
Ferdinand Marcos' desires, certainly on the more strategic issues of consolidation of
power. The yearning for power of Imelda and the ambition of Kokoy for a larger base
of power continued to cause moments of tension within the regime. However, they
stood as one in fulfilling the desires of the dictator and in filling their coffers with
dollars through the plundering of the nation's wealth.

Mijares ends this chapter by reflecting on the long-term consequence of this

unholy trinity. He enumerates how their greed and power play led to a ruined
Philippines as far as the economic and political landscape was concerned. The
chapter, of course, is also a form of critique on how a very few individuals were able
to exploit the resources of a nation, as well as usurp its people for selfish ends.
Mijares portrays a regime that appeared united on the surface but is full of internal
contradictions and was impelled by insatiable desires of its key figures. It was the
toxic triumvirate as Mijares puts it, the damaging convergence of all that is wrong
with power, corruption, and ambition. It was the very essence and sum of the Marcos
years which leaves a mark in the history of the Philippines.
Chapter 9: The Battle of the Media

Primitivo Mijares dedicated Chapter 9 of The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand

and Imelda Marcos to the systematic destruction of press freedom during martial law.
In this chapter, he has categorized the different tactics used by Ferdinand Marcos to
control the message and silence opponents through the media. It showed how the
once-thriving media landscape of the Philippines was transformed into a mere
propaganda machine by the Marcos administration, exploring at the same time the
role of the media in molding public perception as well as that of a vehicle for truth.

He begins to narrate the events that, in the immediate wake of the declaration of
martial law on September 23, 1972, unfolded. With the military scurrying to
implement Marcos's order, most media institutions-newspraper and radio and TV
stations-were shut down. "He, in a nightmare atmosphere, described how military
men, claiming to be law enforcement officers, sealed the offices of media
establishments without much fight on the part of people manning the institutions as
they were caught off-guard". Major English dailies, Pilipino publications, and
hundreds of radio stations were effectively muzzled. Mijares notes that the wide-
ranging crackdown on media was not merely a tactical maneuver against perceived
enemies; it was actually part of a deliberate strategy to weed out voices of dissent and
consolidate power.

The chapter provokes and reveals the underpinning philosophical underpinnings

of Marcos's media control. It is disclosed that Marcos viewed the media as a "weapon
of modern revolution" whose potential could be used to undermine his regime. In one
speech to the military commanders, he even justified the extreme limitations on
political liberties when he said that the media could deal out propaganda that "assaults
and destroys the foundation of society." Hence, controlling the media became
significant for the sustenance of the regime's narrative and any critical discourse.

Here is a dramatic contrast between the "freest press in Asia" pre-martial law
media landscape and the draconian measures that followed. He insists that the
Philippine media, far from historically being the weakest link, had given way to
robust debate and invigorating critical journalism, all of which were extinguished
under martial law. Chapter The Marcos regime ensured there were very controlled
media relations whereby all the coverage was positive of the Marcos administration.
For this reason, journalism transformed from simply reporting the incidents to merely
becoming a service to the regime, rather than to inform the masses. Mijares explains
how surviving media houses such as the Daily Express became the mouthpieces for
the Marcos administration and hence lost their journalistic tools.

The author names particular cases of media people whose dissent put them in
mortal danger. Journalists, editors and publishers were arrested, detained without trial
and intimidated in ways aimed at putting an end to criticism. Mijares shares personal
accounts of colleagues who disappeared or were imprisoned etching into the
imagination a telling picture of the fear that gripped the media community. He
mentions some notable cases like, for instance Joaquin "Chino" Roces publisher of
the Manila Times, in a list of whom were among the first persona targeted for his
stand against the Marcos regime. Journalist Mijares recounts the psychological
pressure this fear had brought to journalists so much so that even small criticism of
the regime was taboo.

As an aside, in setting out the mechanisms of control, Mijares suggests the

establishment of various governmental agencies whose main purposes are to monitor
and control the media. Ranging from the DPI to the Mass Media Council, those
agencies were to supervise content, exercise censorship, and grant franchises to all
sorts of media organizations. For Mijares, however, all of these are only apparati for
implementing the will of Marcos against the independent use of the media. He evinces
that the government weaponized bureaucratic methods to force people to comply,
expunging even the thought line between journalism and state propaganda.

Mijares puts much emphasis on the international press as the only thing which
would neutralize the Marcos regime's narrative. He talks about how foreign
correspondents trying to actually pen the realities about martial law in the Philippines
were met with obstacles. Despite this information control, foreign journalists found
ways to pen human rights abuses and the real state of society inside PH. Mijares
reflects on the importance these international voices brought to raising awareness
about the realities under martial law, even as they faced harassment and restrictions
imposed by the government.

The chapter ends with a sombre view into the long-term implications of the media
battle during the Marcos years. Mijares argues that the suppression of freedom of
press alone was not only a strong impediment to democratic discourse but, on the
whole, another blow to the degradation of civil liberties in the Philippines. He warns
of the strong possibility that without a free press, authoritarianism can fill the vacuum,
weakening democracy even more. This "battle of the media," according to Mijares,
became a definite characteristic feature of the Marcos regime, showing the extent that
a dictatorship will go in order to gain control of public opinion and silence public
opposition.
Chapter 10: The Marcoses' Last Stand

The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos, Chapter 10 is titled

"The Marcoses' Last Stand." In it, Primitivo Mijares narrates how the last years of the
Marcos regime unraveled, with a growing insurrection among the Filipino people and
the final collapse of power at the hands of the dictator and his wife. This chapter
informs the reader about the socio-political context of late 1970s and early 1980s,
indicating that the Marcos regime had reached a critical point in its strength, as
opposition and public outrage grew.

Mijares begins painting the emerging feeling of unrest and disillusionment

amongst Filipinos, who only earlier erupted with euphoria at the promises of the
Marcos regime but now faced the bleak realities of poverty, corruption, and
repression. He asserts that the economic circumstances became even worse than
before, thus heightening public indignation. Under the regime's policy of dependency
on crony capitalism, only a small fraction would gather all the wealth, leaving other
people to struggle with their own fate. Mijares points out that social ills-the lack of
employment opportunities and ravages of inflation, as well as inadequate public
services-shared in the exacerbating factors in leading the people against the regime.

The chapter explores the various opposition movements that arose against the
Marcos regime-from militant labor movements, to student protests and grassroots
organizing. Mijares describes how these movements started cohering into an even
broader resistance to martial law, compelling adequate demonstrations and acts of
civil disobedience. He can recall one major demonstration in 1971 at the Plaza
Miranda, wherein activists and students sought political reforms and a stop on human
rights violations. This proved to be the rallying point of various groups that were alive
and lively, he recalled, as those opposing the government were growing. Mijares
observes that this activism directly opposed the legitimacy of the Marcos regime,
threatened to uncover the regime's failures to a wider audience.

Opposition movements were now becoming more assertive and, in turn, more
desperate did the regime become in its bid to maintain dominance. Marcos fell into
repressive measures to crack down on dissent, increase military presence and
surveillance of suspected opposition members. The machinations of the regime
sometimes came in terms of violence that suppressed protests and intimidated
dissenters. Mijares describes harrowing accounts of activists being arrested, tortured,
and even killed, painting a chilling picture of the extent to which the regime would
stifle resistance.

Mijares now turns to the political landscape, he underlines the massive events that
started to unravel the Marcos dictatorship. He talks about the senatorial assassination
of Senator Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino Jr. in August 1983, which became a moment of
turning point galvanizing public anger against the regime. "The killing of Aquino, for
him, marked a turn of events that opened up and exposed the brutality of the Marcos
regime and united the various opposition factions in one goal: to have justice and
accountability served.". Public demonstrations and riots after his death further
confirmed the important role Aquino played as a symbol of resistance against an
authoritarian regime.
 International factors in the fall of the Marcos regime were also an influencing
force in the book. According to Mijares, the change in the world order, more
importantly, the end of the Cold War was a major component driving U.S. foreign
policy into a new direction in dealing with the Philippines. In the past, the U.S.
government has been a consistent supporter of Marcos due to his strategic position in
this corner of the world; however, with the change of international opinion towards
democratic transition and human rights, U.S. policymakers started taking a second
look into its relations with the Marcos regime. According to Mijares, rising pressure
and worldwide reproach over the regime's human rights violations led to increased
isolation and weakness of the regime.

Along with the increasing public discontent, the Marcoses relied further on
propaganda and public relations machinery to salvage the family's image. According
to Mijares, the regime kept trying to show, at least to the world, a semblance of
stability and normalcy amidst the chaos surrounding the Marcos family. He explains
how Marcos attempted to use the choreographed set of events and the media
campaign to build an illusion of national unity and progress, but a people further
aware of the corruption and failures of the regime were skeptical of such exercises.

Conclusion: Book concludes with a reflection on the lessons from the Marcos
regime's fall. Mijares stresses that this is not an ordinary struggle against
authoritarianism-it is both a political battle for justice, democracy, and human dignity
which the Filipino people so longed to have. He underlines the prodigious tenacity of
civil society before oppressive regimes, showing how the regime's efforts to silence
them instead brought about a victorious struggle for change. Mijares's account
Chapter 11: The EDSA Revolution

The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos. Chapter 11 of The

Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos is entitled "The EDSA
Revolution." Primitivo Mijares wrote in great detail how the peaceful revolution led
to the overthrow of the Marcos regime. This chapter speaks about the major events of
the February 1986 People Power Revolution as it tells how a combination of social
unrest, political opposition, and mass public dissatisfaction led to a mass mobilization
that would drastically change the landscape of Philippine history. Mijares captures the
mobilization of the Filipino people against the oppressive backdrop of dictatorship.

Mijares begins by detailing the growing discontent in the Philippines that brought
about the EDSA Revolution. As early as the early 1980s, Filipinos had grown weary
of the Marcos government, initially due to the systemic corruption, inept economic
handling, and perpetuated human rights abuses that defined martial law. The killing of
Senator Benigno "Ninoy" Aquino Jr. in August 1983 became the confluence point for
the rallying opposition. His murder, seen by millions of Filipinos, opened wide great
hopes for change, while underlining the brutality of the regime. As Mijares reports,
Aquino's death was not only a sad event for his family but definitely a rallying cry for
many other Filipinos who said enough is enough.

The chapter presents how the various factions-the civil society groups, religious
organizations, and opposition political parties-started to coalesce in the idea of a
single movement that countered Marcos. Acknowledging the role of the very Catholic
Church itself, Mijares mentions the call from Cardinal Jaime Sin for peaceful protests
and asking people to take to the streets. Sin's leadership was important to give the
movement a moral legitimacy in order to mobilize into thousands of people joining
the masses for the demonstrations, signifying it was not a political battle but a moral
imperative.

Mijares relates the crucial events in the revolution that started when leadership of
the opposition had finally decided to make a move against the Marcos regime after the
disputable snap elections in February 1986. Proclaimed by Marcos as the winner of an
election that wasfraught with fraud and violence, it was clear that the time for action
had arrived. The opposition, now led by Ninoy's widow, Corazon Aquino, called for a
non-violent revolution to reclaim democracy back to the Filipino people. Mijares
writes of how this call started to come alive in the core of the population, and the
massive gathering and rallies took place along Epifanio de los Santos Avenue
(EDSA), which became the symbolic heart of the revolution.

The message of oneness and determination Mijares presents while narrating

through the chapter. Men, women, and children of all walks of life came together. In
doing so, they put together a broad coalition that could not be delineated along social,
economic, and even political lines of classification. The images of peaceloving
protesters-armed with no more than rosaries, flowers, and prayers-squaring off against
military tanks are powerful examples of the Filipino people's resilience. Mijares
explains how these acts of civil disobedience and non-violent resistance had been able
to attract worldwide attention and sympathy.
 Mijares touches on the important role of the military during the uprising. In a
shocking twist, a considerable number of the Armed Forces of the Philippines,
comprising some of its top generals who had reached the breaking point in their
disillusionment with Marcos, defected and announced their allegiance to the
revolution. This was a decisive shift in allegiance, giving the protesters not only
much-needed morale but also obliterating the threat of violent repression from the
Marcos loyalists. According to Mijares, this was the time when the revolution saw its
important turn because even the military, a plaything of Marcos since day one, started
swaying with the people's will.

As the protests were getting more intense, Mijares captured the chaotic yet
hopeful atmosphere that covered EDSA. He reminisced of the powerful images of
solidarity, in reference to the virtual scenes of nuns and priests standing before
soldiers, calling them to join the side of the people. Mijares illustrates how this
peaceful resistance contrasted sharply with the regime's attempt to supress the
uprising, and how deep was the divide between the people and their demand for
democracy and Marcos's desperate attempts to cling on to power.

The climax of the chapter comes at when the Marcos regime begins to unravel.
Mijares paints a picture of how the crunch came on Marcos when, one by one, his key
political and economic allies disengaged from his crumbling raft. Isolated and with its
violences beginning to get so international attention calling for an end to the violence
the revolution reached its peak and the entire world held its breath as it sensed that
something was about to be written about in Philippine history.

Mijares ends the chapter with a triumphant portrayal of the eventual overthrowing
of the Marcos regime. On February 25, 1986, after days of heavy protests and loss of
military support, Marcos fled Malacanang Palace to Hawaii to find asylum. Mijares
reflects on the significance of the EDSA Revolution as an awesome victory for the
Filipino people, demonstrating their strength in claiming their democracy. He also
said that Marcos' dictatorship could only be stopped by the revolution. But in his
revolution, a new sense of hope was lit for the Philippines-an end to dictatorship and
even a bright future.
 Chapter 12: The Marcoses' Exile

The Exile Chapter 12 of The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda

Marcos is "The Marcoses' Exile." It is told in the first person from the viewpoint of
Primitivo Mijares, who recounts the happenings following the EDSA Revolution with
focus on the dramatic collapse of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos and their exile out of
the Philippines. This chapter talks about the chaotic events that led to their going
away, their living-out-of-the-country, and the lasting effects of their rule on Philippine
society.

Mijares starts with the frenetic atmosphere surrounding the evacuation of the
Marcoses from the Philippines. He graphically described how it is as if they are
hastening an exit from the Malacañang Palace, complete with vivid feelings of shock
and disbelief that had crept up on the two when they came to realize their grip on
power was crumbling from beneath their feet. Scenes of Marcos visibly shaken,
frantically preparing last-minute plans to get away, stand in stark contrast to the high
drama and power he had once represent. According to Mijares, confusion and
foreboding marked the couple's getaway as true believers deserted the ship.

The United States played an important role in sealing the fate of the Marcoses'
exile. As events spun wildly downward, the U.S. government, once a strong ally to
Marcos, found itself in the uncomfortable position of even having to suffer fallout.
Here, Mijares explains how American policymakers, including Ronald Reagan and
George Shultz, were coming to terms with a whole new Philippine government that
might punish their countrymen for continued support of Marcos. The end came in the
form of a way out, being their very presence in the Philippines a way to spur further
violence and instability.

Mijares continues to tell the Marcoses' flight to Hawaii, comparing the surreal
experience of being whisked away from one's homeland that they have ruled with an
iron fist. Upon landing in Hawaii, the Marcos family received mixed sympathy and
loathing from the public and media. Mijares accounts as an exercise in recollection,
the harsh reality of this new exile life, where they are no longer the powers-that-be but
a thrown-out person in search of asylum. It was basically marked as the most
enormous shift in status that they have ever experienced, representing on how easily
the waves of fortune can turn over.

In exile, Imelda Marcos tried to remain in the illusion about how life used to be.
Mijares reports on efforts for sumptuous living accommodations and a continuation of
their high scale of living while getting bankrupt. He describes that at the same time,
Ferdinand could not deal with reality, but Imelda had great confidence that they
would return to power once again. Mijares encompasses the psychological aspect of
exile in relation to the Marcoses. Loss of power and literally flinging their lives into
obscurity could not have helped their psychological state as a couple.

Chapter two will focus on finance regarding the downfall of the Marcos regime.
The highly accumulated wealth that the Marcoses had while in power, which they
attempted to protect and preserve during their exile. However, as investigations about
the wealth and corruption allegedly committed by the couple were surfaced, the
Marcoses were engulfed by numerous lawsuits and claims filed against them. Mijares
notes how the reclamation of their fortune was being hindered by continuous legal
battles and investigations led by the Philippine government in the attempt to recover
plundered wealth taken during the time of dictatorship.

Mijares concludes the chapter writing about the broader implications of the exile
of the Marcoses. He surmised that although the Marcos family was to be exiled out of
the country to avoid corporal punishment, their evil legacies on corruption,
oppression, and human rights infractions sowed very deep seeds in the psyche of the
Philippine public. The exile of the Marcoses was a reminder of the struggles of the
Filipino people in their quest for democracy and justice. Mijares states that the story
of the Marcoses is not just one of a personal saga but cautionary of the dangers of
unchecked power and the resilience of the human spirit in the face of tyranny.
Chapter 13: American Tax Dollar Abets Repression

In this chapter, Primitivo Mijares digs deeper into the critical role American
financial aid played in propping up Ferdinand Marcos's repressive regime in the
Philippines during the martial law period. Mijares argues that U.S. assistance did not
only empower the Marcos government in prolonging its authoritative hold on power
but also seriously damaged the very democratic aspirations of the Filipino people. He
argues that the permanent flow of American tax dollars effectively funded oppression,
thus bringing a paradox in which foreign aid meant to promote development ended up
perpetuating tyranny.

The book opens with a historical overview of US foreign assistance to the

Philippines, noting this aid was initially designed to encourage economic
development and democratic governance after World War II. As a strategic ally in
Southeast Asia within the Cold War framework, billions of dollars were committed in
military and economic aid by the United States; yet, Mijares argues that eventually,
this support merely succeeded in continually reinforcing a dictatorial regime that had
scant respect for human rights.

An important aspect of Mijares's critique is that he brings to the moral plane the
connotations in allying itself with the Marcos regime with American support. He
claims that, despite piling evidence about human rights violations, the U.S.
government did not stop granting aid because Marcos was considered a bulwark
against communism. Such an audience persisted even as the regime plunged into mass
repression-including arrest and torture of political opposition, silencing dissent, and
eventually outright murder of activists. Mijares rebukes U.S. policymakers for their
failure to confront the reality of the situation, lamenting that geopolitical
considerations trumped their declared commitment to human rights and democratic
values.

Mijares accounts for the many direct routes through which American aid
lubricated the repression of the Filipino people. Such ways, for instance, involved
channelling military and economic aid into the hands of the Philippine military, such
resources were applied to quell dissent and put Marcos's policies in place. Military aid
typically took on the face of arming the Armed Forces of the Philippines (AFP) with
high-tech weapons, equipment, and other trainings that enabled them to brutally crack
down on opposition groups. This allowed the military to be an unsparing enforcer of
the will of the regime, frequently relying on violence and terror to subdue protest and
dissent.

The chapter also lists specific examples of how U.S. aid is siphoned off or
otherwise wasted. Mijares cites instances wherein funds earmarked for developmental
projects were diverted to sustain the military machinery or enrich Marcos and his
closest relatives. This diversion of resources further aggravated the conditions of
poverty and inequality in the Philippines because funds that could have eased
education, healthcare, and infrastructure improvements instead went to fuel a regime
interested more in its survival than in the welfare of its citizens.

Mijares continues by discussing the political dynamics in the United States which
made such a practice of continuing aid despite the regime's abuses to persist. He notes
that the American foreign policy establishment was unwilling to attach conditions to
aid on behalf of human rights, lest this imperil a key regional ally. The result was that
the United States found itself involved in just those abuses it publicly condemned,
creating a moral contradiction in foreign policy of tragic depth.

The chapter reviews the congressional hearings and reports that documented
these human rights abuses in the Philippines. Mijares explains that even as these
human rights advocates, with some members of Congress, threatened to cut or
condition aid to Marcos, this support endured, mostly because of a competing
narrative constructed through claims about stabilizing forces against communism.

Mijares does not shy away from criticizing also the American public for allowing
this dynamic to exist. He argues that most of the American people did not know what
was happening under the Marcos regime, considering the fact that issues like this are
often downplayed by U.S. media for the greater geopolitical narrative. With such a
public outcry lacking, the U.S. government did not have much of a motive to reassess
its support for a regime that had become increasingly dictatorial in nature.

It also speaks of how such assistance from the United States affected grassroots
movements within the Philippines. The author writes, "the constant flow of aid, which
propped up the Marcos regime, weakened the opposition by giving a false sense of
security to Filipinos who could have otherwise acted to overthrow the dictatorship.".
The impression of unconditional U.S. support for Marcos, regardless of what he was
doing or saying, broke the hearts of many who were in the offing to be allies in the
anti-Marcos struggle, thus hamstringming a galvanizing opposition force.

Mijares ends the chapter by making a very great call for accountability as he
charges readers to question the very ethical essence of the foreign aid policies that had
led to keeping authoritarian regimes in place. To him, indeed, the very reasons why
the U.S. government seemed to have been bringing stability and development to the
country when, in fact, the truth of its actions brought horrors to the Filipino people.
Mijares calls for changing the current practices of the U.S. foreign aid by imposing
conditions that uphold human rights and democracy above strategic interests.

In a sense, Chapter 13 paints a detailed picture of how U.S. financial aid

simultaneously supported the Marcos dictatorship and helped push through the
systematic repression of the Filipino people. Mijares's study brings to light the
complexities and contradictions behind U.S. foreign policy. It calls for a more
principled approach to international aid-the very aid which champions democracy and
the protection of human rights. This chapter reminds us that foreign assistance can
dramatically reshape domestic politics, for better or for worse.
Chapter 14: International Protection Racket

In Chapter 14, Primitivo Mijares discusses the complex relationship between the
Marcos regime and multinational corporations from both the United States and Japan.
"Mutual protection racket," Mijares holds as a description of this alliance. On one
hand, he argues that such martial law regime allowed for an environment amenable to
foreign investment. The regime then went on to allow these corporations to protect
their economic interests at the expense of the Filipino populace.

Mijares introduces, first, how the Marcos regime portrayed itself as a protector of
foreign business interests during martial law while giving a spin to the declaration of
martial law as something that needed to be done to ensure peace and order in the
country-this would show international investors that the country is a stable place for
investments. The Marcos regime succeeded in attracting foreign capital and their
corresponding expertise by doing so, according to Mijares, thereby solidifying its
grasp over Philippine society while enriching its camp.

The chapter narrates how this good investment climate was achieved at great cost
to the Filipino people. Marcos' policies heavily favored multinational corporations,
which provided such enterprises access to cheap labor, frozen wages, and relaxed
regulations among others. Mijares discusses how these practices effectively
eliminated the rights of workers and suppressed unions, for labor had consistently
fought for fair wages and working conditions. In this way, the repression of labor
movements not only enriched foreign investors but also widened economic disparities
within the country.

Mijares also uses the metaphor of a "watch-your-car" racket to describe the nature
of this exchange. The Marcos regime succeeded in extorting compliance from
multinational corporations through an implicit protection against labor strike-
organized unrest and a possibly fracturing political order. This mutual arrangement
endowed the regime with advantages derived from corporations whose capital was
abroad but guaranteed the latter's continued support as Filipinos increasingly voiced
dissent against the Marcos regime.

Mijares further amplifies the fact that American and Japanese corporations were
vigorously lobbying the U.S. government to maintain the Marcos regime. In effect,
both factors traded favors and profit opportunities with influential control over the
totality of U.S. foreign policy. Because of this, officials looked the other way when it
comes to the human rights abuses of the regime. The feedback loop that was a
byproduct of their collaboration ensured the dictatorship thrives together with
multinational corporations, as the Filipinos are left helpless in the face of exploitation.

In this dynamic, Mijares critiques the role of Japanese zaibatsus or

conglomerates, stating that these also contributed a lot in supporting the regime for
their economic benefits. In so doing, the regime was able to keep a continuation of
colonial economic relationships, wherein foreign investors' interests overrode those of
rights and wellbeing of ordinary Filipinos.

As this chapter unfolds, Mijares emphasizes how this "international protection

racket" had lasting implications for the economic policies that favored foreign
investments. Favoring foreign investments froze the growth of domestic industries
while promoting a dependency on foreign capital-at the expense of the economic
sovereignty of the Philippines. The gains that the Marcos regime and the foreign
corporations derived went directly at the expense of the Filipino people, who suffered
from increasing poverty and less access to the most basic resources.

In short, very persuasive is the analysis in chapter XIV about how Marcos's
dictatorship was sustained through collusion of interests between local
authoritarianism and international capitalism. Mijares underscored the fact that a close
examination of the ramifications shall be justified inasmuch as such alliances do not
only undermine democracy but also serve as reactionary forces engendering cycles of
exploitation and inequality. This chapter serves as a strong reminder of all the dangers
of unchecked authoritarianism and the complicity of international actors in subverting
democratic principles.
Chapter 15: The Marcoses in History

In "The Marcoses in History," Chapter 15 of The Conjugal Dictatorship of

Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos, Primitivo Mijares reflects on the historical legacies
both of the Marcos regime and of the impact of the latter on the Philippines. He tries
to investigate the more profound ramification of the dictatorship on the country by
looking into how the Marcos period has influenced the political regime and cultural
relationships of the nation. This chapter, therefore, is both a critique on the Marcos
legacy and a meditation on what has been and what can be gleaned from that
tumultuous period in the making of Philippine history.

Mijares starts by calling for an accounting of the Marcoses for critical appraisals
of their contributions to the modern history of the Philippines. He points out that
though the Marcos regime is infamous by its bloody scoreboard and unprecedented
breadth of corruption, understanding how these actions transformed the political and
social structures of the country is needed. He says the Marcos period was not merely a
fleeting aberration but a critical juncture that exposed the vulnerabilities of Philippine
democracy. The situation in the Marcoses presents an example of consolidation of
power in power arrogating to themselves dangerous examples for future leaders; in
the ways that this authoritarian rule could subvert democratic institutions were
likewise never possible to have been better exemplified.

Another point in this chapter is the pervasive culture of corruption. One of the
important features the Marcos regime bred was a deep-rooted culture of corruption.
It's in the ways the abuse of the power institutionalized by Marcos that gave birth to
generations of leaders who view governance as means for personal enrichment rather
than service to the public. His argument is that it not only ravaged the economy but
also severely broke the trusts of the public towards its government. Mijares illustrates
the point by giving examples of funds needed for public goods and services that were,
upon the will of Mrs Marcos and her cronies, used to satisfy personal whims of
certain officials, including Marcos himself, giving graft a legacy that would haunt
Philippine politics for decades.

Mijares argues how the Marcoses attempted to spin a narrative of legitimacy and
success in propaganda and public relations. He attacks the imaginary "New Society"
campaign as a merchandised 'utopian' venture supposed to redeem the Filipino people.
For Mijares, however, it served mainly to be a house of cards for the Marcos regime
to justify martial law and all its excesses. The broken promises, and coupled with
these brutal realities of life under the dictatorship, made the popular masses lose their
faith in the regime. Mijares says that the difference between the rhetoric of the regime
and the experiential reality of ordinary Filipinos became the reasons for the fall of the
Marcoses.

This chapter is about the various movements against the Marcos regime, showing
how there was never a limp movement of defiance from the Filipino people. Mijares
narrates the various varieties of dissent from labor strikes to student protests targeting
the regime's authority. He also stresses the necessity of the movements in preparing
the country's culture for what eventually became the People Power Revolution of
1986. And according to Mijares, it was this spirit of resistance that proved a crucial
antidote against the dictatorship; it showed that the quest for democracy and human
rights could not and should not be silenced, even during the darkest times.

Mijares further delves into the role of the international community in the Marcos
regime and, more particularly, the part that the United States played in supporting
such a regime. Mijares asserts how U.S. foreign policy choices all too often privileged
strategic interest over democratic leadership and human rights concerns, which aided
the Marcos regime to survive amidst its abuses. This complicity, Mijares contends,
had long-term consequences for relations between the U.S. and the Philippines
because it fostered a tradition of mistrust and hostility among Filipinos to foreign
interference in their internal affairs\.

As the book unfolds, Mijares presents how the effects of Marcos's regime had
spilled over into the succeeding generations of Filipinos. He argues that the
authoritarian practices and systemic corruption institutionalized during the Marcos
period have stamped an indelible mark on the political culture of the Philippines.
Unless concerted efforts are undertaken to confront and deal with the legacies of the
past, there is a high potential for history to repeat itself. He holds it as a thing essential
in shaping the enlightened citizenry that would definitely resist all the fascinations of
authoritarianism\.

Conclusion: Mijares calls for a collective reckoning with the Marcos legacy,
challenging Filipinos to learn from the mistakes of the past. He notes that
comprehension of this chapter is essential to building a more democratic and just
society. The chapter stands out as a sober reminder to the direction unchecked power
could take and the vigilance needed to protect democracy. Reflections by Mijares
aptly proffer a thought-provoking exploration of how the Marcos era continues to
resonate in the present, challenging future generations to confront the shadows of
their history.
Chapter 16: A Nation in Search of Itself

Reflecting the very deep identity crisis the Philippines went through in its post-
Marcos period, Primitivo Mijares discusses "A Nation in Search of Itself" in Chapter
16 of The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos. The chapter is the
poignant reflection of the collective trauma that fell upon the Filipino people as they
tried to redefine their nation in the post-authoritarian context.

However, what Mijares did at the start was recognize the deep scars inflicted on
that political landscape of devastated people and the social fabrics of the nation. His
observations show that the experiences of martial law created a pervasive sense of
disillusionment among Filipinos, who had once hopefully fostered hopes for progress
and reform. All these loss of freedoms, rampant corruption, and widespread human
rights abuses in the dictatorship also contributed to a pervasive sense of betrayal and
confusion about the country's future.

The chapter highlights the struggles that the Philippines had to undergo as it
transitioned from dictatorship to democracy with the ousting of Marcos. Mijares
discusses how the transition was marked by trying to reclaim national identity and, at
the same time, fighting a struggle over democratic discourse because the long shadow
of authoritarianism was cast over it. He speaks of national healing and reconciliation
and says that, until the trauma of past experiences is resolved, the country remains
mired in the cycle of conflict and division. The quest for a national identity must be
yearned for, wherein injustices of the past are recognized to spur a culture of
accountability.

Third, Mijares believes that civil society has performed important roles in the
post-Marcos period, such as grassroots movements and organizations assuming key
roles in campaigns for justice and political reform. He is expressive in activism that
characterizes this era; however, with the mobilization of citizens to participate in
human rights, workers' rights, and democracy. As Mijares puts it, "it was an important
step towards defeating vestiges of the Marcos regime as it forged anew vision for the
Philippines-one that takes up, above all else, democracy, justice, and inclusiveness" .
.
The impact of historical narratives on national identity will be discussed in the
following chapter. Mijares argues that it is imperative in forging collective memory to
rearrange history, particularly how the Marcos dictatorship took place. He maintains
that selective rewriting of history by one camp or another may sideline atrocities
perpetrated under martial rule or even glorify the Marcos regime. Mijares makes it
very clear that such a truthful reckoning with the past is necessary for the nation to
move on. He favors new policies in education that will make the youth think in real
ways with their critical thinking from history. They will, then be able to learn from
the mistakes of history.

He further addresses the economic post-Marcos situation in the Philippines. He

says that structural inequalities created during the dictatorship never changed and
remained the same and this is the root cause for poverty and lack of development.
Mijares calls for establishing balanced economic development to achieve national
unity and identity. In addition, he emphasizes the need for holistic land reform and a
socialistic approach whereby social needs must be positioned superior to the privilege
of a few and that policies must be framed to promote social justice and equal
development.

The book ends with the call for Filipinos to engage in the exercise of promoting
democracy and social justice by continuing to fight for it. Mijares insisted that the
journey towards self-discovery and national healing cannot be done passively but
must be actively engaged in by all sectors of society. He hopes that the Filipino
people could forge a new identity in the principles of democracy, human rights, and
social justice free themselves from the constraints of the past to forge a brighter future
for the nation.

Chapter 16 is a strong reminder of the complexity of nation building after

dictatorship. Mijares' reflections underscore the need for historical justice, civic
engagement, and inclusive policies to start reclaiming a national identity that speaks
to the values and aspirations of all Filipinos.
 Chapter 17: The Search for Truth

In Chapter 17 of *The Conjugal Dictatorship of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos*,

"The Search for Truth," Primitivo Mijares writes about the historical legacy of the
Marcos regime, always emphasizing the urgency of seeing light and confronting what
occurred in such a painful chapter in the Philippines' history. It's all part of healing
when you say the truth because, finally, it tells what actually happened during
dictatorship," Mijares emphasizes, further highlighting how past atrocities "are
acknowledged in attempts to create a more just and democratic society."

Mijares begins this chapter by highlighting the importance of truth as a step

toward healing the nation. He argues that unless the people face their past realities of
human rights abuses, political repression, and corruption, the country may be plunged
into a vicious cycle of violence and injustice. In his view, truth empowers victims of
authoritarian rule not only as accountability at the individual and community levels
but also as an empowerment. Mijares stressed that the endeavor for truth is a shared
responsibility among the different sectors of society-the government officials, civil
society, educators, and citizens in general.

Mijares reveals the greater challenges in the quest for truth that include how some
groups have strived to revise history and downsize the scale of heinous crimes under
the Marcos regime. He observes that some would try to endear the Marcoses, even
going as far as reviving nostalgia over the martial law time, where things were
relatively stable and positive change was felt. Mijares shoots down such narratives on
the basis of denial and lack of knowledge about the systematic suffering Filipinos
went through during the period. He feels compelled to challenge such revisionist
accounts lest the lessons of history be lost.

In that chapter it also directs the reader's attention to a role played by historic
documentation and testimonies in this quest for truth. Mijares is calling for the
gathering up of records, including testimonies from survivors and families of victims
for use later. He emphasizes the need for authentic records of history, which
incorporate the interests of different involved parties, more so the subjugated group of
people under oppressive rule. Mijares writes that these historical documents may
serve as a vehicle of retribution but would also enlighten future generations in such a
manner that mistakes made in the past would never be repeated again in the future.

Mijares elucidates how, more important than memorialization and public

commemoration, is perhaps the quest for truth: he thereby communicates how
commemorations for the victims of the Marcos regime can be powerful symbols of
resistance and resilience contributory to the overall remembrance of the suffering, and
spaces for dialogue and reflection imbued with a purpose that promotes discussion
among citizens concerning democracy and human rights. Mijares posits that public
monuments might play a truly significant role in altering the course of narration
regarding Marcos' dictatorship from denial to acknowledgment and memory-led,
while the Philippines is certain about constructing a nation on truth and justice.
51:2†source 51:6†source

The book ends with reflections from Mijares regarding the continuous fight for
truth and justice in the Philippines. He hopes that the country, particularly the Filipino
people, will continue the fight for accountability and transparency such that the
crimes committed in the past are not repeated and so forth. According to Mijares,
soliciting justice is not an exercise in futility because it comes not only from one
individual but a united movement which calls for solidarity and commitment from all
sectors of society. He underlines that only in an honest accounting of the past can
Filipinos build a more just and free future. "Only in an honest accounting for
ourselves, for each other, and for our collective nation shall we really find a way to
break free from the traps of the past toward making history anew".

Chapter 17 thus remains a telling reminder that truth-making is to be said and

done. Mijares' reflections underscore the need for a deep history understanding; it is
in his opinion that the search for truth is important for healing, reconciliation, and the
protection of democracy in the Philippines. Collective action and a commitment to
accountability provided Mijares with the vision to have a future with honored lessons
in the events that transpired so that continuing human rights and justice movements
would sound within the hearts and minds of Filipinos at all times.